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  <published>Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Book House, 1953 [reprint]</published>
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    <DC.Title>The New Schaff-Herzog Encyclopedia of Religious Knowledge, Vol. IX: Petri - Reuchlin</DC.Title>
    <DC.Creator sub="Author">Philip Schaff</DC.Creator>
    <DC.Creator sub="Author" scheme="file-as">Schaff, Philip (1819-1893)</DC.Creator>
    <DC.Publisher>Grand Rapids, MI: Christian Classics Ethereal Library</DC.Publisher>
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<div1 title="Title Page">


<pb n="i"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
<H2>THE NEW</h2>

<H1>SCHAFF-HERZOG</h1>

<H1>ENCYCLOPEDIA</h1>

<P class="Center">
OF</P>

<H2>RELIGIOUS KNOWLEDGE</h2>

<P class="Center">
<I>Editor-in-Chief</i>
<BR>
SAMUEL MACAULEY JACKSON, D.D., LL.D.
</P>

<P class="Center">
<BR><I>Editor-in-Chief</i>
<BR>of

<BR>Supplementary Volumes

<BR>
LEFFERTS A. LOETSCHER, Ph.D., D.D.

<BR>
ASSOCIATE PROFESSOR OF CHURCH HISTORY

<BR>
PRINCETON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY

</p>

<P class="Center">
BAKER BOOK HOUSE
<BR>
GRAND RAPIDS, MICHIGAN

</p>

<center>
<a href="/php/disp.php3?a=schaff&b=encyc09&p=i"><img src="../png/0001=i.png"></a>
</center>


<pb n="ii"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
<pb n="iii"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
<H2>
THE NEW
</H2>


<H1>


SCHAFF-HERZOG ENCYCLOPEDIA

</H1>


<h4>OF</h4>

<H2>


RELIGIOUS KNOWLEDGE

</H2>


<center>EDITED BY</center>






<h3>SAMUEL MACAULEY JACKSON, D.D., LL.D.</h3>
<h4><I>(Editor-in-Chief)</I></h4>




<center>WITH THE SOLE ASSISTANCE, AFTER VOLUME VI., OF</center>




<P>


<h3>GEORGE WILLIAM GILMORE, M.A.</h3>

</P>
<P>
<center>
<I>(Associate Editor)</I>
</center>
</P>

<center>
<small>AND THE FOLLOWING DEPARTMENT EDITORS</small>

<TABLE CELLSPACING=0 BORDER=0 CELLPADDING=6 WIDTH=500>
<TR><TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP">
<P ALIGN="CENTER"><B>CLARENCE AUGUSTINE BECKWITH, D.D. </P>
<I><P ALIGN="CENTER">(Department Systematic Theology.) </P>
</TD>
<TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP">
<P ALIGN="CENTER"><B>JAMES FREDERICK McCURDY, Ph.D., LL.D.</P>
<I><P ALIGN="CENTER">(Department of the 01d Testament.)</P>
</TD>
</TR>
<TR><TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP">
<P ALIGN="CENTER"><B>HENRY KING CARROLL, LL.D.</P>
<I><P ALIGN="CENTER">(Department OF Minor Denominations.)</P>
</TD>
<TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP">
<P ALIGN="CENTER"><B>HENRY SYLVESTER NASH, D.D.,</P>
<I><P ALIGN="CENTER">(Department of the New Testament.)</P>
</TD>
</TR>
<TR><TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP">
<P ALIGN="CENTER"><B>JAMES FRANCIS DRISCOLL, D.D.,</P>
<I><P ALIGN="CENTER">(Department of Liturgics and Religious Orders.)
</P>
</TD>
<TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP">
<P ALIGN="CENTER"><B>ALBERT HENRY NEWMAN, D.D., LL.D.,
</P>
<I><P ALIGN="CENTER">(Department of Church History.)
</P>
</TR>
<tr>
<td colspan="2">
<P ALIGN="CENTER"><b>FRANK HORACE VIZETELLY, F.S.A.</b>, <br>
<I>(Department of Pronunciation and Typography.)</I></p>
</td>
</TABLE>


</center>



<hr WIDTH=5%>
<p align="center">
VOLUME IX
</p>
</P>
<P align="center">

PETRI - REUCHLIN
<br>
<hr WIDTH=5%>
</P>


<P align="center">


BAKER BOOK HOUSE

</P>
<P align="center">

GRAND RAPIDS, MICHIGAN

</P>
<P align="center">

1953

</P>
</center>
<pb n="iv"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
<br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><center><B>EXCLUSIVE AMERICAN PUBLICATION RIGHTS
<br>
SECURED BY BAKER BOOK HOUSE FROM FUNK AND WAGNALLS

<br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br><br>  <small>PHOTOLITHOPRINTED BY CUSHING - MALLOY, INC.</small>

<BR>
<small>ANN ARBOR, MICHIGAN, UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.</small>


<BR>

<small>1953</small>



<pb n="v"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
<div2 title="Editors">
<Center><H1>

EDITORS

</H1>

<hr WIDTH=15%>
<P>


<H3>


 SAMUEL MACAULEY JACKSON, D.D., LL.D.

</P>
<P>
<h4>
(EDITOR-IN-CHIEF.)

<br>

Professor of Church History, New York University.

</P>
<p>
<H3>
GEORGE WILLIAM GILMORE, M.A.
<H4>
(Associate  Editor.)<BR>
New York,
<BR>

Formerly Professor of Biblical History and Lecturer on Comparative Religion.
<BR>

Bangor Theological Seminary.

</P>

</div2><div2 title="Department Editors">
<H2>

DEPARTMENT EDITORS, VOLUME IX</P><P>

<TABLE CELLSPACING=0 BORDER=0 CELLPADDING=6 WIDTH=500>
<TR><TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP">
<P ALIGN="CENTER"><B>CLARENCE AUGUSTINE BECKWITH, D.D. </P>
<I><P ALIGN="CENTER">(Department Systematic Theology.) </P>
</I><B><FONT SIZE=2><P ALIGN="CENTER">Professor of Systematic Theology, Chicago Theological Seminary.</B></FONT></TD>
<TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP">
<P ALIGN="CENTER"><B>JAMES FREDERICK McCURDY, Ph.D., LL.D.</P>
<I><P ALIGN="CENTER">(Department of the 01d Testament.)</P>
</I><B><FONT SIZE=2><P ALIGN="CENTER">Professor of Oriental Languages, University College, Totonto</B></FONT></TD>
</TR>
<TR><TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP">
<P ALIGN="CENTER"><B>HENRY KING CARROLL, LL.D.</P>
<I><P ALIGN="CENTER">(Department OF Minor Denominations.)</P>
</I><B><FONT SIZE=2><P ALIGN="CENTER">Secretary of Executive Committee of the Western Section for the Fourth Ecumenical Methodist Conference.</P>
</B></FONT><P ALIGN="CENTER"></TD>
<TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP">
<P ALIGN="CENTER"><B>HENRY SYLVESTER NASH, D.D.,</P>
<I><P ALIGN="CENTER">(Department of the New Testament.)</P>
</I><B><FONT SIZE=2><P ALIGN="CENTER">Professor of the Literature and Interpretation of the New Testament, Episcopal Theological School, Cambridge, Mass.</P>
<P ALIGN="CENTER"></B></FONT></TD>
</TR>
<TR><TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP">
<P ALIGN="CENTER"><B>JAMES FRANCIS DRISCOLL, D.D.,</P>
<I><P ALIGN="CENTER">(Department of Liturgics and Religious Orders.)
</P>
</I><B><FONT SIZE=2><P ALIGN="CENTER">Rector of St. Gabriel&#39;s, New Rochelle, N. Y.
</P>
</B></FONT><P ALIGN="CENTER"></TD>
<TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP">
<P ALIGN="CENTER"><B>ALBERT HENRY NEWMAN, D.D., LL.D.,
</P>
<I><P ALIGN="CENTER">(Department of Church History.)
</P>
</I><B><FONT SIZE=2><P ALIGN="CENTER">Professor of Church History Southwestern Baptist Theological Seminary, Fort Worth, Tex.
</P>
<P ALIGN="CENTER"></B></FONT></TD>
</TR>
</TABLE>

<B><FONT SIZE=2><P ALIGN="CENTER">FRANK HORACE VIZETELLY, F.S.A., <BR>
<I>(Department of Pronunciation and Typography.)</I><BR>
Managing Editor of the S<small>TANDARD</small> D<small>ICTIONARY</small>, etc.,<BR>
New York City. </P>
<hr WIDTH=15%>

</div2><div2 title="Contributors and Collaborators, Volume IX">
<H2>
<center>
CONTRIBUTORS AND COLLABORATORS, VOLUME IX</H2>
<TABLE CELLSPACING=0 BORDER=0 CELLPADDING=6 WIDTH=500>
<TR><TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP">
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER"><FONT SIZE=2>JUSTIN EDWARDS ABBOTT, D.D.,</B>.</P>
<P ALIGN="CENTER"> Missionary in Bombay, India. </TD>
<TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP">
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">CARL BERTHEAU, Th.D.,</P>
</B><P ALIGN="CENTER">Pastor at St. Michael&#39;s, Hamburg.</TD>
</TR>
<TR><TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP">
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">HANS ACHELIS, Ph.D., Th.D., </P>
</B><P ALIGN="CENTER">Professor of Theology, University of Halle. </TD>
<TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP">
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">EDWIN MUNSELL BLISS, D.D.,</P>
</B><P ALIGN="CENTER">Author of Books on Missions, Washington, D. C.</TD>
</TR>
<TR><TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP">
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">SAMUEL JUNE BARROWS D.D., </P>
</B><P ALIGN="CENTER">Late Corresponding Secretary of the Prison Association, </TD>
<TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP">
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">THEODORA CROSBY BLISS, </P>
</B><P ALIGN="CENTER">Writer on Missions,.New York.</TD>
</TR>
<TR><TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP">
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">GEORGE JAMES BAYLES, Ph.D</P>
</B><P ALIGN="CENTER">Writer on Civil Church Law.</TD>
<TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP">
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">MABEL THORP BOARDMAN</P>
 </B><P ALIGN="CENTER">Member of Executive Committee of the American National Red Cross.</TD>
</TR>
<TR><TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP">
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">DONALD BEATON</P>
</B><P ALIGN="CENTER">Minister at Wick, Scotland. </TD>
<TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP">
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">HEINRICH BOEHMER Ph. D., Th.D.,</P>
</B><P ALIGN="CENTER">Professor of Church History, University of Bonn.</TD>
</TR>
<TR><TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP">&#160;
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">CLARENCE AUGUSTINE BECKWITH, Th.D., D.D.,</P>
 </B><P ALIGN="CENTER">Professor of Systematic Theology, Chicago Theological
Seminary. 
</TD>
<TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP">&#160;
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">GOTTLIEB NATHANAEL BONWETSCH,</P>
</B><P ALIGN="CENTER">Professor of Church History, University of Gottingen.
</TD>
</TR>
<TR><TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP">&#160;
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">GEORG BEER, Ph.D., Th.Lic.,</P>
</B><P ALIGN="CENTER">Extraordinary Professor of the Old Testament in the Evangelical Theological Faculty, University of Strasburg.
</TD>
<TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP">&#160;
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">GUSTAV BOSSERT, Ph.D., Th.D.,  </P>
</B><P ALIGN="CENTER">Retired Pastor, Stuttgart.<BR>
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">FRIEDRICH HEINRICH BRANDES, Th.D., <BR>
</B><P ALIGN="CENTER">Reformed Minister and Chaplain at B&#252;ckeburg, Schaumburg-Lippe
</TD>
</TR>
<TR><TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP">&#160;
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">HENRY BEETS,  
</B><P ALIGN="CENTER">Stated Clerk of the Synod of the Christian Reformed Church, Editor-in-Chief of <I>The Banner, </I> Grand Rapids, Mich.
</TD>
<TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP">&#160;
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">EDUARD BRATKE (&#8224;), Ph.D., 
</B><P ALIGN="CENTER">Late Professor of Church History, University of Breslau.

</TD>
</TR>
<TR><TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP">&#160;
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">EARL BENRATH, Ph.D., Th.D.,
</B><P ALIGN="CENTER">Professor of Church History, University of Konigsberg.
</TD>
<TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP">&#160;
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">CHARLES AUGUSTUS BRIGGS, D.D.,
</B><P ALIGN="CENTER">Professor of Theological Encyclopedia and Symbolics, Union Theoilogical Seminary, New York.
</TD>
</TR>
<TR><TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP">&#160;
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">IMMANUEL GUSTAV ADOLF BENZINGER, Ph.D., Th.Lic.,
</B><P ALIGN="CENTER">German Orientalist and Vice-Consul for Holland in Jerusalem.
</TD>
<TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP">&#160;
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">JOHN BROWNE (&#8224;),
</B><P ALIGN="CENTER">Late Pastor at Rentham, Suffolk Co., England
</TR>

</table>
 


<pb n="vi"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
<Center><H3>CONTRIBUTORS AND COLLABORATORS, VOLUME IX.<HR></H3>

<TABLE CELLSPACING=0 BORDER=0 CELLPADDING=5 WIDTH=500>
<TR><TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP">
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">OSKAR GOTTLIEB RUDOLF BUDDENSIEG (&#8224;)</B>, <B>Ph.D., <BR>
</B><FONT SIZE=2>Late Director of the Teachers&#39; Seminary in Dresden.</FONT></TD>
<TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP" COLSPAN=2>
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">PAUL GOTTFRIED DREWS, Th.D., <BR></B><FONT SIZE=2>Professor of Practical Theology, University of Halle..</FONT></TD>
</TR>
<TR><TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP">
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">FRANTS PEDER WILLIAM BUHL, Ph.D.,Th.D.,   <BR>                               </B><FONT SIZE=2>Professor of Semitic Languages, University of Copenhagen</FONT></TD>
<TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP" COLSPAN=2>
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">JAMES FRANCIS DRISCOLL, D.D.,</P>
<P ALIGN="CENTER"> </B><FONT SIZE=2>Pastor of St. Gabriel&#39;s, New Rochelle, N. Y.</FONT></TD>
</TR>
<TR><TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP">
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">KARL BURGER (&#8224;), Th.D.,   <BR>                </B><FONT SIZE=2>Late Supreme Consistorial Councilor in Munich</FONT><B>.</B>,</TD>
<TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP" COLSPAN=2>
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">EMIL EGLI (&#8224;), Th.D.,<BR>                      </B><FONT SIZE=2>Late Professor of Church History, University of Zurich.</FONT></TD>
</TR>
<TR><TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP">
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">JOHN KENNEDY CAMERON, M.A., <BR></B><FONT SIZE=2>Professor of Systematic Theology, Free Church College, Edinburgh.</FONT></TD>
<TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP" COLSPAN=2>
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">CHRISTIAN FBIEDRICH DAVID ERDMANN (&#8224;), Ph.D., Th.D.,    <BR>      </B><FONT SIZE=2>Late Professor of Church History, University of Breslau.</FONT></TD>
</TR>
<TR><TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP">
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">HUBERT CARLETON, M.A.,   <BR>     </B><FONT SIZE=2>Editor of <I>St. Andrew&#39;s Cross</I> and General Secretary of the Brotherhood of St. Andrew, Boston.</FONT></TD>
<TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP" COLSPAN=2>
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">JOHN YOUNG EVANS, M.A., B.D., <BR></B><FONT SIZE=2>Professor in Trevecca College, Aberwystwyth, Wales.</FONT></TD>
</TR>
<TR><TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP">
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">HEREWARD CARRINGTON</B>,     <BR><FONT SIZE=2>Writer on Psychical Research</FONT></TD>
<TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP" COLSPAN=2>
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">JOHN OLUF EVJEN, Ph.D.,     <BR>  </B><FONT SIZE=2>Professor of Theology in Augsburg Theological Seminary, Minneapolis, Minn</FONT><B>.</B></TD>
</TR>
<TR><TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP">
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">HENRY KING CARROLL, LL.D., <BR></B><FONT SIZE=2>Secretary of Executive Committee of the Western Section for the Fourth Ecumenical Methodist Conference.</FONT></TD>
<TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP" COLSPAN=2>
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">PAUL JOHANNES FICKER, Ph.D.,</B> <B>Th.D.,         <BR>                                  </B> <FONT SIZE=2>Professor of Church History, Strasburg.</FONT></TD>
</TR>
<TR><TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP">
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">WALTER AUGUST ANTON NATHAN CASPARI, Ph.D., Th.D., <BR></B><FONT SIZE=2>University Preacher and Professor of Practical Theology, University of Erlangen</FONT>.</TD>
<TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP" COLSPAN=2>
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">FRITZ FLEINER, Dr.Jur.,    <BR>     </B><FONT SIZE=2>Professor of Law, University of Heidelberg</FONT><B>.</B></TD>
</TR>
<TR><TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP">
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">JACQUES EUG&#200;NE CHOISY, Th.D.,</P>
</B><P ALIGN="CENTER"> <FONT SIZE=2>Pastor in Geneva.</FONT></TD>
<TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP" COLSPAN=2>
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">ROBERT VERRELL FOSTER, D.D., LL.D.,                   <BR>                        </B><FONT SIZE=2>Professor of Systematic Theology, Cumberland Presbyterian Theological Seminary, Lebanon, Tenn</FONT><B>.</B></TD>
</TR>
<TR><TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP">
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">FERDINAND COHRS, Th.Lic.,</P>
<P ALIGN="CENTER"> </B><FONT SIZE=2>Consistorial Councilor, Ilfeld, Germany.</FONT></TD>
<TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP" COLSPAN=2>
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">GUSTAV WILHELM FRANK (&#8224;), Th.D.,             <BR>                                      </B><FONT SIZE=2>Late Professor of Dogmatics, Symbolics. and Christian Ethics, University of Vienna.</FONT></TD>
</TR>
<TR><TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP">
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">LEIGHTON COLEMAN (&#8224;), D.D</B>.,</P>
<FONT SIZE=2><P ALIGN="CENTER">Late Protestant Episcopal Bishop of Delaware</FONT>.</TD>
<TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP" COLSPAN=2>
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">FRANZ HERMANN FRANK (&#8224;), Th.D.,                          <BR>                         </B><FONT SIZE=2>Late Professor of Theology, University of Erlangen.</FONT></TD>
</TR>
<TR><TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP">
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">WILLIAM RUSSELL COLLINS, D.D.</B>,                 <BR>                                  <FONT SIZE=2>Professor of Liturgies and Ecclesiastical Polity Reformed Episcopal Theological Seminary. Philadephia</FONT>.</TD>
<TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP" COLSPAN=2>
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">EMIL ALBERT FRIEDBERG,    Th.D., Dr.Jur.,          <BR>                    </B><FONT SIZE=2>Professor of Ecclesiastical, Public, and German Law, University of Leipsic.</FONT></TD>
</TR>
<TR><TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP">
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">EDWARD TANJORE CORWIN,D.D.,</B>           <BR>                                        <FONT SIZE=2>Church Historian, New Brunswick, New Jersey.</FONT></TD>
<TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP" COLSPAN=2>
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">WILHELM GERMANN (&#8224;), Ph.D., <BR></B><FONT SIZE=2>Late Superintendent in Schleusingen, Prussian Saxony.</FONT></TD>
</TR>
<TR><TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP">
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">SAMUEL CRAMER, Th.D.,<BR></B>       <FONT SIZE=2>Professor of the History of Christianity,. University of Amsterdam, and Professor of Practical Theology, Mennonite Theological Seminary, Amsterdam.</FONT></TD>
<TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP" COLSPAN=2>
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">GEORGE WILLIAM GILMORE, M.A.,                 <BR>                            </B><FONT SIZE=2>Formerly Lecturer on Comparative Religion Bangor Theological Seminary, Associate Editor of T</FONT><FONT SIZE=1>HE </small></FONT><FONT SIZE=2>N<small>EW</small> S<small>CHAFF</small>-H<small>ERZOG</small> E<small>NCYCLOPEDIA</small></FONT><B>.</B></TD>
</TR>
<TR><TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP">
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">WILHELM CREIZENACH, Ph.D.,<BR></B> <FONT SIZE=2>Professor of German Philology in the University of Cracow</FONT>.</TD>
<TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP" COLSPAN=2>
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">FRANZ GOERRES, Ph.D.,<BR></B>        <FONT SIZE=2>Assistant Librarian, University of Bonn.</FONT></TD>
</TR>
<TR><TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP">
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">HERMANN DALTON, Th.D<BR></B>.,      <FONT SIZE=2>Retired Consistorial Councilor, Berlin.</FONT></TD>
<TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP" COLSPAN=2>
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">WILHELM GOETZ, Ph.D.,<BR></B>        <FONT SIZE=2>Honorary Professor of Geography Technical High School, and Professor at Military Academy, Munich</FONT>.</TD>
</TR>
<TR><TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP">
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">WILLIAM JOHNSON DARBY, D.D.,<BR></B> <FONT SIZE=2>Assistant Secretary of the Board of Education of the Presbyterian Church in the United States.</FONT></TD>
<TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP" COLSPAN=2>
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">HERMANN FREIHERR VON DER, GOLTZ (&#8224;), Th.D.,        <BR>                      </B><FONT SIZE=2>Late Professor of Dogmatics, University of Berlin.</FONT></TD>
</TR>
<TR><TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP">
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">EDWIN CHARLES DARGAN, D.D., LL.D.,</B>      <BR>                                             Pastor of the First Baptist Church, Macon, Georgia.</TD>
<TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP" COLSPAN=2>
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">JAMES ISAAC GOOD, D.D.,     <BR></B><FONT SIZE=2>Professor of Reformed Church History and Liturgics, Central Theological Seminary, Dayton, Ohio.</FONT></TD>
</TR>
<TR><TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP">
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">JOHN D. DAVIS, D.D., LL.D., Ph.D.,<BR></B> <FONT SIZE=2>Professor of Oriental and Old Testament Literature, Princeton Theological Seminary</FONT>.</TD>
<TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP" COLSPAN=2>
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">WILLIAM ELLIOT GRIFFIS, D.D., L.H.D.,                   <BR>                          </B><FONT SIZE=2>Author and Lecturer on Historical Subjects, Ithaca, N. Y</FONT><B>.</B></TD>
</TR>
<TR><TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP">
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">JULIUS DECKE,      <BR>                      </B><FONT SIZE=2>Church Inspector. Breslau</FONT>.</TD>
<TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP" COLSPAN=2>
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">PAUL GRUENBERG, Th.D.,        <BR> </B><FONT SIZE=2>Pastor in Strasburg.</FONT></TD>
</TR>
<TR><TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP">
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">MORTON DEXTER (&#8224;) M.A.,</B>   <BR>      <FONT SIZE=2>Late Congregational Clergyman and Author. Boston.</FONT></TD>
<TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP" COLSPAN=2>
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">CARL VON GRUENEISEN (&#8224;), D.D., <BR></B><FONT SIZE=2>Late Court Preacher in Stuttgart.</FONT></TD>
</TR>
<TR><TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP">
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">FRIEDRICH CARL OTTO DIBELIUS, Ph.D., Th.Lic</B>.,    <BR>    <FONT SIZE=2>Archdeacon at Crossen, Germany.</FONT></TD>
<TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP" COLSPAN=2>
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">GEORG GRUETZMACHER, Ph.D., Th.Lic.,                  <BR>                  </B><FONT SIZE=2>Extraordinary Professor of Church History, University of Heidelberg</FONT><B>.</B></TD>
</TR>
<TR><TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP">
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">ERNST VON DOBSCHUETZ, Th.D., <BR></B><FONT SIZE=2>Professor of New-Testament Exegesis, University of Breslau</FONT>.</TD>
<TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP" COLSPAN=2>
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">RICHARD HEINRICH GRUETZMACHER, Th.D.,      <BR>  </B><FONT SIZE=2>Professor of Systematic Theology, University of Rostock.</FONT></TD>
</TR>
<TR><TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP">
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">LEONHARD ERNST DORN,      <BR>  </B> <FONT SIZE=2>Head Preacher, Nordlingen, Bavaria.</FONT></TD>
<TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP" COLSPAN=2>
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">HERMANN GUTHE, Th.D.,  <BR>    </B><FONT SIZE=2>Professor of Old-Testament Exegesis, University of Leipsic.</FONT></TD>
</TR>
<TR><TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP" COLSPAN=2>
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">WILLIE KIRKPATRICK DOUGLAS,<BR></B> <FONT SIZE=2>Dean of Due West Female College, Due West, S.C.</FONT></TD>
<TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP">
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">ARTHUR CRAWSHAY ALLISTON HALL, D.D., LL.D.,</B>     <BR>              <FONT SIZE=2>Protestant Episcopal Bishop of Vermont.</FONT></TD>
</TR>
</TABLE>

















<pb n="vii"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
<H3>CONTRIBUTORS AND COLLABORATORS, VOLUME IX.<HR></H3>
<center>
<TABLE CELLSPACING=0 BORDER=0 CELLPADDING=5 WIDTH=500>
<TR><TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP">
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">ADOLF HARNACK, Ph.D., Th.D., Dr.Jun, M.D., </B><FONT SIZE=2><br>General Director of the Royal Library, Berlin</FONT><B>.</B></TD>
<TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP" COLSPAN=2>
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">THEODOR FRIEDRICH HERMANN KOLDE, Ph.D., Th.D., </B><FONT SIZE=2><br>Professor of Church History. University of Erlangen</FONT><B>.</B></TD>
</TR>
<TR><TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP">
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">ALBERT HAUCK, Ph.D., Th.D., Dr.Jur., </B><FONT SIZE=2><br>Professor of Church History , University of Leipsic, Editor-in-Chief of the Hauck-Herzog <I>Realencyklopedie</I></FONT><B>.</B></TD>
<TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP" COLSPAN=2>
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">HERMANN GUSTAV EDUARD KRUEGER, Ph.D., Th.D.,</B> <FONT SIZE=2><br>Professor of Church History. University of Giessen</FONT>.</TD>
</TR>
<TR><TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP">
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">JOHANNES HAUSSLEITER Ph.D., Th.D., </B><FONT SIZE=2><br>Consistorial Councilor Professor of New-Testament Theology and Exegesis, University of Greifswald.</FONT></TD>
<TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP" COLSPAN=2>
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">JOHANNES WILHELM KUNZE, Ph.D., Th.D., </B><FONT SIZE=2><br>Professor of Systematic and Practical Theology, University of Greifswald</FONT><B>.</B></TD>
</TR>
<TR><TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP">
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">CARL FRIEDRICH GEORG HEINRICI, Ph.D., Th.D., </B><FONT SIZE=2><br>Professor of New-Testament Exegesis, University of Leipsic.</FONT></TD>
<TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP" COLSPAN=2>
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">EUGEN LACHENMANN, </B><FONT SIZE=2><br>City Pastor, Leonberg, W&#252;rttemberg.</FONT></TD>
</TR>
<TR><TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP">
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">MAX HEINZE (&#8224;), Ph.D., Th.D., </B><FONT SIZE=2><br>Late Professor of Philosophy, University of Leipsic.</FONT></TD>
<TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP" COLSPAN=2>
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">LUDWIG LEMME, Th.D</B>., <FONT SIZE=2><br>Professor of Systematic Theology. University of Heidelberg</FONT>.</TD>
</TR>
<TR><TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP">
<B><P>WILHELM HERRMANN, Ph.D., Th.D., Dr.Jur., </B><FONT SIZE=2><br>Professor of Systematic Theology, University of Marburg.</FONT></TD>
<TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP" COLSPAN=2>
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">ORLANDO FAULKLAND LEWIS, </B><FONT SIZE=2><br>Corresponding Secretary of the Prison Association and Secretary of the Finance Committee of the Charity Organisation Society. New York.</FONT></TD>
</TR>
<TR><TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP">
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">JOHANN JAKOB HERZOG (&#8224;), Ph.D., Th.D., </B><FONT SIZE=2><br>Late Professor of Reformed Theology, University of Erlangen.</FONT></TD>
<TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP" COLSPAN=2>
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">FRIEDRICH LEZIUS , Ph.D., Th.D., </B><FONT SIZE=2><br>Professor of Church History, University of K&#246;nigsberg.</FONT></TD>
</TR>
<TR><TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP">
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">RICHARD MORSE HODGE, D.D., </B><FONT SIZE=2><br>Lecturer in Biblical Literature. Teachers&#39; College, New York City.</FONT></TD>
<TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP" COLSPAN=2>
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">FRIEDRICH LIST (&#8224;), Ph.D., </B><FONT SIZE=2><br>Late Studiendirektor, Munich.</FONT></TD>
</TR>
<TR><TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP">
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">GUSTAV HOENNICKE, Ph.D., Th.Lic., </B><FONT SIZE=2><br>Privat-docent in New-Testament Exegesis, University of Berlin.</FONT></TD>
<TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP" COLSPAN=2>
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">PAUL LOBSTEIN, Th.D., </B><FONT SIZE=2><br>Professor of Systematic Theology. University of Strasburg.</FONT></TD>
</TR>
<TR><TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP">
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">OSWALD HOLDER-EGGER, Ph.D., </B><FONT SIZE=2><br>Professor at Berlin and Director for the Publication of the <I>Monumenta Germani&#230; Historica.</I></FONT></TD>
<TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP" COLSPAN=2>
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">GEORG LOESCHE, Ph.D., Th.D., </B><FONT SIZE=2><br>Professor of Church History, Evangelical Theological Faculty. University of Vienna.</FONT></TD>
</TR>
<TR><TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP">
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">WILHELM HOELSCHER, Th.D., </B><FONT SIZE=2><br>Pastor of St. Nicolaikirche, Leipsic</FONT><B>.</B></TD>
<TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP" COLSPAN=2>
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">FRIEDRICH ARMIN LOOFS, Ph.D., Th.D., </B><FONT SIZE=2><br>Professor of Church History, University of Halle</FONT><B>.</B></TD>
</TR>
<TR><TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP">
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">ERNST IDELER, </B><FONT SIZE=2><br>Pastor at Ahrensdorf, near Potsdam</FONT><B>.</B></TD>
<TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP" COLSPAN=2>
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">WILLIAM JAMES LOWE, D.D., </B><FONT SIZE=2><br>Clerk of the General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church in Ireland.</FONT></TD>
</TR>
<TR><TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP">
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">JOHANN FRIEDRICH IBEN (&#8224;), </B><FONT SIZE=2><br>Late Pastor in Bremen</FONT><B>.</B></TD>
<TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP" COLSPAN=2>
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">JOHN LYND, D.D., </B><FONT SIZE=2><br>Professor of Hebrew and Biblical Criticism, Theological, Hall of the Reformed Presbyterian Synod. Belfast.</FONT></TD>
</TR>
<TR><TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP">
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">HEINRICH FRANZ JACOBSON (&#8224;), Ph.D., </B><FONT SIZE=2><br>Late Professor of Law, University of Konigsberg</FONT><B>.</B></TD>
<TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP" COLSPAN=2>
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">SAMUEL McCOMB, D.D., </B><FONT SIZE=2><br>Pastor of Emmanuel Church, Boston, Mass.</FONT></TD>
</TR>
<TR><TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP">
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">FERDINAND FRIEDRICH WILHELM KATTENBUSCH, Ph.D., Th.D., </B><FONT SIZE=2><br>Professor of Dogmatics, University of Halle</FONT><B>.</B></TD>
<TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP" COLSPAN=2>
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">JOHN McDONALD, M.A., D.D., </B><FONT SIZE=2><br>Clerk of the Reformed Presbyterian Synod in Scotland</FONT><B>.</B></TD>
</TR>
<TR><TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP">
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">PETER GUSTAV KAWERAU, Th.D., </B><FONT SIZE=2><br>Consistorial Councilor, Professor of Practical Theology, and University Preacher, University of Breslau</FONT><B>.</B></TD>
<TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP" COLSPAN=2>
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">GEORGE DUNCAN MATHEWS, </B><FONT SIZE=2><br>General Secretary of the Presbyterian Alliance, London.</FONT></TD>
</TR>
<TR><TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP">
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">OTTO KIRN, Ph.D., Th.D., </B><FONT SIZE=2><br>Professor of Dogmatics, University of Leipsic</FONT><B>.</B></TD>
<TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP" COLSPAN=2>
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">PAUL MEHLHORN, Ph.D., Th.D., </B><FONT SIZE=2><br>Pastor of the Reformed Church, Leipsic.</FONT></TD>
</TR>
<TR><TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP">
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">RUDOLF KITTEL, Ph.D., Th.D., </B><FONT SIZE=2><br>Professor of Old Testament Exegesis, University of Leipsic</FONT><B>.</B></TD>
<TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP" COLSPAN=2>
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">OTTO MEJER (&#8224;), Ph.D., Th.D., </B><FONT SIZE=2><br>Late President of the Consistory, Hanover.</FONT></TD>
</TR>
<TR><TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP">
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">KARL RUDOLF KLOSE (&#8224;), Th.D., </B><FONT SIZE=2><br>Late Secretary of the Library, Hamburg</FONT><B>.</B></TD>
<TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP" COLSPAN=2>
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">PHILIPP MEYER, Th.D., </B><FONT SIZE=2><br>Supreme Consistorial Councilor, Hanover.</FONT></TD>
</TR>
<TR><TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP">
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">EDWARD HOOKER KNIGHT, D.D., </B><FONT SIZE=2><br>Dean of the Hartford School of Religious Pedagogy, Hartford. Conn.</FONT></TD>
<TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP" COLSPAN=2>
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">CARL THEODOR MIRBT, Th.D., </B><FONT SIZE=2><br>Professor of Church History, University of Marburg.</FONT></TD>
</TR>
<TR><TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP">
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">JUSTUS ADOLF KOEBERLE (&#8224;), Th.D., </B><FONT SIZE=2><br>Late Professor of the Old Testament, University of Rostock</FONT><B>.</B></TD>
<TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP" COLSPAN=2>
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">ROBERT MORTON, </B><FONT SIZE=2><br>Professor of Systematic Theology and Church History in Original Secession Theological Hall. Glasgow, Scotland.</FONT></TD>
</TR>
<TR><TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP">
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">HEINRICH ADOLF KOESTLIN (&#8224;), Ph.D., Th.D., </B><FONT SIZE=2><br>Late Privy Councilor in Cannstadt, formerly Professor of Theology. University of Giessen.</FONT></TD>
<TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP" COLSPAN=2>
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">ERNST FRIEDRICH KARL MUELLER, Th.D., </B><FONT SIZE=2><br>Professor of Reformed Theology, University of Erlangen.</FONT></TD>
</TR>
<TR><TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP">
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">CHRISTOPH FRIEDRICH ADOLF KOLB, Th.D., </B><FONT SIZE=2><br>Prelate and Court Preacher, Ludwigsburg.</FONT></TD>
<TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP" COLSPAN=2>
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">GEORG MUELLER, Ph.D., Th.D., </B><FONT SIZE=2><br>Inspector of Schools, Leipsic.</FONT></TD>
</TR>
<TR><TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP">
<P> </TD>
<TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP" COLSPAN=2>
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">PEARSON M&#39;ADAM MUIR, D.D., </B><FONT SIZE=2><br>Minister of Glasgow Cathedral, Glasgow, Scotland.</FONT></TD>
</TR>
<TR><TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP">
<P> </TD>
<TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP" COLSPAN=2>
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">HENRY SYLVESTER NASH, D.D., </B><FONT SIZE=2><br>Professor of the Literature and Inyerpretation of the New Testament, Episcopal Theological School, Cambridge, Mass</FONT><B>.</B></TD>
</TR>
<TR><TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP">
<P> </TD>
<TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP" COLSPAN=2>
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">CHRISTOF EBERHARD NESTLE, Ph.D., Th.D., </B><FONT SIZE=2><br>Professor in the Theological Seminary,  Maulbronn, W&#252;rttemberg.</FONT></TD>
</TR>
</TABLE>
</center>
<pb n="viii"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
<h3>CONTRIBUTORS AND COLLABORATORS, VOLUME IX.</h3>
<HR>
<center>
<TABLE CELLSPACING=0 BORDER=0 CELLPADDING=5 WIDTH=500>
<TR><TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP">
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">ALBERT HENRY NEWMAN, D.D., LL.D., </B><FONT SIZE=2><BR>
Professor of Church History, Southwestern Baptist Theological Seminary, Fort Worth, Texas.</FONT></TD>
<TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP" COLSPAN=2>
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">EMIL SEHLING, Dr.Jur., </B><FONT SIZE=2><BR>
Professor of Ecclesiastical and Commercial Law, University<B> </B>of Erlangen</FONT><B>.</B></TD>
</TR>
<TR><TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP">
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">FREDERICK KRISTIAN NIELSEN (&#8224;), D.D.,</B><FONT SIZE=2><BR>
Late Bishop of Aarhus, Denmark</FONT><B>.</B></TD>
<TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP" COLSPAN=2>
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">HENRY CLAY SHELDON, D.D., </B><FONT SIZE=2><BR>
Professor of Systematic Theology, Boston University.</FONT></B></TD>
</TR>
<TR><TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP">
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">CONRAD VON ORELLI, Ph.D., Th.D., </B><FONT SIZE=2><BR>
Professor of Old-Testament Exegesis and History of Religion, University of Basel.</FONT></TD>
<TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP" COLSPAN=2>
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">FRIEDRICH ANTON EMIL SIEFFERT, Ph.D., Th.D., </B><FONT SIZE=2><BR>
Professor of New-Testament Exegesis, University of Bonn.</FONT></TD>
</TR>
<TR><TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP">
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">CARL PFENDER, </B><FONT SIZE=2><BR>
Pastor of St. Paul&#39;s Evangelical Lutheran Church, Paris.</FONT></TD>
<TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP" COLSPAN=2>
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">JULIUS WILHELM SMEND, Th.D., </B><FONT SIZE=2><BR>
Professor of Systematic and Practical Theology in the Evangelical Theological Faculty, University of Strasburg.</FONT></TD>
</TR>
<TR><TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP">
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">FERDINAND PHILIPPI (&#8224;), Th.D., </B><FONT SIZE=2><BR>
Late Pastor in Hohenkirchen, Mecklenburg.</FONT></TD>
<TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP" COLSPAN=2>
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">JOHN SOMERVILLE, D.D., </B><FONT SIZE=2><BR>
Clerk of the General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church in Canada.</FONT></TD>
</TR>
<TR><TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP">
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">FINIS HOMER PRENDERGAST, </B><FONT SIZE=2><BR>
Attorney, Marshall, Texas.</FONT></TD>
<TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP" COLSPAN=2>
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">ROBERT MACGOWAN SOMMERVILLE, </B><FONT SIZE=2><BR>
Editor of <I>Olive Trees</I>, New York City.</FONT></TD>
</TR>
<TR><TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP">
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">ERWIN PREUSCHEN, Ph.D., Th.D., </B><FONT SIZE=2><BR>
Pastor at Hirschhorn-on-the-Neckar, Germany</FONT><B>.</B></TD>
<TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP" COLSPAN=2>
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">GEORG STEINDORFF, Ph.D., </B><FONT SIZE=2><BR>
Professor of Egyptology, University of Leipsic.</FONT></TD>
</TR>
<TR><TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP">
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">RICHARD CLARK REED, D.D., LL.D., </B><FONT SIZE=2><BR>
Professor of Church History in Presbyterian Theological Seminary, Columbia, S. C.</FONT></TD>
<TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP" COLSPAN=2>
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">ROBERT WILLIAM STEWART, B.Sc., B.D., </B><FONT SIZE=2><BR>
Glasgow, Scotland.</FONT></TD>
</TR>
<TR><TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP">
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">JOSEPH REINKENS (&#8224;), Ph.D., </B><FONT SIZE=2><BR>
Late Professor in Cologne.</FONT></TD>
<TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP" COLSPAN=2>
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">HERMANN LEBERECHT STRACK, Ph.D., Th.D., </B><FONT SIZE=2><BR>
Extraordinary. Professor of Old-Testament Exegesis and Semitic Languages, University of Berlin.</FONT></TD>
</TR>
<TR><TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP">
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">ROBERT THOMAS ROBERTS, D.D., </B><FONT SIZE=2><BR>
Pastor First Welsh Presbyterian Church, Wilkes-Barre, Pa.</FONT></TD>
<TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP" COLSPAN=2>
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">ULRICH STUTZ, Dr.Jur., </B><FONT SIZE=2><BR>
Professor of German and Ecclesiastical Law, University of Bonn.</FONT></TD>
</TR>
<TR><TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP">
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">WILLLAM HENRY ROBERTS, D.D., LL.D., </B><FONT SIZE=2><BR>
Stated Clerk of the General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church, U. S. A.</FONT></TD>
<TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP" COLSPAN=2>
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">ROBERT BREWSTER TAGGART, </B><FONT SIZE=2><BR>
Vineland, N. J.</FONT></TD>
</TR>
<TR><TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP">
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">HENDRIX CORNELIS ROGGE (&#8224;), Ph.D., </B><FONT SIZE=2><BR>
Late Professor of History, University of Haarlem.</FONT></TD>
<TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP" COLSPAN=2>
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">OHARLES FRANKLIN THWING, LL.D., </B><FONT SIZE=2><BR>
President of Western Reserve University and Adalbert College, Cleveland.</FONT></TD>
</TR>
<TR><TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP">
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">ARNOLD R&#220;EGG, </B><FONT SIZE=2><BR>
Pastor at Birmensdorf and Lecturer at the University of Zurich, Switzerland.</FONT></TD>
<TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP" COLSPAN=2>
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">PAUL TSCHACKERT, Ph.D., Th.D., </B><FONT SIZE=2><BR>
Professor of Church History, University of G&#246;ttingen.</FONT></TD>
</TR>
<TR><TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP">
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">CARL SCHAARSCHMIDT, </B><FONT SIZE=2><BR>
Honorary Professor of Philosophy, University of Bonn.</FONT></TD>
<TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP" COLSPAN=2>
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">SIETSE DOUWES VAN VEEN, Th.D., </B><FONT SIZE=2><BR>
Professor of Church History and Christian Archeology, University of Utrecht.</FONT></TD>
</TR>
<TR><TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP">
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">ERICH SCHAEDER, Ph.D., Th.D., </B><FONT SIZE=2><BR>
Professor of Systematic Theology, University of Kiel.</FONT></TD>
<TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP" COLSPAN=2>
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">JULIUS AUGUST WAGENMANN (&#8224;), </B><FONT SIZE=2><BR>
Late Consistorial Councilor, G&#246;ttingen.</FONT></TD>
</TR>
<TR><TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP">
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">THEODOR SCHAEFER, Th.D., </B><FONT SIZE=2><BR>
Head of the Deaconess Institute, Altona.</FONT></TD>
<TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP" COLSPAN=2>
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">BENJAMIN BRECKINRIDGE WARFIELD, D.D., LL.D., </B><FONT SIZE=2><BR>
Professor of Didactic and Polemic Theology, Princeton Theological Seminary.</FONT></TD>
</TR>
<TR><TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP">
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">DAVID SCHLEY SCHAFF, D.D.,</B><FONT SIZE=2><BR>
Professor of Church History, Western Theological Seminary, Pittsburg, Pa.</FONT></TD>
<TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP" COLSPAN=2>
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">EDWARD ELIHU WHITFIELD, M.A., </B><FONT SIZE=2><BR>
Retired Public Schoolmaster, London.</FONT></TD>
</TR>
<TR><TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP">
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">PHILIP SCHAFF (&#8224;), D.D., LL.D., </B><FONT SIZE=2><BR>
Late Professor of Church History, Union Theological Seminary, New York, and Editor of the Original S<small>CHAFF</small><FONT SIZE=2>-H<small>ERZOG</small> E<small>NCYCLOPEDIA</small>.</FONT></TD>
<TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP" COLSPAN=2>
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">FRIEDRICH LUDWIG LEONHARD WIEGAND, Ph.D., Th.D., </B><FONT SIZE=2><BR>
Professor of Church History, University of Greifswald.</FONT></TD>
</TR>
<TR><TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP">
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">MARTIN SCHIAN, Ph.D., Th.D., </B><FONT SIZE=2><BR>
Professor of Theology, University of Giessen.</FONT></TD>
<TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP" COLSPAN=2>
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">PAUL WOLFF (&#8224;), </B><FONT SIZE=2><BR>
Late Pastor at Friedersdorf, Brandenburg, and Editor of the <I>Evangelische Kirchenzeitung</I>.</FONT></TD>
</TR>
<TR><TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP">
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">REINHOLD SCHMID, Th.Lic., </B><FONT SIZE=2><BR>
Pastor in Oberholzheim, W&#252;rttemberg. University.</FONT></TD>
<TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP" COLSPAN=2>
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">AUGUST WUENSCHE, Ph.D., Th.D., </B><FONT SIZE=2><BR>
Retired Titular Professor in Dresden.</FONT></TD>
</TR>
<TR><TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP">
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">MAXIMILLIAN VICTOR SCHULTZE, Th.D., </B><FONT SIZE=2><BR>
Professor of Church History and Christian Archeology, University of Greifswald.</FONT></TD>
<TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP" COLSPAN=2>
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">CLARENCE ANDREW YOUNG, Ph.D., </B><FONT SIZE=2><BR>
Pastor, Third Reformed Presbyterian Church. Philadelphia, Pa.</FONT></TD>
</TR>
<TR><TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP">
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">LUDWIG THEODOR SCHULZE, Ph.D., Th.D., </B><FONT SIZE=2><BR>
Professor of Systematic Theology. University of Rostock.</FONT></TD>
<TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP" COLSPAN=2>
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">FRANZ THEODOR RITTER VON ZAHN, Th.D., Litt.D., </B><FONT SIZE=2><BR>
Professor of New-Testament Exegesis and Introduction, University of Erlangen.</FONT></TD>
</TR>
<TR><TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP">
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">JOHN CRAWFORD SCOULLER, D.D., </B><FONT SIZE=2><BR>
Corresponding Secretary of Board of Ministerial Relief, United Presbyterian Church of North America.</FONT></TD>
<TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP" COLSPAN=2>
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">OTTO ZOECKLER (&#8224;), Ph.D., Th.D., </B><FONT SIZE=2><BR>
Late Professor of Church History and Apologetics, University of Greifswald.</FONT></TD>
</TR>
<TR><TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP">
<B><P ALIGN="CENTER">EMIL SECKEL, Dr.Jur., </B><FONT SIZE=2><BR>
Professor of Law, University of Berlin.</FONT></TD>
<TD WIDTH="50%" VALIGN="TOP" COLSPAN=2>
<P>&#160;</TD>
</TR>

</TABLE>
</center>
<pb n="ix"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
</div2><div2 title="Bibliographical Appendix Vols. I-IX">
<H2>BIBLIOGRAPHICAL APPENDIX&#8212;VOLS. I&#8212;IX</H2>
<hr WIDTH=15%>
<P>
The following list of books is supplementary to the bibliographies given at the end of the articles contained in volumes I.-IX., and brings the literature down to November, 1910. In this list each title entry is printed in capital letters. It is to be noted that, throughout the work, in the articles as a rule only first editions are given. In the bibliographies the aim is to give either the best or the latest edition, and in case the book is published both in America and in some other country, the
American place of issue is usually given the preference.
<P>
<hr WIDTH=15%</center>
<P class="bibliography">
<small>A<small>BBOT</small>, L.: <I>Seeking after God</I>, New York, 1910.</small>
</p>
<p class="bibliography">
<small>A<small>LTAR</small>: A. Hartel, <I>Altars and Pulpits; a Series of Examples of Ecclesiastical Work in the Gothic Style, taken mostly from the famous German Cathedrals and Churches of the Middle Ages</I>, 3d ed., New York, 1910.</small>
</p>
<p class="bibliography">
<small>A<small>MMIANUS</small> M<small>ARCELLINUS</small>: <I>Rerum gestarum libri qui supersunt</I>, ed. C.U. Clark, L. Traube, and G.Her&#230;us,  vol. 1, <I>libri XIV.&#8211;XXV</I>., Berlin, 1910.</small>
</p>
<p class="bibliography">
<small>A<small>POLOGETICS</small>:, <I>Die babylonische Kosmogonie und der biblische Sch&#246;pfungsbericht. Ein Beitrag zur Apologie des biblischen Gottesbegrifes</I>, M&#252;nster, 1910. <br /> A. R. Wells, <i>Why we believe the Bible; Outlines of Christian. Evidences in Question and Answer Form</I>, Boston, 1910.</small>
</p>
<p class="bibliography">
<small>A<small>RMENIA</small>: M. Ormanian, <I>L&#39;&#201;glise arm&#233;nienne, son histoire, sa doctrine, son r&#233;gime, sa discipline, sa liturgie, sa litt&#233;rature, son present</I>, Paris, 1910.</small>
</p>
<p class="bibliography">
<small>A<small>THANASIAN</small> C<small>REED</small>: T. N. Papaconstantinos, <I>The
Creed of Athanasius the Great</I>, translated by H. C. J. Lingham, London, 1910.</small>
</p>
<p class="bibliography"><small>A<small>TONEMENT</small>: J. B. Champion, <I>The Living Atonement</I>, Philadelphia, 1910.</small>
</p>
<p class="bibliography:tr><small>A<small>VITUS</small>: H. Goelzer and A. Mey, <I>Le Latin de Saint Avit &#233;v&#233;que de Vienne (450-526)</i>, Paris, 1909.</<small>
</p>
<p class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>ABYLONIA</small>: F. Delitzsch, <i>Handel and Wandel in Altbabylonien</i>, Stuttgart, 1910. D. W. Myhrman, <i>Sumerian Administrative Documents, dated in the Reigns of the Kings of the second Dynasty of Ur, from the Temple Archives of Nippur, preserved in Philadelphia</i>, Philadelphia, 1910.</small>
</p>
<p class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>ACHER, W.:</small> W. L. Blau, <i>Bibliographie der Schriften Wilhelm Bachers nebst einem hebr&#228;ischen Sachund Ortsnamen Register zu seinem sechsb&#228;ndigen Agadwerke</i>, Frankfort, 1910.</small>
</p>
<p class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>ALLARD</small>, A., <i>From Text to Talk</i>, Boston, 1910.</small>
</p>
<P class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>AMPTON</small> L<small>ECTURES:</small> W. Hobhouse, <I>The Church and the World in Idea and in History</I>, New York, 1910.</small>
</P>
<P class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>APTISTS:</small> <I>Seventh Day Baptists in Europe and America; a Series of Historical Papers written in Commemoration of the 100th Anniversary of the Organization of the Seventh Day Baptist General Conference, celebrated
at Ashaway, Rhode Island, Aug. 20-26, 1902</I>, 2 vols., Plainfield, N. J., 1910.</small>
</P>
<P class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>ARNES</small>, W. E.: <i>Lex in Corde: Studies in the Psalter</i>, London, 1910.</small>
</P>
<P class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>AUR, F. C.:</small> E. Schneider, <i>F. C. Baur in seiner Bedeutung f&#252;r die Theologie</I>, Munich, 1909.</small>
</p>
<P class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>ECKET,</small> T.: T. H. Hatton, <I>Thomas Becket, Archbishop of Canterbury</I>, London, 1910.</small>
</P>
<P class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>EDE:</small> <I>Lives of the First Five Abbots of Wearmouth and Yarrow</I>, London, 1910.</small>
</P>
<P class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>IBLE</small> S<small>OCIETIES:</small> <I>A Popular Illustrated Report of the British and Foreign Bible Society, </I>1909-10, London,1910.</small>
</P>
<P class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>ENEDICT XIV.:</small> Add to bibliography <I>Heroic Virtue; a Portion of the Treatise of Benedict
XIV. on the Beatification and Canonization of the Servants of God</i>, 3 vols., London, 1850.</small>
</P>
<P class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>IBLE</small> T<small>EXT:</small> A. B. Ehrlich, <I>Randglossen zur hebr&#230;ischen Bibel. Textkritiaches, Sprachliches und Sachliches</I>. Erster Band: <I>Genesis und Exodus</I>. Zweiter Band: <I>Leviticus, Numeri, Deuteronomium</I>, Leipsic, 1908-1909. H. H. Josten, <I>New Studien zur Evangelienhandschrift. </I>No. 18, <I>Des heiligen Bernward Evangelienbuch im Domachatz zu Hildesheim</I>, Strasburg, 1909. Agnes Smith Lewis, <I>Old Syriac Gospels, or Evangelion Damepharreshe</I>, London, 1910. H. F. von Soden, <i>Die Schriften des Neuen Testaments in ihrer &#228;ltesten erreichbaren Textgestalt hergestellt auf Grund ihrer Textgeschichte</I>, Berlin, 1906-10.</small>
</P>
<P class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>IBLE</small> V<small>ERSIONS:</small> W. J. Heaton, <I>The Bible of the Reformation: its Translators and their Work</I>, London, 1910.; J. P. Hentz, <I>History of the Lutheran version of the Bible</I>, Dayton, O., 1910; S. McComb, <i>The Making of the English Bible</I>, London, 1910.</small>
</P>
<P class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>IBLICAL</small> C<small>RITICISM:</small> A. Duff, <I>History of Old Testament Criticism</I>, New York, 1910. T. Engert, <I>Das Alte Testament im Lichte modernistisch-katholischer Wissenschaft</I>, Munich,
1910.
</small>
</P>
<P class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>IBLICAL</small> I<small>NTRODUCTION:</small> A. C. Robinson, <I>What about the Old Testament? Is it played out?</I> London, 1910.
</small>
</P>
<P class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>IBLICAL</small> T<small>HEOLOGY:</small> E. von Dobsch&#252;tz, <I>The Eschatology of the Gospels, </I>London, 1910. P. Karge, <I>Geschichte des Bundesgedankens im Alten Testament</i>, M&#252;nster, 1910. A. F. Loisy: see below. C. G. Montefiore, <I>Some Elements of the Religious Teaching of Jesus According to the Synoptic Gospels</I> (Jowett Lectures, 1910), London 1910.</small>
</P><pb n="x"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
<P class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>IBLICAL</small> T<small>HEOLOGY:</small> L. B. Paton, <I>The Early Religion of Israel</I>, Boston, 1910. A. Schlatter, <I>Die Theologie des Neuen Testaments</i>, vol. ii., <i>Die Lehre der Apostel</i>, Calw and Stuttgart, 1909-10. H. B. Swete, <I>Studies in the Teachings of our Lord</I>, London, 1910.</small>
</P>
<P class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>ONIFACE:</small> G. F. Browne, <I>Boniface and his Companions,</I> London, 1910.</small>
</P>
<P class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>RAHMANISM:</small> <I>The Parisistas of the Atharvaveda.</I> Ed. G. M. Bolling and J. von Negelein,
Leipsic, 1910. A. Roussel, <I>La Religion v&#233;dique</i>, Paris, 1910.</small>
</p>
<P class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>UDDHISM:</small> <I>Alphabetical List of the Titles of Works in the Chinese Buddhist Tripitaka</I> (Archeological Dept. of India). <I>Being an Index to Bunyin Nanjio&#39;s Catalogue and the 1905 Kioto Reprint of the Buddhist Canon.</I> Prepared by E. Denison Ross, Bombay, 1910. H. Oldenbur , <i>Aus dem alten Indien. 3 Aufs&#228; &#252;ber Buddhismus, alt-indische Dichtung and Geschichischreibung</I>, Berlin, 1910.</small>
<P class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>URMA:</small> A. Bunker, <I>Sketches from the Karen Hills</I>, New York, 1910. Shway Yor, <I>The Burman, his Life and Notions</i>, London, 1910.</small>
</P>
<P class="bibliography">
<small>C<small>ANONIZATION:</small> Add to bibliograpby the work given above under Benedict XIV. Also A. Boudinhon, <I>Lea Proc&#232;s de beatification et de canonisation</I>, Paris, 1908. T. F. Macen, <I>The Canonization of Saints</I>, Dublin, 1910.</small>
</P>
<P class="bibliography">
<small>C<small>HINA:</small> <I>China and the Gospel. An Illustrated Report of the China Inland Mission</I>, London,
1910. E. Chavannes, <I>Le T&#39;ai Chan: Essai de monoaphie d&#39;un cults chinois.</I> Appendice: <I>Le Dieu du sol dans la chine antique</I>, Paris, 1910. E. H. Parker, <I>Studies in Chinese Religion</I>, London, 1910.</small>
</P>
<P class="bibliography">
<small>C<small>HURCH:</small> W. Hobhouse, <I>The Church and the World in Idea and History,</i> London, 1910. F. I. Paradise, <I>The Church and the Individual</I>, New York, 1910.</small>
</P>
<P class="bibliography">
<small>C<small>HURCH</small> H<small>ISTORY:</small> J. Felten, <I>Neutestamentliche Zeitgeschichte oder Judentum and Heidentum zur Zeit Christi and der Apostel</i>, 2 vols., Regensburg, 1910. F. X. Funk, <I>A Manual of Church History</i>, vol. ii., London, 1910. S. Lublinski, <I>Der urchriatliche Erdkreis and sein Mythos</I>, Vol. i., <i>Die  Entstehung des Christentums Gus der antiken Kultur</I>, Jena, 1910.</small>
</P>
<P class="bibliography">
<small>C<small>LEMENT OF</small> A<small>LEXANDRIA:</small> J. Gabrielseon, <I>Ueber die Quellen des Clemens Alexandrinus</i>, vol. ii., <i>Zur genaueren Pr&#252;fung der Favorinushypothese</I>, Leipsic, 1909.</small>
</P>
<P class="bibliography">
<small>C<small>OLOGNE:</small> W. Pelster, <I>Stand and Herkunft der Bisch&#246;fe der K&#246;lner Kirchenprovinz im Mittelalter</I>, Weimar, 1909.</small>
</P>
<P class="bibliography">
<small>C<small>OMMON</small> P<small>RAYER</small>, B<small>OOK OF:</small> N. Dimock, <I>The History of the Book of Common Prayer in its Bearing on Present Eucharistic Controversies</I>, London and New York, 1910.</small>
<P>
<small>C<small>OMPARATIVE</small> R<small>ELIGION:</small> E. S. Ames, <I>The Psychology of Reliqious  Experience</I>, Boston, 1910. A. S. Bishop, <I>The World&#39;s Altar-Stairs in the Religions of the World</I>, London, 1910. 
C. C. Martindale, ed., <I>Lectures on the History of Religions</I>, St. Louis, 1910. R. M. Meyer, <I>Altgermanische Religionageschichte</I>, Leipsic, 1910. R. Quanter, <I>Das Weib in den Religlonen der V&#246;lker unter Ber&#252;cksichtigung der einzelnen Kulte. Mit vielen zitgenossischen Illlustrationen, </I>Berlin, 1910. J. H. Randall and J. G. Smith, <I>The Unity of Religions; a popular Discussion of ancient and modern Beliefs</I>, New York, 1910. J. Sehrijnen, <I>Essays en etudien in vergelijkende Godsdienstgeschiedenis, Mythologie en Folklore</i>, Venlao, 1910.</small>
</P>
<P class="bibliography">
<small>C<small>ONGREGATIONALISTS:</small> A. F. Beard, A <I>Crusade of Brotherhood. History of the American Missionary Association</I>, Boston, 1909.</small>
</P>
<P class="bibliography">
<small>C<small>OPTIC</small> C<small>HURCH:</small> E. A. W . Budge, <I>Coptic Homilies in the Dialect of Upper Egypt, ed. from the Papyrus Codex Oriental 5001, in the British Museum</I>, London, 1910.</small>
</P>
<P class="bibliography">
<small>C<small>OUNCILS AND</small> S<small>YNODS:</small> F. Sohulthess, <I>Die syrischen Kanones der Synoden von Nic&#230; bis Chalcedon nebst einigen zugeh&#246;rigen Dokumenten</I>, Berlin, 1908.</small>
</P>
<P class="bibliography">
<small>C<small>RUSADES:</small> W. S. Durrant, <I>Cross and Dagger: the Crusade of the Children</I>, London, 1910.</small>
</P>
<P class="bibliography">
<small>C<small>URIA:</small> F. Russo, <I>La curia romana nella sua organizzione e nel suo completo funzionamento
a datare dal 3 novembre, 1908</I>, Palermo, 1910.</small>
</P>
<P class="bibliography">
<small>D<small>AWSON</small>, W. J.: <I>The Divine Challenge</I>, New York and London, 1910.</small>
</P>
<P class="bibliography">
<small>D<small>EISSMANN</small>, A.: <I>Light from the Ancient East. The New Testament</I>. Translation by L. R. M.
Strachan, London, 1910.</small>
</P>
<P class="bibiliography">
<small>D<small>OCTRINE</small>, H<small>ISTORY OF:</small> P. Tschackert, <I>Die Entstehung der lutherischen and der reformierten Kirchenlehre samst ihren inneren protestantischen Gegens&#228;tzen, </I>G&#246;ttingen, 1910.</small>
</P>
<P class="bibliography">
<small>D<small>OGMA</small>, D<small>OGMATICS:</small> G. R. Montgomery, <I>The Unexplored Self; an Introductory to Christian Doctrine for Teachers and Students</I>, New York, 1910.</small>
</P>
<p class="bibliography">
<small>E<small>GYPT:</small> W. M. F. Petrie, <I>Arts and Crafts of Ancient Egypt</i>, Chicago, 1910. P. Virey, <i>La Religion de l&#39;Ancienne Egypte</i>, Paris, 1910.</small>
</p>
<p class="bibliography">
<small>E<small>GYPTIAN</small> E<small>XPLORATION</small> F<small>UND:</small> Thirtieth Memoir. <I>The XI. Dynasty Temple at Deir-el Bahiri</I>, Part 2 by E. Neville, London, 1910.</small>
</P>
<P class="Bibliography">
<small>E<small>NGLAND</small>, C<small>HURCH OF:</small> C. S. Carter, <I>The English Church in the Eighteenth Century</I>, London and New York, 1910. F. W. Cornish, <I>The English Church. in the 19th Century</i>, 2 parts, London, 1910. F. A. Hibbert <I>The Dissolution of the Monasteries, as Illustrated by the Suppression of the Religious Houses of Staffordshire</I>, London, 1910. E. Stock, <I>The English Church in the Nineteenth Century</I>, London and New York, 1910.</small>
</P>
<P class="bibliography">
<small>E<small>PIKLESIS:</small> P. M. Chains, <I>La Consecration et l&#39;&#233;picl&#233;se dons le missal &#233;thiopien</I>, Rome, 1910.</small>
</P>
<P class="bibliography">
<small>E<small>PISCOPATE:</small> R. E. Thompson, <I>The Historic Episcopate</I>, Philadelphia, 1910.</small>
</P>
<P class="bibliography">
<small>E<small>RASMUS:</small> A. Meyer, <I>&#201;tude critique sur les relations d&#39;&#201;rasme et de Luther</I>, Paris, 1909.</small>
</P>
<p class="bibliography">
<small>E<small>SCHATOLOGY:</small> See above, B<small>IBLICAL</small> T<small>HEOLOGY.</small></small>
</P>
<p class="bibliography">
<small>E<small>THICS:</small> T. C. Hall, <i>History of Ethics within Organized Christianity</I>, New York, 1910.</small>
</P>
<P class="bibliography">
<small>E<small>UDES, J.:</small> M. Russell, <I>The Life of Blessed John Eudes</I>, London, 1910.</small>
</P>
<p class="bibiliography">
<small>E<small>ZRA AND</small> N<small>EHEMIAH:</small> G. Klamath, <I>Ezras Leben und Wirken</I>, Vienna, 1908. J. Heis, <I>Geschichdiche and literdrkritische Fragen in Esra 1-6</i>, M&#252;nster, 1909.</i>
</P>



<pb n="xi"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
<p class="bibliography">
<small>F<small>RANCE:</small> R. P. Lecanuet, <i>L&#39;&#201;glise de France sous la troisi&#232;me republique. Pontificat de L&#233;Bon XIII</i>. (1878-1908), Paris, 1910.</small>
</p>
<p class="bibliography">
<small>G<small>ALILEE:</small> A. Resch, <i>Das Galil&#228;a bei Jerusalem. Eine biblische Studie</i>, Leipsic, 1910.</small>
</p>
<p class="bibliography">
<small>G<small>ALILEO:</small> E. Wohlwill, <i>Galilei und sein Kampf f&#252;r die copernicanische Lehre</i>, Hamburg, 1909</small>
</p>
<p class="bibliography">
<small>G<small>NOSTICISM:</small> W. Schultz, <i>Dokumente der Gnosis</i>, Jena, 1910.</small>
</p>
<p class="bibliography">
<small>G<small>OD:</small> J. A. Hall, <i>The Nature of God</i>, Philadelphia, 1910.</small>
</p>
<p class="bibliography">
<small>G<small>OSPEL</small>: F. C. Burkitt, <i>The Earliest Sources for the Life of Jesus</i>, Boston, 1910. 
<p class="bibliography">
F. K. Feigel, <i>Der Einschluss des Weissagungsbeweises und anderer Motive auf die Leidensgeschichte. Ein Beitrag zur Evengelienkritik</i>, T&#252;bingen, 1910. 
</p>
<p class="bibliography">
W. M. F. Petrie, <i>The Growth of the Gospels as shown by Scriptural Criticism </i>, London, 1910.</small>
</p>
<p class="bibliography">
<small>G<small>UNKEL</small>, H.: <i>Genesis</i>, 3d ed., G&#246;ttingen, 1910.</small>
</p>
<p class="bibliography">
<small>H<small>AGENBACH</small>, K. R.: <i>Ihr Briefwechsel aus den Jahren 1841 bis 1861</i>, Basel, 1910.</small>
</p>
<p class="bibliography">
<small>H<small>ALL</small>, T. C.: See above, E<small>THICS</small>.</small>
</p>
<P class="bibliography">
<small>H<small>ANNINGTON</small>, J.: C. D. Michael, <i>James Hannington, Bishop and Martyr</I>, London, 1910.</small>
</p>
<p class="bibliography">
<small>H<small>ARMONIES:</small> A. R. Whitham, <i>The Life of Our Blessed Lord. From the Revised Version of the Four Gospels. The Bible Text only.</i> London, 1910.</small>
</p>
<p class="bibliography">
<small>H<small>EBREWS:</small> F. Dibelius, <i>Der Verfasser des Hebr&#228;erbriefes. Eine Untersuchung zur Geschichte des Urchristentums</i>, Strasburg, 1910.</small>
</p>
<p class="bibliography">
<small>H<small>ELLENISM:</small> P. Hauser, <i>Les Grece et les s&#233;mites dans l&#39;histoire de l&#39;humanit&#233;</i>, Paris, 1910.</small>
</p>
<p class="bibliography">
<small>H<small>ELLENISTIC</small> G<small>REEK:</small> G. Milligan, <i>Selections from the Greek Papyri, ed. with Transl. and Notes</i>, London, 1910.</small>
</p>
<p class="bibliography">
<small>H<small>EXATEUCH:</small> See above, G<small>UNKEL.</small> G. Hoberg, <i>Die Genesis nach dem  Literalsinn erkl&#228;rt</i>, Freiburg, 1908.
</p>
<p class="bibliography"><i>Leviticus and Numbers. Introduction</i>; in the <i>Century Bible</i>, ed. A. R. S. Kennedy, London, 1910.</small>
</p>
<p class="bibliography">
<small>H<small>ITTITES:</small> J. Garatang, <i>The Land of the Hittites; an Account of the recent Explorations and Discoveries in Asia Minor; Introduction by A. H. Sayce</i>, New York, 1910.</small>
</p>
<p class="bibliography">
<small>H<small>OLLAND</small>, H. S.: <iI>Fibres of Faith, </i>London, 1910.</small>
</p>
<p class="bibliography">
<small>H<small>OLY</small> S<small>PIRIT:</small> R. A. Torrey, <i>The Person and Work of the Holy Spirit, </i>London, 1910.</small>
</p>
<p class="bibliography">
<small>H<small>USS</small>, J.: E. J. Kitts, <i>Pope John the Twenty-third, and Master John Hus of Bohemia</i>, London, 1910.</small>
</p>
<p class="bibliography">
<small>H<small>YMNOLOGY:</small> J. Duncan, <i>Popular Hymns, their Authors and Teaching</i>, London, 1910.</small>
</p>
<p class="bibliography">
<small>I<small>DEALISM:</small> E. W. Lyman, <i>Theology and Human Problems; a comparative Study of absolute Idealism and Pragmatism as interpreters of Religion</i>, New York, 1910.</small>
</p>
<p class="bibliography">
<small>I<small>MMORTALITY:</small> S. H. Mellone, <i>The Immortal Hope. Present Aspects of the Problem of Immortality</i>, London, 1910. J. Paterson Smyth, <i>The Gospel of the Hereafter</i>, New York and Chicago, 1910.</small>
</p>
<p>
<small>I<small>NDIANS OF</small> N<small>ORTH</small> A<small>MERICA:</small> <i>David Zeisberger&#39;s 
History of Northern American Indians</i>; ed, A. B. Hulbert and W. N. Schwarze, Columbus, 1910.</small>
</p>
<p class="bibliography">
<small>I<small>NSPIRATION</small>: W. J. Colville, <i>Ancient Mysteries and Modern Revelations</i>, New York, 1910.</small>
</p>
<p class="bibliography">
<small>I<small>NGRAM</small>, A. F. W.: <i>The Mysteries of God, </i>London, 1910.</small>
</p>
<p class="bibliography">
<small>I<small>SAIAH:</small> M. G. Glazebrook, <i>Studies in the Book of Isaiah</i>, London, 1910.
</p>
<p class="bibliography">
G. C. Morgan, <i>The Prophecy of Isaiah, 2 vols.,
</i>London, 1910.</small>
</p>
<p class="bibliography">
<small>I<small>SRAEL</small>, H<small>ISTORY OF:</small> A. Bertholet, <i>Das Ends des judischen Staatswesens, </i>T&#252;bingen, 1910.
</p>
<p class="bibliography">
I. Blum, <i>The Jews of Baltimore; an historical Summary of their Progress and Status as Citizens of Baltimore from early Days to the Year nineteen hundred and ten, </I>Baltimore, 1910.
</p>
<p class="bibliography">
L. Lucas, <i>Zur Geschichte der Juden im vierten Jahrhunderts, </i>Berlin, 1910.
</p>
<p class="bibliography">
S. Oppenheim, <i>The Early History of the Jews in New York, </i>1664-1664, New York, 1910.
</small>
</p>
<p class="bibliography">
<small>J<small>AINISM:</small> Manak Chand Jaini, <i>Life of Mahavira, </i>London, 1910.</small>
</p>
<p class="bibliography">
<small>J<small>EFFERSON</small>, C. E.: <i>The Building of the Church, </i>New York, 1910.</small>
</p>
<p class="bibliography">
<small>J<small>EROME:</small> <i>The First Part of the Epistles, </i>ed. I. Hilberg, in <i>CSEL</i>, vol. liv., Vienna, 1910.</small>
</p>
<p class="bibliography">
<small>J<small>ERUSALEM</small>, A<small>NGLICAN</small>-G<small>ERMAN</small> B<small>ISHOPRIC IN:</small> Add to the bibliography <i>The Jerusalem Bishopric: Documents, with Translations relating thereto, published by Command of H. Frederick William IV., of Prussia, </i>London, 1883.</small>
</p>
<p>
<small>J<small>ESUS</small> C<small>HRIST:</small> 
P. T. Forsyth, <i>The Work of Christ</i>, London, 1910.
</p>
<p class="bibliography">
F. X. Steinmeyer, <i>Die Geschichte der Geburt and Kindheit Christi and thr Verh&#228;ltnis zur babylonischen Mythe</i>, M&#252;nster, 1910.
</p>
<p class="bibliography">
J. Weiss, <i>Jesus von Nazareth Mythus oder Geschichte?</i> T&#252;bingen, 1910.
</small>
</p>
<p class="bibliography">
<small>J<small>OHN THE</small> A<small>POSTLE:</small> G. S. Barrett, <i>The First Epistle General of St. John. A Devotional Commentary</i>, London, 1910.
</p>
<p class="bibliography">
<i>Westminster New Testament. The Revelation and the Johannine Epistles. Introduction and Notes by Rev. A. Ramsay, </I>London, 1910.
</p>
<p class="bibliography">
M. Seisenberger, <i>Erkldrung des johannesevangeliums, </i>Regensburg, 1910.</small>
</p>
<p class="bibliography">
<small>J<small>OHN OF</small> E<small>PHESUS:</small> <i>Extracts from the Ecclesiastical History, ed. with grammatical, historical and geographical Notes by J. P. Margoliouth, </I>Leyden, 1910.</small>
</p>
<p class="bibliography">
<small>J<small>OHN</small> XXIII.: See Huss, JOHN, above.</small>
</p>
<p class="bibliography">
<small>K<small>EMPIS</small>, T<small>HOMAS A</small>: <i>Concordance to the Latin Original of the Four Books known as De imitatione Christi, Given to the World A.D. 1441 by Thomas &#224; Kempis. Comp. by R. Storr</i>, London, 1910.
</small>
</p>
<p class="bibliography">
<small>K<small>IERKEGAARD</small>, S. A.: R. Hoffmann, <i>Kierkegaard and die religiose Gewissheit, </i>G&#246;ttingen, 1910.</small>
</p>
<p class="bibliography">
<small>L<small>OCKE</small>, J.: E. Crous, <i>Die religions-philosophischen Lehren Lockes and ihre Stellung zu dem Deismus seiner Zeit, </i> Halle, 1910.</small>
</p>
<p class="bibliography">
<small>L<small>OISY</small>, A. F.: <i>The Religion of Israel, </i>London, 1910.</small>
</p>
<p class="bibliography">
<small>L<small>OISY</small>, M.: M. Lepin, <i>Les Th&#233;ories de M. Loisy</i>, Paris, 1908.</small>
</p>
<p class="bibliography">
<small>M<small>C</small>F<small>ADYEN</small>, J. E.: <i>The Way of Prayer, </i>Boston, 1910.</small>
</p>
<p class="bibliography">
<small>M<small>C</small>G<small>IFFERT</small>, A. C.: <i>History of Christian Thought from the Reformation to Kant,</i> London, 1910.</small>
</p>
<p class="bibliography">
<small>M<small>ANICHEANS:</small> 
<i>Chuastuanit, das Bussgebet der Manich&#228;er,</i> ed. with German Transl. W. Radloff, Leipsic, 1910.</small>
</p>
<p class="bibliography">
<small>M<small>ATHEWS</small>, S.: A History of New Testament Times in Palestine, 175 B -70 A.D., </I>2d ed., New Yrk, 1910.</small>
</p><pb n="xii"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
<p class="biblilography">
   <small>
      M<small>ETHODISTS:</small> 
         A. L&#233;ger, <i>L&#39;Angleterre religeuse et les origines du methodisme au xviii. slecle. La Jeunesse de Wesley</i>, Paris, 1910. W. Platt, <i>Methodism and the Republic; a View of the Home Field, present Conditions, Needs,
and Possibilities</i>, Philadelphia, 1910. W. J. Townsend, H. B. Workman, and G. Eayres, <i>A New History of Methodism</i>, 2 vols., London, 1909.
    </small>
</p>
<p class="bibliography">
   <small>
      M<small>IRACLES:</small> J. Wendland, <i>Der Wunderglaube im Christentum</i>, Gottingen, 1910.
   </small>
</p>
<p class="bibliography">
   <small>
      M<small>ISSIONS:</small> W. H. J. Gairdner, <i>Edinburgh, 1910. An Account and Interpretation of the World Missionary Conference</i>, London, 1910. H. C. Lees, <i>St. Paul and his Converts, a Series of Studies in Typical New Testament Mission</i>, London, 1910. J. J. MacDonald, <i>The Redeemer&#39;s Reign. Foreign Missions and the Second Advent</i>, ed. G. Smith, London, 1910. Winifred Heston, <i>A Blue Stocking in India</i>, London, 1910 (on medical missionary work). W. E. Strong, <i>The Story of the American Board; an Account of the first hundred Years of the
American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions</i>, Boston, 1910.
   </small>
</p>
<p class="bibliography">
   <small>M<small>ODERNISM:</small> 
      R. de Bary, <i>Franciscan Days of Vigil a Narrative of personal Views and Developments</i>, New York, 1910. D. Mercier (Cardinal), <i>Modernism</i>, London, 1910.
   </small>
</p>
<p class="bibliography">
   <small>M<small>OHAMMED</small>, M<small>OHAMMEDANISM:</small> 
      C. Field, <i>Mystics and Saints of Islam</i>, London, 1910. M. T. Houtsma and A. Schaade, <i>Enzyklop&#228;die
des Islam</i>, Leyden and Leipsic, 1910. <i>The Encyclopedia of Islam</i>, part v., London, 1910. <i>Zeitschrift f&#252;r Geschichte and Kultur des islamischen Orients</i>, ed. C. H. Becker, begun in Strasburg, 1910.
   </small>
</p>
<p class="bibliography">
   <small>M<small>ORGAN</small>, G. C.: <i>The Study and Teaching of the English Bible</i>, London, 1910.</small>
</p>
<p class="biblilography">
   <small>M<small>ORMONS:</small> S. W. Traum, <i>Mormonism against itself</i>, Cincinnati, 1910.</small>
</p>
<p class="bibliography">
   <small>M<small>OULTON</small>, W. F. and Whitley, <i>W. T.: Studies in Modern Christendom-A Series of Lectures Delivered in Connexion with the Liverpool Board of Biblical Studies, Lent term, 1909</i>, London, 1910.</small>
</p>
<p class="bibliography">
   <small>M<small>YSTICISM:</small> E. Lehmann, <i>Mysticism in Heathendom and Christendom</i>, London, 1910. <i>The Call of Self-knowledge: seven early English mystical Treatises printed by H. Pepwell in 1521; ed. with an Introd. and Notes by E. G. Gardner</i>, New York, 1910. A. Poulain, <i>Die F&#252;lle der Gnaden. Ein Handbuch der Mystik</i>, 2 parts, Freiburg, 1910.
   </small>
</p>
<p class="bibliography">
   <small>M<small>YTHOLOGY:</small> P. Ehrenreich, <i>Die allgemeine Mythologie and ihre ethnologischen Grundlagen</i>, Leipsic, 1910. J. E. Hanauer, <i>Folk-lore of the Holy Land, Moslem, Christian, and Jewish</i>, ed. M. Pickthall, London, 1910.
   </small>
</p>
<p class="bibliography">
   <small>N<small>AVILLE</small>, E.: See E<small>GYPTIAN</small> E<small>XPLORATION</small> F<small>UND.</small></small>
</p>
<p class="bibliography">
   <small>N<small>EOPLATONISM:</small> K. S. Guthrie, <i>The Philosophy of Plotinus; his Life, Times, and Philosophy</i> (bound with this: <i>Selections from Plotinus&#39; Enneads</i>), Philadelphia, 1910.
   </small>
</p>
<p class="bibliography">
   <small>N<small>ESTORIANS:</small> <i>Histoire Nestorienne (Chronique de Seert)</i>. Part I. <i>Texte Arabe, ed. Addai Scher, traduit par P. Dib</i>, Paris, 1910.
   </small>
</p>
<p class="bibliography">
   <small>N<small>ESTORIUS:</small> L. Fendt, <i>Die Christologie des Nestorius</i>, Kempten, 1910.</small>
</p>
<p class="bibliography">
   <small>N<small>EW</small> T<small>HOUGHT:</small> Ella Wheeler W ilcox, <i>New Thought Common Sense and What Life Means to Me</i>, London, 1910.
   </small>
</p>
<p class="bibliography">
   <small>N<small>ICHOLAS I.:</small> A. Greinacher, <i>Die Anschauungen des Papstes Nikolaus I. &#252;ber das Verhdltnis von Staat and Kirche</i>, Berlin, 1909.</small>
</p>
<p class="bibliography">
   <small>N<small>IETZSCHE</small>, F.: H. Belart, <i>Friedrich Nietzsches Leben</i>, Berlin, 1910. J. M. Kennedy, <i>The Quintessence of Nietzsche</i>, New York, 1910. A. M. Ludovici, <i>Nietzsche: his Life and Works</i>, London, 1910.</small>
</p>
<p class="bibliography">
   <small>P<small>APYRUS AND</small> P<small>APYRI:</small> G. A. Deissmann, <i>Light from the Ancient East: the New Testament and the new and recently discovered Manuscripts of the Grceco-Roman World</i>, New York, 1910.</small>
</p>
<p class="bibliography">
   <small>P<small>ASSOVER:</small> C. Howard, <i>The Passover: an Interpretation</i>, New York, 1910.</small>
</p>
<p class="bibliography">
   <small>P<small>ASTORAL</small> T<small>HEOLOGY:</small> C. Durand Pallot, <i>La Cure dame moderne et ses bases religieuses et scientifiques</i>, Paris, 1910.</small>
</P>
<p class="bibliography">
   <small>P<small>ATON</small>, L. B.: See above, B<small>IBLICAL</small> T<small>HEOLOGY.</small></small>
</p>
<p class="bibliography">
  <small>P<small>AUL THE</small> A<small>POSTLE:</small> H. Lietzmann, <i>Die Briefe des Apostels Paulus. I., Die vier Hauptbriefe</i>, T&#252;bingen, 1910. J. Strachan, <i>The Captivity and Pastoral Epistles</i>, New York and Chicago, 1910. A. L. Williams, <i>Epistle to the Galatians</i>, London, 1910. H. L. Yorke, <i>The Law of the Spirit. Studies in the Epistle to the Philippians</i>, London, 1910.</small>
</p>
<p class="bibliography">
   <small>P<small>HILO:</small> L. Cohn, <I>Die Werke Philos von Alexandria in deutscher Uebersetzung</i>, Breslau, 1909.</small>
</p>
<p class="bibliography">
   <small>P<small>OLITY:</small> A. J. McLean, <I>The Ancient Church Orders</i>, London, 1910.</small>
</p>
<p class="bibliography">
   <small>P<small>RAGMATISM:</small> See above, I<small>DEALISM.</small></small>
</p>
<p class="bibliography">
   <small>P<small>SEUDEPIGRAPHA:</small> W. N. Steams, ed., <i>Fragments from Grceco-Jewish Writers</i>, Chicago, 1908. E. Fisserant, <i>Ascension d&#39;Isaie</i>, Paris, 1909. L. Gry, <i>Les Parabolas d&#39;H&#233;noch et leur Messianisme</i>, Paris, 1910.</small>
</p>
<p class="bibliography">
   <small>R<small>ESCH:</small> See above, Galilee.</small>
</p>
<hr>
<h2>BIOGRAPHICAL ADDENDA</h2>
<p><small>C<small>HOISY</small>, J. E.: Became professor of church history in the University of Geneva, 1910.</small></p>
<p><small>D<small>OWDEN</small>, J.: d. at Edinburgh Jan. 30, 1910.</small></p>
<p><small>E<small>DDY</small>, M. B. G.: d. at Newton, Mass., Dec. 3, 1910.</small></p>
<p><small>F<small>AULHABER</small>, M.: Made bishop of Speyer, 1910.</small></p>
<p><small>F<small>LINT</small>, R.: d. at Edinburgh Nov. 25, 1910.</small></p>
<p><small>F<small>RIEDBERG</small>, E.: d. at Leipsic Sept. 7, 1910</small></p>
<p><small>G<small>IEBEBRECHT</small>, F.: d. at Stettin Aug. 21, 1910.</small></p>
<p><small>H<small>OENNICKE</small>, G.: Became extraordinary professor of the New Testament at Breslau, 1910.</small></p>
<p><small>H<small>OYT</small>, W.: d. at Salem, Mass., Sept. 27, 1910.</small></p>
<p><small>I<small>NCE</small>, W.: d. at Oxford Nov. 13, 1910.</small></p>
<p><small>J<small>UNCBER</small>, A.: Became professor of the New Testament in K&#246;nigsberg, 1910.</small></p>
<p><small>M<small>ACLAGAN</small>, W. D.: d. at London Sept. 19, 1910. </small> </p>



<pb n="xiii"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
<h2>ADDENDA ET CORRIGENDA</h2>
<small>
<p>
Vol i., p. 26 col. 2: Insert "Acre. See P<small>HENICIA</small>, Vol. I.,&#167; 1 
</p>
<p>
Vol i. p. 413, col. 1: Insert " B<small>ACCHUS:</small> Martyr of the fourth century. See S<small>ERGIUS AND</small> B<small>ACCHUS</small>."
</p>
<p>
Vol. ii., p. 31, col. 1: Insert " B<small>EIRUT</small> See P<small>HENICIA</small>,  I., &#167; 6."
</p>
<p>
Vol. ii., p. 256, col. 2, line 21: Read "Beach" for "Reach."
</p>
<p>
Vol. iii., p. 58, col. 2, line 19: Read "Paine" for "Payne. "
</p>
<p>
Vol. iii., p. 279, col. 1: Insert " C<small>OUDRIN</small>, P<small>IERRE</small> M<small>ARIE</small> J<small>OSEPH</small>. See P<small>ICPUS</small>, C<small>ONGREGATION OF</small>."
</p>
<p>
Vol. iv., p. 46, col. 2, line 11 from bottom: Read "Polycrates of Ephesus" for "Polycarp of Smyrna" (important).
</p>
<p>
Vol. iv., p. 192, col. 2, line 20: Read "ideals" for "idols."
</p>
<p>
Vol. v., p. 136, col. 2, line 28: Read "prologue" for "epilogue."
</p>
<p>
Vol. v., p. 186, col. 2, line 10 from bottom: Read "next" for "text."
</p>
<p>
Vol. v., p. 235, col. 2, line 14 from bottom: Read lxxi. for " lxvii.", and line 13 from bottom, read" lxxii.," for " 1xvii.&#39;.
</p>
<p>
Vol. v., p 322, col. 2, line 23: Read "Hansen" for "Hausen."
</p>
<p>
Vol. v., p. 336, col. 2: Insert "H<small>OLYOAKE</small>, G<small>EORGE</small> J<small>AMES</small>. See S<small>ECULARISM</small>."
</p>
<p>
Vol. v., p. 412, col. 2, line 11: Read "i." for "xi."
</p>
<p>
Vol. viii., p. 85, col. 2, line 17 from bottom: Read "Thomson" for "Thomas."
</p>
<p>
Vol. viii., p. 151, col. 2, line 21: Read "at St. Johns, was erected into a diocese in 1847, and into an archdiocese and metropolitan see in 1904."
</p>
<p>
Vol. viii., p. 231, col. 2, line 9: Omit "Canadian."
</p>
<p>
Vol. viii., p. 272, col. 2, line 3: Read "new" for "later."
</p>
<p>
Vol. viii., p. 300, col. 2, line 6 from bottom: Read "Ricker " for " Rieker."
</p>
<p>
Vol. viii., p. 358, col. 1, line 13 from bottom: Read "<i>Clerum</i>" for "<i>larum.</i>"
</p>
<p>
Vol. viii., p. 393, col. 1, line 3 from bottom: Read "81" for "72 "; bottom line, read "Stuart" for "Stewart"; col. 2, line 2, read
"1884" for "1881."
</p>
<p>
Vol. viii., p. 426, col. 2, line 23 from bottom: Remove " the distinguished lexicographer."
</p>
<p>
Vol. viii., p. 466, col. 1, lines 4-6: Omit all after
" 1879 sqq.)."
</p>
<p>
Vol. viii., p. 489, col. 2, line 17 from bottom: Remove &#8224; from signature.
</p>
</small>


<pb n="xiv" corrected="N" proofread="N" thmlized="N" />
[<a href="/php/disp.php3?a=schaff&b=encyc09&p=xiv&v=thml">Page xiv</a>]<p>

<pb n="xv"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" /><h2>
	LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS 
</h2>
<p>
	Abbreviations in common use or self-evident are not included here. For additional information concerning the works listed, see vol. i., pp. viii.&#8211;xx., and the appropriate articles in the body of the work. 
</p>
<small>
	<dl>
		<dt>
			ADB 
		</dt>
		<dd>
			<i>
				Allgemeine deutschre Biographie</i>, Leipsic, 1875 sqq. vol. 53 1907 
		</dd>
		<dt>
			Adv 
		</dt>
		<dd>
			<i>
				adversus</i>, &#8220;against&#8221; 
		</dd>
		<dt>
			AJP 
		</dt>
		<dd>
			<i>
				American Jouranal of Philology</i>, Baltimore, 1880 sqq. 
		</dd>
		<dt>
			AJT 
		</dt>
		<dd>
			<i>
				American Journal of Theology</i>, Chicago 1897 sqq. 
		</dd>
		<dt>
			AKR 
		</dt>
		<dd>
			<i>
				Archiv f&#252;r katholisches Kirchenrecht</i>, Innsbruck, 1867&#8211;81, Mains, 1872 sqq. 
		</dd>
		<dt>
			ALKG 
		</dt>
		<dd>
			<i>
				Archiv f&#252;r Litteratur- and Kitrchengeschichte des Mittelalters</i>, Freiburg, 1885 sqq&#183; 
		</dd>
		<dt>
			Am 
		</dt>
		<dd>
			American 
		</dd>
		<dt>
			AMA 
		</dt>
		<dd>
			<i>
				Abhandlungen der M&#252;nchener Akademie</i>, Munich, 1788 sqq. 
		</dd>
		<dt>
			ANF 
		</dt>
		<dd>
			<i>
				Ante-Nicene Fathers</i>, American edition by A. Cleveland Coxe, 8 vols. and index, Buffalo, 1887: vol. ix., ed. Allan Mensies, New York, 1897 
		</dd>
		<dt>
			Apoc 
		</dt>
		<dd>
			Apocrypha, apocryphal 
		</dd>
		<dt>
			Apol 
		</dt>
		<dd>
			<i>
				Apolgia, Apology 
			</i>
		<dd>
		<dt>
			Arab 
		</dt>
		<dd>
				Arabic 
		</dd>
		<dt>
			Aram 
		</dt>
		<dd>
				Aramaic 
		</dd>
		<dt>
			art. 
		</dt>
		<dd>
				article 
		</dd>
		<dt>
		                 Art. Schmal 
		</dt>
		<dd>
				Schhmalkald Articles 
		</dd>
		<dt>
			ASB 
		</dt>
		<dd>
			<i>
				Acta sanctorum</i>, ed. J. Bolland and others. Antwerp 1643 sqq. 
		<dt>
			ASM 
		</dt>
		<dd>
			<i>
				Acta sanctarum ordinis S. Benedicti</i>, ad. J, Mabillon, 9 vols., Paris, 1668&#8211;1701 
		</dd>
		<dt>
			A. T. 
		</dt>
		<dd>
			<i>
				AItes Testament</i>, &#8220;Old Testament&#8221; 
		</dd>
		<dt>
			Augs. Con. 
		</dt>
		<dd>
				Augsburg Confession 
		</dd>
		<dt>
			A. V. 
		</dt>
		<dd>
				Authorized Version (of the English Bible) 
		</dd>
		<dt>
		               Baldwin, 
				<i>
					Dictionary 
				</i>
		</dt>
		<dd>
				J. M. Baldwin, 
						<i>
							Dictionary of Philosophy and Psychology</i>, 3 vols in 4, New York, 1901&#8211;05 
		</dd>
		<dt>
		              Bardenhewer, 
				<i>
			                	Geschichte 
				</i>
		</dt>
		<dd>
					O. Bardenhewer, 
						<i>
							Geachichte der altkirchlichen Litteratur</i>, 2 vols., Freiburg, 1902 
		</dd>
		<dt>
			Bardenhewer, 
				<i>
					Patrologie 
				</i>
		</dt>
		<dd>
					O. Bardenhewer, 
						<i>
							Patrologie</i>, 2nd ed., Freiburg 1901 
		</dd>
		<dt>
		Bayle, 
				<i>
					Dictionary 
				</i>
		</dt>
		<dd>
					<i>
						The Dictionary Historical and Critical of Mr. Peter Bayle</i>, 2d ed., 5 vols., London, 1734&#8211;38 
		</dd>
		<dt>
			Bensinger, 
				<i>
				Arch&#228;ologie 
				</i>
		</dt>
		<dd>
					Bensinger, 
						<i>
							Hebraische Arch&#228;ologie</i>, 2d ed. Freiberg, 1907 
		</dd>
		<dt>
						Bingham, 
						<i>
							Origines 
						</i>
					</dt>
					<dd>
						J. Bingham, 
						<i>
							Origines ecclesiastic&#230; 
						</i>
						10 vols., London, 1708&#8211;22; new ed. Oxford 1855 
					</dd>
					<dt>
						Bouquet, Recueil 
					</dt>
					<dd>
						M. Bouquet, 
						<i>
							Recueil des historiens des Gaules et de la France</i>, continued by various hands, 23 vols., Paris, 1738&#8211;76 
					</dd>
					<dt>
						Bower, 
						<i>
							Popes 
						</i>
					</dt>
					<dd>
						Archibald Bower, 
						<i>
							History of the Popes. . to 1768, continued by S. H. Cox</i>, 3 vols., Philadelphia. 1845&#8211;47 
					</dd>
					<dt>
						BQR 
					</dt>
					<dd>
						<i>
							Baptist Quarterly Review</i>, Philadelphia, 1867 sqq. 
					</dd>
					<dt>
						BRQ 
					</dt>
					<dd>
						See Jaff&#233; 
					</dd>
					<dt>
						Cant. 
					</dt>
					<dd>
						Canticles, Song of Solomon 
					</dd>
					<dt>
						<i>
							cap. 
						</i>
					</dt>
					<dd>
						<i>
							caput</i>, &#8220;chapter&#8221; 
					</dd>
					<dt>
						Ceillier. 
						<i>
							Auteurs sacr&#233;s 
						</i>
					</dt>
					<dd>
						R Ceillier. 
						<i>
							Histoire des auteurs sacr&#233;s et eccl&#233;sastiques 16 vols, in 17, Paris, 1858&#8211;69 
						</i>
					</dd>
					<dt>
						<i>
							Chron 
						</i>
					</dt>
					<dd>
						<i>
							Chronicon</i>, &#8220;Chronicle&#8221; 
					</dd>
					<dt>
						I Chron. 
					</dt>
					<dd>
						I Chronicles 
					</dd>
					<dt>
						II Chron. 
					</dt>
					<dd>
						II Chronicles 
					</dd>
					<dt>
						CIG 
					</dt>
					<dd>
						<i>
							Corpus inscriptionum Gr&#230;corum</i>, Berlin, 1825 sqq. 
					</dd>
					<dt>
						CIL 
					</dt>
					<dd>
						<i>
							Corpus inscriptionum Latinarum</i>, Berlin, 1863 sqq. 
					</dd>
					<dt>
						CIS 
					</dt>						<dd>
							<i>
								Corpus inscriptionum Semiticarum</i>, Paris, 1881 sqq. 
						</dd>
						<dt>
							cod 
						</dt>
						<dd>
							codex 
						</dd>
						<dt>
							cod. Theod. 
						</dt>
						<dd><i>codex Theodosianus 
						</i>
					</dd>
					<dt>
						Col 
					</dt>
					<dd>
						Epistle to the Colossians 
					</dd>
					<dt>
						col., cols 
					</dt>
					<dd>
						column, columns 
					</dd>
					<dt>
						<i>
							Conf 
						</i>
					</dt>
					<dd>
						<i>
							Confessiones</i>, &#8220;Confessions&#8221; 
					</dd>
					<dt>
						I Cor 
					</dt>
					<dd>
						First Epistle to the Corinthians 
					</dd>
					<dt>
						II Cor 
					</dt>
					<dd>
						Second Epistle to the Corinthians 
					</dd>
					<dt>
						COT 
					</dt>
					<dd>
						See Schrader 
					</dd>
					<dt>
						CQR 
					</dt>
					<dd>
						<i>
							The Church Quarterly Review</i>, London, 1875 sqq. 
					</dd>
					<dt>
						CR 
					</dt>
					<dd>
						<i>
							Corpus reformatorum</i>, begun at Halle. vol. lxxxix, Berlin and Leipsic, 1905 sqq.</dd>
<dt>Creighton, <i>Papacy</i></dt>
<dd>M. Creighton, <i>A history of the Papacy from the Great Schism to the Sack of Rome</i>, new ed., 8 vols New York and London, 1897</dd>
<dt>CSCO</dt>
<dd><i>Corpus scriptorum Christianorum orientalium</i>, ed. J. B. Chabot, I. Guidi, and others, Paris and Leipsic, 1903 sqq.</dd>
<dt>CSEL</dt>
<dd><i>Corpus scriptorum ecclesiasticorum Latinorum</i>, Vienna, 1887 sqq.</dd>
<dt>CSHB</dt>
<dd><i>Corpus scriptorum hisfori&#230; Bysantin&#230;</i>, 49 vols. Bonn, 1828&#8211;78</dd>
<dt>Carrier, <i>Religious Orders</i></dt>
<dd>C. W. Currier, <i>History of Religious Orders</i>, New York, 1898</dd>
<dt>D</dt>
<dd>Deteronomist</dd>
<dt>Dan</dt>
<dd>Daniel</dd>
<dt>DB</dt>
<dd> J. Hastings, <i>Dictionary the Bible</i>, 4 vols. and extra vol Edinburgh and New York, 1898&#8211;1904</dd>
<dt>DCA</dt>
<dd>W. Smith and S. Cheatham, <i>Dictionary of Chriatian Antiquities</i>, 2 vols., London, 1875-80</dd>
<dt>DCB</dt>
<dd>W. Smith and H. Wace, <i>Dictionary of Christian Biography</i>, 4 vols., Boston, 1877&#8211;87</dd>	 
<dt>DCO</dt>
<dd>J. Hastings, J. A. Selbie, and J. C. Lambert, <i>A Dictionary of Christ and the Gospels</i>, 2 vols., Edinburgh and New York, 1908 1908</dd>
<dt>Deut</dt>
<dd>Deuteronomy</dd>
<dt>De vir. ill</dt>
<dd><i>De viris illustribus</i></dd>
<dt>DNB</dt>
<dd>See Wattenbach</dd> 
<dt>DNB</dt>
<dd>L. Stephen and S. Lee, <i>Dictionary National Biography</i>, 83 vols. and supplement 3 vols., London 1885&#8211;1901</dd>
<dt>Driver, <i>Introduction</i>
</dt><dd>S. R.. Driver, <i>Introduction to the Literature of the Old Testament</i>, 10th ed., New York, 1910</dd>
<dt>E</dt>
<dd>Elohist</dd>
<dt>EB</dt>
<dd>T. K. Cheyne and J. S. Black. <i>Encyclop&#230; Biblica</i>, 4 vols., London and New York, 1903</dd>
<dt>Eccl</dt>
<dd><i>ecclesia</i>, "Church"; <i>ecclesiasticus</i>, eclesiaetical&#8221; </dd>
						<dt>
							Eccles</dt> 
							<dd>
								Ecclesiastes 
							</dd>
							<dt>
								Ecclus 
							</dt>
							<dd>
								<i>
									Ecccleisasticus 
								</i>
							</dd>
							<dt>
								ed 
							</dt>
							<dd>
								edition; 
								<i>
									edidit</i>, &#8220;edited by&#8221; 
							</dd>
							<dt>
								Eph 
							</dt>
							<dd>
								Epistle to the Ephesians 
							</dd>
							<dt>
								<i>
									Epist 
								</i>
							</dt>
							<dd>
								<i>
									Epistola, Epistol&#230;</i>, &#8220;Epistle,&#8221; &#8220;Epistles&#8221; 
							</dd>
							<dt>
								Ersch and Gruber, 
								<i>
									Encyklop&#228;die 
								</i>
							</dt>
							<dd>
								J. B. Ersch and J G. Gruber. 
								<i>
									Allgemeine Encyklop&#228;die der Wissenachaften und K&#252;ste</i>, Leipsic, 1818 
							</dd>
							<dt>
								E. V. 
							</dt>
							<dd>
								English versions (of the Bible) 
							</dd>
							<dt>
								Ex 
							</dt>
							<dd>
								Exodus 
							</dd>
							<dt>
								Ezek 
							</dt>
							<dd>
								Ezekiel 
							</dd>
							<dt>
								fasc 
							</dt>
							<dd>
								<i>
									fasciculus 
								</i>
							</dd>
							<dt>
								Fr 
							</dt>
							<dd>
								French 
							</dd>
							<dt>
								Friedrich, 
								<i>
									KD 
								</i>
							</dt>
							<dd>
								J. Friedrich, 
								<i>
									Kirchengeschichte Deutechlands</i>, 2 vols. Bamberg, 1867&#8211;69 
							</dd>
							<dt>
								Gal 
							</dt>
							<dd>
								Epistle to the Galatians 
							</dd>
							<dt>
								Gams, 
								<i>
									Series episcoporum 
								</i>
							</dt>
							<dd>
								P. B. Gams, 
								<i>
									Series episcoporum eclesi&#230; Catholic&#230;</i>, Regensburg, 1873, and supplement, 1886 
							</dd>
							<dt>
								Gee and Hardy, 
								<i>
									Documents 
								</i>
							</dt>
							<dd>
								H. Gee and W. J. Hardy, 
								<i>
									Documents Illustrative of English Church History</i>, London, 1898 
							</dd>
							<dt>
								Germ 
							</dt>
							<dd>
								German 
							</dd>
							<dt>
								GGA 
							</dt>
							<dd>
								<i>
									G&#246;ttingische Gelehrte Anssigen</i>, G&#246;ttingen, 1824 sqq. 
							</dd>
							<dt>
								Gibbon, 
								<i>
									Decline and Fall 
								</i>
							</dt>
							<dd>
								E. Gibbon, 
								<i>
									History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire</i>, ed. J. B. Bury, 7 vols.. London 1898&#8211;1900 
							</dd>
							<dt>
								Gk 
							</dt>
							<dd>
								Greek 
							</dd>
							<dt>
								C. Gross, 
								<i>
									Sources 
								</i>
								<dt>
									<dd>
										The Sources and Literature of English History . . . to 1485. London, 1900 
									</dd>
									<dt>
										Hab. 
									</dt>
									<dd>
										Habakkuk 
									</dd>
									<dt>
										Haddan and Stubbs, 
										<i>
											Councils 
										</i>
									</dt>
									<dd>
										A. W. Haddosn and W. Stubbs, 
										<i>
											Councils and Ecclesiastical Documents Relating to Great Britain and Ireland</i>, 8 vols., Oxford, 1869&#8211;78 
									</dd>
<pb n="xvi"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
<small>
	<dt>
		H&#230;r 
	</dt>
<dd>
	Refers to patristic works on heresies or heretics, Tertullian&#8217;s 
	<i>
		De pr&#230;scriptione</i>, the 
	<i>
		Pros haireseis 
	</i>
	of Iren&#230;us, the <i>Panarion</i> 
	</i>
	of Epiphanius, etc. 
</dd>
<dt>
Hag. 
</dt>
<dd>
Haggai 
</dd>
<dt>
Harduin, 
<i>
	Concilia</i>
</dt>
<dd>
J. Harduin, 
<i>
	Conciliorum collectio regia maxima</i>, 12 vols., Paris, 1715 
</dd>
<dt>
Harnack, 
<i>
	Dogma</i>
</dt>
<dd>
A. Harnack, 
<i>
	History of Dogma&#8230;from the 3d German edition</i>, 7 vols., Boston, 1895&#8211;1900 
</dd>
<dt>
Harnack, 
<i>
	Litteratur</i>
</dt>
<dd>
A. Harnack, 
<i>
	Geschichte der altchrisctlichen Litteratur bis Eusebius</i>, 2 vols. in 3, Leipsic, 1893&#8211;1904 
</dd>
<dt>
Hauck, 
<i>
	KD</i>
</dt>
<dd>
A. Hauck, 
<i>
	Kirchengeschichte Deutschlands</i>, vol. i., Leipsic, 1904; vol. ii., 1900; vol. iii., 1906; vol. iv., 1903 
</dd>
<dt>
Hauck-Herzog, 
<i>
	RE</i>
</dt>
<dd>
<i>
	Realenclyclop&#228;die f&#252;r protestantische Theologie und Kirche</i>, founded by J. J. Herzog, 3d ed. by A. Hauck, Leipsic, 1896&#8211;1909 
</dd>
<dt>
Heb. 
</dt>
<dd>
Epistle to the Hebrews 
</dd>
<dt>
Hebr.
</dt>
<dd>
Hebrew 
</dd>
<dt>
Hefele, 
<i>
	Conciliengeschichte</i>
</dt>
<dd>
C. J. von Hefele, 
<i>
	Conciliengeschichte</i>, continued by J. Hergenr&#246;ther, vols. i.&#8211;vi., viii.&#8211;ix., Freiburg, 1883&#8211;93 
</dd>
<dt>
Heimbucher, 
<i>
	Orden und Kongregationen</i>
</dt>
<dd>
M. Heimbucher, 
<i>
	Die Orden und Kongregationen der katholischen Kirche</i>, 2d ed. 3 vols., Paderborn, 1907 
</dd>
<dt>
Helyot, 
<i>
	Ordres monastiques</i>
</dt>
<dd>
P. Helyot, 
<i>
	Histoire des ordres monastiques, religeux et militaires</i>, 8 vols., Paris, 1714&#8211;19, new ed., 1839&#8211;42 
</dd>
<dt>
Henderson, 
<i>
	Documents</i>
</dt>
<dd>
E. F. Henderson, 
<i>
	Select Historical Documents of the Middle Ages</i>, London, 1892 
</dd>
<dt>
Hist. 
</dt>
<dd>
History, 
<i>
	histoire</i>, 
<i>
	historia</i>
</dd>
<dt>
<i>
	Hist. eccl.</i>
</dt>
<dd>
<i>
	Historia ecclesiastica</i>, 
<i>
	ecclesi&#230;</i>, &#8220;Church History&#8221; 
</dd>
<dt>
<i>Hom.</i> 
</dt>
<dd>
<i>
	Homilia</i>, 
<i>
	homiliai</i>, &#8220;homily, homilies&#8221; 
</dd>
<dt>
Hos. 
</dt>
<dd>
Hosea 
</dd>
<dt>
Isa. 
</dt>
<dd>
Isaiah 
</dd>
<dt>
Ital. 
</dt>
<dd>
Italian 
</dd>
<dt>
J 
</dt>
<dd>
Jahvist (Yahwist) 
</dd>
<dt>
<i>
	JA</i>
</dt>
<dd>
<i>
	Journal Asiatique</i>, Paris, 1822 sqq. 
</dd>
<dt>
Jacobus, 
<i>
	Dictionary</i>
</dt>
<dd>
<i>
	A Standard Bible Dictionary</i>, ed. M. W Jacobus,&#8230;E. E. Nourse,&#8230;and A. C. Zenos, New York and London, 1909 
</dd>
<dt>
Jaff&#233;, 
<i>
	BRG</i>
</dt>
<dd>
P. Jaff&#233;, 
<i>
	Bibliotheca rerum Germanicarum</i>, 6 vols., Berlin, 1864&#8211;73 
</dd>
<dt>
Jaff&#233;, 
<i>
	Regesta</i>
</dt>
<dd>
P. Jaff&#233;, 
<i>
	Regesta pontificum Romanorum&#8230;ad annum 1198</i>, Berlin, 1851; 2d ed., Leipsic, 1881&#8211;88 
</dd>
<dt>
<i>
	JAOS</i>
</dt>
<dd>
<i>
	Journal of the American Oriental Society</i>, New Haven, 1849 sqq. 
</dd>
<dt>
<i>
	JBL</i>
</dt>
<dd>
<i>
	Journal of Biblical Literature and Exegesis</i>, first appeared as 
<i>
	Journal of the Society of Biblical Literature and Exegesis</i>, Middletown, 1882&#8211;88, then Boston, 1890 sqq. 
</dd>
<dt>
<i>
	JE</i>
</dt>
<dd>
<i>
	The Jewish Encyclopedia</i>, 12 vols., New York, 1901&#8211;06 
</dd>
<dt>
JE 
</dt>
<dd>
The combined narrative of the Jahvist (Yahwist) and Elohist 
</dd>
<dt>
Jer. 
</dt>
<dd>
Jeremiah 
</dd>
<dt>
Josephus, 
<i>
	Ant</i>
</dt>
<dd>
Flavius Josephus, &#8220;Antiquities of the Jews&#8221; 
</dd>
<dt>
Josephus, 
<i>
	Apion</i>
</dt>
<dd>
Flavius Josephus, &#8220;Against Apion&#8221; 
</dd>
<dt>
Josephus, 
<i>
	Life</i>
</dt>
<dd>

	Life of Flavius Josephus 

</dd>
<dt>
Josephus, 
<i>
	War</i>
</dt>
<dd>
Flavius Josephus, &#8220;The Jewish War&#8221; 
</dd>
<dt>
Josh.
</dt>
<dd>
Joshua 
</dd>
<dt>
<i>
	JPT</i>
</dt>
<dd>
<i>
	Jahrb&#252;cher f&#252;r protestantische Theologie</i>, Liepsic, 1875 sqq. 
</dd>
<dt>
<i>
	JQR</i>
</dt>
<dd>
<i>
	The Jewish Quarterly Review</i>, London, 1888 sqq. 
</dd>
<dt>
<i>
	JRAS</i>
</dt>
<dd>
<i>
	Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society</i>, London, 1834 sqq. 
</dd>
<dt>
<i>
	JTS</i>
</dt>
<dd>
<i>
	Journal of Theological Studies</i>, London, 1899 sqq. 
</dd>
<dt>
Julian, 
<i>
	Hymnology</i>
</dt>
<dd>
J. Julian, 
<i>
	A Dictionary of Hymnology</i>, revised edition, London, 1907 
</dd>
<dt>
<i>
	KAT</i>
</dt>
<dd>
See Schrader 
</dd>
<dt>
<i>
	KB</i>
</dt>
<dd>
See Schrader 
</dd>
<dt>
<i>
	KD</i>
</dt>
<dd>
See Friedrich, Hauck, Rettberg 
</dd>
<dt>
<i>
	KL</i>
</dt>
<dd>
<i>
	Wetzer und Welte&#8217;s Kirchenlexikon</i>, 2d ed., by J. Hergenr&#246;ther and F. Kaulen, 12 vols., Freiburg, 1882&#8211;1903 
</dd>
<dt>
Kr&#252;ger, 
<i>
	History</i>
</dt>
<dd>
G. Kr&#252;ger, 
<i>
	History of Early Christian Literature in the First Three Centuries</i>, New York, 1897 
</dd>
<dt>
Krumbacher, 
<i>
	Geschichte</i>
</dt>
<dd>
K. Krumbacher, 
<i>
	Geschichte der byzantinischen Litteratur</i>, 2d ed., Munich, 1897 
</dd>
<dt>
Labbe, 
<i>
	Concilia</i>
</dt>
<dd>
P. Labbe, 
<i>
	Sacrorum conciliorum nova et amplissima collectio</i>, 31 vols., Florence and Venice, 1759&#8211;98 
</dd>
<dt>
Lam. 
</dt>
<dd>
Lamentations 
</dd>
<dt>
Lanigan, 
<i>
	Eccl. Hist.</i>
</dt>
<dd>
J. Lanigan, 
<i>
	Ecclesiastical History of Ireland to the 13 Century</i>, 4 vols., Dublin, 1829 
</dd>
<dt>
Lat. 
</dt>
<dd>
Latin, Latinized 
</dd>
<dt>
<i>
	Leg</i>
</dt>
<dd>
<i>
	Leges, Legum</i>
</dd>
<dt>
Lev. 
</dt>
<dd>
Leviticus 
</dd>
<dt>
Lichtenberger, 
<i>
	ESR</i>
</dt>
<dd>
F. Lichtenberger, 
<i>
	Encyclop&#233;die des sciences religieuses</i>,
13 vols., Paris, 1877&#8211;1882 
</dd>
<dt>
Lorenz, <i>DGQ</i> 
</dt>
<dd>
O. Lorenz, 
<i>
	Deutschlands Geschichtequellen im Mittelalter</i>, 3d ed., Berlin 1887 
</dd>
<dt>
LXX 
</dt>
<dd>
The Septuagint 
</dd>
<dt>
I Macc. 
</dt>
<dd>
I Maccabees 
</dd>
<dt>
II Macc. 
</dt>
<dd>
II Maccabees 
</dd>
<dt>
Mai, 
<i>
	Nova collectio</i>
</dt>
<dd>
A. Mai, 
<i>
	Scriptorum veterum nove collectio</i>, 10 vols., Rome, 1825&#8211;38 
</dd>
<dt>
Mal. 
</dt>
<dd>
Malachi 
</dd>
<dt>
Mann, 
<i>
	Popes</i>
</dt>
<dd>
R. C. Mann, 
<i>
	Lives of the Popes in the Early Middle Ages</i>, London, 1902 sqq. 
</dd>
<dt>
Mansi, 
<i>
	Concilia</i>
</dt>
<dd>
G. D. Mansi, 
<i>
	Sanctorum conciliorum collectio nova</i>, 31 vols., Florence and Venice, 1728 
</dd>
<dt>
Matt. 
</dt>
<dd>
Matthew 
</dd>
<dt>
<i>
	MGH</i>
</dt>
<dd>
<i>
	Monumenta Germani&#230; historica</i>, ed. G. H. Pertz and others, Hanover and Berlin, 1826 sqq. The following abbreviations are used for the sections and subsections of this work: 
<i>
	Ant., Antiquitates</i>, &#8220;Antiquities&#8221;; 
<i>
	Auct. ant., Auctores antiquissimi</i>, &#8220;Oldest Writers&#8221;; 
<i>
	Chron. min., Chronica minora</i>, &#8220;Lesser Chronicles&#8221;; 
<i>
	Dip., Diplomata</i>, &#8220;Diplomas, Documents&#8221;; 
<i>
	Epist., Epistol&#230;</i>, &#8220;Letters&#8221;; 
<i>
	Gest. Pont. Rom., Gesta pontificum Romanorum</i>, &#8220;Deeds of the Popes of Rome&#8221;; 
<i>
	Leg., Leges</i>, &#8220;Laws&#8221;; 
<i>
	Lib. de lite, Libelli de lite inter regnum et sacerdotium s&#230;culorum xi. et xii. conscripti</i>, &#8220;Books concerning the Strife between the Civil and Ecclesiastical Authorities in the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries&#8221;; 
<i>
	Nec., Necrologia Germani&#230;</i>, &#8220;Necrology of German&#8221;; 
<i>
	Poet. Lat. &#230;vi Car., Poet&#230; Latini &#230;vi Carolini</i>, &#8220;Latin Poets of the Caroline Time&#8221;; 
<i>
	Poet. Lat. med. &#230;vi, Poet&#230; Latini medii &#230;vi</i>, &#8220;Latin Poets of the Middle Ages&#8221;;
<i>
	Script., Scriptores</i>, &#8220;Writers&#8221;; <i>Script rer. Germ., Scriptores rerum Germanicarum</i>, &#8220;Writers on German Subjects&#8221;; 
<i>
	Script. rer. Langob., Scriptores rerum Langobardicarum et Italicarum</i>, &#8220;Writers on Lombard and Italian Subjects&#8221;; 
<i>
	Script. rer. Merov., Scriptores rerum Merovingicarum</i>, &#8220;Writers on Merovingian Subjects&#8221; 
</dd>
<dt>
Mic. 
</dt>
<dd>
Micah 
</dd>
<dt>
Milman, 
<i>
	Latin Christianity</i>
</dt>
<dd>
H. H. Milman, 
<i>
	History of Latin Christianity, Including that of the Popes to&#8230;Nicolas V.</i>, 8 vols. London 1860&#8211;61 
</dd>
<dt>
Mirbt, 
<i>
	Quellen</i>
</dt>
<dd>
C. Mirbt, 
<i>
	Quellen zur Geschichte des Papsttums und des r&#246;mischen Katholicismus</i>, T&#252;bingen, 1901 
</dd>
<dt>
<i>
	MPG</i>
</dt>
<dd>
J. P. Migne, 
<i>
	Patrologi&#230; cursus completus, series Gr&#230;ca</i>, 162 vols., Paris, 1857&#8211;66 
</dd>
<dt>
<i>
	MPL</i>
</dt>
<dd>
J. P. Migne, 
<i>
	Patrologi&#230; cursus completus, series Latin&#230;</i>, 221 vols., Paris, 1844&#8211;64 
</dd>
<dt>
MS., MSS. 
</dt>
<dd>
Manuscript, Manuscripts 
</dd>
<dt>
Muratori, 
<i>
	Scriptores</i>
</dt>
<dd>
L. A. Muratori, 
<i>
	Rerum Italicarum scriptores</i>, 28 vols., 1723&#8211;51 
</dd>
<dt>
<i>
	NA</i>
</dt>
<dd>
<i>
	Neues Archiv der Gesellschaft f&#252;r &#228;ltere deutsche Geschichtskunde</i>, Hanover, 1876 sqq. 
</dd>
<dt>
Nah. 
</dt>
<dd>
Nahum 
</dd>
<dt>
n.d. 
</dt>
<dd>
no date of publication 
</dd>
<dt>
Neander, 
<i>
	Christian Church</i>
</dt>
<dd>
A. Neander, 
<i>
	General History of the Christian Religion and Church</i>, 6 vols., and index, Boston, 1872&#8211;81 
</dd>
<dt>
Neh. 
</dt>
<dd>
Nehemiah 
</dd>
<dt>
Niceron, M&#233;moires 
</dt>
<dd>
R. P. Niceron, 
<i>
	M&#233;moires pour servir &#224; l&#8217;histoire des hommes illustr&#233;s&#8230;</i>, 43 vols., Paris, 1729&#8211;45 
</dd>
<dt>
Nielsen, 
<i>
	Papacy</i>
</dt>
<dd>
F. K. Nielsen, 
<i>
	History of the Papacy in the Nineteenth Century</i>, 2 vols., New York, 1906 
</dd>
<dt>
Nippold, 
<i>
	Papacy</i>
</dt>
<dd>
F. Nippold, 
<i>
	The Papacy in the Nineteenth Century</i>, New York, 1900 
</dd>
<dt>
<i>
	NKZ</i>
</dt>
<dd>
<i>
	Neue kirchliche Zeitschrift</i>, Leipsic, 1890 sqq. 
</dd>
<dt>
Nowack, 
<i>
	Arch&#228;ologie</i>
</dt>
<dd>
W. Nowack, 
<i>
	Lehrbuch der hebr&#228;ischen Arch&#228;ologie</i>, 2 vols, Freiburg, 1894 
</dd>
<dt>
n.p. 
</dt>
<dd>
no place of publication 
</dd>
<dt>
<i>
	NPNF</i>
</dt>
<dd>
<i>
	The Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers</i>, 1st series, 14 vols., New York, 1887&#8211;92; 2d series, 14 vols., New York, 1890&#8211;1900 
</dd>
<dt>
N.T. 
</dt>
<dd>
New Testament, 
<i>
	Novum Testamentum, Noveau Testament, Neues Testament</i>
</dd>
<dt>
Num. 
</dt>
<dd>
Numbers 
</dd>
<dt>
Ob. 
</dt>
<dd>
Obadiah 
</dd>
</small><pb n="xvii"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
<small>
<dt>
	O. S. B.
</dt>
<dd>
	<i>
		Ordo sancti Benedicti</i>, &#8220;Order of St. Benedict&#8221;
</dd>
<dt>
	O. T.
</dt>
<dd>
	Old Testament
</dd>
<dt>
	<i>
		OTJC</i>
</dt>
<dd>
	See Smith
</dd>
<dt>
	P
</dt>
<dd>
	Priestly document
</dd>
<dt>
	Pastor, <i>Popes</i>
</dt>
<dd>
	L. Pastor, <i>The History of the Popes from the Close of the Middle Ages</i>, 8 vols., London, 1891&#8211;1908
</dd>
<dt>
	<i>
		PEA</i>
</dt>
<dd>
	<i>Patres ecclesia Anglican&#230;</i>, ed. J. A. Giles, 34 vols., London, 1838&#8211;46
</dd>
<dt>
	PEF
</dt>
<dd>
	Palestine Exploration Fund
</dd>
<dt>
	I Pet.
</dt>
<dd>
	First Epistle of Peter
</dd>
<dt>
	II Pet.
</dt>
<dd>
	Second Epistle of Peter
</dd>
<dt>
	Platina, 
	<i>
		Popes</i>
</dt>
<dd>
	B. Platina, <i>Lives of the Popes from&#8230;Gregory VII. to&#8230;Paul II</i>., 2 vols., London, n.d.
</dd>
<dt>
	Pliny, 
	<i>
		Hist. nat.</i>
</dt>
<dd>
	Pliny, <i>Historia naturalis</i>
</dd>
<dt>
	Potthast, 
	<i>
		Wegweiser</i>
</dt>
<dd>
	A. Potthast, <i>Bibliotheca historica medii &#230;vi.  Wegweiser durch die Geschichtewerke</i>, Berlin, 1896
</dd>
<dt>
	Prov.
</dt>
<dd>
	Proverbs
</dd>
<dt>
	Ps.
</dt>
<dd>
	Psalms
</dd>
<dt>
	<i>
		PSBA</i>
</dt>
<dd>
	<i>Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archeology</i>, London, 1880 sqq.
</dd>
<dt>
	q.v., qq.v.
</dt>
<dd>
	<i>quod (qu&#230;) vide</i>, &#8220;which see&#8221;
</dd>
<dt>
	Ranke, 
	<i>
		Popes</i>
</dt>
<dd>
	L. von Ranke, <i>History of the Popes</i>, 3 vols., London, 1906
</dd>
<dt>
	<i>
		RDM</i>
</dt>
<dd>
	<i>Revue des deux mondes</i>, Paris, 1831 sqq.
</dd>
<dt>
	<i>
		RE</i>
</dt>
<dd>
	See Hauck-Herzog
</dd>
<dt>
	Reich, 
	<i>
		Documents</i>
</dt>
<dd>
	E. Reich, <i>Selected Documents Illustrating Medi&#230;val and Modern History</i>, London, 1905
</dd>
<dt>
	<i>
		REJ</i>
</dt>
<dd>
	<i>Review des &#233;tudes juives</i>, Paris, 1880 sqq.
</dd>
<dt>
	Rettberg, 
	<i>
		KD</i>
</dt>
<dd>
	F. W. Rettberg, <i>Kircheneschichte Deutschlands</i>, 2 vols., G&#246;ttingen, 1846&#8211;48
</dd>
<dt>
	Rev.
</dt>
<dd>
	Book of Revelation
</dd>
<dt>
	<i>
		RHR</i>
</dt>
<dd>
	Revue de l&#8217;histoire dez religions, Paris, 1880 sqq.
</dd>
<dt>
	Richardson. 
	<i>
		Encydopaedia</i>
</dt>
<dd>
	E. C. Richardson, <i>Alphabetical Subject Index and Index Encyclopaedia to Periodical Articles on Religion, 1890&#8211;99</i>, New York, 1907
</dd>
<dt>
	Richter, 
	<i>
		Kirchenrecht</i>
</dt>
<dd>
	A. L. Richter, <i>Lehrbuch des katholischen und evangelischen Kirchenrechts</i>, 8th ed. by W. Kahl, Leipsic, 1888
</dd>
<dt>
	Robinson, 
	<i>
		Researches</i>, and <i>Later Researches</i>
</dt>
<dd>
	E. Robinson, <i>Biblical Researches in Palestine</i>, Boston, 1841 and <i>Later Biblical Researches in Palestine</i>, 3d ed. of the whole, 3 vols., 1867
</dd>
<dt>
	Robinson, 
	<i>
		European History</i>
</dt>
<dd>
	J. H. Robinson, <i>Readings in European History</i>, 2 vols., Boston, 1904&#8211;06
</dd>
<dt>
	Robinson and Beard, 
	<i>
		Modern Europe</i>
</dt>
<dd>
	J. H. Robinson, and C. A. Beard, <i>Development of Modern Europe</i>, 2 vols., Boston, 1907
</dd>
<dt>
	Rom.
</dt>
<dd>
	Epistle to the Romans
</dd>
<dt>
	<i>
		RTP</i>
</dt>
<dd>
	<i>Revue de th&#233;ologie et de philosophis</i>, Lausanne, 1873
</dd>
<dt>
	R. V.
</dt>
<dd>
	Revised Version (of the English Bible)
</dd>
<dt>
	sac.
</dt>
<dd>
	<i>saculum</i> &#8220;century&#8221;
</dd>
<dt>
	I Sam.
</dt>
<dd>
	I Samuel
</dd>
<dt>
	II Sam.
</dt>
<dd>
	II Samuel
</dd>
<dt>
	<i>
		SBA</i>
</dt>
<dd>
	<i>Sitzungsberichte der Akademic</i>, Berlin, 1882 sqq.
</dd>
<dt>
	<i>
		SBE</i>
</dt>
<dd>
	F. Max M&#252;ller and others, <i>The Sacred Books of the East</i>, Oxford, 1879 sqq., vol. xlviii., 1904
</dd>
<dt>
	<i>
		SBOT</i>
</dt>
<dd>
	<i>Sacred Books of the Old Testament</i> (&#8220;Rainbow Bible&#8221;), Leipsic, London, and Baltimore, 1894 sqq.
</dd>
<dt>
	Schaff, 
	<i>
		Christian Church</i>
</dt>
<dd>
	P. Schaff, <i>History of the Christian Church</i>, vols. i.&#8211;iv., vi., vii., New York, 1882&#8211;92, vol. v., 2 parts, by D. S. Schaff, 1907&#8211;10
</dd>
<dt>
	Schaff, 
	<i>
		Creeds</i>
</dt>
<dd>
	P. Schaff, <i>The Creeds of Christendom</i>, 3 vols., New York, 1877&#8211;84
</dd>
<dt>
	Schrader, 
	<i>
		COT</i>
</dt>
<dd>
	E. Schrader, <i>Cuneiform Inscriptions and the Old Testament</i>, 2 vols., London, 1885&#8211;88
</dd>
<dt>
	Schrader, 
	<i>
		KAT</i>
</dt>
<dd>
	E. Schrader, <i>Die Keilinsrhriften und das Alte Testament</i>, 2 vols., Berlin, 1902&#8211;03
</dd>
<dt>
	Schrader, 
	<i>
		KB</i>
</dt>
<dd>
	E. Schrader, <i>Keilinschriftliche Bibliothek</i>, 6 vols., Berlin, 1889&#8211;1901
</dd>
<dt>
	Sch&#252;rer, 
	<i>
		Geschichte</i>
</dt>
<dd>
	(E. Sch&#252;rer, <i>Geschichte des j&#252;dischen Volkes im Zeitalter Jesu Christi</i>, 4th ed., 3 vols., Leipsic,1902 sqq.; Eng. transl., 5 vols., New York, 1891
</dd>
<dt>
	<i>
		Script.</i>
</dt>
<dd>
	<i>Scriptores</i>, &#8220;writers&#8221;
</dd>
<dt>
	Scrivener, 
	<i>
		Introduction</i>
</dt>
<dd>
	F. H. A. Scrivener, <i>Introduction to New Testament Criticism</i>, 4th ed., London, 1894
</dd>
<dt>
	<i>
		Sent.</i>
</dt>
<dd>
	<i>Sententi&#230;</i> &#8220;Sentences&#8221;
</dd>
<dt>
	S. J.
</dt>
<dd>
	<i>Societas Jesu</i>, &#8220;Society of Jesus&#8221;
</dd>
<dt>
	<i>
		SMA</i>
</dt>
<dd>
	<i>Sitzungsberichte der M&#252;nchener Akademie</i>, Munich, 1880 sqq.
</dd>
<dt>
	Smith, 
	<i>
		Kinship</i>
</dt>
<dd>
	W . R. Smith, <i>Kinship and Marriage in Early Arabia</i>, London, 1903
</dd>
<dt>
	Smith, 
	<i>
		OTJC</i>
</dt>
<dd>
	W. R. Smith, <i>The 0ld Testament in the Jewish Church</i>, London, 1892
</dd>
<dt>
	Smith, 
	<i>
		Prophets</i>
</dt>
<dd>
	W. R. Smith, <i>Prophets of Israel&#8230;to the Eighth Century</i>, London, 1895
</dd>
<dt>
	Smith, 
	<i>
		Rel. of Sem.</i>
</dt>
<dd>
	W. R. Smith, <i>Religion of the Semites</i>, London, 1894
</dd>
<dt>
	S. P. C. S.
</dt>
<dd>
	Society for the Promotion of Christian Knowledge
</dd>
<dt>
	S. P. G.
</dt>
<dd>
	Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts
</dd>
<dt>
	sqq.
</dt>
<dd>
	and following
</dd>
<dt>
	<i>
		Strom.</i>
</dt>
<dd>
	<i>Stromata</i>, &#8220;Miscellanies&#8221;
</dd>
<dt>
	s.v.
</dt>
<dd>
	sub voce, or sub verbo
</dd>
<dt>
	Swete, 
	<i>
		Introduction</i>
</dt>
<dd>
	H. B. Swete, <i>Introduction to the Old Testament in Greek</i>, London, 1900
</dd>
<dt>
	Syr.
</dt>
<dd>
	Syriac
</dd>
<dt>
	Thatcher and McNeal, 
	<i>
		Source Book</i>
</dt>
<dd>
	O. J. Thatcher and E. H. McNeal, <i>A Source Book for Medi&#230;val  History</i>, New York, 1905
</dd>
<dt>
	I Thess.
</dt>
<dd>
	First Epistle to the Thessalonians
</dd>
<dt>
	II Thess.
</dt>
<dd>
	Second Epistle to the Thessalonians
</dd>
<dt>
	<i>
		ThT</i>
</dt>
<dd>
	<i>Theologische Tijdschrift</i>, Amsterdam and Leyden, 1867 sqq.
</dd>
<dt>
	Tillemont, 
	<i>
		M&#233;moires</i>
</dt>
<dd>
	L. S. Ie Nain de Tillemont, <i>M&#233;moires&#8230;eccl&#233;siastiques des six preiere si&#232;cles</i>, 16 vols., Paris, 1693&#8211;1712
</dd>
<dt>
	I Tim.
</dt>
<dd>
	First Epistle to Timothy
</dd>
<dt>
	II Tim.
</dt>
<dd>
	Second Epistle to Timothy
</dd>
<dt>
	<i>
		TJB</i>
</dt>
<dd>
	<i>Theologischer Jahresbericht</i>, Leipsic, 1882&#8211;1887, Freiburg, 1888, Brunswick, 1889&#8211;1897, Berlin, 1898 sqq.
</dd>
<dt>
	Tob.
</dt>
<dd>
	Tobit
</dd>
<dt>
	<i>
		TQ</i>
</dt>
<dd>
	<i>Theologische Quartalschrift</i>, T&#252;bingen, 1819 sqq.
</dd>
<dt>
	<i>
		TS</i>
</dt>
<dd>
	J. A. Robinson, <i>Texts and Studies</i>, Cambridge, 1891 sqq.
</dd>
<dt>
	<i>
		TSBA</i>
</dt>
<dd>
	<i>Transactions of the Society of Biblical Arch&#230;ology</i>, London, 1872 sqq.
</dd>
<dt>
	<i>
		TSK</i>
</dt>
<dd>
	<i>Theologische Studien und Kritiken</i>, Hamburg, 1826 sqq.
</dd>
<dt>
	<i>
		TU</i>
</dt>
<dd>
	<i>Texts and Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der altchristlichen Litteratur</i>, ed. O. von Gebhardt and A. Harnack, Leipsic, 1882 sqq.
</dd>
<dt>
	Ugolini, 
	<i>
		Thesaurus</i>
</dt>
<dd>
	B. Ugolinus, <i>Thesaurus antiquitatum sacrarum</i>, 34 vols., Venice, 1744&#8211;69
</dd>
<dt>
	V. T.
</dt>
<dd>
	<i>Vetus testamentum, Vieux testament</i>, &#8220;Old Testament&#8221;
</dd>
<dt>
	Wattenbach, 
	<i>
		DGQ</i>
</dt>
<dd>
	W. Wattenbach, <i>Deutschlands Geschichtequellen</i>, 5th ed., 2 vols., Berlin, 1885; 6th ed., 1893&#8211;94; 7th ed., 1904 sqq.
</dd>
<dt>
	Wellhausen, 
	<i>
		Heidentum</i>
</dt>
<dd>
	J. Wellhausen, <i>Rests arabischen Heidentums</i>, Berlin, 1887
</dd>
<dt>
	Wellhausen, 
	<i>
		Prolegamana</i>
</dt>
<dd>
	J. Wellhausen, <i>Prolegomena zur Geschichte Isreals</i>, 6th ed., Berlin, 1905, Eng. transl., Edinburgh, 1885
</dd>
<dt>
	<i>
		ZA</i>
</dt>
<dd>
	<i>Zeitschrift f&#252;r Assyriologie</i>,  Leipsic, 1886&#8211;88, Berlin, 1889 sqq.
</dd>
<dt>
	Zahn, 
	<i>
		Einleitung</i>
</dt>
<dd>
	T. Zahn, <i>Einleitung in das Neue Testament</i>, 3d ed., Leipsic, 1907; Eng. trasl., <i>Introduction to the New Testament</i>, 3 vols., Edinburgh, 1909
</dd>
<dt>
	Zahn, 
	<i>
		Kanon</i>
</dt>
<dd>
	T. Zahn, <i>Geschichte des neutestamentlichen Kanons</i>, 2 vols., Leipeia, 1888&#8211;92
</dd>
<dt>
	<i>
		ZATW</i>
</dt>
<dd>
	<i>Zeitschrift f&#252;r die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft</i>, Giessen, 1881 sqq.
</dd>
<dt>
	<i>
		ZDAL</i>
</dt>
<dd>
	<i>Zeitschrift f&#252;r deutsches Alterthum und deutsche Literatur</i>, Berlin, 1876 sqq.
</dd>
<dt>
	<i>
		ZDMG</i>
</dt>
<dd>
	<i>Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenl&#228;ndischen Gesellschaft</i>, Leipsic, 1847 sqq.
</dd>
<dt>
	<i>
		ZDP</i>
</dt>
<dd>
	<i>Zeitschrift f&#252;r deutsche Philologie</i>, Halle, 1869 sqq.
</dd>
<dt>
	<i>
		ZDPV</i>
</dt>
<dd>
	<i>Zeitschrift des deutschen Pal&#228;stina-Vereins</i>, Leipsic, 1878 sqq.
</dd>
<dt>
	Zech.
</dt>
<dd>
	Zechariah
</dd>
<dt>
	Zeph.
</dt>
<dd>
	Zephaniah
</dd>
<dt>
	<i>
		ZHT</i>
</dt>
<dd>
	<i>Zeitschrift f&#252;r die historische Theologie</i>, published successively at Leipsic, Hamburg and Gotha, 1832&#8211;75
</dd>
<dt>
	<i>
		ZKG</i>
</dt>
<dd>
	<i>Zeitschrift f&#252;r Kirchenpeschichte</i>, Goths, 1878 sqq.
</dd>
<dt>
	<i>
		ZKR</i>
</dt>
<dd>
	<i>Zeitschrift f&#252;r Kirchenrecht</i>, Gotha, 1876 sqq.
</dd>
<dt>
	<i>
		ZKT</i>
</dt>
<dd>
	<i>Zeitschrift f&#252;r katholische Theologie</i>, Innsbruck, 1877 sqq.
</dd>
<dt>
	<i>
		ZKW</i>
</dt>
<dd>
	<i>Zeitschrift f&#252;r kirchliche Wissenschaft und kirchliches Leben</i>, Leipsic, 1880&#8211;89
</dd>
<dt>
	<i>
		ZNTW</i>
</dt>
<dd>
	<i>Zeitschrift f&#252;r die neutestamentliche Wissenschaft</i>, Giessen, 1900 sqq.
</dd>
<dt>
	<i>
		ZPK</i>
</dt>
<dd>
	<i>Zeitschrift f&#252;r Protestantismus und Kirche</i>, Erlangen, 1838&#8211;76
</dd>
<dt>
	<i>
		ZWT</i>
</dt>
<dd>
	<i>Zeitschrift f&#252;r wissenschaftliche Theologie</i>, Jena, 1858&#8211;60, Halle, 18861&#8211;67, Leipsic, 1868 sqq.
</dd>
</small><pb n="xviii"  corrected="N" proofread="N" thmlized="N" />
[<a href="/php/disp.php3?a=schaff&b=encyc09&p=xviii&v=thml">Page xviii</a>]<p>

</div2></div1><div1 title="The New Schaff-Herzog Encyclopedia of Religious Knowledge, Vol. IX: Petri - Reuchlin">

<pb n="1"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" /><h3>THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG</h3>
<H2>
ENCYCLOPEDIA OF RELIGIOUS KNOWLEDGE
</H2>

<hr width="30%">
<P>
<div3 type="Article" title="Petri, Lars, and Olav (Olaus)" id="petri_lars_and_olav_(olaus)">
<p><b>PETRI, LARS,</b> and <b>OLAV (OLAUS)</b>). See S<small>WEDEN.</small>
</P>

<br>
</div3><div3 type="article" title="Petri, Ludwig Adolf" id="petri_ludwig_adolf">
<P>
<b>PETRI, LUDWIG ADOLF:</b> German Lutheran; b. at L&#252;ethorst (a village of Hanover) Nov. 16, 1803; d. at Hanover Jan. 8, 1873. He was educated at the University of G&#246;ttingen (1824-27) and, after being a private tutor for some time, became, in 1829, "collaborator" at the Kreuzkirche in Hanover, where he was assistant pastor from 1837 until 1851, and senior pastor from 1851 until his death. During the years 1830-37 his convictions gradually changed from rationalistic to orthodox. His power as a preacher was especially shown by his <I>Licht des Lebens </I>(Hanover, 1858) and <I>Salz der Erde </I>(1864). For the improvement of the liturgy of his communion he wrote <I>Bed&#252;rfnisse and W&#252;nsche der protestantischen Kirche im Vaterland </I>(Hanover, 1832); and still more important service was rendered by his edition of the <I>Agende der hannoverschen Kirchenordnungen </I>(1852). In behalf of religious instruction he wrote his <I>Lehrbuch der Religion fur die oberen Klassen protestantischer Schulen</I> (Hanover, 1839; 9th ed., 1888), and later collaborated on the ill-fated new catechism of 1862. He likewise conducted for many years the theological courses in the seminary for preachers at Hanover, and in 1837 founded in the same city an association for theological candidates, over which he presided until 1848. In 1845-47 he edited, together with Eduard Niemann, the periodical <I>Segen der evangelischen Kirche, </I>and in 1848-55 was editor of the <I>Zeitblatt fur die Angelegenheiten der lutherischen Kirche</i>. In 1842 he founded an annual conference of the Hanoverian Lutheran clergy; and in 1853, together with General Superintendent Steinmetz and August Friedrich Otto Miinchmeyer (q.v.), he established the well-known " Lutheran Poor-box " (see G<small>OTTESKASTEN</small>, L<small>UTHERISCHER</small>).
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<P>
At the same time, Petri was firmly opposed to any amalgamation of the Lutheran and Reformed Churches, and was thus led to assume an unfavorable position even toward the Inner Mission (q.v.).
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In 1834 he helped to found the Hanoverian missionary society, of which he was first secretary and then president, while he materially aided the cause of foreign missions by his <I>Die Mission and die Kirche </I>(Hanover, 1841). His opposition to all movements in favor of a union of Lutherans and Reformed found renewed expression in his <I>Beleuchtung der G&#246;ttinger Denkschrift zur Wahrung der evangelischen Lehrfreiheit </I>(Hanover, 1854), an attack on the unionistic sympathies of the theological faculty of Gottingen. After this, Petri withdrew more and more from public life; and the only noteworthy work which he subsequently wrote was <I>Der Glaube in kurzen Betrachtungen </I>(4th ed., Hanover, 1875).
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<P class="bibliography"><small>B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY:</small> E. Petri, <i>L. A. Pitri, ein Lebenabild</i>, 2 vols., Hanover, 1888-96; J. Freyteg, <i>Zu Petris Ged&#228;chtnis</i>, ib. 1873.</small>
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</div3><div3 type="article" title="Petrie, William Mattew Flinders" id="retrie_william_matthew_flinders">
<p><b>PETRIE, WILLIAM MATTHEW FLINDERS:</b>
English Egyptologist; b. in London June 3, 1853. He was educated privately, and in 1875-80 was engaged in surveying early British remains. Since 1880 he has carried on excavations of the utmost importance in Egypt, while since 1892 he has been
professor of Egyptology in University College, London, and also in London University since 1907. In 1894 he founded the Egyptian Research Account (q.v.), which became the British School of Archeology in Egypt in 1905, of which he is honorary director; he is likewise on the committee of the Palestine Exploration Fund and the Royal Anthropological Institute. Among his works special mention may be made of the following: <I>Stonehenge</I> (London, 1880); <I>Pyramids and Temples of Gizeh</i> (1883); <I>Tanis </I>(2 parts, 1885-87); <I>Naukratis </I>(1886); <I>A Season in Egypt </I>(1888); <I>Racial Portraits </I>(1888); <I>Historical Scarabs </I>(1889); <I>Hawara, Biahmu, and Arsinoe </I>(1889); <I>Kahun, Gurob, and Hawara </I>(1890); <I>Illahun, Kahun, and Gurob </I>(1891); <I>Tell el Hesy </I>(1891); <I>Medum </I>(1892); <I>Ten Years&#39; Digging in Egypt </I>(1893); <I>Student&#39;s History of Egypt </I>(3. parts, 1894-1905); <I>Tell el Amarna </I>(1895); <I>Egyptian Tales </I>(1895); Decorative Art <I>in Egypt </I>(1895); <I>Naqada and Ballas </I>(1896); <I>Koptos </I>(1896); <i>Six Temples at Thebes </I>(1897); <I>Deshasheh </I>(1897); <I>Religion and Conscience iv. Egypt </I>(1898); <I>Syria and Egypt </I>(2 vols., 1898); <I>Dendereh </I>(1900); <I>Royal Tombs of the First Dynasty </I>(1900); <I>Diospolis Parva </I>(1901); <I>Royal Tombs of the Earliest Dynasties </I>(1901); <I>Abydos </I>(2 parts, 1902-03); <I>Ehnasya </I>(1904); <I>Methods and Aims in Archeology </I>(1904); <I>Researches in Sinai </I>(1906); <I>Hyksos and Israelite Cities </I>(1906); <I>Religion of Ancient Egypt </I>(1906); <I>Janus in Modern Life </I>(1907); <I>The Arts and Crafts of Ancient Egypt </I>(1.309); and <I>Personal Religion in Egypt before Christianity (1910).</I></p>

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</div3><div3 type="article" title="Petrikau, Synods of" id="petrikau_synods_of">
<p><b>PETRIKAU</b>, pe"tri-kau&#39;, <b>SYNODS OF:</b> Four
Polish synods held at Petrikau (75 m. s.w. of Warsaw), Russian Poland, in 1551, 1555, 1562, and 1565. The Reformation early found welcome in Poland, especially in Posen and Cracow; and the first Protestant teachers were exclusively Lutheran. Calvinism was introduced during the reign of Sigismund August II. (1548-72), who stood in close relations to Calvin, and at the same time the Bohemian Brethren expelled from their own country took refuge in large numbers in Great Poland, especially in Posen. At the Synod of Kozminek in 1555 they united with the Calvinists, though the Roman Catholics, under the leadership of Stanislaus Hosius, bishop of Culm and Ermeland, did all in their power to obstruct the extension of the
Protestant movement.
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<P>
At the first Synod of Petrikau in 1551, a Roman Catholic confession of faith was drawn up, expressly intended to answer the principles of the Augsburg Confession, and severe measures were taken against converts to the new teachings. The king and the nobility, however, strongly favored the Protestant party, and the former added his voice to the demand made by the second Synod of Petrikau (1555) that a national council be convened to settle the religious controversies. Sigismund also sent representatives to the pope, requiring the administration of the chalice, the celebration of mass in the vernacular, the abolition of clerical celibacy, and the abandonment of annates. The pope, however, refused to accede to these demands, and sent a nuncio, Bishop Lipomani of Verona, to Poland to repress the Protestant movement. He entirely failed, but the success of the
Polish reformers was rendered impossible by their own divisions, as became clear at the third synod, held at Petrikau in 1562. There were constant difficulties between the Lutheran and Reformed parties, and the situation was made still more complicated by the appearance of a Polish antitrinitarian movement. All attempts to secure harmony failed, and the antitrinitarians were formally excluded from fellowship with Protestants at the fourth synod of Petrikau, held in 1565, though neither this nor a royal command banishing all Italian antitrinitarians (1654) was carried out.
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In the same year, at a diet convened at Petrikau, the antitrinitarian leaders secured the holding of a disputation with their opponents, though the Lutherans held aloof, and only the Reformed and the Bohemian Brethren accepted. At this disputation Gregor Pauli, a Cracow preacher and the leader of the antitrinitarians, alleged the impossibility of reconciling the Catholic creeds concerning the Persons of the Trinity with the teaching of the Scriptures; while the trinitarians insisted on the historic agreement between the Scriptures and the teaching of the whole Church. After fourteen days of debate the two parties were farther apart than ever. The antitrinitarian representatives, moreover, disagreed among themselves, some denying the preexistence of Christ and the personality of the Holy Spirit, others accepting the preexistence of Christ and the reality of the Holy Spirit, and yet others assuming three Persons in the Trinity, but ascribing different values to them. The final outcome of the matter was the exclusion of the antitrinitarians from the Reformed Church, so that henceforth they constituted a separate communion.
</p>
<p class="author">(D<small>AVID</small> E<small>RDMANN</small>&#8224;.)</p>
<p class="bibliography"><small>B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY</small>: Besides the literature under P<small>OLAND,</small> C<small>HRISTIANITY IN, </small> and the works of Dalton and Kruske named under L<small>ASCO</small>, J<small>OHANNES</small> A., consult: A. Regenvolscius (A. Wengierski), <I>Systema historico-chronologicum ecclesiarum Slavonicarum</i>, pp. 180 sqq., Utrecht, 1652; S. Lubenski, <I>Historia reformationis Polonic&#230;</i>, pp. 144 sqq., 201 sqq., Freistadt, 1685; E. Borgius, <i>Aus Posens und Polens kirchlicher Vergangertheit</i>, pp. 14 sqq., Berlin, 1898; and G. Krause, <I>Die Reformation and Gegenreformation in Polen</I>, Posen, 1901.</small>
</P>

<br />
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Petrobrussians" id="petrobrussians">
<p><b>PETROBRUSSIANS.</b> See P<small>ETER OF</small> B<small>RUYS.</small>.</p>

<br />
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Petrus Mongus" id="petrus_mongus">
<p><b>PETRUS MONGUS</b>. See M<small>ONOPHYSITES</small>, &#167;&#167; 5 sqq.</p>

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</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Peucer, Caspar" id="peucer_tser_caspar">
<P>
<b>PEUCER</b>, pei&#39;tser, <b>CASPAR:</b> Leader of the crypto-Calvinists (see P<small>HILIPPISTS</small>) in the electorate of Saxony; b. at Bautzen (31 m. e.n.e. of Dresden) Jan. 6, 1525; d. at Dessau (67 m. s.w. of Berlin) Sept. 2, 1602. He was educated at the University of Wittenberg, which he entered in 1540, and where he became professor of mathematics in 1554 and of medicine in 1560. Throughout the life of Melanchthon, whose son-in-law he was, he was his friend, counselor, physician, and companion, while after the Reformer&#39;s death he edited his collected works (Wittenberg, 1562-64), two books of his <I>Epistol&#230; </I>(1570), the third and fourth volumes of his <I>Select&#230; declamationes</I> (Strasburg, 1557-58), etc. He likewise completed Melanchthon&#39;s revision of the <I>Chronicon Carionis</I>, which had extended only to Charlemagne, by two books bringing it down to the Leipsic disputation (2 parts, Wittenberg, 1562-65); while among his independent writings mention may be made of his <I>De dimensione terr&#230;</I> (Wittenberg, 1550) and <I>De pr&#230;cipuis divinationum generibus</I> (1553).
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Peucer was a favorite at the Dresden court, where he was appointed physician in 1570, though still retaining his Wittenberg professorship. At his instance Melanchthon&#39;s <I>Corpus doctrin&#230;</I> was officially  introduced in 1564, thus marking the rise of Philippism;and vacancies in the university were filled with strict followers of Melanchthon. In 1571 he collaborated in a school abridgment of the  <I>Corpus doctrin&#230;</I> which sharply denied Luther&#39;s teaching of Ubiquity (q.v.), and with the death of Paul Eber (q.v.) in 1569 approximation to Calvinism became still easier. At the same time, the strict Lutheran party continued to have much influence at court because their side was taken by the elector&#39;s wife, a Danish princess. Considerations of foreign policy, however, finally induced the elector to dismiss his favorite physician, especially as he was accused, though wrongly, of having a part in a Calvinistic exposition of the faith, <i>Exegesis perspicua</i>, published by Joachim Cureus in 1574. Peucer&#39;s correspondence was searched, and evidence was found which was construed as expressing his intention to try to introduce the Calvinistic theory of the Lord&#39;s Supper into the Saxon Church. He acknowledged his fault when tried before the Saxon diet at Torgau, and was directed to restrict his interest to medicine. But the Elector August was<pb n="3"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
not contented and had Peucer, whom he suspected of working to introduce the rival ducal house into Saxony, taken to Rochlitz. In 1576 Peucer was imprisoned in the Pleissenburg in Leipsic, where he suffered much hardship, but determinedly resisted all attempts to convert him, refusing to make any concessions contrary to Calvinism. Finally, when the Danish princess died, and the elector married a second time (Jan. 3, 1586), his father-in-law, Prince Joachim Ernest of Anhalt successfully pleaded for Peucer&#39;s release. This took place on Feb. 8, 1586, a few days before the death of August.
</p>
<p>
Peucer now went to Dessau, where he was appointed physician in ordinary and councilor to the prince. The remaining years of his life were peaceful, spent partly in Dessau, partly in Cassel and the Palatinate, and partly in travels, and he was honored by all. To the last he adhered to Melanchthon&#39;s theology, and he was likewise busy with his pen. During his imprisonment he began his <i>Historia carcerum et liberationis divin&#230;</I> (ed. after the author&#39;s death by Christoph Pezel, Zurich, 1605); and he also wrote in prison his <I>Tractatus historicus de Philippi Melanchthonis sententia de controversia coen&#230; Domini </I>(Amberg, 1596), as well as a poetical <I>Idyllium, patria seu historia Lusati&#230; superioris</I> (Bautzen, 1594).</p>
<p class="author"> (G. K<small>AWERAU</small>.)</p>
<p class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY: </small>For Peucers letters consult <i>CR</i>, vols. vii. and ix.; J. Voigt, <I>Briefwechael der ber&#252;hmtesten Gelehrten, </I> pp. 497 eqq., K&#246;nigsberg, 1841; and <I>Zeitechrift f&#252;r preuaseche Geshichte</i>, xiv (1877), 90 sqq., 145 sqq. Early sources are the funeral sermon by J. Brendel, Zerbat, 1603; a memorial oration by 3. $tenius, ib. 1603; and A. van de Corput, <I>Het Leven ende Dood van . . . P. Melanehton  Mitagaders de . . . gevangeniaas van . . . Caspar Peucerus, </I>Amsterdam, 1662. Biographies or sketches are by: J. C. Leopold, Budissin, 1745; H. C. A. Eichst&#228;dt, Jena, 1841; E. A. H. Heimburg Jena, 1842; F. Coch, Marburg, 1850; E. L. T. Henke, Marburg, 1865. Consult further: R. Calinich, <I>Kampf and Untergang des Melanchthonismus in Kursachaen, </I>Leipeic, 1866; J. W. Richard, <I>Philip Melanchton, </I>New York, 1898; J. Janssen, <I>Hist. of the German People, vols. </I>vii.-viii., St. Louis, 1905; N. Maller, <I>Melanehthons letzte Lebenatape, 1910; </I>Brach and Gruber, <I>Encyklopadie, III.</i>, xix. 435-460; <I>ADB</i>, xxv. 552 sqq.; and the literature under P<small>HILIPPISTS</small>.</small></p>

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</div3><div3 type="Article" title=Pew" id="pew">
<p><b>PEW:</b> Ecclesiastically, an enclosed seat in a church (not, in the modern sense, an open bench). The term (Old Fr. <i>pui, puy, puye, poi, peu</i>, "an elevated place," "seat"; Lat. <I>podium</i>, " balcony") in early English use meant a more or less elevated enclosure for business in a public place; this use
was probably prior to its employment as the name for an enclosed seat for worshipers in a church. Indeed, the pew might be even a box in a theater. The pew is not, then, an original or primitive part of the church edifice, the floor of the structure being in early times open and unobstructed, though in the chancel there came to be seats for the clergy and choir. This tradition is continued in modern times in Roman and Greek cathedrals in Europe, which are usually without pews, portable benches or chairs being furnished instead. In early times the attitude of worshipers was standing (or kneeling), and the provision of stools or benches probably does not date back of the fourteenth century, though some English churches had stone benches along the walls and around pillars.</p>
<p>The earliest known examples of regular benching is probably that of the church at Soest (34 m. s.e. of M&#252;nster, Westphalia) in the early fifteenth century. The church at Swaffham (25 m. w. of Norwich), England, was in 1454 provided with pews by private benefaction, and this was almost certainly not the first instance in England. The records of St. Michael&#39;s, Cornhill, London, prove the existence of pews in that church in 1457, the doors of some of which, at least, had locks, a fact which implies private ownership. It seems certain, however, that at first only parts of the edifice were provided with pews. The shape of these does not seem to have 
been uniform. While the oblong pew was naturally the most common, the seat facing the altar, other pews were square with the seats placed around three or all four sides, leaving space only for the
door. These latter were often private, appropriated to the use of the lord of the manor or to a family an early member of which had in some way acquired a perpetual interest. In England the right to occupy a certain pew sometimes goes with the occupancy of a certain house in the parish. The acquisition of property-right in a pew is not confined to England; in quite a number of churches in the United States pews are held by families and may figure as property in valuation of assets. But the tendency is decidedly against this exclusive right, and where such cases exist, the policy of the church is usually to redeem the pew from private ownership.
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<P>
It is not certain at what period pews were made a means of income to the parish. In St. Margaret&#39;s, Westminster, the records show payment of pew rents as early as the first part of the sixteenth century. The law of England gives to every parishioner a right to a sitting in the parish church if it was built before 1818, and this right is enforceable by civil procedure. In the United States custom varies greatly. Almost general is the practise of using the pews as a means of raising revenue for church purposes. In a considerable number of churches the pew rents provide the principal means of income, pews being rented by the year. In a large number of churches, however, the feeling exists that this is a limitation upon the " freedom of the Gospel," and the sittings are all free, the income being derived from collections or pledges of free-will offerings.</p>
<P class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY:</small> J. M. Beale, <I>Hist. of Pews, </I>Cambridge, 1841; J. C. Fowler, <I>Church Pews, their Origin and Legal Incidents, </I>London, 1844; G. H. H. Oliphant, <I>The Law of Pews in Churches and Chapels, ib. </I>1850; A. Heales, <i>Hist. and Law of Church Seats or Pews, </I>2 vols., <I>ib. </I>1872.</small></p>

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</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Pezel, Christoph" id="pezel_christoph">
<p><b>PEZEL</b>, p&#234;&#39;tsel, <b>CHRISTOPH:</b> German crypto-Calvinist; b. at Plauen (61 m. s.w. of Leipsic) Mar. 5, 1539; d. at Bremen Feb. 25, 1604. He was educated at the universities of Jena and Wittenberg, his studies at the latter institution being interrupted by his teaching for several years. In 1557 he was appointed professor in the philosophical faculty and in 1569 was ordained preacher at the Schlosskirche in Wittenberg. In the same year he entered the theological faculty, where he soon became involved in the disputes between the followers of Melanchthon and Luther, writing the <i>Apologia ver&#230; doctrin&#230; de deflnitione Evangelii</i> (Wittenberg, 1571)<pb n="4"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
and being the chief author of the Wittenberg catechism of 1571. He soon took a leading position as a zealous Philippist, but in 1574 he and his colleagues were summoned to Torgau and required to give up the Calvinistic theory of the Lord&#39;s Supper. As they refused to subscribe to the articles presented to them, they were placed under surveillance in their own houses and forbidden to discuss or to print anything on the questions in dispute. They were afterward deposed from their professorships, and in 1576 were banished. Pezel, who had hitherto been at Zeitz, now went to Eger; but in 1577, like his fellow exiles, received a position from Count John of Nassau, first at the school in Siegen and later at Dillingen.</p>
<p>
Pezel then definitely accepted Calvinism, and the Church in Dillenburg was united to the Calvinistic body. In 1578 he became pastor at Herborn, and in 1580 was permitted by Count John to go for a few weeks to Bremen to try to reconcile the Church difficulties between the Calvinists and Lutherans. His task was difficult, however, since the Lutheran Jodocus Glan&#230;us refused to meet him in open debate. The civil authorities, construing this as contumacy, deposed Glan&#230;us, and Pezel preached in his place. He soon returned to Nassau, but in 1581 was permanently appointed the successor of Glan&#230;us at Bremen, where, four years later, he was made superintendent of the churches and schools. At the same time he became pastor of the Liebfrauenkirche, though he also retained his pastorate at the Ansgariikirche till 1598. He took an active part in improving and extending the work at the Bremen gymnasium, where he was professor of theology, moral philosophy, and history, being also the leader in all the theological controversies in which the Bremen church became involved. Pezel did away with Luther&#39;s Catechism, substituting for it his own Bremen catechism, which remained in force until the eighteenth century, removed images and pictures from the churches, formed a ministerium which united the clergy, and, by his  <I>Consensus ministerii Bremensis ecclesi&#230;</I> of 1595, prepared the way for the complete acceptance of Calvinistic doctrine.
</p>
<p>
 Pezel was the editor Of many theological writings, of which the most important were the <I>Loci theologici</i> of his teacher, Victorinus Strigel (4 parts, Neustadt, 158184); Philip Melanchthon&#39;s <I>Conscilia</I> (1600); and Caspar Peucer&#39;s <I>Historia carcerum et liberationis divin&#230; </I>(Zurich, 1605); while among his independent works special mention may be made of the following: <I>Argumenta et objectiones de pr&#230;cipuis articulis doctrin&#230; Christian&#230;</I> (Neustadt, 1580,89); <I>Libellus precationum </I>(1585); and <I>Mellificium historicism, complectens histohiam trium monarchiarum, Chaldaic&#230;, Peraic&#230;, Gr&#230;c&#230; </I>(1592). He is particularly interesting as showing the evolution from Melanchthon&#39;s attitude toward predestination to the complete determinism of the Calvinistic concept of the dogma.</p>
<p class="author"> (G. K<small>AWERAU</small>.)</p>
<p class="bibliography"><small>B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY: </small> 
Autobiographic material is contained in Pezel&#39;s <I>Widerholte warhaffte . . . Erzehlung</I>, Bremen, 1582, in <I>Wittemberger Ordiniertenbuch</I> ii (1895), 117. Consult: J. H. Steubing, <I>Nassauische Kirchen- and Reformationgeschichte</I>, Hadamar, 1804; <i>ZHT</i>, 1866, pp. 382 sqq., 1873, 179 sqq; Iken, in <I>Bremisches jahrbuch</i>, ix (1877), 1 sqq., a (1878), 34 sqq.; E. Jacobs, <I>Juliana Von Stolberg</i>, pp. 288 sqq., Wernigerode, 1889; W. von Bippen, <I>Geschichte der Stadt Bremen</i>, ii. 199, Bremen, 1898; Ersch and Gruber, <I>Encyklop&#228;die</i>, III, xx.  83 sqq.; <I>ADB</I>, xxv. 575 sqq.</small></P>

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</div3><div3 class="Article" title="Pfaff, Christoph Matthaeus" id="pfaff_christoph_matthaeus">
<P>
<b>PFAFF</b>, pf&#228;f, <b>CHRISTOPH MATTHAEUS:</b> German Lutheran; b. at Stuttgart Dec. 24, 1686; d. at Giessen Nov. 19, 1760. He was educated at the University of T&#252;bingen (1699-1702), and became lecturer in 1705, but in the following year, at the command of the duke of W&#252;rttemberg, traveled extensively in Germany, Denmark, Holland, and England, with special attention to the study of Semitic languages. Almost immediately on his return he was directed to proceed to Italy with the heir apparent, with whom he spent three years in Turin. Here, as elsewhere, he was unwearied in searching through libraries, and was rewarded by the discovery of many fragments hitherto unknown, as of sermons of Chrysostom and portions of Hippolytus. In this way he also found the epitome of the "Institutes" of Lactantius, which he edited at Paris in 1712; and he aroused wide interest by the alleged discovery of four fragments of Ignatius which he published, with voluminous dissertations, at The Hague in 1715. Over these fragments an animated controversy was long waged. It is now generally held that they are not to be ascribed to Ignatius; though the question remains whether they were a forgery of Pfaff &#39;s, or whether they were cut out of some Turin catena manuscript. Both contingencies were possible in the case of Pfaff, who is known to have mutilated a Turin manuscript of Hippolytus, and to have forged a document to establish the claim of the house of Savoy to the titular kingdom of Cyprus.
</P>
<P>
In 1712 Pfaff returned to Germany and remained a year at Stuttgart, after which he visited Holland and France with the heir apparent, returning permanently to Germany in 1716. Despite his youth, Pfaff was then appointed professor of theology at T&#252;bingen, where he rose steadily, becoming chancellor of the university at the age of thirty-four, and retaining this dignity for thirty-six years. He was a man of great versatility and of encyclopedic learning, and at the same time was indefatigable as an author. He wrote a large number of dissertations, of which the <I>De originibus juris ecclesinatici ejusdem indole</I> (T&#252;bingen, 1719) marked the beginning of a new epoch in its field, for in it, and in the <I>Akademische Reden &#252;ber das sowohl allgemeine als auch teutsche protestantische Kirchenrecht</I> (1742), he for the first time carried to its logical results the doctrine of Collegialism (q.v.). In the sphere of theology he wrote <I>Conatitutiones theologi&#230; dogmatic&#230; et moralis </I>(T&#252;bingen, 1719); <I>Introductio in historiam theologi&#230; literariam </I>(1720); <I>Institutiones histori&#230; ecclesiastic&#230;</I> (1721); and <I>Not&#230; exegetic&#230; in evangelium Matth&#230;i</I> (1721); while his pietistic sympathies found expression in such works as his <I>Kurtzer Abriss vom wahren Christentum</I> (T&#252;bingen, 1720) and <I>Hertzens-Katechismus</I> (1720), and his general Biblical scholarship was evinced by his collaboration with Johann Christian Klemm in the preparation of the "T&#252;bingen Bible" of 1730 (see B<small>IBLES,</small>  A<small>NNOTATED</small>, I., &#167; 1),</P>
<p>
Pfaff was chiefly active, however, in endeavor<pb n="5"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
ing to unite the Protestant churches, and to this end he composed a long series of monographs which were collected in German translation under the title of <I>Gesammelte Schriften, so zur Vereinigung der Protestierenden abzielen</i> (Halle, 1723). Here again he was no innovator, and though his proposals attracted wide attention, Lutheran opposition rendered them fruitless.
</P>
<P>
Henceforth Pfaff frittered away his energies, producing work more remarkable for quantity than quality, and plunging into countless trivial literary controversies: He lost his popularity and influence in the university, forfeited the interest of the students, and in 1756 resigned from the chancellorship. His departure from T&#252;bingen was unmourned, but his intention of spending the remainder of his life in retirement at Frankfort was frustrated by a call to Giessen, where he became chancellor, superintendent, and director of the theological faculty. Here he remained until his death, four years later, though here, too, the faults which dimmed his great talents gained him general enmity.
</P>
<p class="author">(E<small>RWIN</small> P<small>REUSCHEN.</small>)
<P>
<p class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY:</small> The short <i>Vita</i> in <I>Gesammelte Schrifften, </I>ut
sup., ii. 1-9, was used by C. P. Leporin for his <I>Verbesserte
Nachricht won . . . C. M. Pfafens Leben, </I>Leipsic, 1726,
and this in turn was the basis of the account in Zedler&#39;s
<I>Universallexicon</i>, xxvii. 1198, ib. 1741 and other narratives
in biographical works. Consult F. W. Strieder, <I>Hessiche Gelehrtengeschichte</i>, x. 322 sqq., 21 vols., G&#246;ttingen,
1781-1868; A. F. Bosching, <I>Beytr&#228;ge zu der Lebensgeshichte denkw&#252;rdiger Personen,</i> iii. 170-171, 287-288, 6 parts, Halle, 1783-89; J. M. H. Daring, <I>Gelehrte Theologen im 18. Jahrhundert</i>, iii. 249 sqq., 4 vols., Neustadt, 1831-1835; W. Gass, <I>Geschichte der proteatantischen Dogmatik</I>, iii. 74 sqq., 4 vols., Berlin, 1854-57; 
C. Weize&#228;cker, <I>Lehrer und Unterricht von dem evangelischen Fakult&#228;t</i>, pp. 97 sqq., in <I>T&#252;binger Festschrift</I>, 1877; 
A. Ritschl, <I>Geschichte des Pietismus</i>, iii. 42 sqq., Bonn, 1886; 
Ersch and Gruber, <I>Encyklop&#228;die</i>, III., xx. 101 sqq.; 
<I>ADB</i>, xxv. 587 sqq.</small>
</P>

<br />
</div3><div3 class="Article" title="Pfaffenbrief" id="pfaffenbrief">
<P>
<b>PFAFFENBRIEF</b>, pfa&#772;f"en-br&#238;f&#39;<b>:</b> A compact, dated Oct. 7, 1370, whereby the cantons of Zurich, Lucerne, Zug, Uri, Schwyz, and Unterwalden united to oppose foreign spiritual and secular jurisdiction and to preserve national peace. The immediate cause of the compact was the attack upon and imprisonment of Peter of Gundoldingen, head of Zurich&#39;s ally, Lucerne, and his party by Bruno Brun, provost of the cathedral of Zurich (Sept. 13, 1370). The aggressor, an adherent of the Austrian party, refused to recognize the jurisdiction of a secular court, and was accordingly banished, while his prisoner was released. Such, however, was the fear that Brun might appeal to foreign, imperial, or ecclesiastical courts that, to avoid any such contingency in future, the Pfaffenbrief was drawn up. This document merely emphasized and guaranteed existing rights. It laid down two principles: all cases within the confederation, except matrimonial and ecclesiastical, must be tried before the local judge, who had jurisdiction even over aliens (thus ignoring both the imperial courts and foreign spiritual courts); it contained resolutions relating to the public peace, and forbade waging wars without the consent of the government. At the same time, ecclesiastical jurisdiction was not annulled, and cases in which one of the clergy was defendant were usually tried in the episcopal courts. By requiring the oath of allegiance from the clergy, moreover, the Pfaffenbrief indirectly tended to subordinate the clergy to the State in matters applying equally to clergy and laity. By thus delimiting, in an important sphere of law, what appertained to the State and what to the Church, and by favoring the claims of the former rather than of the latter, the Pfaffenbrief marked the first real and successful Swiss attempt to restrict by means of the secular law the unlimited extension of ecclesiastical power.</p>
<p class="author">(F. F<small>LEINER.</small>)</P>
<P class="bibliography">
<small>B</s,all>IBLIOGRAPHY:</small> 
A. P. von Segesser, <I>Rechtsgeschichte der Stadt . . . Luzern, vols. </I>i.-ii., passim, Lucerne, 1850-58; J. C. Bluntschli, <I>Staats- and Rechtsgeschichte . . . Zurich, </I>i. 385 sqq., Zurich, 1838; idem, <I>Geschichte des schweizerischen Bundesrechts,</i> i. 122 sqq., Stuttgart, 1875; T. von Leibenau, in <I>Anzeiger f&#252;r schweizerische Geschichte, </I>1882, p. 60; W. Oechsli, in <I>Politisches Jahrbuch der schweiz. Eidgenossenschaft,</i> v (1890), 359-365; idem, <I>Quellenbuch der Schweizergeshichte, </I>Zurich, 1901; J. Dierauer, <I>Gewhichte der schweiz. Eidgenossenschaft, i. </I>282 sqq., Gotha, 1887; K. D&#228;ndliker, <I>Geschichte der Schweiz</i>, i. 545 sqq., 632 sqq., Zurich, 1900; J. Hiirbin, <I>Handbuch der Schweizergeschichte</i>, i. 197, Stans, 1900; <I>Die Bundesbriefe der alter Eidgenossen</i>, 1891-1518, Zurich, 1904.</small>
</P>

<br>
</div3><div3 class="Article" title="Pfander, Karl Gottlieb" id="pfander_karl_gottlieb">
<P>
<b>PFANDER</b>, pfa&#x304;n&#39;der, <b>KARL GOTTLIEB:</b> Missionary to the Mohammedans; b. at Waiblingen (7 m. n.e. of Stuttgart), Germany, Nov. 3, 1803; d. at Richmond (8 m. w.s.w. of London) Dec. 1, 1865. His father was a baker, who, perceiving his aptitude for study and sharing his ambitions, sent him first to the Latin school in the town, then to Kornthal (q.v.), and finally to the missionary institute at Basel, where he studied from 1820 to 1825. He was a remarkable linguist and of indefatigable energy, and spent his life in the effort to convert Mohammedans. From 1825 to 1829 he labored in Shusha, in Transcaucasia, and neighboring lands; from 1829 to 1831 he was with Anthony Norris Groves (q.v.) in Bagdad; from Mar. to Sept., 1831, in Persia, but then returned to Shusha. In 1835 the Russian government forbade all missionary operations except those of the Greek Church; consequently he had to leave Shusha. He went first to Constantinople, in 1836 was back in Shusha, but in 1837 started for India by way of Persia, and arrived in Calcutta Oct. 1, 1838. As it seemed most promising to work henceforth under English auspices he, with the full consent of the Basel Society, became a missionary of the Church Missionary Society, Feb. 12, 1840. He was in Agra from 1841 to 1855, in Peshawar from 1855 to 1857, and in Constantinople from 1858 to 1865. His death occurred while on his furlough.
</P>
<P>
He married first Sophia Reuss, a German, in Moscow, July 11, 1834, who died in childbed in Shusha, May 12, 1835; second, Emily Swinburne, an Englishwoman, in Calcutta, Jan. 19, 1841, who bore him three boys and three girls, and survived him fifteen years. He wrote few books, and most of them in oriental languages. One that is in English was his <I>Remarks on the Nature of Muhammedanism</I>, Calcutta, 1840. But one of his books is a missionary classic. He drafted it in German in May, 1829, while in Shusha, then he expanded and perfected it. It bears in German the title  <I>Mizan ul Hakk oder die Wage der Wahrheit</I>, translations have been made of it into Armenian, Turkish, Persian, and Ordu, and it has been widely circulated among<pb n="6"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
Mohammedans of many lands. There is an English translation of it under the title,  <I>The Mizan ul Haqq; or Balance [should be Balances] of Truth</I> (London, 1867, new ed., 1910). It is a cogent and incisive attack on Mohammedanism and an explanation and application of Christianity, written in simple language but with deep conviction and ample knowledge. In recognition of the service he had thus rendered, the archbishop of Canterbury (John Bird Sumner) made him a doctor of divinity in 1857.</P>
<P class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>IBLI0GRAPY:</small> C. F. Eppler, <I>D. Karl Gottlieb Pfander,</I> Basel, 1888; Emily Headland, <I>Sketches of Church Missionary Society Workers, </I>London, 1897.</small></p>

<br />
</div3><div3 class="Article" title="Pfeffinger, Johann" id="pfeffinger_johann">
<P>
<b>PFEFFINGER</b>, pfef&#39;ing-er, <b>JOHANN:</b> Saxon Reformer; b. at Wasserburg (31 m. e.s.e. of Munich), Upper Bavaria, Dec. 27, 1493; d. at Leipsic Jan. 1, 1573. Devoting himself to the religious life, he became an acolyte at Salzburg in 1515, and soon afterward was made subdeacon and deacon. Receiving a dispensation from the regulations concerning canonical age, he was ordained priest and stationed at Reichenhall, Saalfelden, and Passau, where his clerical activity soon found great approbation. Suspected of Lutheran heresy, he went to Wittenberg in 1523, where he was cordially welcomed by Luther, Melanchthon, and Bugenhagen. In 1527 he went as parish priest to Sonnenwalde; and in 1530, when expelled by the bishop of Meiesen, he removed to the moliastery of Eicha, near Leipsic, where his services were attended by many outside the parish. In 1532 he went to Belgern, whence he was delegated, in 1539, to complete the Reformation in Leipsic. In 1540, he was permanently vested with the office of superintendent.
</p>
<p>
He declined calls to Halle and Breslau, though he took part in completing the work of the Reformation at Glauchau in 1542. In his capacity of censor he prevented further printing of Schenk&#39;s postilla. In 1543 he was graduated as the first Protestant doctor of theology, and became a professor of theology in the following year. In 1548 he was made a canon of Meissen.
</P>
<P>
Duke Maurice of Saxony drew him into the negotiations reghrding the introduction of a Protestant church constitution and liturgy. Having been appointed assessor in the Leipsic consistory in 1543, he participated, in 1545, in the consecration of a bishop of Merseburg as one of the ordaining clergy. In the following year he negotiated at Dresden with Anton Musa and Daniel Greser, and took part in the deliberations concerning the Interim at the Diet of Meissen (July, 1548), at Torgau (Oct. 18), at Altzella (Nov.), and at the Leipsic Saxon Diet (Dec. 22). The Elector August likewise sought formal expressions of opinion from Pfeffinger; and in this connection, in 1555, he proposed, with a view to securing religious uniformity, that the Interim liturgy of 1549 should again be used. Melanchthon, however, opposed this suggestion, holding that, were it adopted, additional religious disunion would follow. Pfeffinger also took part in the deliberative proceedings of the delegates of the three consistories in 1556, as well as in the Dresden convention of
1571.
</P>
<p>
Pfeffinger&#39;s writings were ethical, ascetic, and polemic. His <I>Propositionea de libero arbitrio</I> (1555) occasioned the outbreak of the synergistic strife (see S<small>YNERGISM</small>). Against Nikolaus von Amsdorf he wrote his <I>Antwort </I>(Wittenberg, 1558), <i>Demonstratio mendacii</I> (1558), and <I>Nochmals gr&#252;ndlicher</i> Bericht; while he opposed Matthias Flacius in his <I>Verantwortung. </I>He embodied his tenets in five articles of the <i>Formula der Bekendnus </I>of June 3, 1556, which he also submitted, in amplified form, to the Wittenberg theologians. </p>
<p class="author>G<small>EORG</small> M<small>&#220;LLER.</small></P>
<P class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY:</small> B. Sartorius, <I>Einfekiyer ... Bericht von dem Leben ... J. Pfeffingers</I>, Leipsic, 1573; F. Seifert, in heft iv. of <I>Beitrage zur s&#228;chsischen Kirchengeschichte</i>, Leipsic, 1888; G. M&#252;ller, in heft ix. of the same, pp. 98, 118, 165, 181, and x. 210; <I>ADS, </I>xxv. 624-430.</small>
</P>

<br />
</div3><div3 class="Article" title="Pfeilschifter, Georg" id="pfeilschifter_georg" >
<P>
<b>PFEILSCHIFTER</b>, pfail&#39;shift-er, <b>GEORG:</b> German Roman Catholic; b. at Mering (7 m. s.e. of Augsburg), Upper Bavaria, May 13, 1870. He was educated at the universities of Munich (1889-93, 1894-99; D.D., 1897) and Vienna (1899), interrupting his studies to make a five months&#39; tour of Italy in 1897. In 1900 he became privat-docent for church history at the University of Munich, but in the same year accepted a call to the Lyceum of Freising as associate professor of church history and patristics. Since 1903 he has been professor of church history in the University of Freiburg. He has written <I>Der Ostgotenk&#246;nig Theoderich der Grosse und die katholische Kirche </I>(M&#252;nster, 1896); <I>Die authentiache Ausgabe der vierzig Evangelienhomilien Gregors des Grossen, ein erster Beitrag zur Geschichte der Ueberlieferung</i> (Munich, 1900); and <i>Zur Enlstehung der Allegorie room mystischen Gotteswagen bei Dante Purgatorio</i> (Freiburg, 1904).</p>

<br />
</div3><div3 class="Article" title="Pfender, Charle Leberecht" id="pfender_charles_leberecht">
<b>PFENDER, </b>pfen&#39;der or [F.] fan"dar&#39;, <b>CHARLES LEBERECHT:</b> French Lutheran; b. at Hatten in Alsace Oct. 26, 1834. He pursued his studies at Wittenberg, the College de Pont-a-Mousson (B.Litt., 1853), under the faculty of theology at Strasburg (B.Th., 1859), and at the universities of Heidelberg, G&#246;ttingen, and Berlin; he became vicar at Wittenberg in 1860; at Paris, 1865; pastor of the &#201;glise du Batignolles, Paris, 1868, and of the &#201;glise SaintPaul, same city, in 1874. He describes himself as theologically a confessional Lutheran. He is the author of <i>La Confession d&#39;Augabourg. Traduction revue d&#39;apr&#232;s Ie texte le plus autoris&#233;. Pr&#232;c&#232;e d&#39;une introduction</i> (Paris, 1872); <i>L&#39;Agneau de Dieu, R&#232;cit de la passion et de la r&#232;surrection du Seigneur d&#39;apr&#233;s les quatre &#232;vang&#232;listes. Suivi de m&#232;ditations, de pri&#233;res, et de cantiques pour la semaine saints</i> (1873); <i>Vie de Martin Luther, publi&#232;e a l&#39;occasion du quatri&#233;me centenaire de sa naissance</i> (1883). He is a contributor to the present work, and has written much for other standard publications.</P>

<br />
</div3><div3 class="Article" title="Pfleiderer, Otto" id="pfleiderer_otto">
<P>
<b>PFLEIDERER, </b>pflai&#39;der-er, <b>OTTO:</b> German Protestant; b. at Stetten (a village near Cannstadt, 4 m. n.e. of Stuttgart), W&#252;rttemberg, Sept. 1, 1839; d. at Grosslichterfelde, Berlin, July 19, 1908. He was educated at the University of T&#252;bingen from 1857 to 1861, and after being for a short time vicar at Eningen, a village near Reutlingen, traveled extensively in North Germany, England, and Scotland until 1864. He was then lecturer and privat-<pb n="7"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
docent at T&#252;bingen until 1868, after which he was a pastor at Heilbronn till 1870, when he went to Jena as chief pastor and university preacher. In 1870 he was appointed professor of theology at the University of Jena, and from 1875 till his death he was professor of practical theology at the University of Berlin. He was one of the most learned and vigorous defenders of the non-miraculous origin of Christianity. He lectured in England on both the Hibbert (1885) and the Gifford (1892-93) foundations. He wrote <I>Die Religion, ihr Wesen and ihre Geschichte </I>(2 vols., Leipsic, 1869); <i>Moral and Religion </I>(Haarlem, 1870); <I>Der Paulinismus </I>(Leipsic, 1873; Eng. transl. by E. Peters, <I>Paulinism</i>, 2 vols., London, 1877); <i>F. G. Fichte, Lebensbiild eines deutschen Denkers and Patrioten </I>(Stuttgart, 1877); <I>Religi-philosophic auf geachichtlicher Grundlage </I>(Berlin, 1878; <I>2d </I>ed., 2 vols., 1883-84; Eng. tranal. by A. Stewart and A. Menzies, <I>Philosophy of Religion, </I>4 vole., London, 1886-88); <I>Zur religi&#246;sen Verstandigung </I>(1879); <I>Grundrisa der christlichen Glaubens and Sittenlehre </I>(1880); <I>The Influence of the Apostle Paul on the Development of Christianity </I>(Hibbert lectures; London, 1885); <I>Das Urchriatentum, seine Schriften and Lehren </I>(Berlin, 1885; 2d ed., 1902; Eng. transl., <I>Primitive Christianity. Its Writings and Teachings, </I>2 vole., New York, 1906-09); <I>The Development of Theology in Germany since Kant, and its Progress in Great Britain since 1826 </I>(London, 1890; German ed., <I>Der Entwickelung der protestantischen Theologw in Deutschland seit Kant and in Grossbritannien seit 1825, </I>Freiburg, 1891); <I>Die Ritschlsche Theologie kritisch beleuchtet </I>(Bnmswiek, 1891); <I>The Philosophy and Development of Religion </I>(Gifford lectures; 2 vols., Edinburgh, 1894); <I>Evolution and Theology, and other Essays </I>(New York, 1900); <I>Das Christusbild dea urchri8tliehen Glaubens </I>(Berlin, 1903; Eng. transl., <I>The Early Christian Conception of Christ: Its Value and Significance in the History of Religion, </I>London, 1905); <I>Die Entstehung des Christentums </I>(Munich, 1905; Eng. tranal., <I>Christian Origins</i>, London,1906); <I>Religion und Religionen </I>(1906; Eng. transl., <I>Religion and Historic Faiths, </I>London, 1907); and <I>Die Enbrricklung des Chridentums </I>(1907; Eng. transl., <I>The Development of Christianity, </I>London, 1910).</P>

<br />
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Pflug, Julius" id="pflug_julius">
<P>
<b>PFLUG</b>, pflu&#x304;lg, <b>JULIUS:</b> Roman Catholic bishop of Naumburg; b. at Eytra (a village near Zwenkau, 9 m. s.s.w. of Leipsie) 1499; d. at Zeitz (23 m. s.w. of Leipsic) Sept. 3, 1564. He studied at the universities of Leipsic (1510-17) and Bologna (1517-19), and returned to Germany in 1519 to become canon in Meissen. Disturbed by the religious controversies at home, he returned to Bologna, whence he went to Padua, but in 1521, induced by offers of preferment from Duke George, he returned to his native state, first of all to Dresden, and then to Leipsic, where he still continued to devote himself chiefly to humanistic interests. In 1528-29 he was again in Italy, and in 1530 he accompanied Duke George to the Diet of Augsburg. At this time he became a correspondent of Erasmus, and in his letters to him unfolded his plan for restoring religious peace to Germany. Everything could be done, he thought, by the influence of moderate men like Erasmus and Melanchthon. Erasmus replied that things had gone so far that even a council could be of no help; one party wanted revolution, the other would tolerate no reform. In 1532 Pflug became dean of Zeitz, where he had to grapple with the practical question of the Reformation, since not only was the bishop, who was also diocesan of Freising, continually absent, but the neighboring Protestant elector of Saxony was alleging claims of jurisdiction over the see. Pflug was in favor of lay communion under both kinds, the marriage of the priesthood, and general moral reform. He took part in the Leipsic colloquy in 1534, and as dean of Meissen prepared for the clergy of the diocese the constitutions reprinted in the <I>Leges seu constitutiones ecclesi&#230; Budissinensis</i> (1573). As one of the envoys of John of Meissen, Pflug endeavored, in 1539, to secure from the papal nuncio, Alexander, who was then at Vienna, adhesion to his project for a reform of Roman Catholicism along the lines already indicated, only to be obliged to wait for the decision of the pope.
</P>
<P>
The Reformation was now carried through in Meissen, and Pflug took refuge in Zeitz, later retiring to his canonry at Maintz, and thus rendering Zeitz more accessible to the Protestant movement. In 1541 he was appointed bishop of Naumburg, but John Frederick, the elector of Saxony, hating all men of moderation, forbade him to occupy his see. Pflug was uncertain whether he would accept the nomination or not; and meanwhile the elector, after vainly urging the chapter to nominate another bishop, turned the cathedral of Naumburg over to Protestant services and proposed to provide for the election of a bishop according to his liking. The elector&#39;s theologians, though exceedingly dubious regarding his course, finally yielded, and John Frederick selected Nikolaus von Amsdorf (q.v.) for the place and had him ordained by Luther. On Jan. 15, 1542, however, Pflug accepted his election to the bishopric, and sought to have his rights protected by the diets of Speyer (1542, 1544), Nuremberg (1543), and Worms (1545). At the latter diet the emperor directed the elector to admit Pflug to his bishopric, and to repudiate Amsdorf and the secular directors of the chapter. John Frederick refused, however, and the question was settled only by the Schmalkald War.
</P>
<P>
Hitherto Pflug had been in favor of a Roman Catholic reform of a far-reaching character, as was shown by his part at the Regensburg Conference of 1541 (see R<small>EGENSBURG</small>, C<small>ONFERENCE OF</small>); but political conditions and his troubles with the elector of Saxony now made him a bitter opponent of the Reformation. In 1547, when the Schmalkald War closed, Pflug took possession of his bishopric under imperial protection. He was a prominent factor in the negotiations which resulted in the interim (q.v.), the basis of which was formed by the revision of his <i>Formula sacrorum emendandorum</I> (ed. C. G. M&#252;ller, Leipsic, 1803) by himself, Michael Helding, Johannes Agricola, Domingo de Soto, and Pedro de Malvenda. Pflug now entertained still higher hopes of realizing his reform of Roman Catholicism. He took part in negotiations in Pe-<pb n="8"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
ga&#252;, continuing them in a secret correspondence witness, with Melanchthon to induce him and Prince George of Anhalt to accept a modified sacrificial theory of the mass; and he was also concerned in the deliberations between Maurice and Joachim II. and their theologians at J&#252;terboch. The result was the first  draft of the Leipsic Interim, which was submitted to the national diet in his presence. </p>
<p>
In his own diocese Pflug refrained from disturbing the Lutherans, restoring Roman Catholic worship only in the chief church in Zeitz and the cathedral of Naumburg, and even permitting Protestant services to be held in the latter. There was almost an entire dearth of Roman Catholic clergy, nor could the he secure a sufficient number from other dioceses.  He was accordingly forced to allow the married ministers whom Amsdorf had placed in office to retain their positions, though without Roman Catholic ordination. In Nov., 1551, he was present for a short time at the Council of Trent. Even after the final success of the Protestants in 1552, he remained in undisturbed possession of his see, thanks to his popularity and moderation; and after the abdication of Charles V., he urged the best interests of Germany in his <I>Oratio de ordinanda republica Germani&#230;</I> (Cologne, 1562). In 1557 he presided at the religious conference at Worms, but was unable to prevent the Flacians from wrecking negotiations. To the last, however, he hoped that, when the Council of Trent reassembled, his moderate program would be successful in restoring religious peace.
</p>
<p class="author">(G. KAWERAU.) </p>
<p class="bibliography"><small>B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY: </small> The earlier biographies are superseded by that of A. Jansen, in <I>New Mittheaungen aus dem Gebiet histor.-antiq. Forachungen</i>, x (1863), parts 1 and 2. Consult further: A. von Druffel <I>Briefe und Akten zur Geschichte des 16. Jahrhunderts </I> Munich, 1873 sqq.; L. Pastor, <I>Die kirchlichen Reunionabestrebungen, </I>Freiburg, 1879; Sixtus Braun, <I>Naumburger Annalen</i>, pp, 280 sqq., Naumburg, 1892; Rosenfeld, in <I>ZKG</I>, xix (1898), 155 sqq.; E. </I>Hoffmann, <I>Nnumburg im Zeitalter der Reformation, </I>Leipsic, 1901; J. Janssen, <i>Hist. of the German People</i>. 147, 182-187, 248, 366, 396 sqq , St. Louis, 1903. Scattering notices of his activity will be found in many works dealing with the Reformation.</small></p>

<br>
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Pharaoh" id="pharaoh">
<p><b>PHARAOH.</b> See E<small>GYPT</small>, I., 2, &#167; 4.</p>

<br>
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Pharisees and Saducees" id="pharisees_and_saducees">
<p><b>PHARISEES AND SADDUCEES.</b></p>
<table>
<tr><td>Importance; Sources of Knowledge<small>(&#167; 1).</small></td><td>Relations of Pharisees and Scribes<small>(&#167; 5).</small></td><td>Religious Characteristics<small>(&#167; 9).</small></td></tr>
<tr><td>Derivation of "Pharisee"<small>(&#167;2).</small></td><td>Sadducees as Aristocrats<small>(&#167; 6).</small></td><td>Theological Differences<small>(&#167; 10).</small></td></tr>
<tr><td>Derivation of "Sadducee"<small>(&#167;3).</small></td><td>Relation of Pharisees to Jewish Nationalism<small>(&#167; 7).</small> </td><td>Legal and Dogmatic Differences<small>(&#167; 11).</small></td></tr>
<tr><td>Date of Origin<small>(&#167; 4).</small></td><td>Relation of Sadducees to Nationalism<small>(&#167; 8).</small></td><td>Relation of Phalisaism to Religion<small>(&#167; 12).</small></td></tr>
</table>
<h3>1. Importance; Sources of Knowledge.</h3>
<p>The great importance of a proper understanding of the two parties thus named for the history of the later Judaism and of Primitive Christianity is not to be misconceived. The entire history of the Jews and of their literature from the Maccabean wars until the destruction of Jerusalem is dominated by this Partizan antithesis. The history of Jesus himself and of the original Church are largely thereby conditioned, since it was particularly in conflict with the Parisees that the doctrine, selfwitness and whole active career of Jesus took shape as they did, while over against a Pharisaism which pushed its way even into Christianity the Apostle Paul had to defend the right of his mission to the gentiles, and the universality of Christian salvation. All the more serious, then, that the sources toward knowledge of those parties can be utilized only under difficulties. The Old-Testament books of Ezra, Nehemiah, Chronicles, Esther, and Daniel, are pertinent merely in relation to the preliminary history of the, same. And only in sparing measure can even Old-Testament Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha (qq.v.) be employed; among the latter, chiefly the Psalms of  Solomon (see P<small>SEUDEPIGRAPHA</small>, II., 1). In the Gospels and in Acts a few dogmatic differences are mentioned as between Pharisees and  Sadducees; but this allows no certain deduction respecting the fundamental and distinctive character of either party. Even the invectives of Jesus against the Pharisees have had reference to out growths of their trend, and are not to influence a judgment of their actual essence. What data Acts and the Pauline epistles contain by way of defining the Pharisaical anti-Pauline Jewish Christians, warrant only slight <I>a posteriori</I> deductions regarding Pharisaism. Doubtless the most valuable intelligence concerning the Pharisees and Sadducees is given by Josephus, whose data are appreciably colored cf. Baumgarten, <I>Jahrbucher fur deutsche Theologie</i>, IX., 616 sqq.; Paret, in <i>TSK</i>, 1856, pp. 809 sqq) by his own attenuated Pharisaism and by his effort to present Jewish conditions in the most favorable light before the Greek ans Roman world. Patristic data are strongIy dependent on Josephus, and are, furthermore, untrustworthy. The Jewish talmudic literature is of great significance in the study of Pharisaism since it is itself elicited by the Pharisaic spirit. Yet its anecdotal details about the history of the Pharisees and Sadducees are almost wholly valueless, being conceived from the standpoint of the later Jewish scholasticism. Yet despite this dearth of sources, they still afford a fairly distinct portraiture of the two parties.
</p>
<h3>2. Derivation of "Pharisee"</h3>
<p>
The names of the two parties throw some light on the origin and character of both parties. Touching the meaning of the name "Pharisee" there can exist no doubt. The Pharisees are certainly designated as the "separated" (cf. the Targums of Onkelos and Jonathan on <scripRef>Deut. xxxiii. 16</scripRef>; <scripRef>Josh. iii. 5</scripRef>)-those&#8212;who by their prescriptive and ascetic sanctity hedged themselves apart from not only heathenism but also from the rest of judaism. This explanation occurs even so early as in Suidas, in the Homilies of Clement (xi. 28), in Epphanius (<I>H&#230;r.</I>, xvi. 1), and Pseudo-Tertullian (<I>H&#230;r.</I>, i.). The same is borne out by the abstract <I>Perishuth</i>, in Talmudic writings, in the signification of abstemiousness or exclusive ascetic piety; and by the Talmudic use of the term <I>Perischin</i>, in the reproachful sense of separatists. From the latter use and the avoidance of the term Pharisees the thoroughly Pharisaic <scripRef>II Maccabees</scripRef> one may infer that the name arose in hostile circles.<pb n="9"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
<h3> 3. Derivation of "Sadducees"</h3>
<p>The same is also probably true of the name "Sadducees." It is a mistake to derive the same from the Stoics (K&#246;ster, <i>TSK</i>, 1837, p. 164); more plausible is it to explain the Sadducees as <I>Zaddikim</I> "the just," from their stress upon the simple law in contrast with Pharisaical traditions (Derenbourg); or their strictness in dealing penal sentences (Reville). Only on linguistic grounds, again, is there warrant for deriving the term (Gk. <I>Saddoukaios</i>, Heb. <I>Zadduki</i>), from a personal name of which no trace exists after the exile. Such a gratuitous hypothesis (Gr&#228;tz, Montet, Legarde) can be justified only by extreme embarrassment. There is, on the other hand, great probability in favor of the hypothesis (Geiger), whereby the name is traced to that Zadok who was high priest in the time of David and Solomon, in 
whose line the high-priestly dignity continued during nearly the entire dominion of David&#39;s royal house (<scripRef>II Sam. viii. 17</scripRef>; <scripRef>1 Kings i. 32</scripRef>; <scripRef>Ezek. xl. 46</scripRef>; Josephus, <I>Ant.</i>, X., viii.  6). In the period after the exile, not only the high priest Joshua (<scripRef>Neh. xl. 11</scripRef>; cf. <scripRef>I Chron vi.</scripRef>; Josephus, <I>Ant.</i>, X., viii. 6), but also, according to Josephus, all the high priests descending from him down to Menelaus, hence also all the high-priestly families of their lineage-belonged to the house of Zadok. According to this view the name " Sadducees " denotes the descendants of the high priest Zadok, together with their adherents. Which theory is also favored by analogy of the "Bo&#235;thusians," who in tthe Talmudic writings appear as an offshoot of the Sadducees; or as a sect akin to them. For the "Bo&#235;thusians" can be named Sadducees only through the circumstance that Herod the Great adopted the line of the Alexandrine Bo&#235;thos, whose granddaughter he married, into the succession of the high-priestly families (Josephus, <I>Ant.</i>, XV., ix. 3). If the name Sadducees denotes the Zadokites, it is impossible to deny all actual connection with the Zadokite high priestly families, and to identify them with the Maccabean princes and their following, who had obtained that name only by way of reproach (Wellhausen). It is probable that the name Zadokites was given to the party by their enemies; but this was possible only in case the real Zadokite high priests formed the stock of the party; so that a partizan following could then readily join the same. In this light, the two party names of Pharisees and Sadducees are distinct in so far as that the former has reference to religious aims, the latter to connection with the high-priestly nobility. This does not controvert the correctness of the given derivation; indeed, the point becomes thereby more prominent that the Pharisaical party structure took its departure from religious motives; the Sadducean, predominantly from aristocratic interests.
</p>
<h3>4. Date of Origin</h3>
<p>
Partizan opposition between Pharisees and Sadducees probably arose in the first decades of the Maccabean era. A Jewish tradition (in the <I>Baraitha</I> to Rabbi Nathan&#39;s <I>Aboth</i>), respecting the founding of the Sadducees&#39; party through two pupils of Antigonus of Socho, would carry the origins back to the close of the second century <small>B.C.</small> But apart from other improbabilities in this account, which dates only from the Middle Ages, its chronological correctness is precluded by the certified existence of the Sadducees&#39; cause at a considerably earlier period. According to Josephus (<i>Ant.</i>, XIII., x. 6), an open conflict between Pharisees and Sadducees broke out as early as toward the close of the administration of Hyrcanus, about 115 <small>B.C.</small> But this presupposes an antecedent and quiet development of both parties, and Hyrcanus him self was brought. up in the Pharisaic doctrine (Josephus, <I>Ant.</i>, XIII., x. 5). Essentially opposite is the incidental remark of Josephus in his narrative of the last executive years of Jonathan (<i>Ant.</i>, XIII., v. 9), that about that time there were three "sects" among the Jews: Phansees, Sadducees, and Essenes. The origin of the Pharisees and Sadducees falls, therefore, at its latest, during the rule of Jonathan; but it can not be set back much further, since no trace of their names appears earlier to show that the parties were forming. The assumption is forbidden that they arose before the Maccabean insurrection. Nor may appeal be made to the presence of the Hasideans (see H<small>ASMONEANS</small>, &#167; 1) in the pre-Maccabean period. For the Pharisees are not to be identified with these. While one can date the Pharisees and Sadducees as parties back to the beginning of the post exilic period (A. Geiger, <i>Ursprung and Uebersetz und der Bibel</i>, pp. 26 sqq., 56 sqq., Breslau, 1857) only by resting upon conjecture, it is possible that the partizan antithesis but continued an older contention, such as might have taken shape prior to the Maccabean uprising; indeed, opposition of interests similar to these appeared in the pre-Maccabean era.
</p>
<h3>5. Relations of Pharisees and Scribes</h3>
<P>
This first of all appears in the class distinction between the Pharisees and Sadducees. Soon after the return, there began to develop an opposition between the scribes, who insisted upon  an absolutely strict prescriptive life, and the adherents of the aristocratic Pharisees high-priestly lines, who favored the gentiles. This antithesis accentuated itself in the Syrian and Hellenistic era, and led to the formation of parties during the rule of Antiochus Epiphanes. At that time the rising party of radical Hellenism, which sought to supplant Mosaic Judaism by Greek manners and customs, was withstood by the coterie of the Hasideans, who determined to adhere with the utmost rigor to the Jewish law as the unconditional norm of life. At that time the leaders of the former party were the high-priestly aristocrats; those of the second, the scribes. A similar class distinction formed the basis of the conflict between Pharisees and Sadducees. True, the Pharisees are not identical with
the scribes. From <scripRef>Acts xxiii. 9</scripRef>, it appears that in the apostolic age not all scribes were Pharisees, but that there were also Sadducee or neutral scribes; and only a portion of the Pharisees consisted of scribes (<scripRef>Mark ii. 16</scripRef>; <scripRef>Luke v. 30</scripRef>). Indeed, a characteristic distinction comes forth in the very use of the two terms in the gospels. Quite often they speak of the Pharisees, where only individuals of that sect are meant (<scripRef>Matt. ix. 19-34</scripRef>, etc.). On the <pb n="10"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
other hand, where the matter turns on particular scribes, the text mentions "certain of the scribes" (<scripRef>Matt. ix. 3, xii. 38</scripRef>, etc.). Only where the scribes are named in conjunction with the Pharisees is the general expression used for the former with refer ence to individuals (<scripRef>Mark ii. 16</scripRef>; <scripRef>Luke v. 30</scripRef>, etc.). On the contrary, "the scribes," without other qualification, is never used of individuals, but every where only of the entire category (<scripRef>Matt. vii. 29, xvii. 10</scripRef>, etc.). Hence the scribes are conceived as a class; the Pharisees as a compact party, such as is represented even in the case of individual members. Occasionally in the addresses of Jesus to the scribes and Pharisees there is to be remarked the distinctive reference to the learned legal science of the former and the prescriptive manner of life advanced by the latter. So the scribes appear as theorists in contrast with the Pharisees as practitioners. For the most part, however, the two were likely to be united in one and the same person. This close affinity between Pharisees and scribes crops out alike in Josephus, in the New Testament, and in the Talmud. Where Josephus speaks of Jewish scribes, he generally implies that they are adherents of the Pharisaic school (<i>War</i>, I., xxxiii. 2-3, II., xvii. 8; <I>Ant.</I>, XVIL, vi. 2). Conversely, where he brings the Pharisees into his narrative, he assumes that they make disciples and give instruction in the law, hence are scribes (<i>Ant.</i>, XIII., x. 6). Again, certain scribes, well known and eminent in Talmudic sources, he designates as Pharisees (<i>Ant.</i>, XV., i. 1, x. 4; <i>Life</i>, xxxviii.). In the New Testament, the scribes and Pharisees are now grouped together in the discourses of Jesus (<scripRef>Matt. v. 20, xxiii. 2</scripRef> sqq.; cf. <scripRef>Luke vii. 30</scripRef>), and are introduced as acting in common (<scripRef>Matt. xii. 38</scripRef>, and elsewhere). Moreover, the two designations often vary in parallel passages, as well as in the relation of the same Gospel. Lastly, the post-Maccabean scribes of the Mishna speak of one another as the "Learned" (<i>hakamim</i>); whereas in the controversial objections of the Sadducees they are termed "Pharisees" (<i>Judaim</i>, iv. 6, 7, 8) and advocate Pharisaic views. From all this it is to be assumed that the Pharisees were composed of the leading scribes and their following, and were the practical exponents of the theoretical knowledge of the law.
</P>
<h3>6. Sadducees as Aristocrats</h3>
<p>
On the contrary, the Sadducees, like the Hellenists of the pre-Maccabean era, had their nucleus in the Jewish aristocracy. Those magnates ("mighty ones"; Josephus, <I>Ant.</i>, II., vi. 2; cf. <i>War.</I>, I., v. 3), who as counselors of Alexander Jannaeus were by him endowed with as the highest honors, but were thrust aside by Queen Salome Alexandra, were undoubtedly Sadducees. For their persecution took place under the Pharisees&#39; rule of terror. In his general depiction of the Sadducees, Josephus says expressly that they had only the rich on their side, but not the common people (<i>Ant.</i>, XIII., x. 6), that this doctrine won but few, but they the first in dignity (<i>Ant.</i>, XVIII., i. 4).  And in the Psalms of Solomon, wherein the joy of the Pharisaic circles over the downfall of the Sadducees in the year 69 <small>B.C.</small> finds distinct vent, the latter are described as eye-serving courtiers and unjust judges (iv. 1-10, ii. 3-5). Hence the Sadducees&#39; aristocratic character is distinctive and proper. But if Josephus  (<I>Life</i>, i.) designates the priests in general as the nobility of the Jewish people, at all events this does not apply in a social connection. And it is erroneous (Geiger, Hauarath, Montet) to suppose that the Sadducees represented the interests of the priesthood on a preponderant scale; there lay no intrinsic objection in the nature of Pharisaism to the priesthood as such, and there appear to have been not a few priestly Pharisees (cf. Josephus, <I>Life</i>, i.-ii., xxxix.; <I>Mishna Eduyoth</i>, ii. 6-7, viii. 2; <I>Aboth</i>, ii. 8, iii. 2; <I>Shekalim</i>, iv: 4, vi. 1). It was rather the high-priestly families that offset the rest of the priesthood in the manner of a distinctive aristocracy. Under the Maccabean Simon, the adherents thereof effected their reception into the senate; while in the time of Pompey, they sat and voted in the sanhedrim (Ps. of Sol., iv. 2), which had grown out of the earlier senate, and represented a remnant of political independence, while their influence here was limited by the unaristocratic assessors of the scribes&#39; class, yet in a certain measure it was secured by the fact that the high priests, who now constantly belonged to their circles, held the presidency in the sanhedrim. These " chief priests," as the officiating and former high priests, together with their kindred, are called in the New Testament (Sch&#252;rer, in <i>TSK</i>, 1872, pp. 614 sqq.), are therefore at once the most important element of the Jewish aristocracy, and the proper nucleus of the Sadducean party. Josephus mentions only incidentally of Ananus that he belonged to the Sadducees (<I>Ant.</i>, XX., ix. 1). In the Psalms of Solomon the Sadducee members of the sanhedrim appear as unworthy directors of the temple worship (i. 8, ii. 1-5, viii. 12). In Acts the Sadduceea are expressly designated as those empowered with dispensing penal correction (iv. 1-3), as also the high priest&#39;s party (v. 17). Certain reminders of the Sadducaio complexion of the high priest&#39;s retinue occur in talmudic sources (cf. Geiger, ut sup., pp. 109 sqq.).
</P>
<h3>7. Relation of Pharisees to Jewish Natuionalism</h3>
<P>
In keeping with this class distinction between Pharisees and Sadducees is the national attitude of the two parties. One may not think of the Sadducees as the national and patriotic of the Pharisees, on the conof Pharisees trary, as an unattached, international society. To the Pharisees might better be applied the term "national"; they were more frequently the opposers of the oppressors of the people. It is to the Pharisees that Rabbi Hillel&#39;a word applies: "Do not separate thyself from the congregation," (<i>Pirke Aboth</I>, ii. 4); and they desired that the benefits of the theocracy should benefit all, without exception (II Macc. ii. 17). Hence the Pharisees had not only the women on their side (Josephus, <I>Ant.</i>, XVII., ii. 4), but the masses generally (<i>Ant.</i>, XIII., x. 6). Yet on another side one may not perceive in them the healthy citizenship, the true kernel of the people, the truly national party. As a faction of the scribes, they pursued only distinctively religious aims. It was merely in a religious connection that they desired the welfare of the people and<pb n="11"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
the maintenance of what was peculiarly Jewish. And if they sought to extend their leadership over all other spheres of life, their sole motive was that these might thus become dominated by the thoroughly prescriptive form of their religious aims. There resulted an externally theocratic trend of policy, and this was naturally contradicted by a totally non-Jewish government; so that, theoretically, the Pharisees did not concede the legality of tribute to such a regime (<scripRef>Matt. xxii. 17</scripRef>). They endured government by a heathen power as brought about by the divine providence, but only in the expectation of its future downfall. And the hatred latent in such an attitude easily converted itself into fanatical deeds. But yet again, they could sacrifice the theocratical idea to an untheocratical Jewish prince like Alexander Jannreus. Furthermore, how little the Pharisees were disposed to bridge the gap between priesthood and people appears from their especially strict precepts regarding the tithe and other dues in favor of priests and Temple. Indeed, they set themselves over against the people with the utmost exclusiveness as a spiritual aristocracy, from which arose their party name, "the separated," the haughty behavior charged to their reproach by Jesus (<scripRef>Matt. xxiii. 5 sqq.</scripRef>), and the contempt with which they looked down upon the rest of the people as ignorant, not knowing the law, and unclean (<scripRef>John vii. 49</scripRef>; cf. the "Letter of Aristeas," dating from the time of Herod, in E. Kautsch, <I>Apokryphen</i>, ii. 67,140 sqq., T&#252;bingen, 1900). So the Pharisees&#39; popularity among the common people had yet its limits.
</P>
<h3>8. Relation of Sadducees to Nationalism.</h3>
<P>
Still less, however, is a national arid patriotic attitude to be discerned in the case of the Sadducees. Their connection with the Hasmoneans (q.v.) came about only as the administration of the same lost its incipiently Jewish national character. The goal of their political action was, first of all, the strengthening of their aristocratic caste. Only as dictated to them through this class interest, did they stand on the national side. The circumstance that the first Hasmonean who ruled after the transition of Hyrcanus to the Sadducees&#39; party, Aristobulus I., was surnamed the " Philhellene," throws light on their Hellenistic tendency. Subsequently, they became servile friends of the Romans. All the more overbearing and hard-hearted were they at that time in regard to the common people (Josephus, <I>War</i>, II., viii. 14; <I>Ant.</i>, XX., ix. 1). Hence their unpopularity was so great that, in order to " make themselves possible " at all, they had to govern, in the administration of their offices, according to Pharisaic principles (Josephus, <I>Ant.</i>, XVIII., i. 4). Nevertheless, neither Pharisees nor Sadducees were of an antinational character directly. The Pharisees did not manifest that purely separatistic demeanor of the Hasideans or of the Essenes. Neither were the Sadducees willing, like the radical Hellenists of the pre-Maccabean era, to surrender the people&#39;s national existence, its faith and its law. Obviously, then, after the founding of the legally national Maccabean state, the extreme elements of both the previously existing tendencies were eliminated. The most partizan among the Hasideans receded into small groups, which led eventually to the formation of the Essenes&#39; order. And the radical Hellenists perished in the conflicts with the Maccabeans. Thus the more moderate elements were left over, and they merged, in turn, into the broad stream of the popular life whence they had originally issued.
</P>
<h3>9. Religious Characteristics.</h3>
<P>
With this alteration of parties, however, the fundamental religious trend persisted. The Pharisees, like the pre-Maccabean party of scribes, assiduously cultivated a strictly legalistic piety, holding themselves aloof from the world (Josephus, <I>War</i>, II., viii. 14; <I>Ant.</i>, XVIL, ii. 4; <i>Life</i>, xxxviii.; <scripRef>Acts xxiii. 3, xxvi. 5</scripRef>; <scripRef>Phil. iii. 5</scripRef>). Religion determined all their aims. But they set the essence of religion in the knowledge and fulfilment of the law. From this one-sided and legal drift of their piety there emerged all the defects and excesses of the same, such as are exhibited quite sharply in the New Testament. They built or garnished the sepulchers of the prophets (<scripRef>Matt. xxiii. 29</scripRef> sqq.), but had none of their spirit; they zealously disputed over their prophecies (<scripRef>Luke xvii. 20</scripRef>), but their belief in the same simply sanctified their venality. They labored zealously for the propagation of their faith (<scripRef>Matt. xxiii. 15</scripRef>), but only in behalf of outward results (cf. Sieffert, <I>Die Heidenbekehrung im Alten Testament and im Judenthum, pp. 43 </I>sqq., 1908; see P<small>ROSELYTES</small>).  Their
faith was no inwardly liberating power, so that for them the law was but an enslaving yoke (<scripRef>John viii. 32</scripRef>; cf. <scripRef>Gal. v. 1</scripRef>). Out of this came the minute and anxious manner of fulfilling the law (<scripRef>Matt. xxiii. 23</scripRef>), the externalizing of the entire religious and moral life, the mechanicalism of their prayer (<scripRef>Matt. vi. 5</scripRef> sqq.), the stress upon fasting (<scripRef>Matt. ix. 14</scripRef>); 
valuation of conspicuous borders to their garments, and broad phylacteries (<scripRef>Matt. xxiii. 5</scripRef>), the literalness of service in observing the sabbath (<scripRef>Matt. xii. 2, 9-13</scripRef>; <scripRef>Luke xiii. 10 sqq., xiv. 4</scripRef> sqq.; <scripRef>John v. 1 sqq., ix. 14</scripRef> sqq.). From this source
arose their prescriptions of cleanliness (<scripRef>Matt. xv. 2, xxiii. 25; <scripRef>Mark vii. 2</scripRef> sqq.; <scripRef>Luke xi. 38</scripRef> sqq.), their preference for external acts of devotion above the plainest duties (<scripRef>Matt. xv. 5</scripRef>; <scripRef>Mark vii. 11</scripRef> sqq.). This was indeed a straining at gnats and swallowing of camels (<scripRef>Matt. xxiii. 24</scripRef>). Of course, it was possible to practise all this in good faith and with honest sentiments. This is evidenced by the examples of Nicodemus, Joseph of Arimathea, and in particular, too, by that of Paul, who even though recalling his bygone disquietude with aversion (Rom. vii. 7 sqq.), yet thinks back without shame to his Pharisaic past (<scripRef>Phil. iii. 5</scripRef> sqq.; <scripRef>Acts xxiii. 6, xxvi. 5</scripRef>). Only often enough that emphasis upon external acts led to complete self-satisfaction (<scripRef>Matt. xix. 16</scripRef> sqq.; <scripRef>Luke xviii. 10</scripRef>) and to ostentation of piety (<scripRef>Matt. vi. 5 sqq., 16, xv. 7</scripRef> sqq.; <scripRef>Mark vii. 6, xii. 40</scripRef>; <scripRef>Luke xx. 47</scripRef>), extending even to the endeavor to conceal the lack of inner moral integrity by means of the outward show of devout deportment (</scripRef>Matt. xxiii. 25</scripRef> sqq.; <scripRef>Luke xi. 39</scripRef> sqq.). In the Talmud, besides, there occur not a few beautiful sentences, urging toward right thinking and true humanity (especially in <I>Pirke Aboth</i>). But <pb n="12"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
they stand isolated in a wilderness of external precepts which smother the spirit of the law in their casuistical forcing of its letter. In distinction from all this, the Sadducees evinced a strong inclination toward other than Jewish manners; and, consistently with this trait, they were fain to guard the advantages of their social standing, their culture and possessions, from prejudice in the way of a troublesome piety. They were charged with leading an effeminate mode of life (Josephus, <I>Ant.,</I> XVIII., i. 3). The fourth of the Psalms of Solomon gives a picture, inspired by Pharisaism, of the worldly, even dissolute, life of the Sadducees and of their hypocritical show of pious ardor. And a late rabbinical tradition (<I>Aboth</I> of Rabbi Nathan) tells of their luxury in the article on tableware, and their scoffing at the economy of the worrying Pharisees.
</P>
<h3>10 Theological Differences</h3>
<P>
This also affords a ready key to the- particular theological disputes between the Pharisees and Sadducees. From the different fundamental religious trend of the two parties there most immediately results their antithetical relation toward that oral tradition which had been early created by the scribes of the past age, through exposition and application of the law, for a sort of hedge to the same (Josephus, <I>Ant.</i>, XIII., xvi. 2; <scripRef>Matt. xv. 2,</scripRef>; <scripRef>Mark vii. 3</scripRef>). This tradition was made of binding force by the Pharisees; by the Sadducees it was rejected (Josephus, <I>Ant.</i>, XIII., x. 6). Through their endeavor to regulate the whole of human life, down to every detail, by means of the law, the Pharisees were led to lay great stress on enlarging the scope of the same by tradition, even to ascribe a paramount importance to the latter in comparison with the less exactly defined law (Mishnah, <I>Sanhedrin</i>, xi. 3). Ultimately, therefore, tradition, like the law, came to be traced back to Moses (<I>Pirke Aboth</i>, i. 11 sqq.), and so came the possibility of invalidating a legal provision by virtue of a traditional precept (cf. <scripRef>Mark vii. 11</scripRef>). Moreover, the Sadducees did not altogether avoid developing an exegetical school tradition, partly diverging from the tradition of the Pharisees (<I>Megillath Taanit</i>, 10); partly, indeed, accordant with it (<I>Sandehrin</i>, xxxiii. 6. <i>Horayoth</i> 4a).  But while they admitted no authority transcending the law, they so emphasized independence of judgment that they made it a boast to contradict their teachers themselves as far as possible (Josephus, <I>Ant.</i>, XVIII., i. 4).  But their principled rejection of legal tradition resulted partly from their opposition to the Pharisaic scribes, partly from their desire to be constrained as little as possible through legal regulations. Hence they repudiated all refining deductions from the law, and appealed simply to the letter thereof, which was easier to circumvent. Thus the letter of the law became for them their only categorical religious principle.  Sometimes, again, they enforced the strictness of the letter, in contrast with its attenuation; particularly in imposing penal sentences they were "more hard-hearted than all other Jews" (Josephus, <I>Ant.</i>, XX., ix. 1).  Jesus himself experienced this hard-heartedness on the part of his Sadducee judges.
</p>
<h3>11. Legal and Dogmatic Differences.</h3>
<p>
This divergent attitude of the Pharisees and Sadducees in respect to the letter of the law and to tradition, also explains a number of the particular legal disputes which are attributed to them in Talmudic sources, many of which are historical. In certain cases the Sadducees, as it appears, represented the priesthood; in the rest, a definite principle of opposition is not to be ascertained. To be noted also are some dogmatic differences, among which the most important was the one touching the doctrine of resurrection; not, as Josephus presents it in Hellenizing fashion (<I>War</i>, II., viii. 14; <i>Ant.</i>, XVIII., i.  3, 4), the doctrine of the immortality of the soul. If the Sadducees rejected the doctrine in question, they advocated the older position of Judaism. For the like doctrine was not at all proposed in the earlier Old Testament Scriptures, and not with complete distinctness before its appearance in the Book of Daniel. The Sadducees&#39; position was reinforced by their directly practical contemplation of earthly conditions. On the other hand, the fact that the Pharisees decidedly espoused the doctrine of resurrection was quite in accord with their very diligent fostering of hopes in the Messiah, which hopes, like their doctrine itself, on account of their avarricious temperament, assumed a strongly sensual cast. In like manner the doctrine concerning angels, which had been elaborated by the Pharisaic scribes on the basis of the Old Testament, was rejected by the Sadducees (<scripRef>Acts xxiii. 8</scripRef>) consistently with their preoccupation with mundane affairs. According to Josephus the Pharisees and Sadducees also diverged in their conception as to the relation between destiny and human free-will (<i>War</i>, II, viii. 14; <i>Ant.</i>, XIII., v. 9, XVIII., i. 3). This seems to indicate that the Pharisees, in their religious decisiveness, made everything dependent on divine providence; whereas the Sadducees, as men of practical affairs, deducted the elements of welfare and calamity from human transactions.
</P>
<h3>12 Relationship of Pharisaism to religion</h3>
<p>
The further development of the religious life could not attach itself to the materialistic and worldly bent of the Sadducees, but only to Pharisaism, which, however legalistic, traditional, and mercenary, was yet distinguished by a certain religious Pharisaism potentiality, as appears from the relatotion of primitive Christianity to both parties. The contact between Christianity and the Sadducees&#39; party was but slight and external. Enraged at the Christian revival of the hope of resurrection, and threatened in their hierarchical position by the. Messianic claims of Jesus and the accordant expectations of the Apostolic Church, the Sadducees persecuted both those teachings with scorn and violence. With Pharisaism, however, Christianity had to reach an understanding on inward grounds quite from the start. Proceeding from the common platform of the law and the Messianic hopes, Jesus attacked the formalism of the Pharisees and their entire externalizing of the moral and religious life in that he coupled the profoundest vitalization of the same with the renovating forces which emanated from <pb n="13"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
his own person. The hatred that he thereby brought upon himself on the part of the Pharisees also frenzied the popular masses. But when afterward in the apostolic congregation the proclaiming of Christ&#39;s resurrection pushed to the foreground, over shadowing, in a manner, the content of his own preaching, Pharisaism&#39;s antithesis to Christianity receded so far behind the vehement persecution of the same through the Sadducees, that it now be came feasible for Pharisaic elements to make their way into the Christian assembly (<scripRef>Acts xv. 1</scripRef> sqq.). It was only where the logical issues of Christianity became voiced in direct opposition to an absolute enforcement of the law (somewhat reservedly, at first, by the deacon Stephen, afterward more vigorously and with practical application by the Apostle Paul) that the Pharisaic enmity awoke, in utter bitterness. However, it was precisely his own Pharisaic training in youth that moved the Apostle Paul, after his radical breach with his past, to engage in a conflict with the Pharisaic party, not only outside, but especially within Christianity; wherein he prevailed to illustrate the peculiar principles of Christianity in contrast with the legal religion of the Old Testament, in a degree equaled by no other apostle.
</p>
<p class="author>F. S<small>IEFFERT</small>.</p>
<p class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY:</small> 
J. Wellhausen, <I>Die Pharis&#228;er and die Sadduc&#228;er</i>, Greifswald, 1874; A. Geiger, <I>Sadduc&#228;er und Pharis&#228;er</i>, Breslau, 1863; idem, in <I>Judische Zeitschrift</i>, ii (1863), 11-54; M. Friedl&#228;nder, <I>Die religi&#246;sen Bewegungen innerhalb des Judentums im Zeitalter Jesu</i>, Berlin, 1905. Consult further: Grossmann, <I>De Jud&#230;orum disciplina arcani</i>, Leipsic, 1833-41; idem, <I>De philosophia Sadduc&#230;orum</i>. ib. 1836-38; <I>De Pharis&#230;ismo Jud&#230;orum Alexandrino, </I>ib. 1846-50; <I>De collegio Pharis&#230;orum, ib. </I>1851; A. F. Gfr&#246;rer, <I>Das Jahrhundert des Heils</i>, i. 309 sqq.. Stuttgart, 1838; J. A. B. Lutterbeek, <I>Die neutestamentlichen Lehrbegriffe</i>, i. 157-222, Mainz, 1852; I. M. Jost, <I>Geschichte des Judenthums und seiner Secten</i>, i.  197 sqq., 216 sqq., Leipsic; 1857-59; A. M&#252;ller, in the <I>Sitzungsberichte</i> of the Vienna Academy, philosoph.-historical class, xxciv (1860), 95164; J. Derenbourg, <I>Hist. de la Palestine</i>, pp. 75-78, 119-144, 452-456, Paris, 1867; Hanne, in <i>ZWT</i>, 1867, pp. 131-179, 239-263; A. Hausrath, <I>Neutedamentliche Zeitgeschichte</i>, i. 129 sqq., Heidelberg, 1868, Eng. transl., <I>Hist.of the N. T. Times</i>, 4 vols., London, 1895; A. Kuenen, <I>De Godsdienst van Israel</i>, ii. 338-371, 456 sqq., 2 vols., Haarlem, 1869-70; J. Cohen, <I>Les Pharisiens, </I>2 vols., Paris, 1877; A. M. Fairbaim, <I>Studies in the Life of Christ</i>, pp. 165 sqq., London, 1881; Baneth, in <I>Magazin f&#252;r die Wissenschaft des Judentums</i>, ix (1882), 1-37, 61-95; J. Hamburger, <I>Real-encyyclop&#228;die f&#252;r Bibel and Talmud</i>, ii. 1038 sqq., Strelitz, 1882; E. Montet, <I>Essai sur lea origines des parties saduc&#233;en et pharisien. </I>Paris, 1883; idem, in <i>JA</i>, 1887, pp. 415-423; R. Mackintosh <I>Christ and the Jewish Law</I>, pp. 39 sqq., London, 1885; F. Weber, <I>Die Lehren des Talmud</i>, Leipsic, 1886; idem, <I>J&#252;dische Theologie auf Grund des Talmud und verwandter Schriften,</i> pp. 10-14, 44-46, ib. 1897; E. Davaine, <I>Le Sadduc&#233;isme, </I>Montauban, 1888; A. J&#252;lieher, <I>Die Gleichnisreden Jesu</i>, ii. 54 sqq., 549 sqq., Freiburg, 1888-89; A. B. Bruce, <I>Kingdom of God</i>, pp. 187 sqq., Edinburgh, 1889; J. L. Narbel, <I>&#201;tude sur Ie parti Pharisien, </I>Lausanne, 1891; H. E. Ryle, and M. R. James, <I>Psalms of Solomon</i>, pp. xlviii.-lii., Cambridge, 1891; J. F. W. Bousset, <I>Jeau Predigt in ihrem Gegensatz zum Judentum</I>, G&#246;ttingen, 1892; idem, <I>Die Religion des Judentums im neutestamentlichen Zeitalter</i>, pp. 161-168, Berlin; 1903; Kr&#252;ger, in <i>TQ</i>, lxxxv (1894), 431-496; O. Holtzmann, <I>Neutestamentliche Zeitgeschichte</i>, pp. 158 sqq., Freiburg, 1895; A. Bertholet, <I>Die Stellung der Israeliten und der Juden zu den Fremden</i>, pp. 123-256, T&#252;bingen, 1896; I. Elbogen, <I>Die Religionsanschauung der Pharis&#228;er</i>, Berlin, 1904; S. Schechter, <I>Die Chassidim</i>, Berlin, 1904; G. H&#246;lscher, <I>Der Sadduz&#228;ismus, Eine kritische Untersuchung zur sp&#228;teren Judenreligionsgeschichte</i>, Leipsic, 1906; 
S. Bamberger. <I>Sadduc&#228;er in ihren Bezichungen zu Alexander Jannai and Salome, </I>Frankfort, 1907; Sch&#252;rer, <I>Geschicte</i>, ii. 380-419, Eng. transl., II., ii. 1-43 (contains bibliography); <I>DB</i>, iii. 821-829, iv. 349-352; <I>EB, </I>iv. 4234-40, 4321-29; <I>JE</i>, ix. 661-666, x. 630-633; <I>KL</i>, ix. 1990-96; Vigouroux, <I>Dictionnaire, </I>part xxxi., pp. 206-218; Jacobus, <I>Dictionary</i>, pp. 666-668, 760-761. Magazine literature is indicated in Richardson, <I>Encyclopaedia</i>, pp. 848, 969; the subject is treated also in the more important works on the life of Christ, such as those of Farrar (Excursuses IX.XIV.), Edersheim, and Keim, and in those on the history of the Jews, as in Ewald and Gr&#228;tz.</small>
</p>

<br>
</div3><div3 class="Article" title="Pharmakides, Theoklitos" id="pharmakides_theolklitos">
<p><b>PHARMAKIDES, THEOKLITOS:</b> Modern Greek
theologian and ecclesiastical statesman; b. at Larissa, Thessaly, Jan. 25, 1784; d. at Athens Apr. 21, 1860. With but meager education, he was ordained deacon at Larissa in 1802 and priest at Bucharest in 1811, after which he was in charge of the Greek church in Vienna for some eight years. Here he was brought into contact not only with his compatriots who were interested in the revival of the Greek nation, but also with the philhellene Frederick North, fifth earl of Guilford, who wished him to accept a theological professorship in the projected university of Corfu. Pharmakides accordingly studied for two years at G&#246;ttingen, but returned to Greece on the outbreak of the Greek war for independence. Here he was active until his death in the reorganization of the national church and the establishment of an educational system.  Circumstances, however, hampered his efforts until 1833 when the Bavarian regency made him president of the committee to investigate the condition of the Greek Church. As secretary of the Synod of Nauplia, he was the main factor in securing the declaration of independence of the Greek Church in the same year. The conservative influence was, however, too strong for him, and after writing, his "On Zechariah, son of Berechiah" (Athens, 1838), "The Pseudonymous German" (1838), and "On the Oath" (1840), he was removed from his secretariate in 1839 and appointed professor of philology. He now published in his own defense his "Apology" (Athens, 1840), and unremittingly continued the struggle for the freedom of the Greek Church. His program was finally carried out, aided largely by his "The Synodic Volume: or, Concerning Truth" (Athens, 1852), when, in 1852, the Greek Church was made entirely independent except for ecclesiastical prerogatives of honor accorded to the patriarch of Constantinople. After this last work, Pharmakides appeared little in public. At the time of his death he was working on a large historical polemic against the Roman Catholic Church. Among his earlier publications mention may be made of his commentary on the New Testament (7 vols., Athens, 1844).  
</p>
<p class="author">(PHILIPP MEYER.)</p>
<p class="bibliography">
<small>B<smalI>IBILIOGRAPHY: </small>Biographical matter is found in the "Apology," ut sup. Consult: "Evangelical Herald," pp. 203-216, Athens, 1860; G. L. von Maurer, <I>Das griechische Volk</i>, vol. ii., Heidelberg, 1835; C. A. Brandis, <I>Mitteilungen &#252;ber Grieshenland</i>, vol. iii., Leipsic, 1842; R. Nicolai, <I>Geschichte der neugriechischen Literatur </I>, ib. 1876; G. F. Hertzberg, <I>Geschichte Griechenlands</i>, vols. iii. iv., Gotha, 1878; <i>TSK</i>, 1841, pp. 7-53.</small>
</p>

<br>
</div3><div3 class="Article" title="Phelonion" id="phelonion">
<P><b>PHELONION:</b> See V<small>ESTMENTS AND </small>I<small>NSIGNIA,</small>
E<small>CCLESIASTICAL.</small></p>

<br>
</div3><div3 class="Article" title="Phelps, Austin" id="phelps_austin">
<P>
<b>PHELPS, AUSTIN:</b> American Congregationalist; b. at West Brookfield, Mass., Jan. 7, 1820; d.<pb n="14"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
at Bar Harbor, Me., Oct. 13, 1890. He graduated at the University of Pennsylvania in 1837, and studied at Andover and Union Theological seminaries; was pastor of Pine Street Church, Boston, 1842-48, and professor of sacred rhetoric at Andover Theological Seminary, 1848-79, and president from 1869. He was a master of English, and distinguished in his teaching and writing. He published <I>The Still Hour </I>(Boston, 1859); <I>Hymns and Choirs </I>(Andover, 1860); Boston, 1867); <I>Sabbath Hours </I>(1870); <I>Studies of the Old Testament </I>(1879); <I>The Theory of Preaching </I>(1881); 
<I>Men and Books </I>(1882); <I>My Portfolio </I>(1882); <I>English Style </I>(1883); <I>My Study </I>(1885); and <I>My
Note Book </I>(1890).
</p>
<p class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY:</small> E. S. Phelps, <I>Austin Phelps; a Memoir</I>, New York, 1891; D. L. Furber, in <I>Bibliotheca Sacra</I>, xlviii (1891). 545-585.</small></p>

<br>
</div3><div3 class="Article" title="Phenicia, Phenicians" id="phenicia_penicians">
<p><h2>PHENICIA, PHENICIANS</h2>
<table>
<tr><td>Geography and Topography.</td><td>Beirut to al-Shakkai (&#167;7).</td><td>Deities (&#167; 1).</td></tr>
<tr><td>General Description; Acre, Achsib (&#167; 1).</td><td>Tripolis and Environs (&#167; 8).</td><td>Cult &#167; 2).</td></tr>
<tr><td>Region South of Tyre (&#167; 2).</td><td>Extreme Northern Phenicia (&#167; 9).</td><td>History.</td></tr>
<tr><td>Tyre (&#167; 3).</td><td>Names and Ethnology.</td><td>Till the Assyrian Period (&#167; 1).</td></tr>
<tr><td>Region between Tyre and Sidon (&#167; 4).</td><td>Names (&#167; 1). </td><td>Assyrian to the Roman Period (&#167; 2).</td></tr>
<tr><td>Sidon (&#167; 5).</td><td>Ethnology (&#167; 2). </td><td>Trade and Discovery (&#167; 3).</td></tr>
<tr><td>Sidon to Beirut (&#167; 6).</td><td>Religion.</td><td></td></tr>
</table>
<P>
<h3>1. Geography and Topography</h3>
<h4>General Description; Acre, Achzib.</h4>
<p>The term Sidonions or Sidonians is employed in the Old Testament to denote the Phenicians (cf. <scripRef>I Kings v. 6,
xvi. 31</scripRef>), though their country is called Phenicia or Phenice (I Esd. ii. 17 eqq.; II Mace. iii. 5, etc.; <scripRef>Acts xi. 19, xv. 3, xxi. 2</scripRef>). The boundaries of the country can not be determined definitely, for the scanty allusions to the Phenicians do not tell how far inland their domains extended. That they did extend inland is certain (cf. ,scripRef>I Kings v. 9</scripRef>), and Josephus states (<i>Ant.</i>, XIII., v. 6; <I>War</i>, II., xviii. 1, IV., ii. 3) that the city of Cedasa or Cydyssa was a Tyrian stronghold on the border of Galilee. The Phenician coast falls into three natural divisions: southern Phenicia, from Ras al-Abjad to the Nahr al-`Awali, north of Sidon; central Phenicia, from the Nahr al-`Awali to al-Shakkai; and northern Phenicia, from al-Shakkai to Ras ibn Hani or to Ras al-Basit. In ancient history the southern and the northern divisions are alone important. The Philistine conquests permanently separated the southern cities from association with the Phenicians, and deprived them of such cities as Joppa and Dor; not until the Persian rule did the Phenicians again control these regions. Before discussing Phenicia proper brief mention should be made of two cities, Acre and Achzib. The former lies on a steep promontory extending southward into the sea and forming a natural haven of medium size with the eastern edge of St. George&#39;s Bay. Owing to deposits of silt the harbor is deserted, and trade is diverted to the neighboring Haifa. In ancient times this city was of importance because of its haven and the roads connecting it with the interior, especially the " way of the sea " (<scripRef>Isa. ix. 1</scripRef>). The city is mentioned by Sethos I. under the name of `Aka about 1320 <small>B.C.</small>, and about 380 Artaxerxes Mnemon made it his base in his expedition against Egypt. Ptolemy II. Philadelphus refounded the city and named it Ptolemais. It passed into the possession of the Seleucids in 198 <small>B.C.</small>, and was an important military center in the Maccabean wars. In 65 <small>B.C.</small> Pompey brought it under the Romans, for whom it constituted the most important harbor of Palestine. In 1103 <small>A.D.</small> it was taken by Baldwin I., given to Saladin in 1187, retaken by the crusaders in 1189, and destroyed by Sultan Malik al-Ashraf in 1291. Rebuilt in 1749, the city. has slowly increased, despite the attack of Napoleon in 1799 and the bombardment of the united English, Austrian, and Turkish fleet in 1840, until it now contains a population of about 11,000. Some nine miles to the north, and pot far from the coast, lies the small village al-Zib, representing the Achzib of <scripRef>Judges xix. 29</scripRef>. A quarter of an hour to the north is the spring of &#39;Ain al-Mashairfah, which has been compared with the Misrephoth-maim of <scripRef>Josh. xi. 8, xiii. 6.</scripRef></P>
<h4>Region south of Tyre.</h4>
<p>Here the Jabal al-Mushakkah approaches the coast, and the ascent to the promontory of Ras al-Nakurah brings the traveler to Phenicia proper. To the north of the road stretches a small stony strip of coast in the form of a crescent to the second promontory, the Ras al-Abjad, or " White Promontory." The valley between the two promontories shows ruins of two ancient sites, Umm al-&#39;Amud and Iskandarunah, the former perhaps being the ancient Ramantha or Ramitha, the Greek Leuke Akte, later called Laodicea, and the latter dating back, at least in name, to the Roman Emperor Alexander Severus (222-235). In 1116 <small>A.D. </small> Iskandarunah was rebuilt by Baldwin I. as a base of operations against Tyre. The ancient road over the White Promontory runs for about forty minutes close to the declivity. In the course of centuries portions of it have been hewn in the rocks, and in especially steep places stone stairs have been cut, so that Josephus and the Talmud give as the ancient name of this road the " Tyrian Stairs."
</p>
<P>
North of the Ras al-Abjad a small plain extends between the shores and the foot of the mountains of Galilee. The streams are shallow and have little water, though good springs are occasionally found, especially about an hour south of Tyre in the Ras al-`Ain and ten minutes to the north, both about a quarter of an hour from the shore. Three other wells and an aqueduct, the latter apparently of Roman architecture, are found about fifteen minutes north of Ras al-`Ain. It was doubtless the springs of this promontory which first attracted the Pheniciana, which they also used for their city.
</P>
<h4>Tyre</h4>
<p>
The distance from Ras al-`Ain to Tyre is an<pb n="15"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
hour, and the plain with its sandy coast is one and a half miles broad. Modern Tyre, a town of some 6,000 inhabitants, lies on the northern side of a peninsula, while the ancient Phenician city was situated on an island. The prophet Ezekiel, like the Assyrian King Asahurbanipal, describes Tyre as built " in the midst of the seas " (<scripRef passage="Ezekeil"> xxviii. 2, cf. xxvii. 3-1, xxvi. 4</scripRef>), and the name itself means " rock." The island on which Tyre lay would seem to be the present peninsula where the modern town is situated. Of the buildings of the ancient city little is known. According to Menander of Ephesus (cf. Josephus, <I>Apion</i>, i. 18; <I>Ant.</i>, VIII., v. 3), Hiram I., the contemporary of Solomon, rebuilt the old temples. Special mention is made of the temple of Heracles (Melkarth) and Astarte, while Herodotus (ii. 44) refers to the temple of Thasian Heracles, which is probably identical with the Agenorium of Arrian (<i>Anabasis</i>, ii. 25-26). According to Menander and Dius, Hiram extended the city to the east and there constructed the great square, or Eurychorum. The ancient city had two harbors, the Sidonian to the north, and the Egyptian to the south. The former is now choked with sand, and the latter has entirely disappeared. On the main land opposite the island lay a city called Old Tyre by Menander, Strabo, Pliny, and others. It would seem, however, that the city in question was really called Ushu, a name occurring in the Amarna Tablets and the Assyrian inscriptions, and probably in the <I>Authu</I> of Egyptian monuments. The patron deity of the city was U<small>SOOS</small>, who was said to have been the first to sail the sea on a tree trunk, while his brother, Samemmmus, built huts of reed in Tyre (see S<small>ANCHUNIATHON</small>). This legend seems to imply that the island city of Tyre was settled from the mainland. The accounts of "Old Tyre" vary so widely that it is uncertain whether one or more places are meant, or whether sites are referred to which belong to different periods. Ancient Tyre, which seems to have had an important suburb at Ras al-Ma&#39;shut, ceased to be an island city in consequence of the siege by Alexander the Great in 332, when he constructed a vast mole, four stadia long and two plethra wide, from the mainland to the eastern side of the island (cf. Arrian,  <I>Anabasis</I>, ii. 17 sqq.; Diodorus Siculus, xvii. 40). The walls, said to be over 150 feet high, rendered the mole useless at first, but the Greek fleet bottled up the Tyrian ships in the harbors, whereupon the troops of Alexander were able to storm the relatively weaker ramparts on the south. In the taking of the city Arrian states that 8,000 fell, while 30,000 were sold as slaves, figures which imply a dense population.  Tyre was not wholly destroyed, however, by the Greek conqueror, and in 316-315 it was besieged in vain by Antigonus for fourteen months. Coming under Seleucid control in 198, it apparently bought its autonomy in 126, later restricted by Augustus. On his journey from Miletus to Jerusalem Paul found Christians at Tyre (<scripRef>Acts xxi. 3-6</scripRef>), and a bishop of Tyre, Cassius, is mentioned at the Synod of C&#230;sarea toward the end of the second century. The crusaders were in possession of the city 1124-91 <small>A.D.</small>, after which the Sultan Malik al-Ashraf occupied the place. The history of modern Tyre begins in 1766, when a sheik named Hanzar settled in the ruins and rebuilt them. After the destructive earthquake of 1837 the buildings were reconstructed by Ibrahim Pasha.
</P>
<h4>The Region Between Tyre and Sidon</h4>
<P>
The coast north of Tyre resembles that of the southern vicinity of the city. First the sandy shore, then a level plain stretching inland for about a mile, and then the beginning of the plateau of Galilee. Almost two hours between north of Tyre is the mouth of the Nahr al-Kasimiyah, after which the strip of Sidon. coast narrows, while the foothills are rich in tombs of various periods. At the foot of the range are traces of the old Roman road from Tyre to Sidon. North of the Wadi abu&#39;l Aswad is a ruined site called `Adlun, apparently the town of Ornithopolis, mentioned by Strabo as a Sidonian colony. An hour farther north a promontory and a village bear the name of Zarafand, the Zarephath of the Bible (<scripRef>I Kings xvii. 9-10</scripRef>; Obadiah 20; Sarepta, <scripRef>Luke iv. 26</scripRef>). The Crusaders made Zarephath an episcopal see, and the Wali al Khidr is held to mark the abode of the prophet Elijah. From Zarafand the coast bends westward, the first great rivers from the western slope of the Lebanon being found in the Nahr al-Zaharani and the Nahr Sanik. The gardens now begin, and become more numerous and more beautiful the closer the traveler approaches Zaida, the ancient Sidon.
</p>
<h4>5. Sidon</h4>
<P>
The modern city of Zaida is situated on a flat promontory between 200 and 300 yards wide, with a small rocky peninsula, 600 yards long. The northern quarter and a series of reefs and islands protect the inner harbor, while to the eastward stretches the outer harbor, which was used as an anchorage in summer. The peninsula bears the remains of ancient walls, and similar ruins are found on an island to the north of the harbor and on other reefs. The Phenician Sidon extended some 700 yards farther east than the modern town. The basalt sarcophagus of King Eshmunazar was discovered in 1855 ten minutes southeast of the city; in 1887, near the village of al-Halaliyah, seventeen magnificent Phenician and Greek sarcophagi were found, among them those of Tabnit, father of Eshmunazar, and the alleged sarcophagus of Alexander the Great. Excavations since 1900 have revealed a temple of Eshmun on the Nahr al-`Awali, also ancient aqueducts. In the Old Testament a " Great Sidon " is mentioned (<scripRef>Josh. xi. 8, xix. 28</scripRef>). This phrase is repeated on the Taylor cylinder with the words "Little Sidon" beside it, though the basis of the distinction is as yet unknown. The ancient city of Sidon was destroyed by Artaxerxes Ochus in 348 <small>B.C.</small> Yet after Alexander and during the Roman period Sidon remained an important city. Paul, on his way to Rome, found Christians there (<scripRef>Acts xxvii. 3</scripRef>), and the bishop of Sidon attended the Nicene Council of 325. Later the city declined and in 637-638 surrendered to the Mohammedans without resistance. During the crusades it was repeatedly taken and refortified, last by Louis IX. of France in 1253. Seven years later it was sacked by the Mongols, and in 1291 came under the control of Malik al-<pb n="16"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
Ashraf. Early in the seventeenth century Sidon was revived by the Druse Prince Fakhr al-Din. It likewise enjoyed the protection of Ibrahim Pasha of Egypt, but in 1840 was attacked by the fleet of the European allies.
</P>
<h4>6. Sidon to Beirut</h4>
<P>
The little plain about Sidon stretches to the north about to the Nahr al &#39;Awali, from the north side of which, about a half-hour from the city, the district of the Lebanon comprises the coast until near Tarabulus, or Tripolis, with the exception of Beirut and its immediate vicinity. This valley and the comparatively low passes near by were doubtless used in antiquity as the shortest road from Sidon to Damascus. The coast now becomes more stony, with no coast plain. Between the Ras Jedrah and the Ras al-Damur the towns of Platanus (or Plantana) and Porphyreum must have lain, where Antiochus the Great defeated the general of Ptolemy IV. Philopator in 218 <small>B.C.</small> North of the Ras al Damur is the mouth of the Nahr al-Damur, the Damuras, Demarus, or Tamyras of the ancients. A conspicuous point on the coast is the promontory of Beirut (Ras Bairut), with the city of the same name at its foot. To the east is a small well-populated plain on the banks of the Nahr Bairut, the ancient Magoras, as well as on the coast, which runs about, six miles to the east and forms St. George&#39;s Bay. The background is formed by the steep terraces of Lebanon with green valleys, neat farm houses, and small villages on the lower slopes, higher up remnants of the once famous forests, and at the summit a bare sharp ridge. In ancient Phenicia the city was of no importance, though its name, which apparently means "wells," occurs in the Amarna Tablets, which designate the place as the seat of the Egyptian vassal Ammunira. Beirut attained prominence as the Roman Colonia Julia Augusta Felix Berytus. It was famed for its school of law and for its silk-weaving until it was damaged by the earthquake of 529. Its second period of prosperity began when the Dmse Prince Fakhr al-Din (1595-1634) made it his chief residence. It is now the center of trade and commerce for the entire Syrian coast, especially as it has been connected with Damascus since 1895 by a railway. The city is the center of Syrian Christian culture, represented by American Presbyterian (The Syrian Protestant College) and Jesuit institutions of learning, and by German Protestant benevolent organizations. The British Syrian mission also maintains a series of schools, the Scotch mission works chiefly among Jews, Mohammedans, and Druses, while various French religious orders labor for the education of the natives and the care of the sick. This activity has spurred the nonChristian Syrians to establish schools. Beirut is the seat of a wali and contains about 120,000 inhabitants.</p>
<h4>7. Beirut to al-Shakkai.</h4>
<P>
Some two and a half miles east of Beirut the coast resumes its northerly course and soon reaches the mouth of the Nahr al-Kalb, the Lycus of the classics. The mountains here touch the water, and are crossed by the coast roads. The present road and railway from Beirut to the north is the closest to the sea level. Some ninety feet higher is the Roman road constructed by Marcus Aurelius about 176-180 <small>A.D.</small> Higher still three Egyptian and six Assyrian inscriptions or sculptures show that armies were led across this promontory over a much steeper, but more accessible road, by Rameses II. about 1300, Tiglath-Pileser I. about 1140, Shalmaneser II. about 850, Sennacherib in 702, and Esarhaddon in 670 (see A<small>SSYRIA</small>, VI., 3, &#167;&#167; 3, 7, 13). Later still, Greek, Roman, crusading, and Mohammedan armies passed over these roads, and finally the soldiers of the French expedition of 1860. The railway runs along the road to Ma&#39;amiltain on the Bay of Juniyah. From this point the old road again follows the coast, and at the northern end of the bay is hewn through the rock. An hour and a half farther to the north is the Nahr Ibrahim, the classical Adonis, closely associated with the Aphrodite legend. This goddess, the Astarte (q.v.) of the Phenicians, had her famous temple near the source of the river, which issues from a cavern under the steep high wall of the Jabal al Munaitirah. The ruins of the fane, 90 feet long and fifty-five feet wide, may still be seen, and probably represent the temple of Venus of Aphaka, destroyed by Constantine the Great in the fourth
century. The modern village of Afka is situated fifteen minutes above the source. Near the village of al-Ghinah, on the southern bank of the river, sculptures were found by Renan representing the leaping goddess and the death of Adonis. The center of the Adonis cult, the Byblos of the Greeks and the Gebal of the Phenicians, the modem Jabail with about a thousand inhabitants, lies an hour and a half north of the mouth of the Nahr Ibrar him (see G<small>EBAL</small>). The rocky road along the coast leads to the town of Batrun, the ancient Botrys. North of the Nahr al-Jauz rises a broad promontory now called al-Shakkai, but called by the Greeks " face of God," apparently translating its Phenician name (cf. <scripRef>Gen. xxxii. 30</scripRef>; <scripRef>I Kings xii. 25</scripRef>).
</P>
<h4>8. Tripolis and Environs.</h4>
<P>
At al-Shakkai central Phenicia ends. The road along the coast now crosses some small promontories, and then enters the plain of Tripolis, which spreads out at the mouth of the Nahr abu `Ali, or the Nahr Kadisha. The modem Tripolis consists of the court of al-Mina on the northern edge of a low but rocky promontory, with a series of small islands enclosing the harbor, and the city proper, now called Tarabulus. The latter is situated on both banks of the Nahr abu `Ali, about two miles from al-Mina. It owes its existence to the Mohammedans, who destroyed the former city on the coast in 1289. The city of the Phenicians and the crusaders, which probably occupied the site of the present al-Mina, had three distinct quarters occupied by Tyrians, Sidonians, and Aradians respectively. Before the Persian period, however, the city is not mentioned, its origin being obscure. From Tarabulus the coast bends westward, the resulting bay being called Jun &#39;Akkar. The coast is less rugged, especially where the Nahr al-Kabir or Nahr Laftara (the Eleutherus of the Greeks) approaches the sea. Through the broad plain thus formed the road leads to Emesa and <pb n="17"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
Hamath in the valley of the Orontes. Between Tripolis and the Nahr al-Kabir a number of ancient cities were located. On the southern bank of the Nahr al-Barid was Orthosia, the Arab Artusiah or Artusi; and on the north bank of the Nahr &#39;Arka was Arks, or Arke, the Roman Caesarea Libani, where Alexander Severus was born (now called Tell `Arka). The site is also brought into connection with the Canaanitic Arkites (<scripRef>Gen. x. 17</scripRef>). Scarcely half a mile north of the Nahr `Arka a village Syn existed in the fifteenth century, and this has been connected with the Sinites of <scripRef>Gen. x. 17</scripRef>; cuneiform inscriptions mention a site Sianu near Zimira and `Arza. North of the Nahr al-Kabir rises the Jabal al-Anzariyah, receiving its name from the Shiite sect of the Nuzairi, who live chiefly on this mountain.
</P>
<h4>9. Extreme Northern Phenicia.</h4>
<P>
The coast of northern Phenicia is, in general, milder and more attractive than in the southern and central portions, so that its cities were numerous. The first is Simyra or Simyrus, the Zumur of the Amarna letters, probably to be identified with the modern Zumrah between the Nahr al-Kabir and the Nahr al-Abrash. Two or three hours later the district of the ancient Aradians is reached, where, between the Nahr al-Kiblah and the Nahr Amrit, are extensive remains of the city of Marat, the Marathus of the Greeks, important during the Persian period, but destroyed in the struggles following the downfall of the Seleucids. On the coast, an hour farther north, is Tartus, the medieval Tortosa and the ancient Antaradus, first mentioned by Ptolemy in the second century <small>A.D.</small> The Phenician center on this part of the coast was the island city of Aradus (the Arvad of <scripRef>Ezek. xxvii. 8, 11</scripRef>, the modern Ru&#39;ad or Arwad), situated between Amrit and Tartus on an irregular rock some 800 yards long by 500 wide. Of the ancient city little remains. The present inhabitants, between 2,000 and 3,000 in number, are expert boatmen (cf. <scripRef>Ezek. xxvii. 8</scripRef.). Arvad is mentioned as a Phenician city about 1500 <small>B.C.</small>, and on its ships Tiglath-Pileser sailed the Mediterranean. Later it is repeatedly mentioned in Assyrian in scriptions as a place " in the midst of the sea." The nearest port on the mainland was Carne or Carnus, the modern Karnun, an hour north of Tartus, where ruins of fortifications axe still visible. Other harbors reckoned to Arvad were Balanias or Leucas (the modern Baniyas), Paltus (the modern Baldah), and Gabala (the modern Jablah). Probably the population of this northern district was not exclusively Phenician, and Phenicians hardly had centers beyond it. North of the promontory of Rae ibn Hani was a Heraclea, the name of which suggests Phenician origin; and the city of Rhosus
(the modern Arsuz) north of the Ras al-Khanzir, and the city of Myriandrus (Myriandus) are expressly said to have been in the hands of the Phenicians. The latter place was the predecessor of the modern Alexandretta or Iskandarun, but probably lay somewhat farther to the south.
</P>
<h3>II. Names and Ethnology:</h3>
<h4>1. Names. </h4>
<p>
The name Phenicia is derived from the Greek, occurring as early as Homer (Odyssey, xiv. 288, xv. 419) and Herodotus (i. 1-8, etc.). From this is derived the name of the country, Phenice (Odyssey, iv. 83, xiv. 291; Herodotus, ii. 44 sqq.), the form Phenicia being later. The meaning is uncertain. In the twelfth century Eustathius of Thessalonica, with probable correctness, advanced the view that it denoted "red," and referred to >the color of the people. Movers derived
Phenice from the Greek <i>phoinix</i>, " date palm," but this tree is seldom found in Phenicia, and is of inferior quality there. Nor is there any reason to suppose that the name of the country is derived from the Egyptian Fenkhu; about 1500 <small>B.C.</small> the Egyptians termed the Phenician coast from Acre to Arvad Zahi or Zahe. The Babylonians reckoned Phenicia in the land of Amurru; and after Tiglath Pileser III. Syria and Palestine were also called the "land of the Hittites." A special name for Phenicia does not occur. Late Greek writers state that the Phenicians named themselves Canaanites (see C<small>ANAAN</small>). The Phenicians seem to have called themselves after the names of their cities, Tyrians,
Sidonians, etc. In the Old Testament, therefore, the name "Sidon" (Zidon) and "Sidonians," when not shown by the context to refer expressly to the city and its inhabitants (as in <scripRef>Gen. x. 19</scripRef>; <scripRef>Judges i. 31</scripRef>; <scripRef>II Sam. xxiv. 6</scripRef>; <scripRef>I Kings xvii. 9</scripRef> (cf. <scripRef>Luke iv. 26</scripRef>]; <scripRef>Isa. xxiii. 2, 4, 12</scripRef>; <scripRef>Ezek. xxviii. 21-22</scripRef>), must be understood to connote Phenicia and the Phenicians in general (e.g., <scripRef>Deut. xiii. 9</scripRef>; <scripRef>Josh. xiii. 4, 6</scripRef>; <scripRef>Judges iii. 3</scripRef>; <scripRef>I Kings v. 6</scripRef>; <scripRef>Ezek. xxxii, 30</scripRef>). This linguistic usage, found current and continued by the Israelites, implies that Sidon was then the most important city of Phenicia. Later this usage disappeared, so that Herodotus ("History," i. 1) uses " Phenicians " to denote the population of the country. In later passages of the Old Testament (as <scripRef>Jer. xxv. 22</scripRef>; <scripRef>Joel iv. 4</scripRef>; <scripRef>Zech. ix. 2</scripRef>; I Macc. v. 15), as well as in the New Testament (<scripRef>Matt. xi. 21-22</scripRef>; <scripRef>Mark iii. 8</scripRef>; <scripRef>Luke vi. 17</scripRef>; <scripRef>Acts xii. 20</scripRef>), the formal phrase "Tyre and Sidon" denotes the Phenicians in general.
<P>
<h4>2. Ethnology.</h4>
<p>
The inhabitants of the Phenician coast can not be separated from the pre-Israelitic population of Canaan. This is shown, in the first place, by community of language as evinced in inscriptions, proper names, individual words cited by classic writers, and the sentences placed in the mouth of the Carthaginian Hanno in the Poenulus of Plautus, which show that the Phenician language was essentially identical with Hebrew. Though this linguistic affinity does not prove ethnological unity, the absence of opposing data renders it probable. In view of the natural contour of Canaan it would seem that the coast was settled from the southern mountain-district northward. The problem whether the Phenicians were indigenous in Syria is a part
of the broader question of the original home of the pre-Israelitic population of Canaan. The most plausible answer seems to be that given by Herodotus (i. 1, vii. 80), who affirms that the Phenicians formerly dwelt by the Red Sea, whence they journeyed across Syria to the Mediterranean, thus implying an original home in Arabia and conforming with the general trend of Semitic migrations. Winckler (<I>Geschichte Israels</i>, i. 126-132, Leipsic,<pb n="18"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
1895) has advanced the hypothesis that the Phenician and Canaanitic migration was the second to take place from Arabia, probably between 2800 and 1800 <small>B.C.</small> While there are thus no ethnological or linguistic reasons for regarding the Phenieians as a separate people, the events of history render it possible to speak of them as a nation. In their home, between the open sea and the almost impassable mountains, they became navigators and merchants, rather than an agricultural or pastoral people. Thus, on the one hand, their coherence with the Canaanites became ever more loose; and, on the other hand, their commercial interests developed a fresh bond of union. In Syria they never unfolded a strict nationality, for there was always a number of central points, consisting of the larger cities. The Phenicians accordingly called themselves Sidonians, Giblites, Carthaginians, and the like. To foreigners, however, they all seemed to be of one type, bold seamen, cunning and conscienceless traders. Through their enterprise and good fortune they brought the treasures of Babylonia and Egypt to the west, and thus essentially furthered the subsequent civilization of the Mediterranean lands.
</P>
<h3>III Religion</h3>
<P>
The sources for a knowledge of Phenician religion and cult are scanty. The inscriptions contain little but names of gods whose pronunciation is often uncertain, and many formulas the meaning of which is obscure. The euhemeristic treatise on the cosmogony and theogony of the Phenicians, the "Phenician history" of Sanchuniathon (q.v.), can be used only with caution, if at all, for the older period. It is remarkable that in so maritime a people the cult of seagods was so slightly emphasized. Hesychius mentions a "Zeus of the sea," and at Beirut the eight Kabirs ("great ones, mighty ones") were held to be the discoverers and patrons of navigation. The fact that in the names of the gods thus far known no allusions to trade or navigation appear seems to imply that the Phenicians developed their religion not on the coast or as seafarers, but in another region where their life was not unlike that of the other Canaanites to whom they were akin.
</P>
<h4>1 Deities.</h4>
<P>
The Phenician divinities were primarily local gods. Besides the gods of the cities, there were gods of the mountains. As possessors they were called  <I>ba&#39;al; </I> as lords, <I>adon;</I> as rulers, <I>melekh </I>(see M<small>OLOCH</small>, M<small>OLECH</small>). Their worshipers were< I>gerim</i>, "proteges," or <I>&#39;abhadhim</i>, " servants." Sexual antitheses were prominent in their religious system. The divinities were usually named after the place where they were honored: <I>Ba&#39;al Zor, </I>the god of Tyre; <I>Ba`al Zidon,</I> the god of Sidon; <I>Ba&#39;alath Gebal</I>, the goddess of Byblus. When the Phenicians founded a new colony, they established there a new seat for the cult of their native gods, whose authority did not transcend the limits of the new settlement. In common parlance the Phenicians spoke of a <I>ba&#39;al</I> or <I>ba&#39;alath</I> without any qualifying phrase (cf. <scripRef>I Kings xviii. 19</scripRef> sqq.), but there was no divinity so named. The feminine form <I>ba&#39;atath</I> was relatively rare, its place being taken by <I>&#39;ashtart</i>, so that Astarte, or Ashtoreth, appears in the Old Testament as the goddess <I>par excellence </I>of the Sidonians (i.e., Phenieians; cf. <scripRef>I Kings xi. 5, 33, xxiii. 13<scripRef>; see A<small>STARTE</small>; A<small>SHERA</small>; B<small>AAL</small>). Few Phenician gods are known by
specific names. The one most frequently mentioned was Melkarth (Hercules), the "King of the City (of Tyre)." Eshmun, greatly honored in Sidon, and compared with &#198;sculapius, seems to have been a god of health and healing. Proper names often contain the divine names Zd (" Hunter, Fisher "[?]; possibly connected with the name Sidon), Skn, Pmy, and P&#39;m, as well as a goddess Tnt (usually pronounced Tanith). Among the foreign gods were the Egyptian Isis, Osiris, Horus, Bast, and Thoth; the Syrian Resheph and &#39;Anat; and the Babylonian Tammuz, Hadad, and Dagon. The Phenicians, like the Canaanites, were accustomed to place by the altars sacred stones as the abode of the deity, pillars being substituted later for natural stones. Such pillars were called <I>matzeba, nazib</i>, or <I>hammanim</I> (see M<small>EMORIALS AND </small>S<small>ACRED</small> S<small>TONES</small>), and were regarded as animate. In the cult of female divinities, the sacred stone was replaced by the sacred post (representing the sacred tree), called Asherah (q.v.). The two pillars in the temple of Melkarth at Tyre (Herodotus, ii. 44; Josephus, <I>Apion</i>, i. 18) doubtless connoted the dualism found in nature. Still other sacred sites had groups of three pillars, apparently typifying a threefold phenomenon of nature. 
</P>
<h4>2. Cult.</h4>
<P>
The narrow local cults were later transcended by the widely worshiped Ba&#39;ad Shamem, or "Lord of Heaven," with his "goddess of the heaven of Baal" (cf. Herodotus, i. 105), who may be compared with the "queen of heaven" of <scripRef>Jer. vii. 18</scripRef>, and with the Carthaginian C&#230;lestis. The Signification of the divinity El is uncertain. He seems to have been first honored in Byblus, and was equated with Kronos by the Greeks, who said that he was worshiped with sacrifices of children in Phenicia, Carthage, and Sardinia (see M<small>OLOCH</small>, M<small>OLECH</small>). An important list of Carthaginian divinities is given in the deities invoked by Hannibal to witness his treaty with Philip of Macedon (Polybius, vii. 9). In Phenician cult there was nothing to distinguish them from other Canaanites. Sacred enclosures with altars, stones, and trees (posts), a cell or larger house for the image of the divinity (the architecture strongly influenced by Egypt), the firstlings of all productions for the deity, animal sacrifices, sacred dances, "votaries," priests, ablutions, and circumcision---all were present. The cosmogony presupposed a tripartite division into heaven, earth, and sea.
</P>
<h3>IV History</h3>
<h4>1. Till the Assyrian Period.</h4>
<P>
The earliest mention of the Phenician coast thus far known refers to its conquest by Sargon, king of Agade, in the middle of the third millennium <small>B.C.</small> Whether, however, this means the Phenicians proper is a problem, and Winckler holds that the campaign was waged against the pre-Phenician inhabitants, whose commercial activity and culture were later adopted by the Phenicians from the Arabian desert. About 1400 <small>B.C.</small>the Egyptian power, to which Thothmes III. had subjected the Phenicians a century previous, was waning, the Hittites were entering the <pb n="19"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
country and the kings of the Amorites, Abdashirtu and Aziru, were attacking the Phenician cities, whose kings wrote in vain to Egypt for aid. Sethos I and Rameses II restored the Egyptian power, at least for the southern portion of Syria; but the
supremacy of the Pharaohs came to an end, and the Philistines definitely settled in the land. The first prosperity of the Phenician cities began about 1000 <small>B.C.</small> Tyre became predominant, the supremacy of Sidon apparently being religious and civilizing rather than political. Hiram I of Tyre, after receiving a gift of twenty Israelitic cities from Solomon, engaged in trade with him (see O<small>PHIR</small>; T<small>ARSHISH</small>) and founded the colony of Citium in Cyprus, naming the town Karta Hadasht, or "new city" (Carthage). Under King Pygmalion the famous colony of Carthage is said to have been founded from Tyre, when what was probably an existing city received a new lord, a new cult, and a new name. Winckler holds that the impulse to migration which led the Phenicians to Canaan sent other emigrants from Arabia along the northern coast of Africa, and possibly into southern Europe, so that the "foundation" of Carthage was, in reality, merely its subjugation by Tyre. However this may be, the subordination of Carthage to Tyre led to the supremacy in the western Mediterranean of Tyre, which seems to have extended its sway over a number of Syrian cities also. While Hiram I. is always termed "king of Tyre" (<small>II Sam. v. 11; I Kings v. 15, ix. 10</small>), Ethbaal is called "king of the Zidonians" (<scripRef>I Kings xvi. 31</small>), thus implying that Tyre and Sidon had meanwhile been united under the hegemony of the former. This is confirmed by the statement of Menander (cited by Josephus, <i>Ant.</i>, VIII., xiii. 2) that Ethbaal founded Botrys (and also Auza in Lybia). The northern cities around Aradus, however, were unaffected by this predominance of Tyre.
</P>
<h4>2 Assyrian to the Roman Period.</h4>
<P>
The invasions of the Assyrian kings Assahurbanipal and Shalmaneser II in the ninth century were averted by the payment of tribute; but in 738 Tiglath-Pileser III formed the Assyrian province of Simyra from the cities in the Eleutherus valley. Sennacherib vainly besieged Tyre five years (701-696), though it lost its possessions on the mainland, while Sidon became tributary and received a new king from Sennacherib. Later Sidon revolted against Esarhaddon, only to be destroyed in 675 and replaced by an Assyrian city. Later still, Tyre was attacked and, with Aradus, forced to make peace with the Assyrians. The decline of the Assyrian power was probably favorable to the Phenician cities, and Egyptian attempts to regain supremacy were unsuccessful. The Egyptians were driven from Syria by the Babylonians under Nebuchadrezzar II, who beleaguered Tyre in vain (585-573). But internal strife broke out in Tyre, and after rule by suffetes, or "judges," the city was forced to ask Babylon for a king. Under Persian rule, which was accepted unresistingly by the Phenicians, Sidon became predominant. In the days of Herodotus, Sidon, Tyre, and Aradus made the "Three Cities" (Tripolis), but in the reign of Alexander the Great the chief Phenician centers were Tyre, Sidon, Byblus, and Aradus. In the Persian period, Aradus extended its power along the coast farther than before; in the south Acre, Ashdod, Ashkelon, and Carmel belonged to Tyre; Dor and Joppa to Sidon; and the entire coast to the fifth Persian satrapy. With the connivance of Nectanebo of Egypt, the Phenician cities, under Tennes of Sidon, revolted against Persia in 350, but were ruthlessly suppressed by Artaxerxes III. Alexander the Great found resistance only at Tyre, which he succeeded in reducing (see above). On the emergence of the Ptolemies and Seleucids from the confusion ensuing on the death of Alexander the Great, the Phenician cities came under Seleucus I. His successors also held Aradus and its vicinity, while the cities south of the Eleutherus were under the Ptolemies from 281 to 198. The kings of Sidon in the third century seem to have included Eshmunazar I, Tabnit, and Eshmunazar II, but on the death of the last-named Sidon apparently adopted a republican form of government, as Tyre did in 274. The other Phenician cities secured autonomy from the Seleucids, and these privileges were generally confirmed by the Romans. The Phenician language, however, was superseded by Aramaic, while the higher classes prided themselves on Greek or Roman culture. </p>
<h4>3. Discovery and Trade.</h4>
<p>Phenician trade was carried on both by land and sea. Land traffic brought the products and treasures of Arabia, Babylonia, and Armenia, and later of Persia and India, to the Mediterranean. Commerce with Egypt was probably carried on chiefly by water, though the maritime commerce of Phenicia was scarcely as extensive as is commonly supposed. Colonies proper were to be found only in Cyprus and northern Africa, Gades in southern Spain probably being settled originally from Africa. The Phenician commercial settlements or factories along the shores of the Mediterranean do not deserve the name of colonies.</p>
<p>The Phenicians were primarily merchants, ever eager to adorn their markets with the best and newest (cf. <scripRef>Ezek. xxvii.</scripRef>). Such a people would not be likely to develop an individual art, and Phenician remains, dating at the earliest from the Persian period, show a mixture of Egyptian, Babylonian, Persian, and Greek elements. The Phenician coins were struck on Greek models, but in Aradus Persian weights were used, and Phenician in Byblus, Sidon, and Tyre. In architecture the Phenicians received their inspiration from the Egyptians, but they developed a marked individuality in the treatment of stone. The Phenicians were skilled in constructing aqueducts, as is shown by the stone pipes through which the island of Tyre was supplied with water. Their ability in building ships was famed in antiquity (cf. Ezek. xxvii.; Herodotus, vii. 96, 128). Their moral reputation, however, was indifferent, as the allusions of the Odyssey to their knavery amply prove. The Phenicians have won much unmerited fame as discoverers through the attribution to them by the Greeks of the invention of things which they merely transmitted. In Rome purple fabrics were called <i>sarranus</i> (from Sarra, "Tyre"), and the Tyrians are described as the best skilled in dyeing in<pb n="20"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
purple. The art, however, was perhaps Babylonian. In like manner the Greeks thought that the alphabet originated in Tyre, especially in view of the power of the city about 1000 <small>B.C.</small> As a matter of fact Phenicia merely transmitted the alphabet, which probably originated in Babylonia like the cuneiform writing. And finally it may be noted that glass
and faience, the invention of which was popularly ascribed to the Phenicians, were known in Egypt earlier than in Phenicia.</p>
<p class="author"> (H. G<small>UTHE.</small>)</p>
<p class="bibliography"><small>B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY:</small> The articles in the dictionaries are general, covering the whole topic. The best are: <i>DB</i>, iii. 683-885, 855-862, 823-825, 980-981; <I>EB</i>, iii. 3730-65; <I>JE,</I> ix. 687-870; 
Vigouroux, <i>Dictionnaire</i>, part xxxi. 228-247; 
Jacobus, <I>Dictionary</i>, pp. 674-676. <br><br>
On the geography consult: V. Gu&#232;rin, <i>Description de la Palestine</i>, III., <i>Galilee</i>, part 2, Paris, 1880; <i>Survey of Western Palestine, Memoirs</i>, vol. i., Galilee, London, 1881; 
G. Ebers and H. Guthe, <i>P&#228;lestina in Bild and Wort</I>, vol. ii., Stuttgart, 1884.<br><br>
On the art, language, and inscriptions: 
Inscriptions are collected in the <i>CIS</i>, part 1, vols., i-ii., Paris, 1881-89.
Consult: 
G. Perrot and C. Chipies, <i>Histoire de l&#39;art dans l&#39;antiquit&#232;</i>, vol. 3, <i>Ph&#233;nicie</i>, Paris, 1885, Eng. transl., <i>Hist. of Art in Ph&#230;nicia, </I>2 vols., London, 1885; 
W. Gesenius, <i>Scriptur&#230;es ling&#230;gue Ph&#230;nicia monumenta</i>, Leipsic, 1857; 
P. Schroder, <i>Die ph&#246;nizische Sprache</i>, Halle, 1869 (grammar); 
B. Stade, <i>Morgenl&#228;ndische Forschungen</i>, pp. 167 sqq., Leipsic, 1875; 
C. Clermont-Ganneau; <i>Sceaux et cachets ph&#233;niciens</i>, Paris, 1883; 
E. Ledrain, <i>Notice des monmuments ph&#233;niciens</i> (i.e., in the Louvre), Paris, 1888; 
A. Bloch, <I>Ph&#246;nicische&#39;s Glossar</i>, Berlin, 1890; 
J. G. E. Hoffmann, <i>Ueber einige ph&#246;nikische Inschriften</i>, G&#246;ttingen, 1890; 
A. Pellegrini, <i>Studii d&#39;Epigrafia fen&#237;cia,</i> Palermo, 1891; 
O. Hamdi, <i>Une Necropole royals &#224; Sidon</i>, Paris, 1892-96; 
M. Lidzbarski, <I>Handbuch der nordsemitischen Epigraphik</i>, Weimar, 1898; 
idem, <i>Ephemeris fur semitische Epigraphik</i>, Giessen, 1900 sqq.; 
A. Mayr, <i>Aus den ph&#246;nizischen Nekropolen von Malta</i>, Munich, 1905; 
Sehrader, <i>KAT</i>, pp. 126 sqq., et passim; 
W. F. von Landau, <i>Die ph&#246;nizischen Inschriften</i>, Leipsic, 1907.<br><br>
On the alphabet: 
E. de Rough, <i>M&#233;moires sue l&#39;origine &#233;gyptienne de l&#39;alphabet ph&#232;nicien</i>, Paris, 1874; 
Deecke, in <I>ZDMG</i>, xxxi (1877), 102 sqq.; 
P. Berger, <I>Hist. de l&#39;&#232;creture dans l&#39;antiquit&#232;</i>, Paris, 1892; 
Ball, in <i>PSBA</i>, 1893, pp. 392-408; 
C. R. Condor, <i>Bible and the East</i>, pp. 74 sqq., Edinburgh, 1896; 
H. Zimmern, in <I>ZDMG</i>, 1 (1896), 667 sqq.; 
J. Alvarez de Peralta, <I>lconografia de los  Alfabetos fenicio y hebraico</i>, Madrid, 1898.<br><br>
On the history: R. Pietschmann, <i>Geschichte der Ph&#246;nisier</i>, Berlin, 1889; 
G. Rawlinson, <I>Hist. of Ph&#230;nicia</i>, London, 1889; idem, <i>Ph&#230;nicia</i>, ib. 1889; 
F. C. Movers, <i>Die Ph&#246;nisier</i>, Bonn, 1841-56; 
J. Kenrick, <I>Hist. of Ph&#230;nicia</i>, London, 1855; 
E. Renan, <I>Mission de Ph&#233;nicie</i>, Paris, 1864; 
G. Maspero, <i>Hist. ancienne des peuples de l&#39;orient</i>, Paris, 1875; 
idem, <i>Struggle of the Nations</i>, London, 1896; 
H. Prutz, <i>Aus Ph&#246;nizien</i>, Leipsic, </I>1876; 
F. Bovet, <i>Egypt, Palestine, and Ph&#230;nicia</i>, London, 1882; 
E. Oberhummer, <I>Ph&#246;nizier in Akarnanien</i>, Munich, 1882; 
E. Meyer, <i>Geschichte des Altertums</i>, vol. i., Stuttgart, 1884; 
A. von Gutschmid, in <I>Encyclop&#230;dia Britannica</i>, Germ. trans., in his <I>Kleine Schriften, </I>ii. 36-80, Leipsic, 1889; 
W. M. M&#252;ller, <i>Asien und Europe, </I>Leipsic, 1893; 
C. Peters, <i>Das goldene Ophir Salomo&#39;s. <I>Eine Studie sur Geschichte der ph&#246;nikischen Weldtpolitik</i>, Munich, 1895; 
H. Winckler, <i>Altorientalische Forschungen</i>, i. 5 (1897), 421 sqq., ii. 1 (1898), 65-70, ii. 2 (1899), 295 sqq.; 
idem, Geschichte lsraels</i>, i. 104 sqq., Leipsic, 1895; 
W. von Landau, <i>Die Ph&#246;nizier</i>, Leipsic, 1901; 
idem, <i>Die Bedeutung der Ph&#246;nizier im V&#246;lkerleben</i>, ib. 1905; 
V. B&#232;rard, <i>Les Ph&#233;niciens et &#39;Odyss&#232;e</i>, 2 vols., Paris, 1902--03; 
idem, in <I>RHR</I>, xxxix. 173-228, 419-460; 
C. A. Bruston, <&#200;tudes ph&#232;niciennes</i>, Paris, 1903; 
W. M. M&#252;lller, <i>Neue Darstellungen " mykenischer " Gesandter and ph&#246;nizischer Schiffe in alt&#228;gyptischen Wandgem&#228;lden</i>, Berlin, 1904; 
A. D. Mordtmann, <i>Historische Bilder vom Bosporus</i>, part 2, Constantinople, 1907; 
F. C. Eiseler, <I>Sidon: a Study in Oriental History,</i> New York, 1907.<br><br>
On the religion: 
C. and T. Muller, <i>Fragmenta historicum Gr&#230;corum</i>, iii. 560 sqq., 4 vols., Paris, 1841-51; 
W. von Baudissin, <i>Studien zur semitischen Religionsgeschichte</i>, </I>Leipsic, 1878; 
F. Baethgen, <i>Beitrape zur semitischen Religionsgeschichte</i>, Berlin, 1888; 
P. D. Chantepie de la Saussaye, <I>Lehrbuch der Religionsgeschichte</i>, i. 348-383, T&#252;bingen, 1905; 
Smith, <I>Rel. of Sem.</i> Consult also the article S<small>ANCHUNIATHON</small> and the literature given there.</small>
</P>

<br />
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Philadelphia" id="philadelphia">
<p>
<b>PHILADELPHA.</b> See A<small>SIA</small> M<small>INOR</small>, IV.
</p>

<br />
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Philadephian Society" id="philadelphian_society">
<p>
<b>PHILADELPHIAN SOCIETY.</b> See L<small>EAD</small>, J<small>ANE.</small>
</p>

<br />
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Philanthropy" id="philanthropy">
<p>
<b>PHILANTHROPY.</b> See S<small>OCIAL</small> S<small>ERVICE OF THE</small> C<small>HURCH.</small>
</P>

<br />
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Philaret" id="philaret">
<P>
<b>PHILARET</b>, f&#238;"la&#772;-ret&#39; <b>(VASILY MIKHAIL0VICH DROZDOV):</b> Russian prelate; b. at Kolomna (58 m. s.s.e. of Moscow) 1782; d. at Moscow Dec. 1, 1867. He was educated at the seminaries of Kolomna and St. Sergius Lavra, and on the completion of his studies was at once appointed professor in the latter. He became preacher at the monastery of St. Sergius at Troitsk in 1806, and four years later was appointed professor of theology in the ecclesiastical academy of Alexander Nevski in St. Petersburg, becoming archimandrite in 1811 and director in 1812. He took monastic vows in 1817, and after being bishop of Reval and episcopal vicar of St. Petersburg, became, in 1819, archbishop of Tver and a member of the Holy Synod. In the following year he was archbishop of Yaroslav, and in 1821 was translated to Moscow, also becoming metropolitan in 1826. His daring utterances, however, brought him into imperial disfavor, and from 1845 until the accession of Alexander II. in 1855 he was restricted to the limits of his diocese. He is said to have prepared Alexander&#39;s proclamation freeing the serfs (Mar. 19, 1861), and he enjoyed the reputation of being one of the leading pulpit orators of his time and country. He was a prominent figure in preparing a Russian translation of the Bible (see B<small>IBLE</small> V<small>ERSIONS</small>, B, XVI., &#167; 2), and wrote " Colloquy between a Believer and a Skeptic on the True Doctrine of the Greco-Russian Church " (St. Petersburg, 1815); " Compend of Sacred History " (1816); " Commentary on Genesis " (1816); " Attempt to Explain Psalm lxvii." (1818); "Sermons delivered at Various Times" (1820); " Extracts from the Four Gospels and the Acts of the Apostles for Use in Lay Schools " (1820); "Christian Catechism" (1823; Eng. transl. by
R. W. Blaekmore in his <I>Doctrine of the Russian Church, </I>Aberdeen, 1845; reprinted in Schaff, <I>Creeds, </I>
ii. 445-542); " Extracts from the Historical Books of the Old Testament " (1828-30); " Principles of Religious Instruction " (1828); and " New Collection of Sermons " (1830-36). An English version of some of his sermons was published at London in
1873 under the title " Select Sermons by the late Metropolitan of Moscow, Philaret," together with a brief biographical sketch.
</P>
<P class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY:</small><I>Biographie universelle, </I>xxxiii. 45-46; La Grande Encyclopedie, xxvi. 645.</small>
</P>

<br />
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Philaster" id="philaster">
<P>
<b>PHILASTER</b>, fi-las&#39;ter <b>(PHILASTRIUS):</b> Bishop of Brescia and ecclesiastical writer; b. possibly
in Egypt in the first half of the fourth century; d. before 397. He had been consecrated before 381, for in that year he took part in the Synod of Aquileia. Augustine knew him while at Milan; and his, successor Gaudentius, who became bishop of Bres-<pb n="21"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
cia before 397, praised his orthodoxy and learning <I>(MPL</I>, xx. 957). According to the tradition current at Brescia, he died on July 18; but the <I>Sermo de vita et obitu Philastri </i>(<i>MPL</i>, xx. 1002), ascribed to Gaudentius, seems to date rather from the eighth or ninth century. About 383 Philaster wrote his <I>Diversarum h&#230;reseont liber</i> (ed. J. Sichard, Basel, 1528; also in <I>MPL</i>, xii.; <i>CSEL</I>, xxxviii.), a catalogue containing twenty-eight pre-Christian and
128 Christian heresies. The style shows lack of education, and the matter lack of intellectual training. It is fanciful and artificial, especially in its divisions of distinction. His source for heresies previous to Noetus was probably the lost <i>Syntagma adversus omnes h&#230;reses</I> of Hippolytus, and for the Manicheans the <I>Acta Archelai</I>. The intrinsic value of the work is small. He was, however, cited by Augustine, and thus gained importance in the Middle Ages, and he is of some interest in tracing the history of the New-Testament canon, especially for the Epistle to the Hebrews, and the Letter to the Laodiceans.</p>
<p class="author"> (R. S<small>CHMID</small>.)</p>
<p class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>lBLIOGRAPHY:</small> 
R. A. Lipsius, <i>Zur Quellenkritik des Epiphanios, </I>Vienna, 1865; 
idem. <i>Die Quellen der &#228;ltesten Keisergeschichte</i>, Leipsic, 1875; 
A. Harnack, <i>Quellenkritik der Geschichte des Gnostismus</i>, Leipsic, 1874; 
idem, <i>Litteratur</i>, i. 150; 
J. Kunze, <i>De histori&#230; gnosticismi fontibus</I>, Leipsic, 1894; 
Kr&#252;ger, <i>History</i>, passim; 
Schaff, <i>Christian Church</i>, iii. 931; 
Ceillier, <i>Auteurs sacr&#233;s</i>, v. 171-178, viii. 42-43; <i>DCB</i>, iv. 351-353.</small>
</p>

<br>
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Phileas" id="phileas">
<p>
<b>PHILEAS</b>, fi-l&#234;&#39;as<b>:</b> Bishop of Thmuis (the modern Tmai, between the Tanite and Mendesian branches of the Nile) and martyr; d. at Alexandria 305. According to Eusebius, he was distinguished for his wealth, noble birth, honorable rank, and philosophical training, and the same church historian also gives a fragment of a letter written by Phileas from his prison in Alexandria to his diocese at Thmuis (<i>Hist. eccl.</i>, VIII., x. 2-10; Eng. transl., <I>NPNF</I>, 1 ser., i. 330-331), holding up the example of the Alexandrian martyrs. Together with three other bishops imprisoned with him, Phileas wrote to Meletius of Lycopolis (q.v.), charging him with violating the rules of the Church by appointing other bishops in their places. The acts of Phileas, which are extant both in Greek and Latin, seem to have been known to Eusebius and to Jerome; and Rufinus (<i>Hist, eccl.</i>, viii. 10) states that they were written by a Christian named Gregorius. The official who presided at the martyrdom of Phileas was Culcianus, who was succeeded by Hierocles apparently in 306, and at latest by 308.</p>
<p class="author">(N. B<SMALL>ONWETSCH.</SMALL>)</p>
<p class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>IBLOGRAPHY:</small> The letter is also in 
M. J. Routh, <I>Reliqui&#230; sacr&#230;</i>, 5 vols., Oxford. 1846-48; Eng. trans. with introduction and notes is in <I>ANF, </I>vi. 181-164. The Acts of his Martyrdom are in <i>ASB</i>, Feb., i. 459 .qq. (with commentary); 
R. Knopff, <i>Ausgew&#228;hlte M&#228;rtyrakten</i>, pp. 102 sqq., Freiburg, 1901; 
F. Combefis, <i>Illustrium Christi martyrum lecti triumphi</i>, pp. 145 sqq., Paris, 1680 (the Greek text). The older literature is given in <I>ANF</i>, Bibliography, p. 71. Consult: Jerome, <i>De vir. ill.</i>, lxxviif.; 
N. Lardner, <i>Credibility of Gospel History</i>, in <i>Works</i>, iii. 234-237, London, 1838; 
J. M. Neale, <i>Hist. of the Holy Eastern Church</i>, i. 97, 99-101, London, 1847; 
E. le Blaut, <i>Les Pers&#233;cuteurs et les martyrs aux premiere si&#232;cles</i>, pp. 226-227, Paris, 1893; 
Harnack, <i>Litteratur</i>, i. 441 142, 12, pp. 69-72, 74, 83; 
C. Schmidt, in <i>TU</i>, v. 4b (1901); 
O. Bardenhewer, <I>Geschichte der altkirchlichen Litteratur</i>, ii. 211 212, Freiburg, 1903; 
Kr&#252;ger, <i>History</i>, p. 219; 
<I>DCB</I>, iv. 353; 
<I>KL</i>, ix. 1998.
</small>
</p>

<br>
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Philemon, Epistle to" id="philemon_epistle_to">
<P>
<b>PHILEMON, EPISTLE TO.</b> See P<SMALL>AUL. THE</SMALL> A<SMALL>POSTLE</SMALL>, II.
</P>

<br>
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Philip II" id="philip_II">
<P>
<b>PHILIP II.:</b> King of Spain, son of the Emperor Charles V. and Isabella of Portugal; b. at Valladolid May 21, 1527; d. at Madrid Sept. 13, 1598. Educated under Dominican rather than Jesuit influence, he perpetuated the Spanish idea of Roman Catholicism that underlay the policy of Ferdinand and Isabella and Cardinal Ximenes, which regarded Roman Catholicism as the only tolerable form of Christianity and as absolutely essential to the political power of Spain. He had no sympathy with the humanistic popes and Curia, and would brook no interference of the papacy with Spanish administration; on the other hand, he insisted upon controlling papal policy. The policy of compromise by which Charles V. had sought to reunify religion throughout his realm had been recognized by himself as ineffective.</P>
<h3>Two Chief Aims; Failure in England.</h3>
<P>
Philip began his reign with the fixed resolve to exterminate Protestantism at whatever cost from every foot of territory that he controlled. Closely connected with this aspect of his policy was a determination to make his own will supreme throughout his vast realm. Protestantism had never been allowed to gain much headway in Spain and he spared no effort or expense to remove every vestige of anticatholiciam. With equal severity he dealt with the Moriscoes (professed Moorish converts still Mohammedan at heart) and with converts from Judaism whose sincere devotion to Roman Catholicism was suspected. He married Mary of England (1554) with the twofold object of bringing England under the domination of Spain and of exterminating heresy in the British Isles. He even sought to ingratiate himself with the English people by putting aside
his customary moroseness and reserve and assuming an air of friendliness and suavity. His failure to win the hearts of the English, Mary&#39;s dissatisfaction with his private life, and the urgent need of his presence at home led to his leaving England for
ever (Sept., 1555). In 1556 by the abdication of Charles V. he became master of Spain, the Sicilies, the Milanese territory, Franche Comt&#233;, the Netherlands, Mexico, and Peru, thus becoming the greatest potentate on earth with seemingly unlimited resources.</p>
<h3>His Wars.</h3>
<P>
He was impatient to begin a crusade against Protestantism in which he sought to enlist all the Roman Catholic sovereigns of Europe, but was shocked by the discovery that the pope had formed an alliance with the king of France and the sultan to deprive him of his Italian possessions. He scrupled at going to war with the pope, but self-interest soon triumphed and he sent the duke of Alva to drive French and papal forces from Sicily and to seize the papal possessions, while he himself administered a severe chastisement to the French at St. Quentin (Aug. 10, 1557) and at Gravelines (Apr. 2, 1559). After the death of Mary of England he sought once more to gain a foothold in England by proposing to marry Elizabeth, her sister and successor. Failing in this project he married Isabella <pb n="22"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
of France, daughter of Catharine de Medici, his main object being to bring his influence in favor of Roman Catholicism more powerfully to bear upon France for the destruction of the Huguenots and to prevent French interference with his measures against Evangelical Christianity in the Netherlands. As a preparation for the crusade against Protestantism, which he foresaw to be an undertaking of vast proportions, he began to gather rapidly into the treasury the wealth of his domain, ignoring completely the customary and legal rights of the people. The revolt of the Netherlands and his unsuccessful
efforts to suppress it depleted the well-filled treasury and led to extortionate and destructive taxation in Spain, including ecclesiastical foundations. Portugal became his through failure of the direct male line of succession and through a successful military invasion (1580). The pope having bestowed England upon Philip, he undertook to take possession (1588) by sending the armada, a fleet of 131 vessels with 19,000 marines and 8,000 sailors, against a far inferior English fleet. Favoring winds and superior seamanship gave the victory to the English, and Spain was well-nigh swept off the sea.
Philip promoted and rejoiced in the massacre of St. Bartholomew&#39;s day in France (1572) and, when Henry of Navarre became heir apparent and was contending for the crown, Philip joined forces with the Guises. In the war that followed Philip was worsted and was obliged to sign the treaty of Vervins (May, 1598). By forty years of aggressive warfare, for the destruction of the political enemies of Spain and of the enemies of the Roman Catholic Church, he lost a large part of his hereditary possessions, impoverished and degraded what remained, and at his death (1598) left Spain a secondary power
and its people far behind the age in free institutions and in civilization. The inquisition of heresy was with him a favorite occupation, and it was carried on with the utmost cruelty wherever his authority prevailed.</p>
<h3>Attitude toward the Papacy.</h3>
<p>While he regarded Roman Catholicism as the only valid form of Christianity and was convinced that the toleration of any other form of religion tended toward anarchy or at least toward destruction of monarchy, he was strenuous in resisting anything in papal or conciliar action that could be construed as infringement upon the prerogatives of the Spanish crown. His control of the Inquisition, his right to nominate bishops not only for Spain but also for the Netherlands, the <i>regium exequatur</i> (involving the right of the king to pass upon all papal bulls and briefs before their promulgation in his domains; see P<small>LACET</small>), the right of the king to administer and control the affairs of the Hospitalers and other endowed ecclesiastical institutions, he persistently maintained. He exercised a controlling influence over the Council of Trent.(1556 onward) and his representatives were keen to detect and mighty to defeat any ordinance that trenched upon the rights of the Spanish crown. .The conciliar provision for episcopal visitation of the chapters of the monastic orders he resolutely and effectively opposed, as well as the council&#39;s proposed arrangement for provincial and diocesan synods. He greatly promoted the progress of the monastic orders, especially the Dominicans, Franciscans, the order founded by St. Peter Nolasco (see N<small>OLASCO</small>), and Jesuits, and encouraged the multiplication of their establishments in Spain and the colonies. He took the keenest interest in papal elections and virtually insisted upon his right to nominate to the papal office or at least to defeat all candidates whom he disapproved. He promoted the Jesuit school at Douai for the education of Roman Catholic missionaries for England.</P>
<P>Apart from his single-minded devotion to the maintenance and extension of the authority of the Spanish crown and the universal prevalence of the Roman Catholic religion, Philip had few of the qualities that mark a great ruler or statesman. He was egoistic, unsympathetic, cruel (the loss of tens of thousands of troops seems to have affected him only as a diminution of the resources available for the accomplishment of his purposes, and he frequently was present in person at the burning of heretics), taciturn, morose, distrustful, and reserved.</p>
<p class="author"> A. H. NEWMAN.</P>
<p class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY: </small>A rich list of literature is furnished in the <I>British Museum Catalogue. </I>
For English readers the best works directly on the subject are: 
W. H. Prescott, <I>Hist. of the Reign of Philip IL, </I> many editions, e.g., in his <I>Complete Works</i>, Boston, 1905 (a classic); 
M. A. S. Hume, <i>Philip II. of Spain</i>, London, 1897; idem, <i>Spain, its Greatneas and Decay</i>, ib. 1898; idem, <i>Two English Queens and Philip</i>, ib. 1908. 
Further accounts of the life and reign of Philip are: 
C. Campana, 2 parts, Venice, 1805-09;
G. Leti, 2 parts, Coligni, 1079; 
Robert Watson, 2 vols., London, 1808; 
A. Dumesnil, <i>Hist. de Philippe II.</i>, Paris, 1822; 
E. San Miguel y Valledor, 4 vols., Madrid, 18441847; 
F. A. M. Mignet, <i>Antonio Perez and Philip II.</i>, London, 1848; 
C. Gayarr&#233;, New York, 1868; 
R. Baumstark, Freiburg, 1875; 
V. Gomez, Madrid, 1879; 
H. Forneron, 4 vols., Paris, 1881-82; 
W. W. Norman, New York, 1898. 
Consult also more general works, such as:
<i>Cambridge Modern History</i>, vol. iii., London and New York, 1905; 
S. A. Durham, <i>Hist. of Spain and Portugal</i>, 5 vols., London, 1832 (the best general history in English); 
M. W. Freer, <i>Elizabeth de Valois</i>, 2 vols., London, 1857; 
F. W. Sehirrmacher, <i>Geschichte von Spanien</i>, 6 vols.. Gotha, 1893; 
H. Watts, <i>Spain</i>, New York, 1893;
C. A. Wilkens, <i>Spanish Protestants in the 18th Century</i>, New York, 1897; 
J. L. Motley, <i>The Rise of the Dutch Republic</i>, ed. Bell, London, 1904; 
H. C. Lea, <i>Hist. of the Inquisition of Spain,</i>, 4 vols., New York, 1906-07; 
Robinson, European History, ii. 168 eqq. Illustrative original documents are cited in Reich, Documents, pp. 593 sqq.,
and in Gee and Hardy, Documents, pp. 384 sqq.</small>
</P>

<br>
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Philip IV (Le Bel, "The Fair)" id=philip_iv_(le_bel_"the_fair")>
<P>
<b>PHILIP IV. (LE BEL, "THE FAIR "):</b> King of France (1285-1314), son of Philip III.; b. at Fontainebleau (37 m. s.s.e. of Paris) 1268; d. Nov. 29, 1314. A contemporary Flemish monkish chronicler, having in mind his persistent and unscrupulous efforts to subjugate Flanders, speaks of him as " a certain king of France . . . eaten up by the
fever of avarice and cupidity." Guizot, quoting with approval this medieval characterization, adds:<br>
<small>" And that was not the only fever inherent in Philip IV. he was a prey also to that of ambition and, above
all, to that of power. When he mounted the throne, at seventeen years of age, he was handsome, as his nickname 
tells us, cold, taciturn, hash, and brave at need, but without fire or dash, able in the formation of his designs and obstinate in prosecuting them by craft or violence, bribery or cruelty, with wit to choose and support his servants, passionately vindictive against his enemies, and faithless and unsympathetic toward his subjects, but from time to time taking care to conciliate them either by calling them to his<pb n="23"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
aid in his difficulties or dangers, or by giving them protection against their opposers. Never, perhaps, was king better
served by circumstances or more successful in his enterprises; but . . . he had a scandalous contempt for rights, abused success, and thrust the kingship in France upon the high-road of that arrogant and reckless egotism which is sometimes compatible with ability and glory, but which carries with it in germ . . . the native vices and fatal consequences of arbitrary and absolute power" <I>(Hist. of France,</I> i. 457, New York, 1884).</small>
</P>
<P>
His political success was scarcely as real as this characterization implies; for while he was able to rob England of Guienne he was ultimately compelled to restore it, and while for a time he dominated and oppressed Flanders, his victory was followed by humiliating defeat. By his marriage to Johanna of Navarre (1284) he added Navarre, Champagne, and Brie to the royal possessions. Lyons was later (1312) subjected to the crown.
</P>
<P>
In ecclesiastical matters his success was more marked and permanent; but even when he contended most effectively against papal usurpations he manifested no higher qualities or motives than those set forth above. His refusal to yield to the
demand of Boniface VIII. (q.v.) that he make peace with the king of England was due not to a clearly defined view of the proper relations of Church and State, but to his determination to have his own way and his willingness to defy what he 
must have recognized as the highest spiritual authority on earth. The same may be said of his successful retaliatory measures in response to Boniface&#39;s bull Clericis laicoa (Feb. 25, 1296). He had gained so large a measure of authority in France that the French clergy, whether they sympathized with his defiance of the pope or not, dared not antagonize him, paid to the king the war subsidies demanded in spite of papal prohibition, and obeyed the king in withholding all papal dues. That Boniface deserved to be chastised for his arrogance does not make of Philip a heroic champion of civil liberty in administering the discipline. This is true also of his defiant treatment of the bull <i>Unam sanctum</i> (q.v.). His burning of this most arrogant papal pronouncement, his confiscation of the estates of prelates who sided with the pope, and his response to the pope&#39;s bull of excommunication by throwing the pope into prison, furnish no proof that he was a reformer. The fact is that he regarded neither God nor man when his own supposed interests were at stake. He manifested the same spirit in manipulating the college of cardinals so as to secure the election of a pope (Clement V.) committed to the interests of France and pledged to remove the papal capital to Avignon. He secured the removal of the papal seat to French territory not in order that, he might bring about a reformation in the papal administration, but that he might prevent other sovereigns from using the organized power of the papacy against himself and might be assured of papal and curial cooperation for the aggrandizement of the French monarchy. He compelled the captive pope and Curia to cooperate with him in the destruction of the Templars (q.v.), not because he believed that the order had become scandalously immoral and blasphemously and diabolically irreligious, as members of the order were tortured into confessing, but because he was jealous of their political power and lack of subserviency, and covetous of their vast wealth. He persecuted the Jews not chiefly because he wanted them to become Christians, but as a means of appropriating their wealth. His avarice was also manifested in his debasing of the coinage of the realm. It is not to be supposed that the well conceived and well executed measures for consolidating and increasing the authority of the crown, overcoming civil and ecclesiastical opposition, and enriching the royal exchequer were the product of his own independent thinking. He was surrounded with able and unscrupulous counselors (such as William of Nogaret), who subserviently ministered to his consuming desire for power and glory and who profited personally by his successful exploitations. See B<small>ONIFACE </small>VIII.; and C<small>LEMENT</small> V.</P>
<p class="author">A. H. N<small>EWMAN</small>.</p>
<P class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY:</small> 
Important sources are: 
<I>Codex diplomaticus Flandri&#230;</i> 1298-15,25, ed. T. de L. Stirum, Bruges, 1879 sqq.; and <i>Lettres in&#233;dites de Philippe Ie Bel, </I>Toulouse, 1887. 
Discussions, besides those in the church histories dealing with the period, are: 
A. Baillet, <I>Hist. des d&#233;mel&#233;:s du Pape Boniface Vlll. avec Philippe Ie Bel</i>, 2 parts, Paris, 1718; 
M. Bouquet, <i>Recueil des historiens des Gaules</i>, vol. xxi., 23 vols., ib. 1738-76; 
J. Jolly, <i>Philippe Ie Bel, ses deeaeins, des actes, son influence</i>, ib. 1889; 
Milman, <i>Latin Christianity</i>, vol. vi.; 
Pastor, <i>Popes</i>, i. 57 sqq.; and the literature under B<small>omnifce</small> VIII. and C<small>LEMENT</small> V.
</small>
</P>

<br>
</div3><div3 class="Article" title="Philip, the Apostle" id="philir_the _apostle">
<P>
<b>PHILIP THE APOSTLE:</b> One of the twelve, usually named fifth in order in the lists of the apostles. Excepting in these lists, he is not mentioned in the Synoptic Gospels. In the narrative of the Fourth Gospel he occasionally appears individually (<scripRef>John i. 14 sqq., vi. 5 sqq., xii. 21 sqq., xiv. 8 sqq.</scripRef>). He " was of Bethsaida, the city of Andrew and Peter " (<scripRef>John i. 44<scripRef>), after whom, and probably owing to their common following of John the Baptist, Philip became acquainted with Jesus (<scripRef>John i. 14</scripRef> sqq.), to whom he then brought Nathanael. According to <scripRef>John vi. 5-8, xii. 22</scripRef> (cf. <scripRef>Mark iii. 18</scripRef>), he appears to have stood close to his fellow countryman Andrew; and <scripRef>John vi. 7, xii. 22</scripRef>, indicate that he possessed a reserved and circumspect disposition. But neither his Greek name nor <scripRef>John xii. 22</scripRef> warrants the inference that Philip was of Greek education. On another side, to explain this whole Johannine portraiture of the Apostle Philip as purely ideal (e.g., Holtzmann) is opposed by the very simplicity of the data.
</P>
<P>
The patristic statements (Clement of Alexandria, <i>Strom.</i>, iii. 4; Eusebius, <i>Hist. eccl.</i>, III., xxxi.,
Eng. transl., <I>NPNF</i>, 1 ser.,162) that the unnamed disciple of Jesus in <scripRef>Luke ix. 60</scripRef>; <scripRef>Matt. viii. 22</scripRef>, was Philip rests probably on a confusion with the evangelist of this name. This mistake, however, has both possible and rational explanation, in case the apostle and the evangelist alike sojourned in Asia
Minor (see P<small>HILIP THE</small> E<small>VANGELIST</small>).
</P>
<p class="author">F. S<small>IEFFERT</small>.</p>
<p class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>IBLIOGRAPY:</small> Consult in general: The commentaries on
the Gospels and Acts, and works on the apostolic age.
Also A. B. Bruce, <i>The Training of the Twelve</i>, Edinburgh, 1871; 
J. B. Lightfoot, <i>Commentary on Colossians</i>, pp. 45-48. London. 1879; idem, <i>Cambridge Sermons</i>, pp. 129
sqq., ib. 1890; 
G. Milligan, <i>The Twelve Apostles</i>, London, 1904; <I>DB</i>, iii 834-836; <I>EB</i>, iii. 3697-3701; <i>DCG</i>, ii.
359-380; 
Vigouroux, <i>Dictionnaire</i>, part xxxi., cols. 267-270. For the apocryphal history consult: C. Tischen-<pb n="24"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
dorf, <I>Acta apostalorum apocrypha</i>, pp. xxxi.-xl., 75-104, Leipsic, 1851; 
W. Wright, <I>Apocryphal Acts of the Apostles</i>, ii. 69 sqq., London, 1871; <I>Apocryphal Gospels, Acts, and Revelations</i>, </I>Eng. transl. by A. Walker, pp. 301-324, Edinburgh, 1873; 
R. A. Lipsius, <I>Die apokryphen Apostelgeschichten und Apostellegenden</i>, ii. 2, pp. 1-53, Brunswick, 1884; <I>Analecta Bollandiana</i>, ix </I>(1890), 204-249; 
T. Zahn, <I>Geschichte des neutestamentlichen Kanons</i>, ii. </I>761-788, Leipsic, 1890; 
St&#246;lten, in <i>JPT</i>, 1891, pp. 149-160; <I>Apocrypha Anecdota, </I>in <i>TU</i>, ii. 3 (1893); 
A. S. Lewis, <I>Mythological Acts of the Apostles, </I>in <i>Hor&#230; Semitic&#230;</i>, iv., London, 1904; 
Harnack. <I>Litteratur</i>, i. </I>138.</small></p>

<br>
</div3><div3 class="Article" title="Philip the Arabian" id="philip_the_arabian">
<p>
<b>PHILIP THE ARABIAN (MARCUS JULIUS PHILIPPUS ARABS):</b> Roman emperor 244-249; b. at Bostra (119 m. s. of Damascus) in the Roman province of Arabia Petrma (whence his epithet of " the Arabian "); killed in battle near Verona,
Italy, in the autumn of 249. Elevated to the purple by the murder of his predecessor, Gordianus III., he was able, during his reign, to subdue the Carpi who had ravaged Dacia, and, in 248, to celebrate the millennial of the founding of Rome, but was, on the other hand, obliged to conclude a humiliating peace with the Persians. In 249 Philip became involved in civil war with his rival Decius, by whom he was defeated and slain, his young son, whom he had made coregent at the age of seven, being murdered by the Pretorian Guard at Rome. Philip the Arabian, whose high moral ideal is evinced by his earnest, though unavailing, efforts to suppress the practise of unnatural vice, is of interest theologically chiefly because of an ancient
and wide-spread tradition which makes him the first Christian emperor of Rome. This tradition appears earliest in Eusebius (<i>Hist. eccld.</i>, vi. 34), who states that, according to report, Philip had desired to attend divine service on Easter, but had been obliged to perform penance. Vincent of Lerins (fifth century), Dionysius of Alexandria, Chrysostom, Jerome, the first Valesian Fragment, and Orosius likewise either explicitly state or at least imply that Philip was the first Christian emperor. It is plain, however, simply from the coins and medals struck by him that he was a worshiper of the Olympic gods and that he was himself  <I>pontifex maximus</i>.</p>
<p>But though Philip was not a Christian, he was remarkably friendly to the new religion, and the tradition that he himself was an adherent of it was doubtless due, at least in part, to his tolerant attitude toward it. During his reign Origen could refute Celsus, and conversions could be made <I>en masse;</i> but he could not prevent Christians from falling victims to mob violence in Alexandria.</p>
<p class="author">(F<small>RANZ</small> G<small>&#214;RRES</small>.)</p>
<p class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY:</small> Sources are: Zosimus, <i>Hist.</i>, i. 17-22; 
Julius Capitolinus, <I>Gordiani tres</i>, chaps. xxii., xxvi.-xxx., ed. H. Peter, Leipsic, 1865; 
Sextus Aurelius Victor, <I>De C&#230;sarebus</i>, ed. J. F. Gruner, pp. 308-313, 429-430, Erlangen, 1787. 
Consult in general the history of the period in works on the Roman Empire, and in particular: 
B. Aub&#233;, <I>Les Chr&#232;tiens dans l&#39;empire romain</i>, pp. 467 sqq., Paris, 1881; 
P. Allard, <I>Hist. des pers&#233;cutions, ii. </I>215-256, 474-478, Paris, 1886; 
K. J. Neumann, <I>Der romische Staat und die allgemeine Kirche bis auf Diokletian</i>, i. 231-254, 330-331, Leipsic, 1890; Gibbon, <I>Decline and Fall, </I>chaps. vii., x., xvi.; <i>DCB</i>, iv. 355; <I>KL</i>, ix. 2008-09; 
Neander, <I>Christian Church</i>, vol. i., passim.</small>
</p>

<br>
</div3><div3 class="Article" title="Philip the Evangelist" id="philip_the_evangelist">
<p>
<b>PHILIP THE EVANGELIST:</b> One of the seven named in Acts vi. 5 as chosen to direct the care of the poor, to " serve tables," and possibly to direct outward concerns generally. Their office was probably different from the later diaconate (see D<small>EACON</small>), being, in any case, dissolved with the persecution and dispersion of the congregation (<scripRef>Acts viii.</scripRef>) and later supplanted by the more comprehensive office of presbyter (<scripRef>Acts xi. 30, xv. 29</scripRef>). Since that earlier office was instituted because the Grecian members of the primitive congregation complained that their widows were neglected, it may be assumed that at least a contingent of the seven was chosen from the Hellenist members themselves, and probably one of these was Philip. Philip, like Stephen (<scripRef>Acts vi. 13</scripRef>), took a comparatively liberal stand in relation to the Jewish law and worship, and evolved from that liberal mode of teaching its practical sequel, in that after his flight from Jerusalem he began an eventful missionary activity among the Samaritans (<scripRef.Acts viii. 5</scripRef> sqq.), who were accounted nearly the same as heathen. Moreover, he baptized an uncircumcised half-proselyte, the queen of Ethiopia&#39;s eunuch (<scripRef>Acts viii. 26</scripRef> sqq.). Next he journeyed, preaching the Gospel, " till he came to C&#230;sarea." Here Paul took up his abode with him, together with his fellow travelers, on Paul&#39;s final journey (<scripRef>Acts, xxi. 8</scripRef>). And as this incident is related in Acts, Philip is designated not only with reference to his former office as " one of the seven," but also with reference to his missionary activity as " the evangelist " and as the father of " four daughters, virgins, which did prophesy " (xxi. 9). This is the last notice of him in the New Testament.
</P>
<P>
The patristic tradition in regard to the subsequent fortunes of Philip is of impaired value for the reason that he has been confused with the apostle of like name, as in Polycrates of Ephesus, who reports of the Apostle Philip (Eusebius, <I>Hist. eccl.,</I> III., xxxi. 3, V., xxiv. 2), that he rests in Hierapolis, as do two of his daughters, who grew old as virgins; whereas his third daughter, whose " walk and conversation were in the Spirit," lies buried in Ephesus. These family particulars so closely resemble what is reported in <scripRef>Acts xxi. 9</scripRef> of the evangelist that it is hardly tenable to think of two different men of the same name in this connection. Error in the Book of Acts is the less likely since it is precisely there that the reports are from an eyewitness. It is evident that Polycrates erroneously held the Philip of Hierapolis to be the apostle, though this does not exclude the proposition that his particulars in regard to the Evangelist Philip are correct. In comparison with these details the statements of Caius of Rome (Eusebius, <I>Hist. eccl., </I>III., xxxi.) are not so exact. It is probably due to a confusion of the two named Philip that Clement of Rome (Eusebius, <I>Hist. eccl.</i>, III., xxx. 1) asserts that the Apostles Peter and Philip had begotten children, and that Philip had given his daughters in second marriage. Neither are those communications . of Eusebius himself quite clear (III., xxxi.) which have arisen from a combination of what is stated by Polycrates and by Caius. Confusion of the apostle with the evangelist may have been easier because of the possibility that the two lived at the same time in Asia Minor. The later<pb n="25"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
tradition was that the evangelist died as bishop at
Tralles; that the apostle died and was buried in
Ephesus.</p>
<p class="author"F. SIEFFERT.</p>
<p class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY:</small> Because of the confusion noted in the text, the literature named under  P<small>HILIP THE</small> A<small>POSTLE</small> covers in large part the subject of this article. Consult the commentaries on Acts (e.g.. G. T. Stokes, in <I>Expositor&#39;s Bible</i>, vol. i., chaps. xvii., xx., London and New York, 1891),
and the works on the apostolic age (e.g., A. C McGiffert, pp. 73-74, 95, 340, 424, New York, 1897); T. Zahn, in <I>Forachungen zur Geschichte des neutestamentlichen Kanons</i>, vi (1900), 158 sqq.; <I>DB</i>, iii. 838-837; Vigouroux, <I>Dictionnaire</I>, part xxxi., cols. 270-272; <I>ASB</I> for June 6; Harnack, <I>Litteratur</i>, ii. 1, pp.  
357-358, 368, 669.</small></p>

<br>
</div3><div3 class="Article" title="Philip of Gortyna" id="philip_of_gortyna">
<b>PHILIP OF GORTYNA:</b> Christian apologist; flourished in the last half of the second century. He is mentioned with praise in the letter of Dionysius of Corinth to the Christian community at Gortyna (Eusebius, <i>Hist. eccl.</i>, IV., xxiii. 5; Eng. transl., <i>NPNF</i>, 2 ser., i. 201); and wrote in the time of Marcus Aurelius a reply to Marcion (mentioned only by Eusebius, IV., xxv., <i>NPNF</i>, ut sup., p. 203). Jerome (<i>De vir. ill.</i>, xxx.) is dependent upon Eusebius.</p>
<p class="author">(G. K<small>R&#220;GER.</small>)</p>
<p class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY:</small> The sources are indicated in the text. Consult further: Hamack, <I>Litteratur</i>, i. 237; <I>DCB</i>, iv. 355; C. A. Bernoulli, <I>Der Sehriftatellerkatolog des Hieronymus</i>, p. 334 et passim, Freiburg, 1895.</small></p>


</div3><div3 class="Article" title="Philip of Hesse" id="philip_of_hesse">
<h2>PHILIP OF HESSE.</h2>
<table>
<tr><td>Early Life and Embracing of Protestantism (&#167; 1).</td><td>Leader of the Schmalkald League (&#167; 4).</td><td>Resumption of Hostility to Charles (&#167; 7).</td></tr>
<tr><td>Introduction of the Reformation in Hesse (&#167; 2).</td><td>Bigamous Marriage (&#167; 5).</td><td>Imprisonment of Philip and Interim in Hesse (&#167; 8).</td></tr>
<tr><td>Suspected of Zwinglianism (&#167; 3).</td><td>Overtures to the Emperor (&#167; 6).</td><td>Closing Years. (&#167; 9).</td></tr>
</table>
<h3>1. Early Life and Embracing of Protestantism.</h3>
<p>
Philip of Hesse, or Philip the Magnanimous, landgrave of Hesse from 1509 to 1567 and one of the most powerful promoters of the Protestant Reformation, was born at Marburg Nov. 13, 1504; d. at Cassel Mar. 31, 1567. His father died when Philip
was five years old, and in 1514 his mother, Anna of Mecklenburg, after a series of struggles with the estates of Hesse, succeeded in becoming regent for him. The controversies still continiued, however, so that, to put an end to them, Philip was declared to have attained his majority in 1518, his actual assumption of power beginning in the following year. The power of the estates had been broken by his mother, but he owed her little else. His education had been very imperfect, and his moral and religious training had been neglected. Despite all this, he developed rapidly as a statesman, and soon began to take steps to increase his personal authority as a ruler.</P>
<P>
The first meeting of Philip of Hesse with Luther was in 1521 at the Diet of Worms, where he was attracted by the Reformer&#39;s personality, though he had at first little interest in the religious elements of the situation. It was only after his marriage with Christina, the daughter of George of Saxony, early in 1524, that he began to take an active part in forwarding the cause of  the Reformation. The impulse to this activity came from his reading Luther&#39;s translation of the Bible, and his nascent 
Protestantism was fostered by meeting Melanchthon in the spring of 1527. As early as 1524 he had encouraged the spread of the new ,doctrines in his territories and he now professed open adherence to the tenets of Luther, refusing to follow the counsel of the clergy, his mother, or his father-in-law, all of whom urged him to repress the spread of the new teaching by force. He openly approved of Luther&#39;s position in the Peasant War, declaring that it was not the result of the Protestant movement; he refused to be drawn into the anti-Lutheran league of George of Saxony in 1525; and by his alliance with the Elector John of Saxony, concluded at Gotha Feb. 27, 1526, showed that he was already taking steps to organize a protective alliance of all Protestant princes and powers. At the same time he united political motives with his religious 
policy, aiming, as early as the spring of 1526, to prevent the election of Archduke Ferdinand as emperor of the Holy Roman Empire. At the Diet of Speyer (1526) Philip openly championed the Protestant cause, rendering it possible for Protestant
preachers to propagate their views while the Diet was in session, and, like his followers, openly disregarding ordinary Roman Catholic ecclesiastical usages.
</p>
<h3>2. Introduction of the Reformation in Hesse.</h3>
<p>
Although there was no strong popular movement for reforming Hesse, Philip determined to organize the church there according to Protestant principles. In this he was aided tion of the not only by his chancellor, the humanistic Feige (Ficinus) of Lichtenau, and his chaplain, Adam Krafft (q.v.), but also by the ex-Franciscan Fran&#231;:ois Lambert (q.v.), a fanatical enemy of the faith he had left. While the violent policy of Lambert, embodied, at least in part, .in the Homberg church order (see H<small>OMBERG</small> S<small>YNOD AND</small> C<small>HURCH</small> O<small>RDER OF</small> 
1526) was abandoned, and an essentially Lutheran type of organization was adopted, the monasteries and religious foundations were dissolved; their property was applied to charitable and scholastic purposes; and the University of Marburg was founded in the summer of 1527 to be, like Wittenberg, a school for Protestant theologians. Philip&#39;s father-in-law and the bishops of W&#252;rzburg and Mainz were active in agitating against the growth of the new heresy, and the combination of several circumstances, including rumors of war, convinced Philip of the existence of a secret league among the Roman Catholic princes. His suspicions were confirmed to his own satisfaction by a forgery given him by an adventurer who
had been employed in important missions by George of Saxony, one Otto von Pack; and after meeting with the Elector John of Saxony at Weimar Mar.9, 1528, it was agreed that the Protestant princes should take the offensive in order to protect their
territory from invasion and capture. Both Luther and the elector&#39;s chancellor, Br&#252;ck, though convinced of the existence of the conspiracy, counseled strongly against acting on the offensive. The imperial authorities at Speyer now forbade all
breach of the peace, and, after long negotiations, Philip succeeded in extorting the expenses for his armament from the dioceses of W&#252;rzburg, Bamberg,<pb n="26"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
and Mainz, the latter bishopric also being compelled to recognize the validity of ecclesiastical jurisdiction in Hessian and Saxon territory until the emperor or a Christian council should decide to the contrary. The condition of affairs was, however, very unfavorable to Philip, who might easily be charged with disturbing the peace of the empire, and at the second Diet of Speyer, in the spring of 1529, he was publicly ignored by the emperor. Nevertheless, he took an active part in uniting the Protestant representatives, as well as in preparing the celebrated protest of Speyer; and before leaving the city he succeeded in forming, on Apr. 22, 1529, a secret understanding between Saxony, Hesse, Nuremberg, Strasburg, and Ulm.
</P>
<h3>3. Suspected of Zwinglianism</h3>
<P>
Philip was especially anxious to prevent division over the subject of the Lord&#39;s Supper. Through him Zwingli was invited to Germany, and Philip thus prepared the way for of the celebrated debate at Marburg (see M<small>ARBURG</small>, C<small>ONFERENCE OF</small>). Although the attitude of the Wittenberg theologians frustrated his attempts to bring about harmonious relations, and although the situation was still further complicated by the position of George, margrave of Brandenburg, who demanded a uniform confession and a uniform church order, Philip held that the differences between Strasburg and the followers of Luther in their sacramental theories admitted of adjustment, and that the erring could not scripturally be rejected and despised. The result was that Philip was suspected of a tendency toward Zwinglianism. At the same time, the results of a conference with the elector of Saxony and with Margrave George at Schleiz (Oct. 3), the anger of the emperor at receiving from Philip a statement of Protestant tenets, composed by the ex-Franciscan Lambert, and the landgrave&#39;s failure to secure any common action on the part of the Protestant powers regarding the approaching Turkish war, all tended to draw him closer to the Swiss and the Strasburg Reformers. He eagerly embraced Zwingli&#39;s plan of a great Protestant alliance to extend from the Adriatic to Denmark to keep the Holy Roman emperor from crossing into Germany. This association caused some coldness between himself and the followers of Luther at the Diet of Augsburg in 1530, especially when he propounded his irenic policy to Melanchthon and urged that all Protestants should stand together in dominding that a general council alone should decide concerning religious differences. This was supposed to be indicative of Zwinglianism, and Philip soon found it necessary to explain his exact position on the question Of the Lord&#39;s Supper, whereupon he declared that he fully agreed with the Lutherans, but disapproved of persecuting the Swiss.
</P>
<P>
The arrival of the emperor put an end to these disputes for the time being; and when Charles demanded that the Protestant representatives should take part in the procession of Corpus Christi, and that Protestant preaching should cease in the city, Philip bluntly refused to obey. He now sought in vain to secure a modification of the tenth article of the Augsburg Confession; but when the position of the Upper Germans was officially rejected, Philip left the diet directing his representatives manfully to uphold the Protestant position, and to keep general, not particular, interests constantly in view. At this time he offered Luther a refuge in his own territories, and began to cultivate close relations with Martin Butzer, whose comprehension of political questions constituted a common bond of sympathy between them, and who fully agreed with the landgrave on the importance of compromise measures in treating the controversy on the Lord&#39;s Supper.
</P>
<h3>4. Leader of the Schmalkald League.</h3>
<P>
In 1530 Philip was successful in accomplishing the purpose for which he had so long worked by securing the adhesion of the Protestant powers to the Schmalkald League (see S<small>CHMALKALD</small>, L<small>EAGUE AND</small> A<small>RTICLES OF</small>), which was to protect their religious and secular interests against interference from the emperor. The landgrave and his ally, the elector of Saxony, became recognized leaders of this union of German princes and cities. Philip kept clearly in view the necessity of an anti-Hapsburg policy, and was thoroughly convinced that the Protestant cause depended on the weakening of the Hapsburgs both at home and abroad.
</p>
<P>
Before engaging in hostilities, Philip attempted to accomplish the ends of Protestant policy by peaceful means. He proposed a compromise on the subject of the confiscated church property, but at the same time he was untiring in providing for a possible, recourse to war, and cultivated diplomatic relations with any and all powers whom he knew to have anti-Hapsburg interests. A peaceful turn was, however, given to the situation by the arrangements made at Nuremberg July 25, 1532 (see N<small>UREMBERG</small>, R<small>ELIOIOUS</small> P<small>EACE OF</small>), though this did not prevent Philip from preparing for a future struggle. He was untiring in trying to draw new allies into the league against Charles V. and Ferdinand, who had been invested with the duchy of Wurttemberg; the battle of Lauffen (May 13, 1534) cost Ferdinand his newly acquired possession; and Philip was now recognized as the hero of the day, and his victory as the victory of the Schmalkald League. In the years following this coalition became one of the most important factors in European politics, largely through the influence of Philip, who lost no opportunity of furtheri_ig the Protestant cause. Its alliance was sought by both France and England; it was extended for a period of ten years in 1535; and new members were added to it. On the other hand, the struggle between the two Protestant factions injured the advancement of their mutual interests, and Butzer, encouraged by Philip, was accordingly occupied in the attempt to bring Protestants together on a common religious platform, the result being the Concord of Wittenberg (see W<small>ITTENBERG</small>, C<small>ONCORD OF</small>). The emperor&#39;s fears as to the political purpose of the league were, for the time being, set at rest; but at the same time a council which should include representatives of the pope was rejected; and measures were taken to secure the permanence of the Protestant cause in the future. In 1538-39 the relations between Roman Catholics and Protestants became<pb n="27"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
strained almost to the breaking-point, and war was averted only by the Frankfort Respite (q.v.). The Protestants, however, failed to avail themselves of their possible opportunities, largely through the unwonted docility and pliability of Philip.
</P>
<h3>5. Bigamous Marriage.</h3>
<P>
This unexpected course of the Protestant leader was largely conditioned by two factors: he was weakened by a licentious life, and his marital relations were about to bring scandal on  all Protestantism. Within a few weeks  after his marriage to the unattractive and sickly Christina of Saxony, who was also alleged to be an immoderate drinker, Philip had committed adultery; and as early as 1526 he had begun to consider the permissibility of bigamy. He accordingly wrote Luther for his opinion, alleging as a precedent the polygamy of the patriarchs; but Luther replied (Nov. 28, 1526) that it was not enough for a Christian to consider the acts of the patriarchs, but that he, like the patriarchs, must have special divine sanction. Since, however, such sanction was lacking in the present case, Luther advised against such a marriage, especially for Christians, unless there was extreme necessity, as, for example, if the wife was leprous, or abnormal in other respects. Despite this discouragement, Philip gave up neither his project nor a life of sensuality which kept him for years from receiving communion. He was affected by Melanchthon&#39;s opinion concerning the case of Henry VIII., where the Reformer had proposed that the king&#39;s difficulty could be solved by his taking a second wife better than by his divorcing the first one. To strengthen his position, there were Luther&#39;s own statements in his sermons on Genesis, as well as historical precedents which proved to his satisfaction that it was impossible for anything to be unChristian that God had not punished in the case of the patriarchs, who in the New Testament were held up as models of faith. It was during an illness due to his excesses that the thought of taking a second wife became a fixed purpose. It seemed to him to be the only salve for his troubled conscience, and the only hope of moral improvement open to him. He accordingly proposed to marry the daughter of one of his sister&#39;s ladies-in-waiting, Margarethe von der Saale. While the landgrave had no scruples whatever, Margarethe was unwilling to take the step unless they had the approval of the theologians and the consent of the prince elector of Saxony and of Duke Maurice. Philip easily gained his first wife&#39;s consent to the marriage. Butzer, who was strongly influenced by political arguments, was won over by the landgrave&#39;s threat to ally himself with the emperor if he did not secure the consent of the theologians to the marriage; and the Wittenberg divines were worked upon by the plea of the prince&#39;s ethical necessity. Thus the " secret advice of a confessor " was won from Luther (see L<small>UTHER</small>, &#167; 21) and Melanchthon (Dec. 10, 1539), neither of them knowing that the bigamous wife had already been chosen. Butzer and Melanchthon were now summoned, without any reason being assigned, to Rotenburg-on-the-Fulda, where, on Mar. 4, 1540, Philip and Margarethe were united. The time was particularly inauspicious for any scandal affecting the Protestants, for the emperor, who had rejected the Frankfort Respite, was about to invade Germany. A few weeks later, however, the whole matter was revealed by Philip&#39;s sister, and the scandal caused a painful impression throughout Germany. Some of Philip&#39;s allies refused to serve under him; and Luther, under the plea that it was a matter of advice given in the confessional, refused to acknowledge his part in the marriage.
</P>
<h3>6. Overtures to the Emperor.</h3>
<P>
This event had affected the whole political situation. Even while the marriage question was occupying his attention, Philip was engaged in constructing far-reaching plans for reforming the Church and for drawing together the all the opponents of the house of Hapsburg, though at the same time he did not give up hopes of reaching a religious compromise through diplomatic means. He was bitterly disgusted by the criticism directed against him, and feared that the law which he himself had enacted against adultery might be applied to his own case. In this state of mind he now determined to make his peace with the emperor on terms which would not involve desertion of the Protestant cause. He offered to observe neutrality regarding the imperial acquisition of the duchy of Cleves and to prevent a French alliance, on condition that the emperor would pardon him for all his opposition and violation of the imperial laws, though without direct mention of his bigamy. The advances of Philip, though he declined to do anything prejudicial to the Protestant cause, were welcomed by the emperor; and, following Butzer&#39;s advice, the landgrave now proceeded to take active steps with the hope of establishing religious peace between the Roman Catholics and Protestants. Secure of the imperial favor, he agreed to appear at the Diet of Regensburg, and his presence there contributed to the direction which affairs took at the Regensburg religious colloquy (see R<small>EGENSBURG</small>, C<small>ONFERENCE OF</small>),  in which Melanchthon, Butzer, and Johannes Pistorius the elder represented the Protestant side. Philip was successful in securing the permission of the emperor to establish a university at Marburg; and in return for the concession of an amnesty, he agreed to stand by Charles against all his enemies, excepting Protestantism and the Schmalkald League, to make no alliances with France, England, or the duke of Cleves, and to prevent the admission of these powers into the Schmalkald League. On the other hand, the emperor agreed not to attack him in case there was a common war against all Protestants.
</P>
<P>
These arrangements for special terms led to the collapse of Philip&#39;s position as leader of the Protestant party. He had become an object of suspicion, and, although the league continued to remain in force, and gained some new adherents in succeeding years, its real power had departed. But while of the secular princes only Albrecht of Mecklenburg and Henry of Brunswick were still faithful to the Roman Catholic cause, and while united action might at the time easily have resulted in the triumph of Protestantism, there was no union; Duke Maurice and Joachim II. of Brandenburg would not join the Schmalkald League; Cleves was suc<pb n="28"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
cessfully invaded by the imperial troops; and Protestantism was rigorously suppressed in Metz. </p>
<p>In 1543 the internal dissensions of the league compelled Philip to resign from its leadership, and to think seriously of dissolving it. He put his trust entirely in the emperor&#39;s good faith, agreeing to help him against both the French and the Turks. At the Diet of Speyer in 1544 he championed the emperor&#39;s policy with great eloquence; the bishop of Augsburg declared he must be inspired by the Holy Spirit; and Charles now intended to make him commander-in-chief in the next war against the Turks.</p>
<h3>7. Resumption of Hostility to Charles.</h3>
<p>
The situation was suddenly changed, however, and Philip was tardily forced again into the opposition, by the peace of Crespy (Sept., 1544), which opened his eyes to the danger threatening Protestantism. He prevented the Roman Catholic Duke Henry of Brunswick from taking forcible possession of his dominions; he unsuccessfully planned a new alliance with German princes against Austria, pledging its members to prevent the acceptance of the decrees of the projected Council of Trent; when this failed, he sought to secure the neutrality of Bavaria in a possible war against the Protestants; and he proposed a new Protestant alliance to take the place of the Schmalkald League. But all this, like his projected coalition with the Swiss, was prevented by the jealousy prevailing between Duke Maurice and the elector of Saxony. Fearful of the success of these plans, the emperor invited Philip to an interview at Speyer (Mar. 28, 1546). Philip spoke plainly in criticism
of the emperor&#39;s policy, and it was soon evident that peace could not be preserved. Four months later (July 20, 1546) the imperial ban was declared against John Frederick and Philip as perjured rebels and traitors. The result was the Schmalkald
war, the outcome of which was unfavorable to Protestant interests. The defeat at Mahlberg (Apr. 24, 1547) and the capture of the Elector John Frederick marked the fall of the Schmalkald League. In despair Philip, who had been negotiating with the
emperor for some time, agreed to throw himself on his mercy, on condition that his territorial rights should not be impaired and that he himself should not be imprisoned. These terms were disregarded, however, and on June 23, 1547, both the leaders of the famous league were taken to south Germany and held as captives.</p>
<h3>8. Imprisonment of Philip and Interim in Hesse.</h3>
<p>The imprisonment of Philip brought the Church in Hesse into great trials and difficulties. It had previously been organized carefully by Philip and Butzer, and synods, presbyteries, and a system of discipline had been established. The country was thoroughly protestantized, though public worship still showed no uniformity, discipline was not strictly applied, and many sectaries existed. The Interim (q.v.) was now introduced, sanctioning Roman Catholic practises and usages. Philip himself wrote from prison to forward the acceptance of the Interim, especially as his liberty depended upon it. As long-as the unrestricted preaching of the Gospel and the Protestant tenet of justification by faith were secured, other matters seemed to him of subordinate importance. He read Roman Catholic controversial literature, attended mass, and was much impressed by his study of the Fathers of the Church. The Hessian clergy, however, boldly opposed the introduction of the Interim and the government at Cassel refused to obey the landgrave&#39;s commands. Meanwhile his imprisonment was made still more bitter by the information which he received concerning conditions in Hesse, and the rigor of his confinement was increased after he had made an unsuccessful attempt to escape. It was not until 1552 that the Peace of Passau gave him his longdesired freedom and that he was able, on Sept. 12, 1552, to reenter his capital, Cassel.
</P>
<h3>9. Closing Years</h3>
<P>
Though Philip was now active in restoring order within his territories, new leaders-Maurice of Saxony and Christopher of W&#252;rttemberg-had come to the fore. Philip no longer desired to assume the leadership of the Protestant party. All his energies were now directed toward finding a basis of agreement between Protestants and Roman Catholics. At his direction his theologians were prominent in the various conferences where representative Roman Catholics and Protestants assembled to attempt to find a working basis for reunion. Philip was also much disturbed by the internal conflicts that arose after Luther&#39;s death between his followers and the disciples of Melanchthon. He was never wearied in urging the necessity of
mutual toleration between Calvinists and Lutherans, and to the last cherished the hope of a great Protestant federation, so that, with this end in view, he cultivated friendly relations with French Protestants and with Elizabeth of England. Financial
aid was given to the Huguenots, and Hessian troops fought side by side with them in the French religious civil wars, this policy contributing to the declaration of toleration at Amboise in Mar., 1563. He gave permanent form to the Hessian Church by the great agenda of 1566-67, and in his will, dated in 1562, urged his sons to maintain the Augsburg Confession and the Concord of Wittenberg, and at the same time to work in behalf of a reunion of Roman Catholics and Protestants if opportunity
and circumstances should permit.</p>
<p class="author"> (T. K<small>OLDE</small>.)</p>
<P class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY:</small> 
As a source employ: M. Lenz, <I>Briefwechsel Landgraf Philippe des Groesm&#252;thigen . . . mit Bucer</i>,
1641-47, 3 parts, Leipsic, 1880-91. Matter of pertinence
is to be found in the literature under B<small>UTZER</small>, M<small>ARTIN</small>;
L<small>UTHER</small>, M<small>ARTIN</small>; M<small>ELANCHTHON</small>, P<small>HILIPP</small>; R<small>ERFORMATION</small>; and the various articles named in the text. For the English reader the fullest account accessible is probably to be found in J. Janssen, <I>Hist. of the German People</i>, vols. v.-vii., St. Louis, 1903-05. Consult further: C. von Rommel, <I>Philipp der Grosemiahipe</i>, 3 vols., Giessen, 1830; P. Hoffmeister, <i>Das Leben Philipps des Groasmiahigen</i>, Cassel, 1846; P. A. F. Walther, <I>Landpraf Philipp von Hessen</i>, Darmstadt, 1866; J. Wille, 
<I>Philipp der Grossm&#252;thige and die Reastitution Ulrichs van Wirtemberg, 1526-1535</i>, T&#252;bingen, 1882; S. Ehses, <i>Landpraf Philipp von Hessen und Otto >von Pack, </I>Freiburg, 1886; A. Heidenhain, <i>Die Unionspolitik 
Landgrafen Philipps des Grossm&#252;tigen, 1667-88</i>, Breslau, 1886; W. Falekenheiner, <i>Philipp der Grossm&#252;thige im Bauernkriege</i>, Marburg, 1887; J. B. Rady, <i>Die Reformatoren in ihrer Beziehunp zur Doppelehe des Landgrafen Philipp</i>, Frankfort, 1890; O. Winckelmann,<pb n="29"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />

<I>Der schmalkaldische Bund, 1630-5,8, </I>Strasburg, 1892; 
G. Turba, <I>Verhaftung und Gefangenachaft les Landgrafen Philipp von Hessen, </I>Vienna, 1896; 
S. Isaleib, <I>Die Gefangennahme des Landgrafen Philipp von Hessen, </I>Hamburg, 1899; <I>Philipp des Grossm&atige, Beitr&#228;ge zur Geschichte seines Lebens and seiner Zeit, </I>Marburg, 1901; <I>Festschrift zum Ged&#228;chtnia Philipps der Grossm&#252;tgen, Cassei,
</I>1904; Schenk, <I>Philip der Grossm&#252;tige, Landgrafen von Hessen (160471, </I>Frankenberg, 1904; 
W. W. Rockwell, <I>Die Doppelehe des Landgrafen Philipp von Hessen, </I>Marburg, 1904; <I>Camebridge Modern History</i>, vol. iii. passim, London and New York, 1905; 
A. von Drach and G. K&#246;nneeke, <I>Die Bildnisse Philipps des Grossm&#252;tigen, </I>Marburg, 1905; 
Schaff, <I>Christian Church</i>, vol. vi. passim.</small>
</P>

<br>
</div3><div3 type="article" title="Philip the Magnanimous" id="philip_the _magnanimous">
<p>
<b>PHILIP THE MAGNANIMOUS.</b> See P<small>HILIP OF</small> H<small>ESSE</small>.
</P>

<br>
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Philip Neri, Saint" id="philip_neri,_saint">
<p>
<b>PHILIP NERI, SAINT.</b> See N<small>ERI</small>, P<small>HILIP</small>.
</p>

<br>
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Philip of Side" id="philip_of_side">
<P>
<b>PHILIP OF SIDE:</b> Church historian; b. at Side (the modern Eski Adaliah; 92 m. sm. of Konieh, the ancient Iconium), Pamphylia; flourished about 420. He studied under Rhodon at the catechetical school in Alexandria, and while still a young man became the head of the branch school established by Rhodon, probably at Philip&#39;s suggestion, in Side about 405. Later he was a priest in Constantinople, where he was an intimate friend of Chrysostom; and he was a candidate for the patriarchate of Constantinople against Sisinnius (425), Nestorius (428), and Maximianus (431). He seems to have been identical with the Byzantine presbyter Philip, who was commended by Cyril of Alexandria for refusing to associate with the heretical Nestorius, and whom the Alexandrine patriarch sought to reconcile with Maximianus, when the latter succeeded the deposed heresiarch. It is also very possible that Philip may have spent some time in Antioch and Amida.
</P>
<p> 
From the statements of Socrates (<i>Hist. eccl.</i>, VII., xxvii.), Photius (<i>Bibliotheca</i>, xxxv.), and Nicephorus 
(<i>Hist. eccl.</i>, xiv. 29) it is clear that Philip of Side was a man of extraordinary learning and diligence, but more diffuse than accurate. Among his numerous books, which dealt with many themes, the most important were his " History of Christianity " and his polemic against the Emperor Julian. Of his writings, however, only scant fragments have survived, these being merely of an average character. A number of his fragments have been edited by Carl de Boor (<i>ZKG</i>, vi. 478-494; <i>TU</i>, v. 165-184), and his history seems also to have influenced the "Religious Conference at the Sassanid Court " (ed. Eduard Bratke, in <i>TU</i>, xix., part 3, 1899). A few other fragments of Philip&#39;s writings are known
to exist, and it is possible that he was also the author of the still unedited <I>De tinctura &#230;ris Persici et de tinctura &#230;ris Indici.</I>
</p>
<p class="author">(E. B<small>RATKE</small>&#8224;.)</p>
<p class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY:</small> A. Wirth, <I>Aus orientalischen Chroniken</i>, pp. 208 sqq., Frankfort, 1894; 
O. Bardenhewer. <I>Patrologie,</I>pp. 332-333, Freiburg, 1901, Eng. transl., St. Louis, 1908;
idem, in <I>KL, </I>ix. 2022-23; 
F. Kampers, <I>Alexander der Grosse and die Idee des Weltimperiums in Prophetie and Sage</i>, pp. </I>116-135, Freiburg, 1901; <I>DCB</i>, iv. 356; 
Ceillier, <I>Auteurs sacr&#233;a,</i> viii. 535.</small>
</P>

<br>
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Philip the Tetrach" id="philip_the_tetrarch">
<P>
<b>PHILIP THE TETRARCH (4 <small>B.C.</small>-34 <small>A.D.</small>):</b> Son of Herod the Great and of Cleopatra, a woman of Jerusalem. He was educated in Rome For his tetrarchate and rule see H<small>EROD AND HIS</small> F<small>AMILY</small>, II., &#167; 3. He was a gentle and gracious prince, who always resided in his own territories and was ever ready to give aid and justice to his people. Philip&#39;s coins bear the representation of the emperor and the device of a temple, which is more probably the temple of Augustus at Cwsarea than the sanctuary at Jerusalem. His reign of thirty-seven years was almost contemporaneous with the life of Jesus, who sometimes traversed Philip&#39;s dominions. When the latter died in 33 or 34  A.D.,  his land became a part of the province of Syria and was administered as an imperial domain.
</P>
<P>
There is some difficulty in bringing Mark vi. 17 (Matt. xiv. 3) into agreement with Josephus, <I>Ant.,</I> xviii. 137, where Philip is said to have married Salome, the daughter of his brother Herod Antipas and of his niece Herodias, while Mark makes Philip the first husband of Herodias herself, and states that she left him to marry Herod. Some interpreters suppose that two sons of Herod the Great bore the name of Philip, one of them being also called Herod; others again think that there must be some error either in Josephus or in Mark. It is probable that the latter confused two brothers, one of whom
was the father and the other the husband of Salome.
</p>
<p class="author">E. <small>VON</small> D<small>OBSCH&#220;TZ</small>.</P>
<P class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY:</small> 
Consult the literature under H<smalll>EROD AND HIS</small> F<small>AMILY</small>, and add to that S. Mathews, <i>Hist. of New Testament Times in Palestine</i>, New York, 1899.</small>
</p>

<br>
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Phlippi, Friedrich Adolph" id="philippi_friedrich_adolphus">
<P>
<b>PHILIPPI</b>, fi-lip&#39;-pi, <b>FRIEDRICH ADOLPH:</b> German Lutheran; b. at Berlin Oct. 15, 1809; d. at Rostock Aug. 29, 1882. Although a Jew by birth, he soon began to consider the problem of the truth of Christianity. He became a convert when he was sixteen years old, but out of respect to his parents he was not baptized until four years later. After completing his education at the universities of Berlin (1827-29) and Leipsic (1829-30), he taught at Dresden (1830-32) and Berlin (1833-34), but withdrew from active life to devote himself to the private study of theology, especially dogmatics and exegesis. In 1837 he became privat-docent for theology in the University of Berlin, whence he was called to Dorpat in 1841 as professor of dogmatics and moral theology. Here he took a lively interest in the ecclesiastical questions of the day, contributing much to strengthen the position of Lutheranism in Russian territory. In 1851 he was called to Rostock as professor of New-Testament exegesis, in which capacity he successfully opposed the theology of Johann Hofmann and Michael Baumgarten
(qq.v.). In addition to his professorial duties, Philippi was appointed a theological examiner in 1856, and a consistorial councilor in 1874. Among his writings are: <I>De Celsi adversarii Christianorum philmophandi genere </I>(Berlin, 1836); 
<I>Der tlul*e Gehorsam Christi., sin Beitrag our Rechtfertigungslehre </I> (1841); <I>Commentar &#252;ber den Brief Pauli an die Romer </I> (3 parts, Erlangen and Frankfort, 1848-52; Eng: transl. by J. S. Banks, 2 vols., Edinburgh, 1878-79); <I>Kirchliche Glaubenslehre</I> (6 vols., G&#252;tersloh, 1854-79); <I>Predigten and Vortr&#228;ge</I>
(edited by F. Philippi, 1883);  <I>Symbolik, akademisehe Vorlesungen</i> (edited by the same, 1883); and <I>Erkl&#228;rung des Briefes Pauli an die Galater </I> (edited by the same,1884).</p>
<p class="author">(F<small>ERDINAND</small> P<small>HILIPPI</small>.)</p><pb n="30"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
<P class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY:</small> <I>Meklenburgdisches Kirchen- und Zeitblatt,</I> 1882, nos. 19-21; M. A. Landerer, <I>Neueste Dogmenschichte, </I>p. 215 et passim, Heilbronn, 1881.
</small>
</p>

<br>
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Philippi, Jacobus" id="philippi_jacobus">
<P>
<b>PHILIPPI, JACOBUS:</b> German Roman Catholic; author of the <i>Reformatorium vit&#230; clericorum</i> (Basel, 1494); b. at K&#252;lchhoffen or Kilchen (now Kirchhoffen, a hamlet near Freiburg) about 1435; d. apparently after 1510. In 1463 he matriculated in the theological faculty at Basel. Here he edited a gradual (Basel, 1488) and a breviary (1492), and
also lectured on various books of the Bible, especially on the Pauline epistles. In 1464 he was a member of the committee of advisement on the university statutes. In scholastic philosophy he was a realist. Of his activity little is known; but it is evident that he was inclined toward the Brethren of the Common Life (see C<small>OMMON</small> L<small>IFE</small>, B<small>RETHREN OF THE</small>),  making his will in favor of their house at Zwolle in 1486. He was attracted to the community primarily by his brother Ludwig, who had become one of their number at Zwolle in 1472, and who died there as rector of the Brethren in 1490. The statement in Johann Butzbach&#39;s <i>Auctarium de acriptoribus ecclesiasticis</i> that Jacobus Philippi was still living after 1508 seems to be confirmed by a title-deed of 1510.
</P>
<P>
Among Philippi&#39;s writings Butzbach makes special mention of the <i>Sermons ad populum</i> (thus far undiscovered) and of the <i>Pr&#230; cordiale sacerdotum devote celebrare cupientium utile et conaolatorium</i> (Strasburg, 1489). His chief work, however, was his <i>Reformatorium</i> (first printed at Basel, 1494, not 1444, as a misprint led many to suppose), directed against evils in the life of the clergy. As a remedy Philippi recommended the community of the Brethren of the Common Life. The close of the book admonishes against the misuse of benefices accumulated in the hands of a single holder. In all his reform measures Philippi shows himself in harmony with many of his contemporaries.</p>
<p class="author"> L. S<small>CHULZE.</small></p>
<P class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY:</small> 
Biographical material is to be found in the <I>Reformatorium; </I>
scattered notices are collected by 
L. Schulze in <i>ZKW</i>, 1886, pp. 88 sqq., and by 
Sch&#252;ngen in the " Chronicle " of Jacobus Trajecti published by the
Historical Society of Utrecht, 1903. Consult further:
J. H&#252;rbin, <I>Peter voce Andlau, </I>Strasburg, 1897; idem, <I>Handbuch der schweizeriachen Geschichte, ii. </I>
87 sqq., Stans, 1902.</small></p>

<br>
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Philippians, Epistle to the" id="philippians_epistle_to_the">
<P>
<b>PHILIPPIANS, EPISTLE TO THE.</b> See P<small>AUL THE</small> A<small>POSTLE</small>, II.
</P>

<br>
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Philppine Islands" id="philippine_island">
<P>
<h3>PHILIPPINE ISLANDS:</h3>
<h4>Geographical Description.</h4>
The most northern group of the Malay Archipelago, situated between the Pacific Ocean on the east and the
Sea of China on tile west and south of Japan and north of the islands of Borneo and Celebes, and included between latitude 4&#176; 40&#39; and 21&#176; 10&#39; north and longitude 116&#176; 40&#39; and 126&#176; 34&#39; east. The archipelago consists of 3,141 islands, most of which
are very small; the total land area is 115,026 square miles; population, 7,635,426. The principal islands are as follows: Luzon (area, 40,969 square miles; population, 3,798,507), Mindanao (area, 36,292; population, 499,634), Samar (area, 5,031; population, 222,690), Negros (area, 4,881; population, 460,776), Panay (area, 4,611; population, 743,646),
Palawan (area, 4,027; population, 10,918), Mindoro (area, 3,851; population, 28,361), Leyte (area, 2,722; population, 357,641); and Cebu (area, 1,762; population, 592,247).
</P>
<h4>Historical and Political.</h4>
<P>
The islands were discovered by Ferdinand Magellan in 1521; were conquered by the Spanish from Mexico under Legaspi; and were subject to the crown of Spain, until, by the treaty of Paris, Dec. 10, 1898, they were ceded to the United States by
right of conquest and for the additional consideration of $20,000,000. Upon taking possession the United States proceeded to reorganize the civil and judicial administration of the islands. Religious liberty was guaranteed by the treaty of Paris. The general government is modeled after that of the United States. The executive is composed of the governor-general who is the head of a commission of eight members appointed by the president of the United States and assigned as heads of the different departments. The commission serves as the upper house of legislation and the lower is elected by the people. The Supreme Court, composed of four American and three native judges, is also appointed by the American president. A
limited franchise is granted to the natives outside of the Mohammedan islands. The population known as the Filipinos is not homogeneous, but consists of numerous tribes speaking many languages. The aborigines were the Negritos, who now number only 23,500; they are black, dwarfish, woollyhaired, thick-lipped, and dwell in the remote parts of the islands. The Malay or brown races constitute nine-tenths of the population, of which the principal are the Tagalogs, Visayans, Ilocanos,
Moros, Bicals, and Igorrotes. There are small elements of negroes brought by the Spanish from Africa and Papua; of Indians brought from Mexico, Mongoloids, and whites. Immediately after the establishment of American sovereignty, a system
of free public schools was established. In 1905-06 the average attendance per month was 375,554 out of a total of 1,200,000 between the ages of six and fifteen. In the latter year there were 3,340 schools (primary, intermediate, and high), 4,719 native, and 831 American teachers. The Roman Catholics in 1903 maintained 1,004 private schools with an enrolment of 63,545, and 325 religious schools with an enrolment of 26,478.
</P>
<h4>Religious History; Roman Catholics.</h4>
<P>
When the Spanish took possession their design was the establishment of a politico-religious sovereignty. The picturesque ceremonials of the Roman Catholic Church appealed to the natives, whose adherence to their own religious beliefs was weak while they were disunited by their diversities and rivalries. Great numbers of missionary friars of the Augustinian, Franciscan, Dominican, and Recollet orders came to the islands, to each of whom a charge was assigned. They labored with great success, the entire body of people yielding rapidly to conversion. At present only eight and one-half per cent of the inhabitants are classed as wild, while all the others are termed civilized. This was the result mainly of the devotion of the friars to parochial instruction and to the spiritual and physical welfare of the natives. The<pb n="31"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
Jesuits likewise participated in the work; but, becoming the richest and most powerful order, they aroused the jealousy of the others and were recalled in 1767. In 1850 they were given permission to return. The bishopric erected in 1581 was made
suffragan to Mexico, and in 1595 it was raised to metropolitan rank with three suffragan bishoprics; to which a fourth was added in 1867, which was, however, merged in one of the others in 1874. With these at the head of the Church stood the provincials of the four great orders named above. The members of these orders or regular clergy greatly preponderated in numbers and influence over the secular clergy composed mostly of natives. The domestic history of the archipelago, naturally secluded, was parochial; consisting of missionary extension and political and industrial progress subject to the religious interest and the will of the friars, with an occasional conflict between the archbishop and the latter. Finally, the leaven of western forces finding various access bore fruit, and the insurrections of 1896 and 1898 constituted an upheaval for the overthrow of the land-holding friars and the political and economic stagnation resulting from their long undisputed occupation. One of the demands of the revolutionists was their expulsion. With the insurrection of 1896 a priest, Aglipay by
name, placed himself at the head of a seeding religious or antipapal party, entitled Independent Catholic Church. After negotiations between the United States&#39; government and Pope Leo XIII. in 1907 it was agreed that the United States pay $7,000,000 for the friar lands and that the Church send no friar as priest into any parish after a final objection by the governor-general. The majority of the people are Roman Catholics of whom there are 3,940,000, besides 3,000,000 Independent Catholics. Every village as established by the Spanish had its central church. Most of these buildings were of stone and many were elaborate structures. In 1903 there were 1,608 churches of which 1,573 were Roman Catholic, and in the city of Manila alone there were 51. The Moros of the Sulu Archipelago, southern Mindanao, and Palawan in the southwest, who were the least affected by the Spanish occupation, about 270,000, are Mohammedan. Buddhists of Asiatic derivation number 75,000 and Animists 260,000.
</P>
<h4>Protestant Missions.</h4>
<P>
Immediately after the Spanish cession, various Protestant churches in the United States took steps to enter the field by adopting in conference a plan of cooperation and union having in view the erection of "La Iglesia Evangelica Filipina," as the national church of the Filipinos. The Presbyterian Church established a permanent mission in 1899; the Methodist Episcopal, the same year; the Baptist in 1900; the Protestant Episcopal and Christian (Disciples) in 1901; the United Brethren in 1902; and the Congregational in 1903. In Apr., 1901, a federation of missions and churches was formed in Manila called " The Evangelical Union of the Philippine Islands." The field was to be mutually divided with Manila as the common center. The Presbyterian Board opened stations on Luzon, at Laguna and Albay, in 1903, and at Tayabas in 1906; at Iloilo, Panay, in 1900; at Dumaguete, Negros, in 1901; and in Cebu in 1902. The Ellinwood School at Manila became a theological seminary in 1907, conducted jointly by the Methodist Episcopal bishop and the presbytery. In 1901the Silliman Industrial Institute was established at Dumaguete. In 1908, 63 outstations were opened and the 20 churches had 4,127 members. In 1900 the Methodist Episcopal Church assumed the occupation of northern Luzon divided into three districts, which became a district conference in 1904. In 1908 there were 108 churches in the seven outstations with 25,000 communicants and 35,000 adherents. The American Baptist Missionary Union occupied the Visayan islands of Panay and Negros in the south in 1900, with Iloilo as a center. The work has been extended into Cebu. By 1908 there were 25 churches with 2,838 members. The Brotherhood of St. Andrew sent out two clergymen and two laymen in 1899, who established the Mission of the Holy Trinity. In 1901 Bishop Brent arrived and the islands became a mission district of the
Protestant Episcopal Church. A cathedral and settlement-house have been established at Manila for the English-speaking people, and stations scattered among the natives. The Foreign Christian Missionary Society (Disciples), with stations at
Manila, Laoag, Vigan, and Aparri, laying much stress on evangelistic work, have 29 churches and 2,505 members. The American Board planted a mission on Mindanao in 1901 and has a station at Davao and an outstation at Santa Cruz; and in
1908 the Mindanao Missions Medical Association was formed (in New York. The missions of the various denominations generally combine the industrial, medical, educational, and evangelizing features. There are (1908) 7 societies with 212 stations and outstations, 126 missionaries, 492 native helpers, 18 schools with 519 pupils, 8 hospitals, 194 churches with 35,000 communicants and 45,000 adherents, exclusive of Protestant Episcopalians.
</p>
<p class="author">T<small>HEODORA</small> C<small>ROSBY</small></p> 
<p class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY:</small> For lists of literature consult: 
A. P. C. Griffin, Library of Congress, 
<I>List of Works Relating to . . . Philippine Islands, </I> Washington, 1905; 
J. A. Robertson, <I>Bibliography of the Philippine Islands, </I>Cleveland, 1908; and 
Richardson, <I>Encyclopaedia</i>, p. 851. Works on geography and description are: 
J. Montero, <i>El Archipi&#232;lago Filipino</I>, Madrid, 1888; 
J. Foreman, <I>The Philippine Islands</I>, London. 1899; 
R. Reyes Lala, <I>The Philippine Islands</I>, New York, 1899; 
S. MacClintock, <I>The Philippines</i>, New York, 1903; 
H. C. Stunts, <I>The Philippines and the Far East</I>, Cincinnati, 1904; 
F. W. Atkinson, <I>The Philippine Islands, </I>Boston, 1905; 
J. A. Le Roy, <I>Philippine Life in Town and Country</I>, New York, 1905; 
D. C. Worcester, <I>Philippine Islands and their People</I>, New York, 1907. 
For ethnology consult: 
D. G. Brinton, <I>Peoples of the Philippines</I>, Washington, 1898; 
A. B. Meyer, <I>The Distribution of the Negritos in the Philippine Islands</I>, Dresden, 1899; 
F. Blumenthal, <I>Die Philippines. Eine Darstellung der ethnographischen Verh&#228;ltnis des Archipels</I>, Hamburg, 1900; 
F. H. Sawyer, <I>The Inhabitants of the Philippines</I>, London, 1900;
G. A. Koeze, <I>Bijdrage tot de Anthropolopie der Philippijnen,</I> Haarlem, 1901-04; 
D. Folkmar, <I>Album of Philippine Types</I>, Manila, 1904; <I>Ethnological Survey Publications</I>, Manila,
1905 sqq.
<br>
<br>
On the history consult: 
M. Halstead, <I>Story of the Philippines</I>, New York, 1898; 
A. K. Fiske, <I>Story of the Philippines</I>, New York, 1899; 
J. Foreman, <I>Philippine Islands,</I>, New York, 1899; 
A. March, <I>Hist. of the Philippines</I>, New York, 1899; 
E. H. Blair and J. A. Robertson, <I>The Philippine Islands, 1483-1805</I>, Cleveland, 1903; 
idem <I>The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898</i>, 55 vols., ib. 1903-08 <pb n="32"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
(giving text and translation of innumerable documents-a monumental work); 
A. J. Brown, <I>The New Era in the Philippines</i>, New York, 1903; 
A. de Morga, <I>Hist. of the Philippine Islands</i>, 2 vols., Cleveland, 1907; 
D. B. Barrows, <I>History of Philippines</I>, New York, 1908. 
For the religious side consult: 
A. Coleman, <I>The Friars in the Philippines</I>, Boston, 1899; 
J. T. Medina, <i>El Tribunal de la Inquisici&#243;n en las Islas Filipinas</I>, Santiago, 1899; 
F. Colin, <i>Labor Evangelica, Ministeros de los Obreros de la Compania de Jesus . . . en las Islas Filipinas</i>, 3 vols., </I>Barcelona, 1900-1902; 
E. Zamora, <I>Las Corporaciones religiosaa en Filipinas,</I> Valladolid, 1901. 
For accounts of evangelical missionary work consult: 
H. O. Dwight, <I>The Blue Book of Missions,</i> pp. 88--89, New York, 1907; 
and the annual reports of the missionary societies at work there.</small></p>

<br>
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Philippists" id="philippists">
<p>
<h3>PHILIPPISTS.</h3>
</p>
<table>
<tr><td>Before Luther&#39;s Death (&#167; 1).</td><td>Open Conflict (&#167; 3).</td><td>Downfall of the Philippists (&#167; 5).</td></tr>
<tr><td>Opposition to Melanchthon (&#167; 2).</td><td>Lutheran Strictures (&#167; 4).</td><td>Estimate of Philippism (&#167; 6).</td></tr>
</table>
<h4>1. Before Luther&#39;s Death.</h4>
<p>
Philippists was the designation usually applied in the latter half of the sixteenth century to the followers of Philipp Melanchthon (q.v.). It probably originated among the opposite or Flacian party (see F<Small>LACIUS</small>, M<small>ATTHIAS</small>), and was applied at first to the theologians of the universities of Wittenberg and Leipsic, who were all adherents of Melanchthon&#39;s distinctive views, especially those in which he approximated to Roman Catholic doctrine on the subject of free will and the value of good works, and to the Swiss Reformers&#39; on the Lord&#39;s Supper. Somewhat later it was used in Saxony to designate a distinct party organized by Melanchthon&#39;s son-in-law Caspar Peucer (q.v.), with George Cracovius, Johann Stiissel (q.v.), and others, to work for a union of all the Protestant forces, as a means to which end they 
attempted to break down by this attitude the barriers which separated Lutherans and Calvinists. Melanchthon had won, by his eminent abilities as a teacher and his clear, scholastic formulation of doctrine, a large number of disciples among whom were included some of the most zealous Lutherans, such as Matthias Flacius and Tileman Hesahusen (qq.v.), afterward to be numbered among the vehement opponents of Philippism; both of whom formally and materially received the forms of doctrine shaped by Melanchthon. As long as Luther lived, the conflict with external foes and the work of building up the 
Evangelical Church so absorbed the Reformers that the internal differences which had already begun to show themselves were kept in the background.
</P>
<h4>2. Opposition to Melancthon.</h4>
<P>
But Luther was no sooner dead than the internal as well as the external peace of the Lutheran Church declined. It was a misfortune not only for Melanchthon, but for the whole body that he, who had formerly stood as a teacher by the side Luther, the real leader, was now forced suddenly into the position of head not only of the University of Wittenberg but of the entire Evangelical Church of Germany. There was among certain of Luther&#39;s associates, notably Nikolaus von Amsdorf (q.v.), a disinclination to accept his leadership. When in the negotiations set on foot with reference to the Augsburg Interim 
(see I<small>NTERIM</small>) by the Elector Maurice in 1548 he showed himself increasingly ready to yield and make concessions, he ruined his position with a large part of the Evangelical theologians for all time; and an opposition party was formed, in which the leadership was at once assumed by Flacius in view of his learning, controversial ability, and inflexible firmness. Melanchthon, on the other hand, with his faithful followers (Camerarius, Major, Menius, Pfeffinger, Eber, Cruciger, Strigel [qq.v.]), and others saw in the self-styled genuine Lutherans naught but a narrow and contentious class, which, ignoring the inherent teaching of Luther, sought to domineer over the church by letter and name, and in addition to assert its own ambitious self. On the other hand, the Philippists regarded themselves as the faithful guardians of learning over against the alleged "barbarism," and as the mean between the extremes. The genuine Lutherans also claimed to be representatives of the pure doctrine, defenders of orthodoxy, and heirs of the spirit of Luther. Personal, political, and ecclesiastical animosities widened the breach; such as the rivalry between the Ernestine branch of the Saxon house (now extruded from the electoral dignity) and the Albertine branch; the jealousy between the new Ernestine University of Jena and the electoral universities of Wittenberg and Leipsic, in both of which the Philippists had the majority; and the bitter personal antagonism felt at Wittenberg for Flacius, who assailed his former teachers harshly and made all reconciliation impossible.
</P>
<h4>3. Open Conflict</h4>
<P>
The actual conflict began with the controversy over the Interim and the question of <I>Adiaphora</I> 
(see A<small>DIAPHORA AND THE</small> A<small>DIAPHORISTlC</small> C<small>ONTROVERSY</small>) in 1548 and the following years. In the negotiations concerning the Leipsic Interim the Wittenberg theologians as well as Johann Pfeffinger and the intimate of Melanchthon, George of Anhalt (q.v.), were on the side of Melanchthon, and thus drew upon themselves the violent opposition of the strict Lutherans, under the leadership of Flacius, who now severed his connection with Wittenberg. When the Philippist Georg Major (q.v.) at Wittenberg and Justus Menius (q.v.) at Gotha put forth the proposition that good works were necessary to salvation, or as Menius preferred to say "the new obedience, the new life, is necessary to salvation," they were not only conscious of the danger that the doctrine of justification by faith alone would lead to antinomianism and moral laxity but they manifested a tendency to bring into account the necessary connection of justification and regeneration: namely, that justification as possession of forgiving grace by faith is indeed not conditioned
by obedience; but also that the new life is presupposed by obedience and works springing out of the same justification. But neither Major nor Menius was sufficiently firm in his view to stand against the charge of denying the doctrine of justification
and going over to the Roman camp, and thus they were driven back to the general proposition of justification by faith alone. The Formula of Concord (q.v.) closed the controversy by avoiding both extremes, but failed to offer a final solution of the ques-<pb n="33"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
tion demanded by the original motive of the controversy. The synergistic controversy (see S<small>YNERGISM</small>), 
breaking out about the same time, also sprang out of the ethical interest which had induced Melanchthon to enunciate the doctrine of free will in opposition to his previous predestinarianism. After the clash in 1555 between Pfeflinger (who in his 
<I>Propositiones de libero arbitrio</I> had held closely to the formula of Melanchthon) and Amsdorf and Flacius, Strigel went deeper into the matter in 1559 and insisted that grace worked upon sinful men as upon personalities, not natural objects without a will; and that in the position that there was a spontaneous cooperation of human powers released by grace there was an actual lapse into the Roman Catholic view. The suspicions now entertained against Melanchthon and his school were quickened by the renewed outbreak of the sacramentarian controversy in 1552. Joachim Westphal (q.v.) accused Melanchthon of agreement with Calvin, and from this time the Philippists rested under the suspicion of Crypto-Calvinism. The more the German Lutherans entertained a dread of the invasion of Calvinism, the more they mistrusted
every announcement of a formula of the Lord&#39;s Supper after the form of Luther&#39;s doctrine yet obscure. The controversy on this subject, in which Melanchthon&#39;s friend Hardenberg of Bremen (see H<small>ARDENBERG</small>, A<small>LBERT</small> R<small>IZAEUS</small>) was involved with Timann (q.v.) and then with Hesshusen, leading to
his deposition in 1561, elevated the doctrine of ubiquity to an essential of Lutheran teaching. The Wittenberg pronouncement on the subject prudently confined itself to Biblical expressions and forewarned itself against unnecessary disputations, which only strengthened the suspicion of unavowed sympathy with Calvin.
</P>
<h4>4 Lutheran Strictures.</h4>
<P>
The strict Lutherans sought to strike a decisive blow at Philippism. This was apparent at the Weimar meeting of 1556 and in the negotiations of Coswig and Magdeburg in this and the following years, which showed a tendency to work not so much for the reconciliation of the contending parties as for a personal humiliation of Melanchthon. He, although deeply wounded, showed great restraint in his public utterances; but his followers in Leipsie and Wittenberg paid their opponents back in
their own coin. The heat of partizan feeling was displayed at the Conference of Worms in 1557, where the Flacian party did not hesitate, even in the presence of Roman Catholics, to show their enmity for Melanchthon and his followers. After several well-meant attempts at pacification on the part of the Lutheran princes, the most passionate outbreak occurred in the last year of Melanchthon&#39;s life, 1559, in connection with the " Weimar Confutation " published by Duke John Frederick, in which together with the errors of Servetus, Schwenckfeld, the Antinomians, Zwingli, and others, the principal special doctrines of the Philippists (Synergism (q.v.], Majorism, see M<small>AJORISTIC</small> C<small>ONTROVERSY</small>, adiaphorism) were denounced as dangerous errors and corruptions. It led, however, to discord among the Jena theologians
themselves, since Strigel defended against Flacius Melanchthon&#39;s doctrine on sin and grace, and drew upon himself very rough treatment from the impetuous duke. But the ultimate outcome was the decline of the University of Jena, the deposition of the strict Lutheran professors and the replacing of them by Philippists. It seemed for the time that the Thuringian opposition to the Philippism of Electoral Saxony was broken; but with the downfall of John Frederick and the accession of his
brother John William to power, the tables were turned; the Philippists at Jena were again. displaced (1568-69) by the strict Lutherans, Johann Wigand (q.v.), Cblestin, Kirchner, and Hesshusen, and the Jena opposition to Wittenberg was once
more organized, finding voice in the <I>Bekenntnis von der Rechtfertigung and guten Werken </I>of 1569. The Elector August was now very anxious to restore peace in the Saxon territories, and John William agreed to call a conference at Altenburg (Oct. 21, 1568), in which the principal representatives of Philippism were Paul Eber and Caspar Cruciger the younger, and of the other side Wigand, C&#246;lestin, and Kirchner. It led to no result, although it continued until the following March. The Philippists asserted the Augsburg Confession of 1540, the loci, of Melanchthon of the later editions, and of the <I>Corpus Philippicum, </I>met by the challenge from the other side that these were an attack upon the pure
teaching and authority of Luther. Both sides claimed the victory, and the Leipsic and Wittenberg Philippists issued a justification of their position in the <I>Endlicher Bericht </I>of 1571, with which is connected the protest of the Hessian theologians in conference at Ziegenhain in 1570 against Flacian Lutheranism and in favor of Philippism.
</P>
<h4>5. Downfall of the Philippists.</h4>
<P>
Pure Lutheranism was now fortified in a number of local churches by <I>Corpora doctrin&#230;</I> of a strict nature, and the work for concord went on more and more definitely along the lines of eliminating Melanchthonism. The Philippists, fully alarmed, attempted not only Philippists. to consolidate in Electoral Saxony but to gain ascendency over the entire German Evangelical Church, but met their downfall first in Electoral Saxony. The conclusion of the Altenburg Colloquy prompted the elector, in Aug., 1569, to issue orders that all the ministers in his domains should hold to the <I>Corpus doctrine Philippicum</i>, intending thus to avoid Flacian exaggerations and guard the pure original doctrine of Luther and Melanchthon in the days of their union. But the Wittenberg men interpreted it as an approval of their Philippism, especially in regard to the Lord&#39;s Supper and the person of Christ. They pacified the elector, who had become uneasy, by the <I>Consensus Dresdensis</I> of 1571, a cleverly worded document.; and when on the death of John William, in 1574,
August assumed the regency in Ernestine Saxony and began to drive out not only strict Lutheran zealots like Hesshusen and Wigand, but all who refused their subscription to the <I>Consensus, </I>the Philippists thought they were on the way to a victory which should give them all Germany. But the unquestionably Calvinistic work of Joachim Cureus (q.v.), <I>Exegesis perspicua de sacra c&#230;na</I> (1574), and a confidential letter of Johann St&#246;ssel (q.v.) which <pb n="34"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
fell into the elector&#39;s hands opened his eyes. The heads of the Philippist party were imprisoned and roughly handled, and the Torgau Confession of 1574 completed their downfall. By the adoption of the Formula of Concord their cause was ruined in all
the territories which accepted it, although in some others it survived under the aspect of a modified Lutheranism, as in Nuremberg, or, as in Nassau, Hesse, Anhalt, and Bremen, where it became more or less definitely identified with Calvinism. It raised its head once more in Electoral Saxony in 1586, on the accession of Christian I., but on his death five years later it came to a sudden and bloody end with the murder of Nicolaus Krell (q.v.) as a victim to this unpopular revival of Calvinism.
</p>
<h3>6. Estimate of Philippism.</h3>
<p>
Though it may be regretted that the moderate, pacific, and enlightened spirit of Melanchthon himself was not allowed to have more influence in the Lutheran Church and that his estimable points of departure from Luther remained unrecognized, yet it can not be denied that Philippism was only something halfway, while it claimed to guard the genuine religious ideas and motives of the Reformation better than the doctrine of the Formula of Concord. Nor must the fact be overlooked that where, after the promulgation of the Formula, Philippism still maintained its ground, it produced no results in the domain of theology which can be compared for a moment with those which proceeded from the stricter school. The latter won its victory to a great extent because it gave birth to the greater number of popularly effective writings and powerful literary personalities. Melanchthon&#39;s spirit, however, yet remained operative in the seventeenth century, even though at the end of the sixteenth his influence was greatly superseded by that of orthodox Lutherans. The movement initiated by Georg Calixtus (q.v.) shows not
only considerable affinity with its tendency, but has a direct historical connection with it through his Helmstedt teachers, especially Johann Caselius (q.v.), who was a personal disciple of Melanchthon.</p>
<p class="author">(G. K<small>AWERAU.</small>)</P>
<P class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY:</small> Perhaps the best method of mastering the subject treated in the foregoing article is a study of the men mentioned in the text as active by means of the articles in this work and of the literature appended to those articles. Especially valuable are the letters of Melanchthon and the accounts of his life and activities. Much of the literature under F<small>ORMULA OF</small> C<small>ONCORD</small> is valuable. The works on the history of the Church and of the doctrine of the period are also to be consulted. Besides the foregoing consult: 
V. E. L&#246;scher, <I>Historia motuum zwischen den Evanpelisch-Lutheriachen und Reformirten, </I>Frankfort, 1723; 
G. J. Planck, <I>Geschichte der Bntatehung und der Verdnderung . . unsers protestantiachen Lehrbegriffe</i>, vols. iv.-vi., 6 vols., Leipsic, 1791-1800; 
H. Heppe, <I>Geschichte des deutschen Protestantismus 1555-81</i>, 4 vols., Marburg, 1852-59; Idem, <I>Dogmatik des deutschen Protestantiamus im 16. Jahrhundert, </I>3 vols., Gotha, 1857; 
A. Beck, <I>Johann Friedrich der Mittlere</I>, 2 vols., Weimar, 1858; 
E. L. T. Henke, <I>Neuere Kirchengeschichte</i>, ii. 274 sqq., Halle, 1878; 
G. Wolf, <I>Zur Geschichte der deutschen Protestanten 1666-69, </I>Berlin, 1888; 
H. E. Jacobs, <I>The Book of Concord</i>, vol. ii., Philadelphia, 1893; 
W. M&#246;ller, <I>Lehrbuch der Kirchengeschichte </I>ed. G. Kawerau, 3d ed., vol. iii., T&#252;bingen, 1907; 
Schaff, <I>Creeds</i>, i. 258-340.
</small>
</P>

<br>
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Philippus Solitarius" id="philippus_solitarius">
<P>
<b>PHILIPPUS SOLITARIUS:</b>
Greek monk of the late eleventh century. In 1095 he completed, apparently at Constantinople, his mystic and devotional " Mirror," a dialogue in political verse which represents Body and Soul as setting forth their mutual relations as factors of human nature, and as making preparation for death. The Greek text is still unedited, except for scanty fragments (ed.
P. Lambecius, <I>Commentarii de bibliotheca C&#230;wsarea Vindobonensi</i>, v. 76-84, Vienna, 1778; C. Oudin,
<I>Commentarius de scriptoribus ecclesi&#230; antiquis</i>, ii. 851, Frankfort, 1722; J. B. Cotelerius, on Apostolic Constitutions, viii. 42, in his <I>Sanctorum Patrum qui temporibus apostolicis floruerunt opera, </I>2 vols., Paris, 1672), but was translated into Latin prose by the Jesuit Jacobus Pontanus (Ingolstadt, 1604; most convenient reprint in <I>MPG</i>, cxxvii. 701-902). Closely akin to the "Mirror" is the short poem " Lamentations " (ed. E. Auvray, Paris, 1875; E. S. Shuckburgh, in <I>Emmanuel College Magazine</i>, vol. v.), which may in reality be the eighth book of the " Mirror," which was omitted by Pontanus. A new redaction of both poems was prepared by Phialites in the twelfth century, and the
Vienna manuscripts of the " Mirror " contain note worthy additions, especially on the dogmas and rites of the Armenians, Jacobites, and Romans (the two former portions ed. F. Combefis, <I>Auctuarium novum bibliothe&#230; Gr&#230;co-Latinorum patrum</i>, ii. 261, 271, Paris, 1648.</p>
<p class="author">(P<small>HILIPP</small> M<small>EYER</small>.)</p>
<p class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY:</small> Krumbacher, <I>Geschichte</i>, pp. 742-744;
P. Lambecius, <I>Commentarium de . . . bibliotheca Casar&#230; Vindebonensi</i>, v. 78--84, Vienna, 1778; 
<i>KL</i>, ix. 2023.</small>
</p>

<br>
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Philips, Obbe" id="philips_obbe">
<p><b>PHILIPS, OBBE.</b> See M<small>ENNONITES</small>, VI.</p>

<br>
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Philistines" id="philistines">
<p>
<b>PHILISTINES</b>, fl-lis&#39;tinz or toinz.
</p>
<table>
<tr><td>Name and Territory (&#167; 1).</td><td>Early History (&#167; 4).</td></tr>
<tr><td>Origin (&#167; 2).</td><td>Later History (&#167; 5).</td></tr>
<tr><td>Not Semitic (&#167; 3).</td><td>The Cities (&#167; 6).</td></tr>
</table>
<h3>1. Name and Territory.</h3>
<P>
In the Hebrew the Philistines are known as <i>Pelishtim </I>or <I>Pelishtiyyim, </I>and their country as <I>Pelesheth. </I>
In the Greek they appear as <I>Phulistieim</I> or <I>Philistieim</i>, <i>Phulistiaioi, </I>and sometimes as <I>allophuloi</i>, "foreigners"; and in the Vulgate as <I>Philisthiim</i>, <i>Philistini, </I>and <I>Pel&#230;stini</I>, the last recalling the usage of Josephus (see P<small>ALESTINE</small>, I., &#167; 1). The expression <I>allophuloi</I> dates from about the period of the beginning of the Septuagint, has reference to a distinction based on national and religious grounds, and designates all not Jews who are of oriental origin and dwell in Palestine, and particularly the Philistines. The territory occupied by the Philistines was the southern part of the coast of Palestine. Taking Joppa (the modern Jaffa) as the most northern and Raphia as the mot southern Philistine city, the length of the territory was rather less than sixty miles, with a width varying between twelve and thirty-five-miles. The eastern boundary was the hill country of Judea, and the whole territory was included within what was known as the Shephelah. The significance of the district lay in the coast cities, not so much because of their sea trade as of their importance for overland traffic, as they were situated on one of the principal trade routes between Egypt and Babylon. Their location bought them into relation with the two centers of early culture and yet secured for them a rela-<pb n="35"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
tive independence, removed from both as they were either by a great distance or by the desert. The coast is almost without natural harbors, the hinterland possessed a few small plains, and toward the south the country gradually becomes transformed into pastureland.
</p>
<h3>2. Origin</h3>
<p>
The first reports of this district come from Egyptian inscriptions and from the Amarna Tablets (q.v.). Thothmes III. (c. 1500 <small>B.C.</small>) reckoned the district to the land of Haru. The Amarna Tablets mention Gaza, Ashkelon, and Joppa. Especially instructive is the portrayal at Karnak of the conquest of Ashkelon by Rameses II. (c. 1280), in which the defenders of the fortress are shown as distinct from the Philistines both in dress and countenance and as identical with Canaanites, proving that the inhabitants at that time were of the same race as those of Upper Palestine and that a foreign people had not yet intruded. This fact is confirmed by the names which come from this period, which are of Semitic-Canaanitic type. <scripRef>Deut. ii. 23</scripRef> affirms that the Avvim dwelt here until the Caphtorim entered and destroyed them; <scripRef>Josh. xiii. 3, cf. xi. 22</scripRef>, implies that the Avvim and the Philistines lived along
side each other. The culture of the region was like that of other parts of Palestine, except that Egyptian influence was felt more strongly. The Old Testament (cf. <scripRef>Amos ix. 7</scripRef>) thus agrees with other information that the Philistines were intruders, and <scripRef>Jer. xlvii. 4</scripRef>is in accord with other passages in deriving them from Caphtor (q.v.), the identification of which is not yet settled. A connection of the Philistines with the Cherethites of <scripRef>I Sam. xxx. 14 15</scripRef> and with the Carim, " captains," of <scripRef>II Kings xi. 4, 19</scripRef> (cf. the gloss on <scripRef>Gen. x. 14</scripRef>), supposed to be from Caria in Asia Minor, has been attempted, but the combination is uncertain, even in view of <scripRef>I Kings i. 38</scripRef, where Cherethites and Pelethites (or Philis.
tines) are mentioned as part of the royal guard, and no certain datum is gained for determining the place of origin of the Philistines. The Egyptian monuments of the period of Rameses III. (1208-1180 <small>B.C.</small>) speak of unrest in northern and central Syria caused by a foreign and hitherto unnamed people, whose names are read <I>Purasati, Zakkari, Shakrusha, Dano or Danona, Washasha, and Shardana.</I> Of these the Purasati are always named first, and, it is assumed, were the leaders. The fact that these peoples marched with a great amount of baggage and with wives and children is taken by E. Meyer as proving that it was the migration of a people which pushed on to the borders of Egypt. W. M. Miller argues from the application to them of the name equivalent to "heroes" that they were predatory bands of soldiers plundering alike friend and foe. Rameses III. speaks of a land battle with them and also of a sea fight. The Golenisheff papyrus relates that the Egyptian Uno-Amon journeyed in a ship to Dor in Palestine for timber during the fifth year of Herihor, the last king of the twentieth Egyptian dynasty, and that the city then belonged to the Zakkari, whose chief was named Bidir. It is noteworthy that this people&#39;s name occurs both in the time of Rameses and of Herihor, in the for mer in connection with the Purasati, and that with Rameses the Egyptian hegemony of southern,Syria begins to vanish; it is further probable that since the Zakkari made sure their footing, their associates the Purasati also did. With the Purasati the Egyptologist Champolhon connected the Philistines before 1832, and this identification has approved itself to later scholars. W. M. Miiller supposed the pronunciation to have been Pulsesti, cf. the Assyrian <I>Palastu, Piliatu.</i> This scholar has located their home on the southern coast of Asia Minor and in the islands of the &#198;gean Sea. A sea people was
known to the Egyptians as <I>Ruku</I> or <I>Luku</I> (Lycians). An attempt to derive the name from a Semitic root
meaning "to wander" does not approve itself, since it is practically certain that the Philistines were not of Semitic stock, and the Egyptians gave to the peoples of Syria their own names, describe the Philistines and their associates as coming from "the end of the sea," and portray them as differing in feature and dress from Semites. It is not unlikely that between the Philistines and their associates and the "early Cretans" of Odyssey  xix. 176 a relationship existed, but definite proof is lacking.
</P>
<h3>3. Not Semitic.</h3>
<P>
Proof from the language of the Philistines is lacking, since practically nothing is known of it, and the occurrence of persons and places in the Old Testament and Assyrian inscriptions helps little, since the Philistines naturally adopted the language of the country after their settlement therein. The Semitic names of places, upon which F. Schwally bases his argument that the Philistines were Semites proves nothing, since these names often remain unaltered in the East through successive waves of population. The Achish of <scripRef>I Sam. xxvii.-xxviii.</scripRef> has been placed alongside the Ikausu of the Assyrian Inscriptions (cf. Schrader, <i>KAT</i>, 3d ed., p. 473), a form "Ekasho of the land of Kefti" found in an Egyptian source, which seems to make a non-Semitic origin of this name clear. The Old Testament calls in several places (<scripRef>Josh. xiii. 3; Judges iii. 3; I Sam. vi. 4, 16</scripRef>) the rulers of the Philistines <i>seranim</i>, "lords," a word which does not yield readily to a Hebrew (Semitic) etymology, and Klostermann (on <scripRef>I Sam. v. 8</scripRef>) has equated it with the Gk. <I>tyrannos. </I>The deities of the Philistines appear to be Semitic--cf. Dagon, Ashtaroth, and Beelzebub (qq.v.). This people had images in their temples and took them when they went to war as did the Hebrews the ark (<scripRef>II Sam. v. 21</scripRef>); <scripRef>Isa. ii. 6</scripRef> shows that their soothsayers were held in honor. Those who visited the temple of Dagon avoided stepping on the threshold (<scripRef>I Sam. v. 5</scripRef>; cf. <scripRef>Zeph. i. 9</scripRef>). But these observances are in accordance with Semitic custom. The general impression, however, received from a view of the facts is that the Philistines were not of Semitic stock, and were intruders into the land where they adopted Semitic customs and language. [The name of Goliath, with its Aramaic ending- ath, does not contradict the theory of the nonSemitic origin of the Philistines, since he is described as belonging to the Giants (q.v.; cf. <scripRef>xi. 15-19</scripRef>; <scripRef>1 Chron. xx. 4-8</cripRef> accord with <scripRef>Josh. x. 22</scripRef>, who are recorded as descended from the Avvim or Anakim. Descendants of the old stock would be reckoned by outlanders to the <pb n="36"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
dominant people, even though their descent was not forgotten. <small> G. W. G.</small>]
</P>
<P>
This is confirmed by the further fact that they did not practise circumcision (<scripRef>Judges xiv. 3, xv. 18; I Sam. xvii. 26, xviii. 25</scripRef>), with which should be put the fact that the " sea folk " of Merneptah were uncircumcised (W. M. M&#252;ller, <I>Asien. und Europa</i>, pp. 357-358, Leipsic, 1893), and with these the <i>Purasati </I>of Rameses were connected. For the time when they entered Palestine the Golenisheff papyrus (ut sup.) gives a suggestion, since the date of
Herihor is about 1100. The Bidir of Dor had received an Egyptian embassy sixteen years earlier, and the Egyptians had bought timber of his father and grandfather. Hence the Zakkari had been settled in the region some fifty or sixty years before
the time of the papyrus, and this goes back approximately to the time of Ramems III. (ut sup.). This comes into close connection with the unrest caused by the dissolution of the Hittite realm in northern Syria. By 1100 the Philistines had at least partly subjected the Hebrews, and it would appear that shortly after they had firmly seated themselves in the lowlands of Judea they attacked the mountain region. Their success was won probably not through greater numbers but by means of better weapons and cleverer tactics. The Egyptian monuments show that they were equipped with felt helmets, coats of mail, large round shields, short spears, large swords, and war chariots. If they came from Asia Minor, they must have possessed the Mycenean culture and were by no means "barbarians."
</P>
<h3>4. Early History.</h3>
<P>
When the Philistines came into touch with Israel, their territory was divided into five districts, the chiefs of which were called 
<I>seranim,</i> "lords." The capitals of these districts, named from north to south, were Ekron, Ashdod, Gath, Ashkelon, and Gaza. This fivefold division may correspond to tribal divisions. The Old Testament names the Cherethites as occupying  the northwestern part of the Negeb, and these with the Zakkari may make up two outside groups of the same stock. Since
Achish is called "king" in <scripRef>I Sam. xxi. 10</scripRef> and elsewhere, he may have been the head of the Philistine
confederation; an alternative supposition is that the Hebrew writer used the ordinary terminology. Inasmuch as during the reign of Rameses III. the Egyptian boundaries reached to Lebanon, while Dor was apparently in the possession of the Zakkari, it seems probable that their advance along the great highway of commerce by way of Carmel took place after the Egyptian power suffered a decline. It appears strange that the region about Dor and the Plain of Sharon was not reckoned in with the five districts of the Philistines, for when the battle of Gilboa was fought, these regions must have been in their power. The southernmost limits of their territory had been attained when they reduced Israel. The mention of the Philistines which appears in such passages as <scripRef>Gen. xxvi., cf. xxi. 22-23</scripRef>, are anachronisms, since the Egyptian monuments do not indicate settlement in what became their territory before the twentieth dynasty. The migration of the Danites (<scripRef>Judges xviii.</scripRef>) may have been due to the Philistines. In the long contest between the Philistines and Israel, the former appear as the aggressors, with the purpose of conquering the highland, the middle portion of which came into their power according to <scripRef>I Sam. v.-vi.</scripRef> The lower portion is shown by the story of Samson to have been already under their control (<scripRef>Judges xiii-xvi., cf. iii.31</scripRef>). The fear of this people was so great among the Hebrews that many of the latter entered their ranks against their own kin (<scripRef>I Sam. xiv. 21</scripRef>). While Saul began the period of successful resistance, his reign was rather one of little contests with them than a serious campaign for freedom. At this time David (q.v.) became a beloved leader of his people (<scripRef>I Sam.xviii. 7</scripRef>) against the common foe. When Saul turned against David, the latter took refuge with Achish of Gath, who gave, him Ziklag as his residence. The last battle between Saul and the Philistines took place at the foot of Mount Gilboa, where Saul and his sons fell, and the earlier hegemony of the Philistines was reestablished. Ishbosheth established his capital at Mahanaim, and David became king over Judah in Hebron (<scripRef>II Sam. ii.-iv.</scripRef>). When the latter became king over all Israel, the Philistines regarded the act as one of revolt and sought to maintain their mastery. David knew, however, the advantage which was his in the possession of the highlands, and in numerous great and small conflicts
(<scripRef>II Sam. v. 17-25, xxi. 15-22, xxiii. 9-17</scripRef>) not only secured the freedom of his people but reduced the
Philistines to a position of subjection, at least in part, though their position on the highway enabled them still to profit by overland commerce. Gittites (from Gath) were in David&#39;s army (<scripRef>II Sam. xv. 18</scripRef>), as well as the Cherethites and Pelethites, who were probably of Philistine blood. The theory of W. M. M&#252;ller that the victory of David was due to the Philistines having at the same time to resist an attack by the Egyptians has little to sustain it; David&#39;s success was partly due to the advantage of position. In Solomon&#39;s time Egypt sought to reestablish her hegemony over the region (<scripRef>I Kings ix. 16</scripRef>), and to this may be due the fact that Dor was independent of Israel. But the result was such a weakening of the Philistines that the Plain of Jezreel and Carmel, the key to the trade route, fell into Solomon&#39;s hands and with it command of commerce. When Shishak made his raid, the Philistines seem to have given him no trouble, since no mention is made of capture of plunder with reference to them. The territory of the Philistines, as it is reflected in the Old Testament, seems to picture the situation as it was after Solomon&#39;s time.
</P>
<h3>5. Later History.</h3>
<P>
From that time there appears little which indicates an independent development of the Philistines. The conflicts between them and Israel have little significance. Rehoboam fortified his dominion against them by a line of strongholds (<scripRef>II Chron. xi. 7-12</scripRef>). Nadab and Elah fought with them at Gibbethon (<scripRef>I Kings xv. 27, xvi. 15 sqq.</scripRef>); Jehoshaphat received tribute from them (<scripRef>II Chron. xvii. 11</scripRef>), but the harem of Jehoram was carried off by them (<scripRef>II Chron. xxi. 16-17</scripRef>). Gath seems to have been taken from Judah by Hazael (<scripRef>11 Kings xii. 17</scripRef>), while Uzziah carried on a victorious campaign<pb n="37"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
against them (<scripRef>II Chron. xxvi. 6</scripRef), though against Ahab the Philistines became aggressive (ScripRef>II Chron. xxviii. 18</scripRef>), but were subjected under Hezekiah (<scripRef>II Kings xviii. 8</scripRef>). This people were included in the denunciations of the prophets (<scripRef>Amos i. 6-8; Jer. xxv. 15 sqq.; Ezek. xxv. 15</scripRef>, and elsewhere). They were subdued by the Assyrians, and in that period Gaza had especial importance because of the trade route to Arabia; and the region figures in the Assyrian annals with frequency. Sargon deported the inhabitants of Ashdod and Gath and settled foreigners in their place (711 <small>B.C.</small>). Zidka of Ashkelon and Hezekiah united against the Assyrians in 701, dethroned the Assyrian vassal king of Ekron, but the prior status was restored by Sennacherib. On the downfall of the Assyrians, the Egyptians once more tried to control the region, and Psammeticus is said to have besieged Ashdod for twentynine years (Herodotus, <I>Hist.</i>, ii. 157); about this time that city is reported by the same author (i.
105) to have been plundered by the Scythians. Necho II. made another attempt to control Syria, but Nebuchadrezzar was the victor. Neither at that time nor in the time of Cyrus do the Philistines appear as aggressive. Under Darius Philistia, Phenicia, and Cyprus belonged to the fifth satrapy. Gaza was an independent city flourishing through its commerce, but was taken by Alexander after a siege of two months, while under the Seleucid&#230; its fortunes were frequently changed, especially in the contest between Egypt and Syria (see P<small>TOLEMIES</small>; S<small>ELEUCID&#198;</small>;). In the Maccabean contest for independence, the cities of the Philistines were the centers of hard battles. Bacchides sought to shut the Jews out from. the plain; Jonathan attacked and plundered Joppa, took Ashdod, received Ekron from Alexander, while Ashkelon surrendered (I Macc. v. 68, ix. 50-52, x. 75-89); Simon took Joppa and settled Jews there, and also took Gezer (I Macc. xii. 3334, xiii. 43-48); while Alexander Jannaeus seems to have completed the reduction of the region (Josephus, <I>Ant.</i>, XIII., xiii. 3, xv. 4; <i>War</i>, I., iv. 2). Pompey freed it from the Jewish yoke, but Caesar gave Joppa back to the Jews. Antony gave the region to Cleopatra in 36 <small>B.C.</small>, but in 30 through the gift of Augustus part of it was in Herod&#39;s hands. After the fall of Jerusalem, Jamnia became the center of Jewish Palestine. But long before this most that was distinctively Philistine had vanished. During the Persian period Greeks had settled in the country and cities and had gained control of commerce. It is significant that the coins of Gaza of the Persian period contain lettering partly Phenician and partly Greek, but of Greek workmanship. The government was on Greek models, the gods bore Greek names, while the cities were centers of Greek culture. While this is true, the rural population used the Aramaic tongue, as did the lower classes in the cities, at the end of the fourth century <small>B.C.</small>; moreover, the Greek names of deities but concealed local conceptions; the chief temple of Ashdod in the Hasmonean period was Dagon&#39;s, Gaza&#39;s chief deity was Marnas (Aramaic for "Our Lord").
</P>
<h3>6. The Cities.</h3>
<P>
For Dor see S<small>AMARIA.</small> Japho (Joppa, the modern Jaffa) was one of the border cities of Dan (<scripRef>Josh. ix. 46</scripRef>), later the seaport of Jerusalem (<scripRef>II Chron. ii. 16</scripRef>), and seems to have been a city of great age, possessing a Canaanitic population in the time of the eighteenth and nineteenth Egyptian dynasties. The Amarna Tablets show an Egyptian governor for the place. Later it must have been in the hands of the Philistines. The New Testament speaks of it as visited by Peter (<scripRef>Acts ix. 36-43</scripRef>). It has retained its importance through the centuries because of its port, though the protection afforded is not of the best. The story of Andromeda centers at this place. In the fourth century it was the seat of a bishop. At the present time it is the seaport of Jerusalem, with which it is connected by rail, has about 45,000 inhabitants, and is celebrated for its gardens. About twelve miles south of Joppa and about five miles from the coast is the modern Jebna, which corresponds to the Jabneh of <scripRef>II Chron. xxvi. 6</scripRef> and the Jabneel of <scripRef>Josh. xv. 11,</scripRef>; it is the Jamnia of <scripRef>II Macc. xii. 8</scripRef>. About six miles inland the village of `Akin probably locates the site of Ekron, variously assigned to Dan and to Judah (<scripRef>Josh. xix. 43, xv. 45-46</scripRef>; cf. however <scripRef>Josh. xiii. 2-3</scripRef.). The name of Ashdod (Gk. <I>Azotos</i>) is preserved in the modern Esdud, a village with about 3,000 inhabitants situated on the trade route about midway between Joppa and Gaza. The city was reckoned to Judah (<scripRef>Josh. xv. 47; but cf. xiii. 2-3</scripRef>). The account of the conquest of the city by Uzziah in <scripRef>II Chron.xxvi. 6</scripRef> seems doubtful in view of <scripRef>Amos i. 7</scripRef>. [This rhetorical passage, however, does not imply the independence of Ashdod.] <small>Neh. iv. 1</small> probably refers not merely to the inhabitants of the city but to those of the outlying territory which reached to the limits of Gezer. The Evangelist Philip visited Ashdod (<scripRef>Acts viii. 40<scripRef>). In the early Christian centuries a distinction was made between Ashdod-on-the-Sea and Ashdod-Within, the former probably represented by the ruins of Minet al-lial&#39;a. The name of Ashkelon is also preserved in the modern `Askalan, about ten miles south of Ashdod and about thirteen miles north of Gaza. The ruins on the site of the present village appear to date only from the Middle Ages; apparently there were two sites other than this, one near the sea and one inland, a distinction which is supported by reports of a bishop of Ashkelon and one of Mayumas Ashkelon. Ruins exist quite near a little haven, and also others at the present El-Hammame and El-Mejdel to the northeast of the ruins of the time of the Middle Ages. It is in these last ruins that the sanctuaries of the early city are to be found. Ashkelon was a Roman colony in the fourth Christian century. Gaza is to be sought at the present Ghazze, situated a little over two miles from the coast, at the present a market place of some importance. Underground streams nourish fine groves of olive-trees and palms. Its haven was mentioned by Strabo and Ptolemy, and by Constantine the Great it was made a city with the name Constantia; its privileges were taken away by Julian, and it was known thereafter as Mayumas. Near one of the gates of the present city is a Mohammedan sanctuary dedicated to "the Strong one," i.e., Samson. Walls which are found under the present town were built over the city founded by Gabinius, the commander of Pompey&#39;s<pb n="38"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
army, in 61 <small>B.C.</small> The earlier city lay somewhat to the north, and was destroyed by Alexander Jann&#230;us
96 <small>B.C.</small> Still farther to the south lay Raphia, the modern Tell Refah, about two miles from the sea and without a harbor. It marked the boundary between the Egyptian and Syrian domains (Josephus, <I>War</i>, IV., xi. 5). Gath lay nearer the land of Judah, according to <scripRef>I Sam. xvii.1-2, 52</scripRef>, near the Wadi el Sunt, and according to Eusebius (Onomasticon, ed. Lagarde, 244, 127, cf. 246, 129) about four miles to the north of Eleutheropolis toward Lydda (Diospolis). Jerome (on <scripCom>Mic. i. 10</scripCom>) asserts that it lay on the way from Eleutheropolis to Gaza. It early ceased to be a Philistine city (<scripRef>II Kings xii. 17; cf. Jer. xxv. 20; Amos i. 7; Zeph. ii. 4</scripRef>).
</P>
<p class="author">(H. G<small>UTHE</small>.)</p>
<P class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY:</small> The literature on Hebrew history should be consulted as indicated under A<small>HAB;</small> and I<small>SRAEL</small>, H<small>ISTORY OF</small>. The older literature directly bearing on the subject is noted in 
K. B. Stark, Gaza and die <I>philist&#228;ische K&#252;ste</i>, Jena, 1852. Consult: 
G. Baur, <i>Der Prophet Amos</i>, pp. 78-94: Giessen, 1847; 
V. Gulrin, <i>Description de la Palestine</i>, ii. 36 eqq., Paris, 1869; 
A. Hannecker, <i>Die Philist&#230;r, Eichst&#228;dt, 1872; 
W. M. Thomson, <i>The Land and the Book</i>, vol. i.; </I>New York, 1882; 
E. Meyer, <I>Geschichte les Alterthums</i>, I. 317 aqq., 358 sqq., Stuttgart, 1884&#183; 
F. Schwally, in <i>ZWT</i>, xxxiv (1891), 103-108, 265 sqq.; 
J. F. McCurdy, ,i>History, Prophecy and the Monuments</i>, Vol i.u , passim, New York 1894-96&#183; idem, in <i>The Expositor</i> ("Uzziah and the Philistines "), 1890; 
G. A. Smith, <i>Historical Geography of the Holy Land</i>, chap. ix., London, 1897&#183; 
R. Raabe, <i>Petrus der Iberer</i>, Leipeic, 1895 
C. Clermont-Ganneau, <i>Etudes d&#39;archiologie orientale</i>, x.1-9, Paris, 1896; 
W. M. M&#246;ller, in <I>Mittheilunpen der vorderaaiatiachen Geaellaehaft</i>, v (1900), 1-42&#183; also his <i>Asien and Europa</i>, cited in the text; 
R. Dussaud, <i>Questions myc&#233;niennes</i>, Paris, 1905; 
M. A. Meyer, <i>Hest. of the City of Gaza</i>, New York, 1907; 
E. Meyer Der <I>Diakua von Phaestos and die Philiater auf Kreta</i>, Berlin, 1909; 
Robinson, <I>Researches</i>, vol, ii.;
Schrader, <i>KAT</i> passim; <I>DB</i>, iii. 844-848; <I>EB</i>, iii. 37133727&#183; <i>JE</i>, x. 1-2; 
Vigouroux, <i>Dictionnaire</i>, fasc. xxxi (1908), 286-300.
</small></P>

<br>
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Phillips, Philip" id="phillips_philip">
<P>
<b>PHILLIPS, PHILIP:</b> Methodist Episcopal Gospel singer; b. in Chautauqua Co., N. Y., Aug. 13, 1834; d. in Delaware, Ohio, June 25,1895. Brought up on a farm, he developed a talent for song; received some training in the country singing-school and later studied under Lowell Mason. He conducted his first singing-class at Alleghany, N. Y., in 1853, and after that Similar schools in adjacent towns and cities. In 1860 he changed from the Baptist to the Methodist Episcopal Church. He brought out <I>Early Blossoms </I>(1860). The next year he opened a music-store in Cincinnati, and published <I>Musical Leaves </I> (Cincinnati, 1862). During the Civil War he aided the Christian Commission by raising funds with his 
<I>Home Songs </I> and services of song throughout the country. He visited England and prepared <I>The American Sacred Songster </I>(London, 1868) for the British Sunday-school Union; of which 1,100,000 copies were sold. Later he made a tour of the world holding praise services in the Sandwich Islands, Australia, New Zealand, Palestine, Egypt,
India, and the cities of Europe. Other published collections are <I>Spring Blossoms </I>(Cincinnati, 1865); <I>Singing Pilgrim </I>(New York, 1866); <I>Day School Singer </I>(Cincinnati, 1869); <I>Gospel Singer </I>(Boston,
1874); <I>Song Sermons </I>(New York, 1877). He wrote also <I>Song Pilgrimage around and throughout the World, </I>with an introduction by J. H. Vincent and a biographical sketch by A. Clark (Chicago, 1880).</P>

<br>
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Philipps, Ubbo" id="philipps_ubbo">
<P>
<b>PHILIPPS (PHILIPZOON), UBBO.</b> See U<small>BBONITES.</small>
</P>

<br>
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Phillpots, Henry" id="phillpots_henry">
<p>
<b>PHILLPOTTS, HENRY:</b> Church of England bishop of Exeter; b. at Bridgewater (50 m. s.w. of Bristol), Somerset, May 6, 1778; d. at Bishopstowe, Torquay (29 m. em.e. of Plymouth), Sept. 18, 1869. He was educated at Corpus Christi, Oxford (B.A., 1795), was elected a fellow at Magdalen College, and prelector of moral philosophy in 1800. He became a deacon (1802), and priest (1804), prebendary of Durham (1809), dean of Chester (1828), and bishop of Exeter (1830). He was the recognized head of the High-church party, and, in the House of Lords, was upon the extreme Tory side,
opposing every kind of liberal measure. He was also involved in several memorable controversies, especially with the Roman Catholic historians, John Lingard (q.v.; 1806) and Charles Butler (1822). But he is best known by the Gorham Case (q.v.).
On the reversal of the lower courts&#39; decision by the privy council, he published <I>A Letter to the Archbishop of Canterbury </I>(London and New York, 1850), in which he threatened to hold no communion with the archbishop.</P>
<P class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY:</small> Of the <I>Life </I>by R. N. Shutte only vol. i. appeared, London, 1863. Consult: H. P. Liddon, <I>Life of . . . Pussy</i>, 4 vols., London, 1893-97; <I>DNB</i>, xlv. 222-225.</small></p>

<br>
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Philo of Alexandria" id="philo_of_alexandria">
<p>
<h2>PHILO OF ALEXANDRIA.</h2>
</p>
<p>
<table>
<tr><td>I. Life.</td><td>III. Doctrines.</td><td>Man (&#167; 5).</td></tr>
<tr><td>II. Works.</td><td>Relation and Scope (&#167; 1).</td><td>The Scriptures (&#167; 6).</td></tr>
<tr><td>Lost and Spurious (&#167; 1). </td><td>On God in Himself (&#167; 2).</td><td>Ethics (&#167; 7).</td></tr>
<tr><td>Exegetical (&#167; 2).</td><td>God Revealed; Creation (&#167; 3).</td><td>Eschatology (&#167; 8).</td></tr>
<tr><td>Philosophical and Political (&#167; 3).</td><td>Intermediate Potencies; the Logos (&#167; 4).</td><td>IV. Later Influence.</td></tr>
</table>
</p>
<P>
<b>I Life:</b> Philo of Alexandria (b. about 20 ,small>B.C.</small>; d. about 42 <small>A.D.</small>) stands as the leading exponent of the Jewish-Alexandrine religious philosophy, and in its influence upon the literature of the Christian 
Church its foremost representative. The incomplete biography of him is derived from statements in his own works and from incidental passages in Josephus (<I>Ant.</i>, XVIIT., viii. 1, XX., v. 2), Eusebius (<i>Hist. eccl.</i>, ii. 4-5; Eng. transl, 
<I>NPNF</I>, 2 ser., i. 107-109; <i>Pr&#230;paratio evangelica</i>, viii. 13-14; Eng. transl., 2 vols., Oxford, 1903), Jerome 
<I>(De vir. ill.,</I> xi.), Isidore of Pelusium, Photius, and Suidas. From these it appears that Philo was of a rich, prominent family, brother of Alexander Lysimachus, alabarch of the Jews at Alexandria. Whether he was of priestly descent (Jerome) and whether his name was Jedediah or this was merely a free rendering of the name Philo by later Jewish writers remain uncertain. In 39 or 40 <small>A.D.</small> he appeared as the representative of the Jews of Alexandria <pb n="39"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
before Caligula at Rome to regain the privileges lost through the acts of the imperial governor Publius Avilius Flaccus in conjunction with the bloody atrocities of the hostile Greek party. The mission secured no promise of relief; but the accession of Claudius brought the restoration of their rights and the release of their imprisoned alabarch; and under Claudius, Philo wrote the report of the expedition to Rome. At what time he sojourned in Palestine is uncertain.
<h3>II. Works:</h3>
<h4>1. Lost and Spurious.</h4>
<p>Of his works, Eusebius (<i>Hist. eccl.</i>, ii. 18; Eng. transl., ut sup., 119-122) gives a fair but incomplete enumeration; but some of the writings mentioned thus, as well as others in the later accounts of Jerome, Photius, and Suidas, are extant, if at all, in fragments only. All but meager fragments is lost of the important work "Counsels for the Jews," no doubt identical with the "Apology for the Jews " mentioned by Eusebius; likewise three books of "Questions and Answers on Exodus," two books of the "Allegory of the Sacred Laws," one book of "On Rewards," and the same of "On Numbers." Peter Alexius refuted the charge brought by a forgotten Socinian theologian of the seventeenth century that a Christian author toward the close of the second century composed the collective writings of Philo and ascribed them to him. This untenable hypothesis was taken up in the last century by a hypercritic of Jewish descent, Kirschbaum by name, who assumed, however, a gigantic fraud by several Christian authors. More consideration is due to recent attacks on individual works; such as, for instance, against the apparent composite character of <I>De incorruptibilitate mundi</I>, against the "Dissertations on Samson and Jonah" from the Armenian, the <I>Interpretatio Hebraicorum nominum</I>, and the <I>Liber antiquitatum Biblicarum</I> printed in the sixteenth century in Philo&#39;s name. The last three are certainly not genuine. Weighty objections have been raised by recent critics against the authenticity of  <I>De vita contemplativa</I>, some of whom claim its origin to have been from the monk Falsarius at the close of the third century; because (1) of its connection with the writing <I>Quod omnis probes liber</I> of which it is claimed to be a continuation; (2) the author is more limited in his cosmic
view than Philo and has in mind the monastic mode of thought; and (3) it was never mentioned before Eusebius, who seeks to establish thereby the historical priority of the Therapeut&#230; (q.v.). However, this argument makes too much of the silence before Eusebius; besides, the diction is decidedly of the period of Philo, and the descent of the manuscript as well as the Jewish character of its contents speak also for its authenticity.</p>
<h4>2. Exegetical.</h4>
<p>The genuine or unquestioned works of Philo fall into three groups: the exegetical on the Pentateuch, the philosophical, and the political. The exegetical is the most replete and comprehensive and is subdivided as to contents into the cosmogonical, historical, and legislative writings. Of the cosmogonical, <I>De mundi opificio</i> is an allegorical explanation of the creation in Genesis. The historical writings, called also allegorical or genealogical, present a historicoallegorical elucidation of Genesis chapter by chapter. Those of legislative content present ethical considerations with reference to the decalogue and Hebrew ritual based on the codes in Exodus, Leviticus, and Deuteronomy.
</P>
<h4>3 Philosophical and Political</h4>
<P>
The philosophical works belonging to Philo&#39;s earlier period and challenged by the modern critics on account of difference of content with that of the later works are, <I>De incorruptibilitate mundi</i>; <i>Quod omnis probes liter</i>; and <I>De vita contemplativa</i>. To these belong the <I>Qu&#230;stiones et solutiones in Genesin et Exodum</I>, a brief catechetieal explanation of the Pentateuch originally in five books, partly preserved in a Latin translation and partly recovered in an Armenian translation; and, from the Armenian,  <I>De providentia</i> (2 books); and <I>Alexander seu de ratione brutorum</I>. The political or historico-apologetical writings for the cultured class of Jews and heathen in common, with an apologetical tendency in favor of the first, embrace, <I>De vita Mosis</i>; the "Counsels for the Jews"; "Unto Flaccus"; and "Embassy to Gaius" [Caligula], the last two important for autobiographical notices, and forming books iii. and iv. respectively of a more comprehensive work of five books, "On the Fate of the Jews under Emperor Gaius," the fourth and fifth of which bore the common title, "On the Virtues."
<P>
<h3>III Doctrines.</h3>
<h4>1 Relationship and Scope</h4>
<p>Philo stands as the most conspicuous figure and the culminating point of a long development marked by the confluence of Jewish monotheism and Hellenic cosmogony. This movement is represented at Alexandria in the middle of the third century before Christ by the peripatetic Aristobulus, who already shows the tendency of allegorizing and of abstracting the conception of deity from Biblical anthropomorphism by the intrusion of intermediate entities. The allegorizing of Philo is said to have gathered up into a mighty basin all the streams of Alexandrine hermeneutics from the past and discharged them again into multiple streams and rivulets of the later exegesis of Judaism and Christianity. He knew all the important Greek philosophers, from whom he cited freely; but first for him was Plato, from whom he derived his philosophical content, while in his method of extravagant allegorizing he imitated the Stoics. These allegorized the Greek myths in the effort to philosophize the multiple forms of popular religion and reduce them to simple fundamental principles; so did Philo in dealing with the Biblical and legal forms and cultic prescriptions of the Jews, in the interest, however, of monotheism. In his adherence to a living personal Creator and Ruler of the universe, revealed through Moses, and choosing Israel from the world races as his peculiar possession, he did not waver. Moses to him is the prophet of all prophets and his law the essence of all wisdom and doctrine of virtue; and waiving his privilege of constructing an independent cosmology he presents his cosmological views in the form of a great practico-speculative commentary on the Pentateuch. He disapproves of the heretical sects of Judaism, and lavishes warm praise on the pious Essenes. The <pb n="40"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
emphasis of Philo is positive; faith and piety are the supreme virtues. His positive faith is saturated with an ardent mysticism; not that of absorption in divine contemplation, but rather that sustained on the one hand throughout his monotheistic ethical point of view and on the other throng out his philosophical consciousness, ever alert to penetrate to the nature of things. Philo was thus the first monotheistic theologian in this cosmopolitan sense and the predecessor of the Alexandrine school.
</P>
<h4>2 On God in Himself</h4>
<P>
In his doctrine of God he distinguished strictly between God in himself and God revealed, as demanded by his Old-Testament theistic point of view as well as his Platonic dualism of spirit and matter. On the one hand, he rejects the pantheistic view and the deification of creatures; on the other, the anthropomorphic and anthropopathic view. God in himself is absolute, incorporate, and outside of the material universe; comprehending all, yet uncomprehended. He is outside of time and space, and in his being unknowable. The only name by which God can be designated is therefore pure being (<i>to on </I>or <i>ho &#246;n</i>). Though without real attributes yet in contrast with created being certain marks can not be avoided, such as immutability, unity, simplicity, absolute freedom, and beatitude, without lack of anything, self-sufficiency, whereby he stands in relation to nothing and is none of the created beings. God is called " the Good " only in the sense that he is the source of all good; "Light," in the figurative, only as the divine source, as much brighter than the visible lights as the sun exceeds the darkness.
</p>
<h4>3. God Revealed; Creation.</h4>
<P>
God, as revealed, on the other hand, is also immanent in his relation with the universe and is the all-filling, all-penetrating, leaving no vacuum. He is the author of the universe and first cause on whom depends the world of spirits and sense. A series of attributes arise from his relations with the universe; such as omnipotence, by virtue of which he is almighty and the efficient cause of all; omniscience, all-knowing the present and all-fore seeing the future; and wisdom, whereby he transcends the counsel and reason of mankind. Three corollaries follow his creative power: the material, the means, and the object. (1) The stuff was the matter (<i>hyl&#235;</i>), the relative nothing (<i>me on</i>). Time is evolved from formless matter; and, not in time but with time becoming, heaven and earth were created. Creation in six days is to be taken figuratively, six being a symbol of perfection and representing the relative order and not time. This conception of creation taken from the Timaus of Plato is fundamentally nothing else than the absolute rational plan of creation springing from the Logos of God (Cf. O<small>RIGEN AND</small> O<small>RIGENISTIC</small> C<small>ONTROVERSIES</small>). This Logos is the means by which the universe was created and the object was God&#39;s beneficence as love and as free self-impartation to his creatures.</p>
<h4>4. Intermediate Potencies; the Logos.</h4>
<p>
Between God the Infinite and the finite, imperfect universe there is a wide gap which is, however, removed by being filled with divine potencies (<i>dynameis</i>), which are peculiar mediating beings or concepts, represented on the one hand as active powers, self-revelations, or attributes of God; on the other, as personal beings of a spiritual kind. Incomprehensible in number they submit to classification; namely, into the well-doing and the primitive powers. At the head of the former is the 
<I>agathotes</I> through whom God made the universe and at the head of the other is the <I>arche</I>, through whom be rules it. But higher than these two at the summit of the series of all mediate beings, constituting their principle of unity, appears the divine Logos. He is their father and leader, the first-born. Are the others angels, he is the archangel. He stands in immanent relation with God and proceeds from him, whereas the others proceed from the Logos. He is sometimes called
second God or image of God; his administrator, tool, and mediator. As mediator, through him the world was made. In him subsisted at the beginning of creation heaven and earth; i.e., the body of ideals. He is the seat of ideals which by partition or separation he projects from himself. Through him God imprints the intermediate potencies, which have their seat in the Logos, upon matter; hence his is called "seal of God." As the bond of unity, God holds together, supports, and directs all through him. He is also represented as the high-priest and advocate for men with God. The synonym "word" (<I>hrema</i>; <scripRef>Gen. i. 3</scripRef>; <scripRef>Ps. xxxiii. 6</scripRef>; <scripRef>Deut. viii. 3</scripRef>) used sometimes by Philo indicates that the Logos was to him equivalent to the Biblical term of the Old Teatament instrument of creation and governance of the world.</p>
<h4>5. Man.</h4>
<P>
At the conclusion of the work of creation, God made first the heavenly man through the Logos; i.e., the preexistent ideal man, in his pretemporal, spiritual, unsexual eternal state, untainted by sin and truly in the divine image. Subsequently, the earthly man, made not by the Logos alone but with the aid of the lower potencies, was deficient in the perfect image of God and was, in advance, subject to the possibility of sinning. Indeed, his higher soul (<i>nous</i>) came from the creative, living breath of God, but in the creation of his lower soul (with its earthly reason, <i>nous gein&#243;s</i>) as well as his body, several angelic potencies or demiurges cooperated. After the earthly man had lived seven years in Paradise, or the realm of virtues, especially of piety and wisdom, he was sexually differentiated by the formation of woman from him and he entered the state of temptation and sin. The results of the fall are partly physical and partly ethical, the latter being the increasing degeneration of Adam&#39;s descendants, impure from birth. A partial image of God remains as freedom of will and rational perception; by these the fallen retain unbroken connection with God, particularly through the Logos through whom God reveals himself. Many men fail to apprehend God because of their guilt; only the consecrated who know how to rise above the earthly may enter into closer relations with him. In the special Scripture revelation, Moses is the earthly mediator of a revelation which shows Israel to be the chosen and the possessed of God, just as the Logos is the heavenly mediator.
</p><pb n="41"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
<h4>6. The Scriptures.</h4>
<P>
The Scriptures&#8212;Philo having in mind the Septuagint&#8212;are capable of a double sense, and must not be understood otherwise than as allegorical. The immediate sense is the literal, fit only for weaker minds; it is the outer integument which the mediate or allegorical sense penetrates and fills as the soul does the body. The formal criteria for preferring the allegorical are, (1) when the literal represents something unworthy of God; (2) when there is apparent contradiction; and (3) when the text itself is figurative. In a series of instances a deeper sense is implied, (1) by a duplication of expression; (2) a redundant word or words; (3) repetition with slight variation; and (4) play of words and the like.
</P>
<h4>7. Ethics.</h4>
<p>
In the doctrine of the moral law Philo stands on strict monotheistic, Old-Testament ground; in the doctrine of virtue he adheres to Plato and the Stoics. The divine moral law appears to him the entire natural and moral, world comprehending order. The law of Moses is the visible transcript of the natural law. The Hebrew ceremonial law requires in all points a spiritual or allegorical interpretation. The virtues are arranged in the order of importance according to the Platonic-Stoic scheme, with the exception that piety is supreme. The strict ascetic retirement of the Therapeut&#230; and Essenes is commended for the culture of the virtues. The Logos is given an important place in the ethical sphere, as the teacher of virtues, the conqueror of evils, and the heavenly model for men. He operates on the one hand in the human conscience as judge; on the other, as mediator before God for man.
</P>
<h4>8. Eschatology.</h4>
<P>
In his doctrine on immortality and retribution, so far as it affects the individual, Philo stands on Hellenic ground; in his expectation for the future of the people of God, he is Jewish particularist. Man is designed to be immortal by virtue of his godlike nature. Actual immortality is attained through virtue, especially piety; also by philosophy, apprehended and realized in life. Though the life of the sinner continues after death, yet it is not really immortal; this property belongs to those only who carry their blessedness attained in this world into the highest ether of the world beyond, where they behold God. The fate of the godless is that the punishment which sin carries within itself in this world, such as fear, sadness, and strife, continues into the next. The misery involved in sin is the place of its condemnation and not the mythical Hades. Philo knows nothing of a trans-mundane hell as a place for torment, the devil, or malevolent angels.
</P>
<h3>IV. Later Influence:</h3>
<P>
Philo&#39;s religious philosophy exerted a profound influence upon the early Christian theology and the development of Christianity. It has been termed "an outline of the kernel of Christian history formed by the Jew Philo before it went into effect," and the Logos doctrine has been called "the Jewish prologue of Christianity." But such generalizations can be supported only so far as the coincidences of individual concepts and expressions of Philo with those of the New Testament and some of the early Christian writers. The teachings of Philo differ as much as possible from the fundamental doctrines of Christianity regarding the person and work of Christ. In his treatment of messianic prophecies of the Old Testament he either preoccupies himself with abstractly spiritualistic allegory or with a one-sided national hope, stopping short of a deeper ethical interpretation. His Logos doctrine is one only in name with that of the New Testament; the former is a cosmic potency without true personal character, the latter is above all else a personal being of ethical godlike significance. The former is unrelated to the theocratic national expectations of Israel; the latter is the incarnate Son of the Father, the Messiah. However, this is not equally true of the influence of Philo upon the formal dogma and exegesis of the Fathers, which were both far-reaching and persistent. As already upon Josephus and upon the later exegetes of the Targum and the Midrash, the Cabalists, and the religious philosophers of the Middle Ages; so the influence of Philo&#39;s phraseology and allegorical exegesis shows itself upon a considerable number of the early Christian writers, particularly of the Alexandrian school; and even in a certain sense upon New-Testament writers like Paul, John, and the author of the Epistle to the Hebrews. Of the Greek Fathers, especially Barnabas, Justin, Theophilus of Antioch, Clement, Origen, Eusebius, and, among the Latino, Ambrose and Jerome, show a similar influence.
<p class="author"> (O. Z<small>&#214;CKLER</small>&#8224;.)</p>
<p class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY:</small> The best ed. of the " Works " is by L. Cohn and P. Wendland, in an <I>editio major </I>and <I>minor</i>, vols. i.-v. and ix., Berlin, 1896-1909. There is also an <I>editio stereotypa</I> in course of issue from Leipsic, vols. i., v., vi., 1898-1905; The <I>editio princeps </I>by A. Turnebus was issued Paris, 1552; an edition which has long been standard is that by T. Mangey, 2 vols., London, 1742. There is an Eng. transl. by C. D. Yonge, 4 vols., London, 1854-55; and a new Germ. transl. was began under the editorship of L. Cohn, Vol. i., Breslau, 1909. Special mention should be made of <I>Neu entdeckte Fragmenta Philos, </I>ed. P. Wendland, Berlin, 1891; <I>Fragments of Philo Jud&#230;us, </I>newly ed., J. R. Harris, Cambridge, 1886; and the Eng. transl., <I>Philo about the Contemplative Life, </I>by F. C. Conybeare, Oxford, 1895 (contains a full bibliography). 
Very useful as covering the whole subject are: <I>DCB</i>, iv. 357-388 (a notable discussion); 
Sch&#252;rer, <I>Geschichte</i>, iii. 487-562, Eng. transl., II., iii. 321-381; <I>DB</i>, extra vol., pp. 197-208; and 
Vigouroux, <I>Dictionnaire</i>, fasc. xxxi., cols. 300-312. Consult further: 
J. Bryant, <I>The Sentiment of Philo Jud&#230;us, </I>London, 1798; 
C. G. L. Grossmann, <I>Qu&#230;stiones Philone&#230;, </I>part 1, <I>De theologi&#230; Philonis fontibus et auctoritate, </I>Leipsic, 1829; 
A. Gfr&#246;rer, <I>Philon and die alexandrinische Theosophie, </I>Stuttgart, 1831; 
A. F. Diihne, <I>Geschichtliche Darstellung der j&#252;disch-alexandrinischen Religionsphilosophie, 2 </I>vols., Halle, 1834; 
F. Keferstein, <I>Philo&#39;a Lehre vom den g&#252;ttlichen Mittelwesen, </I>Leipsic, 1846; 
J. Bucher, <I>Philonische Studien, </I>T&#252;bingen, 1848; 
C. Morgan, <I>An Investigation of the Trinity of Plato and Philo, </I>London, 1853; 
J. T. Delaunay, <I>Philon d&#39;Alexandrie, </I>Paris, 1867; 
M. Heinze, <I>Lehre vom Logos, </I>Leipsic, 1872; 
B. Bruno, <I>Philo, Strauss und Renan, and das Urchristenthum, </I>Berlin, 1874; 
J. W. Lake, <I>Plato, Philo and Paul; or the pagan Conception of a "Divine Logos" the Basis of the Christian Dogma, </I>Edinburgh, 1874; 
C. Siegfried, <I>Philon von Alexandrien als Ausleger des Alten Testaments, </I>Jena, 1875; 
H. Soulier, <I>La doctrine du logos chez Philon d&#39;Alerandrie, </I>Turin, 1876; 
F. Klasen, <I>Die alttestamentliche Weisheit and der Logos der j&#252;disch-alexandrinischen Philosophie, </I>Freiburg, 1878; 
J. R&#233;ville, <I>Le Logos d&#39;apr&#232;s Philon d&#39;Alexandrie, </I>Geneva, 1877; 
P. E. Lucius, <I>Die Therapeuten . . . Eine kritische Untersuchung der Schrift " De vita contemplativa;&#39; </I>Strasburg, 1879; J. R&#233;ville, <I>La Doctrine du logos done Is quatri&#232;me evangile et dans les &#230;uvres de Philon, </I>Paris, 1881; 
S. Weiss, <I>Philo von Alesandrien and Moans Maimonides, </I>Halle, 1884; 
J. Drummond, <i>Philo<pb n="42"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
<I>Jud&#230;us, or the Jewish-Alexandrian Philosophy in its Development and Completion</i>, 2 vols., London, 1888; 
H. van Arnim, <I>Quellenstudien zu Philo van Alexandrien</I>, Berlin, 1888; 
L. Massebieau, <I>Le Clasaement des &#230;uvres de Philon</I>, Paris, 1889 
M. Freudenthal, <I>Die Erkenntniadehre Philos van Alexandria</I>, Berlin, 1891; 
P. Wendland and O. Kern, <I>Beitrage zur Geschichte der grieschischen Philosaphie und Religion</i>, pp. 1-75, Berlin, 1895; 
C. G. Montefiore in <I>JQR</i>, vii (1895), 481-545 (a florilegium); 
A. Aall, <I>Geschichte der Logosidee in der grieschischen Philosophie</i>, 2 parts. Leipsic, 1898-99; 
E. Herriot, <I>Philon le juif</I>, Paris 1898; 
S. Tiktin, <I>Die Lehre von den Tugenden und Pflichten bei Philo</I>, Bern, 1898; 
T. Simon, <I>Der Logos</I>, Leipsic, 1902; 
W. Bouseet, <I>Die Religion des Judenthums im neutestamentlichen Zeitalter</i>, Berlin, 1903; 
P. Kr&#252;ger, <I>Philo and Josephus als Apologeten des Judenthums</i>, Leipsic, 1900; 
J. Martin, <I>Philon</I>, Paris, 1907; 
P. Heinisch, <I>Der Einfluss Philos auf die allteste christliche Exegese</i>, in <i>Altestamentliche Abhandlungen</I>, 
ed. J. Nikel, M&#252;nster, 1908; <i>Les Id&#233;es Philosophiques et religisues de Philon d&#39; Alexandrie</I>, Paris, 1908; 
K. S. Guthrie, <I>The Message of Philo-Jud&#230;us of Alexandria</I>, Chicago. 1909; 
H. Windisch, <i>Die Fr&#246;mmigkeit Philos and ihre Bedeutung f&#252;r das Christenthum</I>, Leipsic, 1909;
N. Bentwich, <I>Philo-Jud&#230;us of Alexandria</I>, Philadelphia, 1910; 
K. S. Guthrie <i>The Message of Philo Jud&#230;us of Alexandria</I>,London, 1910; 
works on the history of Israel, e.g., H. Ewald, <I>Geschichte</i>, vi. 257-312, and on the history of philosophy.
</small>
</P>

<br>
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Phylo Byblius" id="philo_byblius">
<P>
<b>PHILO BYBLIUS (HERENNIUS PHILO):</b> Greek grammarian and historian; b. in 63 </small>A.D.</small> 
(not 42, as was usually given); d. after 141. Knowledge of him comes principally through Suidas, though he is mentioned not infrequently by the Church Fathers, particularly by Origen (<i>Contra Celsum</i>, i. 15; Eng. transl., <I>ANF</I>, iv. 403) and Eusebius (<i>Pr&#230;paratio Evangelica</i>, i. 9-10; Eng. tnlnsl., 2 vols., Oxford, 1903). Suidas makes him an ambassador to Rome in the time of Hadrian, and a friend of Herennius Severua (from whom he took his name Herennius), consul in 141 <small>A.D.</small> Three of the many works ascribed to him are often referred to: "Concerning Cities and the Famous Men they have produced," "PhenicianHistory" or "Things Phenician" (a professed translation of a work by
Sanchuniathon, q.v.); and "Concerning Jews," about which it is debated whether it was an independent work or merely an excursus to or a chapter in the "Phenician History," with the probability inclining in favor of the former alternative. The quotations from his "Phenician History" are supposed to make him out to be a Euhemerist;. but it is to be remembered that if this work is really a translation from the putative author, Sanchuniathon, Philo can not be held responsible for the trend of opinion there expressed. Only fragments remain of his works in citations by Eusebius.
</P>
<p class="author">G<small>EO</small>. W. G<small>ILMORE</small>.</p>
<p class="bibliograhpy">
<small>B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY:</small> The fragments are collected in 
C. and T. Muller, <i>Fragmenta historicorum Gr&#230;corum</i>, iii. 580-578, 4 vols., Paris, 1841-51. Consult 
H. Ewald, in the <I>Abhandlungen</I> of theRoyal Society of G&#246;ttingen, v (1853); 
E. Renan, in the <I>M&#233;moires</I> of the Academy of Inscriptions, xxiii. 2 (1858), 241 
sqq.; W. von Baudissin, <i>Studien sur semitischen Religionogsechichte</i>, i. 3 sqq.. Leipsic, 1878; 
Sch&#252;rer, <i>Geschichte</i>, and Eng. transl., Introduction, &#167;&#167; 3, 18; and literature under ,S<small>ANCHUNIATHON.</small></small></p>

<br>
</div3><div3 class="Article" title="Philo of Carpasia" id="philo_of_carpasia">
<P>
<b>PHILO OF CARPASIA:</b> Bishop who flourished in the fourth century. Polybius in his fanciful <I>Vita Epiphanii</i> (<i>MPG</i>, xli. 85) writes of a deacon Philo whom among others the sister of Honoriusand Areadius sent to Cyprus to Epiphanius to summon him to Rome to cure her of sickness by the laying on of hands and prayer. But Philo on account of his piety was consecrated by Epiphanius as bishop of Carpasia, Cyprus, and was entrusted with the former&#39;s official administration during his absence at Rome. With this has been combined the notice of Suidas that "Philo the Carpathian wrote a commentary on the Song of Songs"; but Carpathos is the name of an island between Rhodes and Crete. Here there is either reference to different persons or a confusion of places; probably the latter, since the commentary mentioned by Suidas, preserved in a number of manuscripts, is provided with the superscription, "Commentary on the Song of Songs of Philo, bishop of Carpasia." The commentary was first published by A. Giacomelli (Rome, 1772); was printed by A. Gallandius, <I>Bibliotheca veterum Patrum</i>, vol. ix. Appendix, p. 713 (Venice, 1765-1781); and is in <i>MPG</i>, xl. i sqq.</p>
<p class="author">(A. H<small>AUCK</small>.)</p>
<p class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY:</small> 
Fabricius-Harles, <I>Bibliotheca Gr&#230;ca</i>, ix. 252, Hamburg, 1804; 
O. Bardenhewer, <i>Patrologie</i>, p. 278, Freiburg, 1901, Eng. transl., St. Louis, 1908.</small></p>

<br>
</div3><div3 type="Article" title=Philopatris" id="philopatris">
<P>
<b>PHILOPATRIS</b>, fi&#39;&#39;lo-p&#234;&#39;tris: A dialogue ascribed by a single family of manuscripts to the Greek satirist Lucian. Formerly regarded as a satire on Christianity, it is now known to be a political pamphlet of the Byzantine period. It is divided into two parts: the first is theological and contains a refutation of heathen polytheism accompanied by an exposition of Christian doctrine; the second is political and reveals the dissatisfaction felt in certain circles with the government of that period, though it closes with expressions of loyalty, and with the hope that the emperor would overcome his enemies.
</P>
<P>
The Humanist editors of Lucian themselves perceived that this dialogue, which is inartistic both in form and execution, was not written by their author; and this view is undoubtedly correct, although naturally there have been some defenders of its authenticity, the latest of whom was C. G. Keller Trueland Philopotris (Leipsic, 1826). Some classicists sought at least to maintain that the dialogue was written in the time of Trajan, but the majority of critics allowed themselves to be influenced by J. M. Gesner (<i>De &#230;tate et auctore dialogi ... qui Philopatria inscrlbitur</i>, Jena, 1714) in favor of the period of Julian. A. van Gutechmid and others were inclined to refer the work to the time of the Persian wars of Heraclius. At present, however, the general opinion is in harmony with the view of B. G. Niebuhr, to the effect that the dialogue belongs to the second half of the tenth century, the time of Nicephorus Phocas (963-969) or to that of his successor, John Tzimiskes (969-976). If this be true, the whole first part must be regarded as a jesting religious controversy, introduced to give plausibility to the attribution of the dialogue to Lucian; although R. Crampe has argued that, if the work was written in the seventh century, political opposition would be combined with a tendency toward paganism.
</P>
<P>
The dialogue was expunged from the Aldine edition of Lucian of 1522 by the Inquisition, and was placed on the Index by Paul V. in 1559. To whatever period it may be assigned, the <i>Philopotris</i> retains its interest from a theological point of view because of its combination of Christian ideas with <pb n="43"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
Lucianic style, whether it proves the existence of paganism in Byzantium in the seventh century, or whether it simply shows how frivolously the Humanists of the tenth century treated questions of faith. The description of Paul borrowed from the Acts of Paul and Thecla and the allusion to <scripRef>II Cor. xii. 2</scripRef> sqq. are also worthy of note.</p>
<p class="author"> E. <small>VON</small> D<small>OBSCH&#220;TZ.</small></p>
<p class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY:</small> 
The work is printed in the eds. of Lucian&#39;s "Works" of Florence, 1498, the Aldine, 1503 (expunged in that of 1522), Zweibrucken, 1791, and Leipsic, 1839.
Separate issues are by 
J. M. Gesner, Jena, 1715; 
C. B. Hase, in <I>Leo Diaconus</i>, <i>CSHB</i>, Bonn, 1828. Consult:
Fabricius-Harles, <I>Bibliotheca Graeca</I>,  v.344, Hamburg,
1798; Krumbacher, <I>Geschichte,</I> pp. 459 sqq.; 
idem, in <I>Byzantinische Zeitschrift</I>, xi (1902), 578 sqq.; 
B. G. Niebuhr, <I>Uber das Alter des Dialogs Philopatris</I>, Bonn, 1843;
R. Crampe, <I>Philopatris</I>, Halle, 1894; 
E. Rohde, in <I>Byzantinische Zeitschrift,</I> v(1895), 1-15, vi (1898), 475-482;
C. Stach, <I>De Philopatride</I>, Cracow, 1897; 
R. Garnett, <I>Alms for Oblivion</I>, in <I>Cornhill Magazine</I>,  May, 1901; 
S. Reinach, <I>La Question du Philopatris, </I>in <I>Revue archeologique</I>, 1902, 79-110.
</small>
</p>

<br>
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Philoponus" id="philoponus">
<p>
<b>PHILOPONUS.</b> See J<small>OHANNES</small> P<small>HILOPONUS</small>.</p>

<br>
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Philostorgius" id="philostorgius">
<p><b>PHILOSTORGIUS</b>, fil"o-ster&#39;jius: Arian controversialist; b. at Borissus in Cappadocia about 364; d. after 425. His father was the strict Arian Carterius, and he became a polemical writer in the same cause. At the age of twenty he repaired to Constantinople for study and met Eunomius on the way, whose works he studied. There is no further knowledge of the course of his life. The work for which he was famous was a church history in twelve books, intended to justify the Arian party and is unfortunately lost. Only excerpts by Photius and others who used it have come down, and these are unreliable except as they report mere facts. It is certain that he used the writings of A&#235;tius and Eunomius and Arian documents as well as the history of Eusebius. The history began with the controversy between Arius and Alexander and extended to Valentinian III. It would scarcely be reliable in its partizan representation of persons and relations, yet the loss of so much historical matter dealing with an age so intensely, controversial is to be deplored. The work was used and read during the Middle Ages; the excerpts of Photius are mentioned, Suidas used it for his lexicon, Nicetes Akominatus possessed it, and Nicephorus seems to have used it.</p>
<p class="author> (E<small>RWIN</small> P<small>REUSCHEN.</small>)</p>
<p class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY</small>: The first issue of the excerpts of Photius, ed. J. Gothofredus, was at Geneva, 1843; Valesius edited them next, Paris, 1643, after which there were several editions, principally the one by W. Reading, Cambridge, 1720, reprinted at Turin, 1748, and in <i>MPG</i>, lxv. 
New fragments were edited by P. Batiffol in <I>R&#246;mische Quartalschrift</i>, iii (1889), 134 sqq., cf. his <I>Qu&#230;stiones Philostoggian&#230;, </I>Paris, 1891, and his articles in the <I>Quartalschrift, </I>iv (1890), 134 sqq., ix (1895), 57 sqq. An Eng. transl. is by Walford, London, 1855. Consult: 
Fabricius-Harles, <I>Bibliotheca Gr&#230;ca</i> vii. 509 sqq, Hamburg, 1801; 
J. R. Asmus, in <I>Byzantinische Zeitschrift</i>, iv. 30 sqq.; L. Jeep, in <I>Rheinisches Museum, Iii </I>(1897), 213 sqq.; <i>TU</i>, xvii (1899); Ceillier, <I>Auteurs sacr&#233;s</i>, viii. 509-514; <I>DCB</i> iv. 390; and the literature under Arianism.</small></p>

<br />
</div3><div3type="Article" title="Philoxenus" id="philoxenus">
<b>PHILOXENUS</b>, f&#238;-lex&#39;i-nus, <b>(XENAIA, AXENAIA):</b> Monophysite bishop of Mabug (Hierapolis); said to have been born at Tahal, a little place in the Persian district of Beth-Garmai, between the Tigris and the mountains of Kurdistan, in the second quarter of the fifth century; d. a violent death at Gangra in Paphlagonia, probably 523. He was probably of Syrian parentage, and not a slave, as was reported by Theodore the Lector; studied at Edessa while Ibas was bishop there (435-457), but was an opponent of Ibas and of Nestorianiam. He left Edessa and went to Antioch, where, having accepted the Henoticon (q.v.), he came into conflict with the Patriarch Calandio, who expelled him; but he returned and was by Peter Fullo (458) consecrated metropolitan of Hierapolis (Mabug), when he took the name Philoxenus, sending a confession of his faith to the Emperor Xenos, to refute a charge of Eutychianism (q.v.). For the next thirteen years nothing is heard of him. It is not impossible that this was the period when the writings which made him famous were composed. In May, 498, he was in Edessa, being charged with undue leniency toward drunken carnival rioters. With the accession to office of Flavian in 498 (see M<small>ONOPHYSITES</small>) Philoxenus came more into publicity as the spokesman of the Monophysites. He was twice at Constantinople, being summoned thither by Anastasius in 506 at the end of the Persian war. He was the animating spirit of the party which assailed Flavian as a Nestorian. At the Synod of Tyre Monophysitism was victorious; but a few years later came the reversal, and under Justin (successor of Anastasius) Philoxenus was banished to Philippopolis (518 or 519), and then to Gangra.
</p>
<p>
The eminent position and ability of Philoxenus as a writer are conceded. His productions stamp him as a man of virile thought, strong will, and warm heart, while the "strife-seeking rioter" his opponents deemed him disappears in the spiritual curate of souls. Jacob of Edessa (q.v.) regarded him as one of the four great teachers of the Syrian church, Ephraem, Jacob of Sarug, and Isaac of Antioch being the others. He was held in equal estimation by the Armenians, who quoted and used his writings. Numerous manuscripts of his writings exist at Paris, Rome, Oxford, and particularly at the British Museum, but comparatively few have been published. For his work on Bible translation see B<small>IBLE</small> V<small>ERSIONS</small>, A, III., 2. He wrote a partial commentary on the Gospels, and dealt with dogmatic subjects, liturgies, and the like, and a list of eighty writings is given by Budge (see below). Among the printed productions are thirteen addresses on the Christian life, dogmatic treatises on matters dealing with a personal creed; on the Chalcedonian creed; against Nestorius and Nestorianism; letters of theological content. to Abraham and Orestes, priests at Edessa, on the pantheism of Stephen bar Sudaili to the monks at Teleda (between Antioch and Aleppo); circular addresses to monks, with no particular ascription; letters to monks at Beth Gaugal near Amida, and to Emperor Zeno; and two Anaphora, printed in E. Renaudot, <i>Liturgium orientalium collectio</i>, ii. 370 (Paris, 1716).
</P>
<P>
In considering his Christology, it is to be borne in mind that he stood for the same thing as Severus of Antioch (q.v.), with whom he fought shoulder to shoulder, the two being the foremost representatives of Monophysitism, ever energetically opposed to Eutychianiem (q.v.) and Apollinarianism (see A<small>POL-<pb n="44"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
LINARIS OF</small> L<small>AODICEA</small>). His letter to Zeno issued from a desire to purge himself of false suspicion. " He who was complete deity assumed flesh and became true man," he asserts in this letter. While the polemic against Nestorius gradually lost its interest, the effort continued to guard against the consequences of Docetism (q.v.), and appears in the latest of his writings-to the monks of Teleda. In this the avowal of the reality of the manhood of Christ and of his undergoing the experiences of humanity is explicit. Philoxenus emphasized the fact that all which Christ did was done both voluntarily and vicariously. In the last phases of his thought he approached the position of Julian of Halicamassus (q.v.). Yet it must remain a matter of doubt whether Philoxenus had part in the strife between Julian and Severus, since this broke out while Philoxenus was in banishment in Thrace, though Severus expressly stated that Julian had not only published his book in Alexandria but had distributed it broadcast. Possibly Philoxenus had received it, in whose earlier writings Severus "had found nothing foolish." The letter to the monks of Teleda and a work of unassigned authorship appear to be the only documents which contain an echo of the dispute.
</P>
<p> 
Early issue of some of his works is to be found in
S. E. Assemani, <I>Bibliotheca orientalis </I>(Rome, 1719-1728); and 
M. Le Quien, <I>Oriens Christianus </I>(Paris, 1740). Later issues are: 
<I>The Discourses of Philoxenus, Bishop of Mabbogh A.D. 486-519, Edited from Syriac Manuscripts . . . with an English Translation by E. A. Wallis Budge, </I>2 vols. (London, 1894);
<I>Three Letters of Philoxenus, Bishop of Mabbogh (486-519): being the Letter to the Monks, the first Letter to the Monks of Beth^Gaugal, and the Letter to the Emperor Zeno . . . with an English Translation, and Introduction, . .</i> by A. A. Vaschalde (Rome, 1902); the <I>Letter of Mar Xenaias of Mabug to Abraham and Orestes, </I>in A. L. Frothingham&#39;s <I>Stephen bar Sudaili </I>(Leyden, 1886); and his <I>Tractatus tres de trinitale et incarnatione, </I>ed. A. Vaschalde, in 
<i>CSCO</i>, vol. xxvii., 1907.</p>
<p class="author">(G. K<small>R&#220;GER</small>.)</p>
<p class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY:</small> The early sources are for the most part collected, abstracted, or used in J. S. Assemani, <I>Bibliotheca orientalis</i>, i. 268, 346-358, 475, 479, ii 10, 13, 17, 20. Consult further: W. Wright, <I>Short Hist. of Syriac Literature</i>, pp. 72-76, London, 1894; idem, <I>Catalogue of Syriac MSS. in the British Museum</i>, 3 parts, London, 1870-72;
R. Duval,  <I>Hist. politique, religieuae et litt&#233;raire d&#39;Edesse</I>, Paris, 1892; idem, <I>La Litt&#233;rature syriaque</i>, ib. 1900; E. Ter-Minassiantz, in <i>TU</i>, xxvi (1904); <i>DCB</i>, iv. 391-393.</I></small>
</P>

<br />
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Phocas, Saint" id="phocas_saint">
<P>
<b>PHOCAS, SAINT:</b> Christian martyr. He is said to have been a gardener at Sinope in Pontus where he was famous for his lavish almsgiving and hospitality to strangers. He suffered martyrdom, as some hold, in the persecution under Trajan (98117); according to others, under Diocletian (284-305). In the East he is the patron saint of mariners, who are accustomed to revere him with hymns, call upon him when in distress at sea, and share with him a part of their profits by giving them to the poor. A magnificent church was erected to his honor at Constantinople by the emperor of the same name shortly before 610. The Phocas revered by Roman tradition as the bishop of Sinope must be the same person. Another Phocas must be a martyr of Antioch, a touch of the door of whose tomb, according to Gregory of Tours, was a cure for serpent bites.</p>
<p class="author">(O. Z<small>&#214;CKLER</small>&#8224;.)</p>
<P class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY:</small> The <I>Acta</I>, by Bishop Asterius, are in <I>ASB</I>, Sept., vi. 293-299; 
in F. Combefis, <I>Gr&#230;co-Lat. patrum bibliothec&#230;: novum auctarium</i>, i. 169-182, Paris, 1848; 
and L. Surius, <i>Vita sanctorum</I>, Sept., 22, 12 vols., Cologne, 1617-18. 
The anonymous <I>Martyrium S. Phocas martyria et episcopi Sinope in Ponto</I>, is in <I>ASB</I>, July, iii. 639-645.
The <I>Vita</I> of Phocas the martyr of Antioch is in <I>ASB,</I> Mar., i. 366-367, 
and in Surius, ut sup., Mar., 5. Consult <I>DOB, iv. 393-394.</I></small></P>

<br />
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Ph&#339;badius" id="ph&#339;badius">
<P>
<b>PH&#338;BADIUS</b>, f&#238;-b&#234;&#39;di-us <b>(F&#338;GADIUS, FITADIUS) :</b> Bishop of Aginnum, the modern Agen
(73 m. s.e. of Bordeaux); d. after 392. He skilfully confuted the second Sirmian formula (see A<small>RIANISM</small>, I., iii., &#167; 6) in southern Gaul by means of western orthodoxy, in his work <I>Liber contra Arianos</I> (in the latter part of 357 or in 358; <I>MPL</i>, xx. 13-20), a work clear, animated, and occasionally ironical in argument and admirable and impressive in style. The main thought is that if Christ is not God he is not real Son. Known after the beginning of the sixteenth century is a tract, <I>De fide orthodoxa contra Arianos</i> (<i>MPL</I>, xx. 31-50) with an attached confession of faith, with which Ph&#339;badius has been generally credited. At the Synod of Rimini in 359, Ph&#339;badius obstinately defended orthodoxy, but finally with Servatio of Tongern was made to yield. These two bishops at a certain stage of the synod produced special formulas, "in which first Arius and all his unbelief are condemned, and secondly, the Son of God is not only pronounced to be equal with the Father but also without beginning." Ph&#339;badius took part in the synods of Valence and Saragossa (380), and was still living in 392.</p>
<p class="author">(E<small>DGAR</small> H<small>ENNECKE</small>.)</p>
<p class="bibliography>
<small>B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY:</small> 
K. Sch&#246;nemann, <I>Bibliotheca ... Patrum Latinorum</i>, i. 309-312, Leipsic, 1792; 
Tillemont, <I>M&#233;moires</i>, vi. 427 128; <i>Gallia Christiana</i>, ii (1720), 895-897; 
J. Dr&#228;seke, in <i>ZWT</i>, 1890, pp. 78-98; 
F. W. F. Kattenbusch, <i>Das apostolische Symbol</i>, i. 171-173, Leipsic, 1894; 
Ceillier, <i>Auteurs sacr&#233;s</i>, v. 372-377; <i>DCB</i>, ii. 547 (under &#39; F&#230;gadius ").</small>
</P>

<br />
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Photinus" id="photinus">
<p><b>PHOTINUS</b>, fo&#39;ti-nus: Bishop of Sirmium; b. in Ancyra in Galatia; d. in Galatia 376. He was a pupil of Maroellus of Ancyra and bishop of Sirmium in Pannonia, near the modern Mitrovicza. He first appears at the Synod of Antioch in 344, where the Eastern Church condemned him and Marcellus. This judgment was approved by a Syuod at Milan in 345, and Photinus was deprived of his bishopric by a Synod of Sirmium in 351. According to Epiphanius he appealed to the Emperor Constantius, was granted a hearing, and disputed with Basil of Ancyra before his judges. Socrates and Sozomen correctly refer this disputation to the Synod of Sirmium in 351, and state that he was exiled. The Synod of Milan, 355, renewed the anathema. That he returned for a season appears from the friendly letter of Emperor Julian to him and from the fact that Jerome knows him to have been banished by Valentinian (364-375). His heresy obtained little influence in the East; but in the West, especially on the Balkan peninsula, Photinians continued for a longer period. They were known at Sirmium in 381, and at the beginning of the fifth century a Photinian Marcus, driven from Rome, found refuge in the diocese of Senia, Dalmatia. Augustine refers <pb n="45"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />to them frequently not as a sect but as persons in general who think after the Photinian manner; i.e., persons who regard Christ as a mere man.
</p>
<P> 
Photinus was a dynamic monarchian (see M<small>ONARCHIANISM</small>) who, without denying the virgin birth, regarded the person of Christ as essentially human; and denied a hypostatic distinction of the Logos from the Father and a hypostasis of the Spirit. He attached himself to the Marcellian doctrine and argumentation: "the Son is known simply accord
ing to his appearance in the flesh" and Daniel (vii. 13) speaks "prophetically, not as of the Son existing." His most significant writings, according to Jerome, were <I>Contra gentes </i>and <I>Libra ad Valentinianum. </i>Socrates knows of a book "Against All Heresies" and Rufinus of a tract on the symbol (<I>MPL</i>, xxi. 336).</P>
<p class="author"> (F. L<small>OOFS</small>.)</P>
<P class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY:</small> 
The principal sources are Epiphanius,  <I>H&#230;r.</i>, lxxi.; 
Hilary, Fragments 1-3, and <I>De Trinitate</i>, vii. 3-7; 
Socrates, <I>Hist. eccl.</i>, ii. 30, Eng. transl., <I>NPNF</i>, 2 ser., ii. 44-45, 56-58; 
Vigilius of Thapsus, <I>MPL</i>, lxii. 179 sqq., and <I>MPL</i>, xxxv. 2213-2214. 
These are mostly collected in M. de Larroque, <I>Dissertatio duplex, </i>Geneva, 1670. 
Consult, besides the literature under Arianism and Monarchianism, especially that under Diodorus and Marcellus of
Ancyra; <I>DCB</i>, iv. 394-395; 
C. R. W. Klose, <I>Geschichte and Lehre des Marcellus and Photinus</i>, Hamburg, 1837; 
C. W. F. Walch, <I>Historie der Ketzereien</i>, iii. 1-70, Leipsic, 1766; 
Fabricius-Harles, <I>Bibliotheca Gr&#230;ca</i>, ix. 222-226, Hamburg, 1804; 
Tillemont, <I>M&#233;moires</i>, vol. vi.; 
Hefele, <I>Conciliengeschichte</i>, vols. i.-ii., Eng. transl., ii.188-189, Fr. transl., vol. i., passim; 
Harnack, <I>Dogma</i>, vols. i. v. passim;
Neander, <I>Christian Church</i>, vol. ii. passim.</small></p>
</p>

<br>
</div3><div3 type="article" title="Photius" id="photius">
<H2>PHOTIUS, fo&#39;shi-us.</H2>
<table>
<tr><td>I. Life.</td><td>Years of Retirement (&#167; 4).</td><td><I>Amphilochia</I> (&#167; 2).</td></tr>
<tr><td>Early Life (&#167; 1).</td><td>Second Patriarchate (&#167; 5).</td><td>Polemical Works (&#167; 3).</td></tr>
<tr><td>First Patriarchate (&#167; 2).</td><td>II. Writings.</td><td>Other Writings (&#167; 4).</td></tr>
<tr><td>Decisive Break with Rome (&#167; 3).</td><td><I>Bibliotheca</I> (&#167; 1).</td><td>Editions (&#167; 5).</td></tr>
</table>
<P>
Photius, twice patriarch Of Constantinople in the ninth century, enjoys an almost unparalleled preeminence in both the Greek and the Russian Church of the present day. Though in his own time he had enemies, and though circumstances clouded his fame at Rome and at the Byzantine court, he took deep hold among his people from the first, and soon after his death his Church put his name in her calendar  of saints. To judge his character is not easy. He was not the tyrant that his opponents represented  him to be, though he could be hard and domineering. He was crafty, double-tongued, and vain, but to be so lay in the character of his time and in the atmosphere of the Constantinople in which he lived. He was a sort of universal genius&#8212;philologian, philosopher, theologian, jurist, mathematician, man of science, orator, and poet; no
original thinker but of powerful memory, of iron industry, of good esthetic sense, of great dialectic skill, far-seeing and clever in practical matters, of commanding will-power, a profound judge of men, and true in friendship, though also always exacting
the return. His piety in its way was real. To him the Orthodox Church owes her understanding and appreciation of her distinction from the Latin. Proud already of her inheritance, Photius intensified and confirmed her self-consciousness, and gave her the pregnant catchwords which have never been forgotten.
</p>
<H2>I. Life</H2>
<H3>1. Early Life.</H3>
<P>Photius was born at Constantinople, probably between 815 and 820, and died in the Armenian monastery of Bordi Feb. 6, 897 or 898. He was of a family of quality, rigidly orthodox, and friendly to images. His parents died early, "adorned with the
martyr&#39;s crown," this probably meaning that, as friends of images, they were despoiled of their property and honors. It is known that they, with Photius, were excommunicated by an iconoelastic synod, but Photius himself appears never to have been in pecuniary straits. It is not possible to follow the course of his life closely before he became patriarch. When hardly more than a boy he began to give public lectures, first on grammar, then on philosophy and theology-an activity which was interrupted by an embassy " to the Assyrians," mentioned without further explanation in the preface to the <I>Bibliotheca </i> (see below, II., &#167; 1); probably a visit to the court of the calif in Bagdad is meant. After the death of the Emperor Theophilus in 842, the Empress Theodora became regent for her young son, Michael III., called the Drunkard, assisted by
her brother, Bardas, who from his sister&#39;s counselor speedily developed into her rival. Learning was now held in higher esteem than it had been by the preceding iconoclastic emperors, and Photius&#39; relations with the court became very intimate. He was first secretary of state and captain of the bodyguard, and his brother Sergius was married to Irene, a younger sister of Theodora and Bardas. Photius himself was never married nor was he a monk. Bardas succeeded in entirely supplanting Theodora as regent, probably in 857, and, to nullify her influence, which was feared by the young Michael as well as by his uncle, it was proposed to immure her in a convent. The Patriarch Ignatius, however (see I<small>GNATIUS OF</small>  C<small>ONSTANTINOPLE</small>), was a partizan of Theodora and refused to lend himself to this plan, so that, on Nov. 23, 858 (or, according to others, 857), Bardas deposed him and chose Photius for his successor.
</p>
<h3>2 First Patriachate.</h3>
<p> 
Photius undoubtedly belonged to a powerful party antagonistic to Ignatius, which included Bardas and was led by a certain Gregorius Asbesta. He was not a cleric, but the elevation of a layman to the patriarch&#39;s chair was not unprecedented. On five successive days (Dec. 20-24, 858) Gregorius hurried the candidate through the five grades necessary for the assumption of the patriarchate, and on Christmas Day he was enthroned. Ignatius, however, did not retire quietly, in spite of-the efforts of Bardas and Photius to make him yield, and he had a large following, the monks being especially hostile to Photius. The ill-treatment of Ignatius and his friends was doubtless exaggerated, and, so far as it really occurred, was due to Bardas rather than to Photius. Photius exerted himself to secure episcopal sees for his friends and accomplished Ignatius&#39; deposition, in apparently canonical form, by a synod in 859. Ignatius went<pb n="46"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
to Rome and sought aid from Pope Nicholas I. (q.v.). At first Photius ignored this move, but ultimately he sent a particularly impressive legation to Nicholas with a notification of his enthronization which completely concealed the real situation. A letter from the emperor went with it asking for recognition of Photius and requesting that legates be sent to a council in Constantinople to settle the few remaining problems connected with the iconoclastic disorders. At the same time Photius wrote to the Eastern patriarchs concealing the facts even more than in his letter to the pope and evidently wishing to secure recognition from them before the pope&#39;s legates should arrive in Constantinople. The council (called "first-second"&#8212;<i>prima-secunda</i>) met in May, 861, and from the very first the papal legates, Rodoald of Porto and Zacharias of Anagni, espoused Photius&#39; side. Ignatius was very summarily treated and his deposition was confirmed, although he received more support from the assembled bishops than the emperor and Photius had expected.
</P>
<P>
Nicholas seems to have hoped that Photius would recognize the primacy of jurisdiction, which he had assumed from the first. But Photius had no such intention, however much he may have been willing to flatter. The pope proceeded slowly, but on Mar. 18, 862, he issued an encyclical to the Eastern bishops in which he disavowed the acts of his legates at the council and declared: " We do not consider Ignatius deposed nor do we recognize Photius as in episcopal orders." He wrote to the emperor and to Photius to the same effect, and a year later (Apr., 863), when it had become evident that writing accomplished nothing, he had his judgment confirmed by a synod in Rome and threatened Photius and his adherents with excommunication. Meanwhile Photius found unexpected support from certain Western bishops who had fallen out with Nicholas over the divorce of Lothair II. (see N<small>ICHOLAS</small> I). He drew up a reply from the emperor to the pope
in which he adopted a very lofty tone, even addressing Nicholas as the emperor&#39;s subject. The document is lost, though its tenor is evident from certain letters of Nicholas. The pope answered with spirit, but he failed to measure public opinion in Constantinople. The new Rome looked down with scorn on the old and its "barbarians&#39; tongue," and Photius all his life disdained to learn Latin (see below, II., &#167; 1). Constantinople regarded the connection of the papacy with the Carolingian empire as a manifestation of revolt. There was a firm determination to insist that the pope should at least respect ecclesiastical boundaries, and feeling on this point was excited at the time by the case of the Bulgarians, who, converted by eastern missionaries and placed under the jurisdiction of the ecumenical patriarch by the Council of Chaloedon, were showing some disposition to go over to Rome (see B<small>ULGARIANS</small>, C<small>ONVERSION OF THE</small>). Photius, apparently in 865, addressed a long letter to the newly converted Bulgarian Bogoris; but the latter, doubtless for political reasons, turned to the pope, who sent two legates and a number of priests, as well as a voluminous pastoral epistle to the prince. At the same time Nicholas sent three messengers with no less than eight letters addressed to the emperor, Bardas, Photius, and all concerned, even the senators of Constantinople, requiring the execution of his judgment. The emperor, however, turned the pope&#39;s envoys back at the border, and the letters were not delivered.
</P>
<h3>3. Decisive Break with Rome.</h3>
<P>
Photius now executed the master stroke which really separated East and West. As the pope had attacked the validity of his ordination and position, so he called in question the pope&#39;s own position, declaring the pontiff to be a patron of heresy. The encyclical to the patriarchs of the East in which Photius made the charge and sought to prove it is rightly regarded as the 
<I>magna charta</i> of the Orient in all its subsequent attitude and conduct toward the Occident. Leaving personal matters quite out of account, and not hinting at the relations between Nicholas and himself, Photius spoke only of the danger which threatened from Rome, making the sending of Roman- priests to the Bulgarians his starting-point and ending with an attack on the <I>Filioque </I>(see F<small>ILIOQUE</small> C<small>ONTROVERSY</small>), concerning which he wrote a minute theological discussion with fourteen arguments against the doctrine of double procession. He wished to hold a synod in Constantinople to counteract the work of the West, and it actually met in the summer of 867. The acts are lost, but Photius secured the decrees which he wished, and he then allowed his personal resentment to appear when he retaliated for his own excommunication by Nicholas with anathematizing the pope. He seems even to have attempted to exalt the new Rome over the old and to have thought of claiming the primacy for Constantinople.
</P>
<h3>4. Years of Retirement</h3>
<P>
Photius&#39; triumph was short-lived. Bardas had been murdered in 866, and Basil the Macedonian had succeeded him as joint ruler with Michael. In Sept., 867, Basil had Michael murdered and became sole ruler. He thought it would strengthen his position if Ignatius were restored. Accordingly, Photius was expelled from his palace a few days after Basil&#39;s accession, and on the anniversary of his deposition, Nov. 23, 867, Ignatius was reenthroned, ten days after the death of Nicholas I. Basil deemed a break with the West inopportune, and, after negotiating for a year with Rome, he called a council (the Fourth Constantinople, Oct. 5, 869-Feb. 28, 870; the eighth general council of the West) which brought about the full restitution of Ignatius, at the same time officially deposing and condemning Photius. It was dominated by the Pope Adrian II. (q.v.), but his triumph was more apparent than real. In the West this council is regarded as the settlement of the controversy over images; but Photius could claim with reason that he had finally allayed this strife by the council of 861; and when the papal legates at the council demanded recognition of the claims of Rome concerning the Bulgarians, the Orientals protested in words which showed how the alliance of the pope with the West rather than with the East burned in all Greek souls.
</P>
<P>
Photius lived at Stenos, on the European side of the Bosphorus, under strict surveillance and de-<pb n="47"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
prived of his books. Direct association with his friends was forbidden, but he was allowed to correspond with them freely. His following among the clergy was so great that at first scarcely twenty bishops appeared at the council which condemned
him, and, in spite of the strenuous exertions, of his enemies, only a little over 100 were present at the final session. Harsh measures against his adherents made it easy for him to organize a sort of antihierarchy, and he well knew how to hold his party together and to animate all with his own unyielding spirit, which steadily refused to hear of compromise. Gregorius Asbesta and a whole company of influential metropolitans stood by him faithfully. At the same time he carefully refrained from attacking the emperor in all that he wrote, and the time came when he could move more freely. His requests for favor to his friends were listened to, the emperor even consulted him on theological questions, and finally (probably in 876) he was recalled to Constantinople as tutor to the princes royal. It was evident that after the imminent death of Ignatius, Photius would again ascend his throne.
</P>
<h3>5. Second Patriarchate.</h3>
<P>
Ignatius died Oct. 23, 878 (according to others, 877), and three days later Photius was installed in his place. The relations between Photius and Basil were thenceforth of the best. Basil asked Pope John VIII. (q.v.) to recognize the reinstated patriarch, and this time the pope, needing imperial support for his schemes in Italy, showed a disposition to comply. He declared Photius&#39; first elevation illegal, however, criticized the second be cause it had taken place without his knowledge,
and stipulated that Photius should ask pardon be fore a synod. This was not at all to Photius&#39; mind, and he accordingly contrived that a council should meet in Constantinople (the "Synod of St. Sophia," Nov., 879&#8212;Jan. 26, 880, the eighth general council of the East), attended by three times as many bishops as the council of 869. From this he obtained all
that he desired, and the acts read as though the papal legates did not fully comprehend what they were doing. Photius was very amiable and apparently submissive to "his beloved brother," John, but he obscured the full meaning of his demands, and, remaining in the background himself, spoke in the council through others. The emperor kept away from the council; but after it was officially closed, he presided, at the instance of Photius, over two supplementary assemblies, at the first of which those present, including the papal legates, declared their adherence to the old creed. In the second Photius had one of the bishops deliver an address which in no veiled terms put him above the pope. Later, for political reasons, John rather outbid his legates than disavowed them.
<P>
Photius was now at the zenith of his power and glory, but relations with Rome soon became strained again. In 882 John VIII. was succeeded by Marinus I., the first pope who had previously been bishop of a non-Roman see and who had not been chosen directly from the Roman clergy. That he himself had made many translations did not deter Photius from using this technical irregularity against his Roman rival. Though his pontificate was too brief for any real results, Marinus renewed the ban against Photius, whereupon the latter stirred up afresh the strife over the procession of the Holy Spirit (see below, II., &#167; 3). On Aug. 29, 886, the Emperor Basil died unexpectedly. His successor, Leo VI., had been Photius&#39; pupil and originally was devoted to him, though for unknown reasons he had been the patriarch&#39;s bitter enemy since 880. Like Basil at his accession, Leo determined to be rid of Photius. He was ruthlessly deprived of his office and was banished to the monastery of Bordi in Armenia, where he lived probably a full decade or more. With his second downfall, however, Photius disappears
from history.
</P>
<P>
It should be noted that Photius&#39; contest with the popes did not absorb all his powers. He always found time for learning and art. He promoted missions to the Bulgarians and Russians; he sought relations with the Saracen princes, primarily for the good of the Christians under their rule and because of the holy places in Palestine; and he watched and endeavored to convert the Paulicians and other heretics both within and without the empire. Though some of his acts may be criticized, he had a lofty concept of his duty both as "watchman" against the West and as supreme shepherd of the East, and he performed it with zeal and energy. The Greeks are right when they reckon him among the foremost of all their spiritual leaders.
</P>
<h2>II Writings.</h2>
<h3>1 Bibliotheca</h3>
<P>
Measured by the standard of his time, Photius ranks very high as scholar; in the ninth century he is a phenomenon of learning and good judgment. Even when measured by a more exacting standard, he is still far from contemptible; his books were literary treasure-houses  for the later dark ages of his people and have their value even now. The best known and most important for the present time is that commonly called the <i>Bibliotheca</i> or <I>Myriobiblon</I>, which presents summary accounts (cited as "codices") of 280 books read and studied by Photius, put together without apparent plan of arrangement and varying much in length and method of treatment. Some codices are mere brief synopses of contents; others contain excerpts, which steadily grow longer as the work proceeds; and some include critical remarks, which also vary from superficial opinions to carefully weighed and exact judgments. Possibly the book epitomizes Photius&#39; academic lectures or gives specimens from them. It purports to have been written at the request of "our dear brother, Tarasius," who asked Photius, when he was preparing for his journey "to the Assyrians" (see above, I., &#167; 1), to leave behind on his departure a description of books which he had read with his scholars at times when Tarasius could not be present. In its present form the work can hardly have been composed under such conditions; perhaps it originated as indicated at Tarasius&#39; request and was elaborated later. It takes account of both heathen and Christian writers, and includes not a few works which are now lost. Historians, theologians, philosophers, grammarians, physicists, as well as acts of councils, martyrs, and saints, are reviewed. The rhetoricians appear to have been particularly interesting to Pho-<pb n="48"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
tius. Of theologians the dogmaticians proper are preferred. The poets hardly appear, and the great philosophers of ancient Greece are scarcely mentioned, perhaps from an evident intention to treat only less-known works. Thucydides, Polybius, Plutarch, and writers like Hippocrates and Pausanias are also left out of account, and the more famous theologians are treated briefly. Athanasius, Chrysostom, Gregory Nazianzen, and Basil are often mentioned, but only their rarer works . receive extended notice. The summaries are often excellent, and Photius&#39; remarks on the style of his authors show good and cultivated taste. For his biographical notices he used an abridgment of a work of Hesychius of Miletus. Latin writers he knew only in translation.
</P>
<h3>2. Amphilochia.</h3>
<P>
The <I>Amphilochia is so </I>called because it is dedicated to Amphilochius of Cyzicus, one of the truest friends and oldest disciples of Photius, who had propounded certain questions to his teacher and who is often mentioned in the work. It consists of a series of questions and answers (300 in number according to the prologue; in existing manuscripts and editions  the number is greater and variable, and the order is not the same), chiefly relating to Biblical topics, but including some which belong to dogmatics and philosophy and some which hardly appertain to theology at all. The Bible questions generally relate to passages which appear to be contradictory, the so-called enantiophanies of Scripture, and some of the answers are merely exegetical expositions. Many passages are treated more than once. , As in the <I>Bibliotheca, </I>the answers vary greatly in length, some being mere notes, others almost treatises, and .there is no apparent plan. Most of the answers evidently belong to the time of the first exile of Photins, and may have been communicated by letter. It is possible that Photius collected .them later, and probably the work was expanded with time. The author shows little originality, excerpting whole sections from Chrysostom, Polychronius, Germanus of Constantinople, John of Damascus, and others, and elsewhere being dependent on Athanasius, Basil, Gregory Nazianzen, Dionysius the Areopagite, Maximus Confessor, and others without directly copying them. In no less than thirty-two passages he repeats Theodoret almost verbally. The long, minute, and keen first answer addressed to Amphilochius may, however, be original.
</P>
<h3>3. Polemical Works.</h3>
<P>
The best-known of Photius&#39; polemical works is the " Treatise on the Mystagogy of the Holy Spirit," written against the <I>Filioque</I>. It was an incident of the renewed strife with Rome begun by Marinus (see above, I., &#167; 5) and belongs to the years 885 or 888. It is throughout an independent product of Photius. It was he who gave the doctrine of the procession of the Holy Spirit the sharp and precise definition which it ever afterward had in dogmatics. It is significant that the doctrine is not mentioned in the <I>Amphilochia</I>; it had no immediate interest for Photius,-and only the need of points of attack upon the West led him to elaborate it. After a brief introduction he fixes on <scripRef>John xv. 26</scripRef>, as the <i>locus clasicus</i> of the doctrine, where Christ says that the Spirit proceeds "from the Father." To add that he proceeds also from the Son is held to lead to absurdities; it makes the Spirit a "product of the Son," and it destroys the unity of the three Persons of the Trinity (iii., iv.). The latter argument remained the leading one of all Eastern polemics against the West in the <I>Filioque </I>controversy. The consequences of the addition are further considered in chaps. vi.-xix., xxxi-xlvii., and lxi. lxiv. Such passages as <scripRef>John xvi. 14</scripRef> and <scripRef>Gal. iv. 6</scripRef> are declared to be invalid arguments against the position of Photius (xx.-xxx., xlviii, lx., xc.-xciv.). In chap. v. he asserts that the Fathers and councils are unanimous against the addition; and in chaps. lxv.-lxxxix. he examines the utterances of such western authorities as Ambrose, Augustine, and Jerome, and the popes from Damasus to Adrian III., and maintains that they support the contention of the East. The "Dissertation on the (New) Sprouting of the Manicheans" is a work against the Paulicians (q.v.). It consists of four books, of which the first gives a historical account of the Paulicians as New Manicheans, and the remainder a dogmatic and Biblical refutation of their doctrines. Books ii.-iv. do not fully accord with the plan as laid down in book i., and it has been suggested that they are a working-over of twelve lectures against the Manicheans. The fourth book appears to be an independent work and later than ii. and iii. If genuine, it probably belongs to the time of the first exile, since in it the author complains of being deprived of his books. The first book is closely related to the <I>Historia Manich&#230;orum </I>as cribed to Petrus Siculus (<i>MPG</i>, civ. 1240 sqq.). The "Precise Conclusions and Proofs," in the form of questions and answers, furnishes a compendium of historical documents (acts of synods, etc.) relating to metropolitans, bishops, and the like; and it has been held that Photius wrote it as an indirect defense of his elevation and his opposition to Rome, as well as a refutation of the arguments advanced by his opponents against his legitimacy.
</p>
<h3>4. Other Works.</h3>
<P>
Hergenr&#246;ther knew of twenty-two addresses by Photius, of which only two were printed (<i>MPG</i>, cii. 548 sqq.). Eighty-three " addresses and homilies " a ,re now offered by Aristarches (see below, &#167; 5), but the greater number of these are compositions of the editor rather than of Photius. No doubt Photius&#39; works contain passages which were originally parts of spoken discourses; but it may well be questioned whether it is possible to select these fragments and put them together so as properly to reproduce the original addresses. At the same time, the collection offers some important <I>inedita</I> which are attested. by.manuscript evidence as real specimens of Photius&#39; homiletic manner and skill. In general his thought follows the old and familiar channels of his Church. He is fluent and figurative, soars not seldom in a real flight, but more
often shows mere floridity and phrasing. Photius&#39; letters are the roost important source for his character and type of thought. Migne arranges them in three books: political letters to popes, patriarchs, bishops, emperors, and other princes (24 numbers); <pb n="49"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
private letters to bishops, clerics, monks, etc., mostly letters of encouragement, recommendation, admonition, and the like (102 numbers, many of them very short); and letters to laymen, especially high officials (67 numbers). Valettas (see below, 5) gives a larger number disposed in five books: "dogmatic and hermeneutic letters" (84 numbers); "parenetic letters" (57 numbers); "consolatory letters" (15 numbers); "letters of censure" (64 numbers); and "miscellaneous letters" (40 numbers, mostly brief friendly notes). 
</p>
<p>
Photius&#39; other writings include: Bible commentaries, of which only fragments are preserved (cf. <I>MPG</i>, ci. 1189-1253). A lexicon intended as a help to the understanding of authors whose diction was no longer current in the ninth century; it shows little originality and perhaps belongs to Photius&#39; youth; probably he had help in composing it. Poems, of which three odes on Basil and a hymn of nine odes on Christ are known (the former in <i>MPG</i>, cii. 577 sqq., the latter in the <I>Ekkleiastike Aletheia</I>, Constantinople, 1895). An "Exhortation by Means of Proverbs" is published by J. Hergenr&#246;ther in his <I>Monumenta Gr&#230;ca ad Photium ejusque historiam pertinentia </I> (Regensburg, 1869, pp. 20-52), as well as some fragments of philosophical writings (pp. 12 sqq.) and a not uninteresting extract from a work " On the Holy Liturgy" (pp. 11-12). For lost works of Photius (against the Emperor Julian, against Leontius of Antioch, and probably also a study on contradictions in the Roman codes) cf. Krumbaeher, <I>Gesehichte, p. </I>522.
</p>
<p>
Photius was not the author of the <I>Nomocanon, </I>the standard law-book of the Eastern Church (see N<small>OMOCANONS</small>). It is older than his time, though it was supplemented during his patriarchate (in 883, according to the preface), and his councils of 861 and 879 had a part in this work. Whether Photius himself prepared the new edition is uncertain; but it is at least evident that he had a good knowledge of canon law, for some of his letters expound legal points in an illuminating manner. The canons of his councils were certainly Photius&#39; work, and the <I>Bibliotheca </I> proves his acquaintance with the legal literature.
</p>
<h3>5. Editions.</h3>
<p>
Photius&#39; writings are collected. in <i>MPG</i>, ci.-.civ. The last two volumes contain the <I>Bibliotheca, </I> the text being that of Immanuel Bakker (2 vols., Berlin, 1824). Migne&#39;s text of the <I>Amphilochia</I> (vol. ci.) was furnished by Bishop Jean Baptiste Malou, with the help of Hergenr&#246;ther, from a Vatican manuscript and without knowledge of the manuscript of Mt. Athos, which is the basis of the more valuable edition published by Constantinus (&#338;conomus (Athens, 1858). The "Mystagogy of the Holy Spirit" was first edited by Hergenr&#246;ther (Regensburg, 1857); his text is reprinted with copious notes in Migne (cii.). The "Dissertation on the Manicheans" was first published in complete form (four books) by Johann Christoph Wolff in his <I>Anecdotes Gr&#230;ca</i>, i.-ii (Hamburg, 1722), whence it was reprinted by Migne (cii. pp. 15 sqq ). The work referred to above as " Precise Conclusions and Proofs " is given by Migne (civ. 1219 sqq.) under the title "Ten Questions and Answers." The most complete collection of Photius&#39; addresses and sermons (or of what purport to be such; see above. II., &#167; 4) is 9. Aristarches&#39; "Eighty-three Addresses and Homilies of Photius" (2 vols., Constantinople, 1900). The letters (reprinted from older works) are in <I>MPL</i>, cii., as well&#39; as in the much better and more complete edition by Johannes Valettas. "Letters of Photius" (London, 1864); as supplements, Valettes prints the "Ten Questions and Answers" mentioned above and a similar "Five Questions and Answers." A. Papadopoulos-Kerameus has attempted to supplement Valettas in his <I>Sancti Patriarch&#230;: Photii epistola xlv.</i> (St. Petersburg, 1899), though in his <I>Photiaka</I> (1897) he states that only the first twenty-one letters really belong to Photius, the others being properly ascribed to Isidore of Pelusium. The best edition of the lexicon is by S. A. Naber (2 vols., Leyden, 1884-65). Certain fragments and treatises of lesser moment are published in J. Hergenr&#246;ther, <I>Monumenta gr&#230;ca ad  Photium ejusqe historiam pertinentia </I>(Regensburg, 1869), and in A. Papadopoulos-Kerameus, <I>Monumenta gr&#230;ca et latina ad historian Photii patriarch&#230; pertinentia</I> (2 parts, St. Petersburg, 1899-1901). The writing "On the Franks and the Other Latins," printed by Hergenr&#246;ther in the first of these collections (pp. 62 sqq&#183;). is shown in his <I>Photius</i> (iii. 172 sqq.) to be spurious; it is probably subsequent to the time of Michael Caerularius. For the <i>Scripta canonica</i> (including the <i>Nomocanon</i>), cf. <I>MPG</i>, cv.
</p>
<p class="author">(F. K<small>ATTENBUSCH.</small>)</p>
<P class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>IBLOGRAPHY:</small> 
The most accessible compend of epistolary and conciliar sources is Mansi, <i>Concilia</i>, xv. 159 sqq., xvi.
1 sqq., 209 sqq., 295 sqq., 413 sqq., 425 sqq., xvii 365 sqq.; to this may be added the material in <I>MPG</i>, cv.
509 sqq, cviii 1037 sqq., cix. 155 sqq., 663 eqq, 985 sqq. The work of first rank is J. Hergenr&#246;ther, <i>Photius, sein
Leben siene Schriften, und das grischische Schisma</i>, 3 vols, Regensburg, 1867-89. Exceedingly useful is Krumbacher. 
<I>Geschichte</i>, 73 sqq.. 515 sqq., 971 sqq., where an excellent list of literature is found, including a very full statement of editions of the works. Consult further: 
Fabricius-Harles, <I>Biliotheca Gr&#230;ca</I>, x. 670 sqq xi. 1 sqq., Hamburg, 1807-08; 
J. N. Jager, <i>Histoire de Photius</i>, Paris, 1854; 
L. Tosti, <i>Storia dell&#39; origine dello scisma greco</i>, 2 vols., Florence, 1856; 
H. L&#228;mmer, <i>Papst Nikolaus and die byzantinische Staatskirche seiner Zeit</i>, Berlin, 1857; 
A. Pichler, <I>Geschichte der kirchliche Trennung zwischen dem Orient und Occident</I>, i. 180 sqq., Munich, 1864; .
R. Baxmann, <i>Die Politik der P&#228;pste von Gregor I. bis auf Gregor VII</i>, ii. 1 sqq., Elberfeld, 1869; 
A. F. Gfr&#246;rer, <I>Byzantinische Geschichten</i>, vols. ii.-iii., Gras, 1873; 
B. Jungmann, <i>Dissertationes select&#230;</i>, iii. 319-442. Regensburg,1882; 
A. Gasquet, <I>L&#39;Empire byzantin et la monarchie franque</i>, pp. 348 372, Paris, 1888; 
G. Bernhardy, <i>Grundriss der griechischen Litteratur</i>, vol. i.; Halle, 1892; 
F. W. F. Kattenbusch, <i>Vergleichende Konfessionskunde</i>, i. 118 sqq., Freiburg, 1892; 
A. H. Hore, <I>Eighteen Centuries of the Orthodox Greek Church</i>, 365-369, 376-383, London, 1899; 
idem, <i>Students Hist. of the Greek Church</i>, ib. 1902; 
W. F. Adeney, <i>The Greek and Eastern Churches</i>, pp . 209, 235 sqq., 279-280, New York, 1908; 
Ceillier, <i>Auteurs sacr&#233;s</i>, xii. 719-734; 
Schaff, <i>Christian Church</i>, iv. 63642; 
Neander, <I>Christian Church</i>, iii. 561-578 et passim; 
Harnack, <i>Dogma</i>, vols. ii.-v.; the literature under the articles on Popes John VIII.. Martin II., Adrian III., Stephen V. and VI., and Formosus II., also contain matter that is pertinent; 
Hefele, <I>Conciliengeschichte</i>, vol iv.; 
<i>KL</i>, ix. 2082 sqq.
</small>
</P>

<br>
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="phrygia" id="phrygia">
<P>
<b>PHRYGIA</b> frij&#39;i-a: A. region of fluctuating boundaries occupying the central portion of Asia Minor. At the beginning of the Christian era the name had merely an ethnological and no geographical significance. There was no Roman province of the name Phrygia until the fourth century. In the northern part were the cities of Ancyra, Gordician, Doryleum; in the southern, Coloss&#230;, Hierapolis, Laodicea. The region is of great importance for the history of religion after about 200 <small>B.C.</small>, the cults of ,the West imported from the East receiving a profound impress from the primitive usages still current in Phrygia. Especially is this the case with the mysteries so strongly renascent in the century before the Christian era. See A<small>SIA</small> M<small>INOR</small>.
</P>

<br>
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Phut" id="phut">
<p><b>PHUT</b>. See T<small>ABLE OF THE</small> N<small>ATIONS</small>, &#167; 6.
</p>

<br>
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Phylactery" id="phylactery">
<p>
<b>PHYLACTERY.</b> See T<small>EFILLIN</small>.
</p>

<br>
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Piacenza, Synod of" id="piacenza_synod_of">
<p>
<b>PIACENZA, SYNOD OF</b>. See U<small>SHAN</small> II.
</p>

<br><pb n="50"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
</div3><div3 title="Piarists">
<p><b>PIARISTS</b>, pai&#39;a-rists: A Roman Catholic order of men having as its aim the giving of free juvenile instruction especially to poor boys. The members are variously known by other names, such as Piarians, Scolopians, and Paulinists. Their beginning was an independent brotherhood founded at Rome in 1597 by the Spanish nobleman Jos&#233; Calasanze; they received their constitution as a congregation for their present function in 1617, and were promoted to an order by Gregory XV. in 1621, with the title, Congregatio Paulina clericorum regularium pauperum matris Dei scholarum piarum. The order ranks second in importance as a religious brotherhood for the instruction of boys.
</P>
<P> 
Jos&#233; Calasanze (Josephus a Matre Dei) was born in the Castle Calasanze near Petralta de la Sal in Aragon Sept. 11, 1556; and died at Rome Aug. 25, 1648. He studied law at Lerida and theology at Alcala and became a priest in 1583. In 1592 he went to Rome, where as a strict ascetic and a member of four religious brotherhoods he devoted himself to the care of the sick and the instruction of youth. In 1612, the number of scholars was 1,200. Soon a division into popular and higher schools was required; in 1630 Calasanze established the Nazarene College at Rome for noble youths; and in 1632 Pope Urban VIII. made him general for life. The order extended its work from Italy, so that after 1631 it had spread over Germany, Poland, Hungary, and other lands; but on account of its pedagogical results it aroused the jealousy of the Jesuits, which led to Calasanze&#39;s downfall. In 1646 the order was reduced to a secular brotherhood without vows. Alexander VII. restored it in 1660 to a congregation, yet without its fourth vow; Clement IX. granted this in 1669, and raised it to a formal order; and Innocent XII. in 1698 restored its mendicant privileges. Calasa,nze was canonized by Clement XIII. in 1767. The order, distributed in nine provinces, consists of 121 houses and 2,100 members and is strongest in Spain.
<p>
<p class="author">(O. Z&#246;ckler&#8224;.)</p>
<P class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY:</small> Among the sketches of the life of the founder may be named those by J Timon-David, 2 vols., Marseilles. 1884 (best); A. della Concettione, Rome, 1893; F. J. Lipoweky, Munich, 1720; W. E. Hubert, Mains, 1888; N. Tommaseo, Rome, 1898; D. M. Cmaenovas y Sans, Saragossa, 1904; and J. C. Heidenreich, Vienna,
1907. For the Constitutions consult 
L. Holsten, <I>Codex regularum monasticarum d canon&#236;carum, </I>ed. M. Brockie, Augsburg, 1759. Consult: 
Heimbucher, <I>Orden und Kongreqationen</i>, iii. 287-298; 
L. Kellner, <I>Erziehungageschichte en Skizzen und Bildern</i>, i. 327 sqq., Essen, 1880; 
H. Zsohokke, <I>Die theologische studien der katholishen Kirche in Osterreich</I>, Vienna, 1894; 
A. Brendler, <I>Das Wirken der ... Piaristen</I>, Vienna, 1898; 
F. Endl, in <I>Mittheilungen der Geschichte f&#252;r deutsche Erziehungs- und Schulgeshichte</I>, VIII., 147 sqq., 
Helyot, <I>Ordres monastiques</i>, iv. 281-282; <i>KL</i>. ix. 20-98 sqq.</small></p>

<br />
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Pi-beseth" id="pi-beseth">
<P>
<b>PI-BESETH</b>, p&#238;-b&#234;&#39;seth: An Egyptian city mentioned in <scripRef>Ezek. xxx. 17</scripRef>, together with Aven (On); called by the Greeks (and the Septuagint) Boubastos, or, more rarely, Boubastis. It was situated in the Delta on the right bank of the eastern arm of the Nile. The Hebrew name represents the Egyptian Per-Baste(t), "House of Bast," the local goddess who was represented as a cat or as a woman with a feline head. The real name of the city was Bast, from which the name of the goddess was derived. Pi-beseth was the residence of the Lybian kings of the Twenty-second Dynasty, including Shishak; and in Christian times was an episcopal see-city. The extensive ruins of its temples are at Tell Basta, near the modern Zakazik.
</P>
<p class="author">(G. S<small>TEINDORFF.</small>)</p>
<P class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY:</small> The Eighth <I>Memoir </I>(for 1889-90) of the E<small>GYPT</small> E<small>XPLORATION</small> F<small>UND</small> (q.v.); the literature under L<small>EONTOPOLIS</small>, and part of that (on exploration and discovery) under E<small>GYPT.</small></small>
</p>

<br />
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Picards" id="picards">
<p>
<b>PICARDS (PICKARDS):</b> A corruption of "Beghards" (see B<small>EGHARDS</small>, B<small>EGUINES</small>), applied as a term of reproach to the Bohemian Brethren (q.v., I., &#167; 4).</p>

<br />
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Pick, Bernard" id="pick_bernard">
<P>
<b>PICK, BERNARD:</b> Lutheran; b. at Kempen (27 m. s.s.w. of Ewen), Prussia, Dec. 19, 1842. He was educated at the universities of Breslau and Berlin, and at Union Theological Seminary, from which he was graduated in 1868. He was then pastor at New York City (1868-69), North Buffalo, N. Y. (1869-70), Syracuse, N. Y. (1870-74), Rochester, N. Y. (1874,81), Allegehany, Pa. (1881-95), Albany, N. Y. (1895-1901). Since 1905 he has occupied a pastorate in Newark, N. J. He has translated F. Delitzseh&#39;s <I>Jewish Artisan Life in the Time of Christ</I> (New York, 1883) and H. Cremer&#39;s <I>Essence of Christianity </I> (1903); has edited <I>Luther&#39;s "Eine Feste Burg " in Nineteen Languages </I>(New York, 1883); and has written <I>Luther as a Hymnist </I>(Philadelphia, 1875); <I>J&#252;dischen Volksleben zur Zeit Jesu </I>(Rochester, N. Y., 1880); <I>Historical Sketch of the Jews since the Destruction of Jerusalem</I> (New York, 1887); <I>The Life of Jesus according to extra-canonical Sources</I> (1887); <I>The Talmud, what it is, and what it knows about Jesus and his Followers</I> (1888); <I>Historical Sketch of the Jews since their Return from Babylon</I> (Chicago, 1892); <I>Made Mecum Homileticum</i> i. (Cleona, Pa., 1899); <I>The Extra-canonical Life of Christ </I>(New York, 1903); <I>Extra-canonical New Testament Writings of the First Two Centuries</I> (1905); <I>Lyra Gerhardti: A Selection of Paul Gerhardt&#39;s Spiritual Songs</I> (Burlington, Ia., 1906); <I>Hymns and Poetry of the Eastern Church</I> (1908); <I>Paralipomena: Remains of Gospels and Sayings of Christ</I> (1908); and <I>The Apocryphal Acts</I> (Chicago, 1909).</P>

<br />
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Pick, Israel" id="pick_israel">
<p>
<b>PICK, ISRAEL:</b> Founder of the Amenian Congregation; b. about 1830. Baptized as a Christian at Breslau in 1854, he professed that by so doing he did not renounce his Judaism, but became a Jew in the truest sense. All the law and ordinances of the Old Testament were included with the Christian sacraments as the ordinances of the new congregation founded by him, which he styled Amenian because in Christ <I>(Elohim-amen; </I><scripRef>Isa. lxv. 16</scripRef>) all the promises of God are yea and amen (<scripRef>II Cor. i. 20</scripRef>). He gathered about 800 adherents, mainly at Miinchen-Gladbach. In 1859 he went to the Holy Land in search of a place of settlement for his followers and was never heard of again. His principal literary work was <I>Der Gott der Synagoge and der Gott der Judenchriaten </I>(Breslau, 1854).
</P>
<p class="author>(O. Z<small>&#214;CLER</small>&#8224;.)</P>
<p class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY:</small> Consult Pick&#39;s <I>Briefe an meine Stammesgenossen</I>, Hamburg, 1854; 
Hollenberg in <I>Deutsche Zeitschrift f&#252;r christliche Wissenachaft und christliches Leben</i>, 1857, nos. 8-8; 
J. E. J&#246;rg, <I>Geschichte die Protestantismus in seiner neusetem Entwickelung</i>, ii. 294-300, Freiburg, 1857.
</p>

<br /><pb n="51"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Pickett, James" id="pickett_james">
<p><b>PICKETT, JAMES:</b> Primitive Methodist; b. at Berwick Bassett (27 m. n. of Salisbury), England, Dec. 19, 1853. He received his education at Wootton Bassett, Wiltshire; was in business in London, 1870-76;  entered the Primitive Methodist ministry, and served at Bognor, 187678; Southwark, 1878-81; Forest Hill, 1881-85; Leicester, 1885-97; and at Hull, 1891-1903; became general missionary secretary in 1903; and was elected president of the conference of his denomination, 1908.</P>

<br>
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Pico Della Mirandola" id="pico_della_mirandola">
<P>
<b>PICO DELLA MIRANDOLA</b>, p&#238;&#39;co del&#39;la mi"ran do la, <b>GIOVANNI:</b> Italian philosopher; b. at Mirandola Feb. 24, 1463; d. at Florence Nov. 17, 1494. He studied at the University of Bologna (1477-79), and then visited the principal universities of Europe, pursuing the studies of philosophy and theology, learning as a means to this end Hebrew, Aramaic, and Arabic. In this arduous course of discipline he became a follower of Marsilio Ficino, and their common aim was to demonstrate the fundamental agreement of heathen philosophers with each other and with Christian scholasticism and
mysticism. The root idea of this propaganda was that all truth is one and all science is one. Yet the substructure of Pico&#39;s system was derived from the Cabala. In 1487 he went to Rome where he proposed to hold a disputation covering the domain
of knowledge, to which he invited the leading scholars as participants. As the themes of the discussion he issued 900 theses "in dialectics, morals, physics, mathematics, metaphysics, theology, magic, and cabalism." In publishing these he declared that he did not intend to defend anything regarded by the Church or its head as untrue or improbable. But the theologians declared some of the theses heretical at least in tendency, and the pope (Innocent VIII.) prohibited the disputation. Pico composed an apology, and went to France. He was later, through the intervention of Lorenzo de&#39; Medici, permitted to return to Italy, and took up his residence near Florence, a member of the brilliant circle which gathered about Lorenzo. In 1493 a brief of the new pope, Alexander VI., relieved him of the taint of heresy. The humiliation suffered through the interdiction of the disputation led his thoughts toward celibacy, and when he died he had been contemplating retirement to a monastery, and for this he prepared by ascetic practises. He transferred his estates to his nephew, Giovanni Francesco, and bestowed his personal property on the poor.</P>
<P class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY:</small> <I>Pico&#39;s Opera </I>were published, 2 parts. Venice, 1498; again, ed. his nephew, with a life, ib. 1557; again, including the works of his nephew, 2 vols., Basel, 1572-1573, and (best) 1801. His <i>Epistoles</i> were very often edited and published, e.g., Paris, 1500, 1520; Cologne, 1518. On his life and work consult: G. Dreydorff, <I>Das System des Johann Pico, Grafen von Mirandula and Concordia</I> Marburg, 1858; W. H. Pater, <I>Studies in the Hist. of the Renaissance</I>, London, 1873; Pastor, <I>Popes</i>, v. 151, 154, 342-344, 389; Creighton, 
<I>Papacy</i>, iv. 184-188, 173; "KL</i>, viii. 1549-55. The life by his nephew, with three of his letters, his "Interpretation of Ps. xvi." his "Twelve Rules of a Christian Life," "Twelve Points of a Perfect Lover," and his "Hynm to God," transl. into Eng. from the Latin of Sir Thomas More, ed. J. M. Rigg, appeared London, 1890.</small></p>

<br>
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Picpus, Congregation of" id="picpus_congregation_of">
<P>
<b>PICPUS</b>, p&#238;k"pus&#39;, <b>CONGREGATION OF</b> (Congregation of the Sacred Heart of Jesus and Mary): 
A Roman Catholic congregation founded at Paris in 1805. The founder, Pierre Marie Joseph Coudrin (b. 1768; d. Mar. 27, 1837) was led to undertake the work by contemplation of the effects of the French Revolution on morals and religion. He desired an organization the purpose of which should be the conversion and moral and religious instruction of both sexes, and should commemorate by suitable services four phases of the life of Christ&#8212;his childhood by free instruction of children, his private life by Perpetual Adoration of the Blessed Sacrament (q.v.), his public life by preaching and missions, and his suffering and death by the practise of austerities. He was encouraged and assisted by Bishop J. B. Chabot of Mende, and the congregation took its name from the street and buildings in Paris in which it was instituted. In 1817 confirmation was granted by Pius VII, after which seminaries were founded and preaching to the people was begun. In 1826 missions to the heathen were sent out, six priests going to the Sandwich Islands. In 1833 Gregory XVI. entrusted to the congregation the mission for eastern Oceania. From that time the two branches of work, education and preaching, were greatly extended. Missionaries went to various parts of Oceania and Australasia, to North and South America, and to Africa, while in all these parts as well as in Europe educational institutions were established, there being 200 with 12,000 scholars in Oceania alone.
The celebrated Father Damien (see V<small>EUSTER</small>, J</small.OSEPH DE</small>) was a member of the congregation, and a large number of equally devoted but less celebrated missionaries have contributed to success, and have
added to the sum of knowledge by books dealing with the languages and ethnology of the islands and lands where they have labored.
</P>
<P>
There is a branch of the congregation for women, The Sisters of the Sacred Heart of Jesus and Mary, the foundation of which was laid in 1800 by Coudrin and Henriette Aymer de la Chevalerie (d. 1834). Prior to the separation of Church and State in France, the sisters had establishments in France, and such are still found in Belgium, Holland, Spain, England, and South America.
</P>
<P class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY:</small>  The <I>Constitutions</I> were printed Paris, 1840. 
Consult: A. Coudrin, <I>Vie de l&#39; Abbe Coudrin</I>, Paris, 1848;
S. Perron, <I>Vie de ... Pierre Marie-Joseph Coudrin</I>, ib. 1900; 
E. Keller. <I>Les Congregations religieusee en France.</I> pp. 372, 434, ib. 1880; 
Helyot, <I>Ordres monastiques</i>, iv. 1277 sqq., Paris, 1859; 
Heimbucher, <I>Orden and Kongregationen</i>, iii. 471-473; <I>KL</i>, ix. 2102-05.</small>
</P>

<br>
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Pictet, Benedict" id="pictet_benedict">
<P>
<b>PICTET</b>, p&#238;c"t&#234;&#39;, <b>BENEDICT:</b> Swiss Reformed; b. at Geneva May 30, 1655; d. there June 10, 1724. After receiving his education in the university of his native city, he made an extensive tour of Europe, after which he assumed pastoral duties at Geneva, and in 1686 was appointed professor of theology. In the domain of systematic theology, Pictet published two great works: <i>Theologia Christiana </I>(3 vols., Geneva, 1696; Eng. transl., <I>Christian Theology</i>, London, 1834) and <I>Morale chr&#233;tienne</i> (2 vols., 1692), in which he sought to revive the old and somewhat stagnating orthodox theology, though he was unable to prevent the Genevan "Company of <pb n="52"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
Pastors" from adopting a new formula of subscription in 1706. Pictet also distinguished himself as Christian poet, his hymns soon becoming popular conjointly with the Psalms, and some of them still being found in French hymnals. Mention should likewise be made of Pictet&#39;s <I>Huit sermons sur l&#39;examen des religions</I> (3d ed., Geneva, 1716; Eng. transl., 
<I>True and False Religion examined; the Christian Religion defended; and the Protestant Reformation vindicated</I>, 
Edinburgh, 1797) and of his <I>Dialogue entre un catholique et un protestant</I> (1713; Eng. transl., <I>Romanist Conversations</I>, London, 1826).</p>
<p class="author">E<small>UGENE</small> C<small>HOISY</small>.</p>
<p class="bibliography"><small>B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY:</small> 
E. de Bud&#232;, <I>Vie de Benedict Pictet, </I>Lausanne, 1874; 
J. Gabriel, <i>Hist. de 1&#39;&#233;glise de Gen&#233;ve</i>, vol. iii., Geneva, 1882; 
C. Borgeaud, <I>Hist. de l&#39;univsrite de Gen&#233;ve, </I>ib. 1900; 
Lichtenberger, <I>ESR, </I>x. 599-600.</small></p>

<br>
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Pictures, Miraculous" id="pictures_miraculous">
<p><b>PICTURES, MIRACULOUS:</b> Certain pictures or images believed by the Roman Catholic Church to confer special graces upon those who look at them, on the intercession of the saint represented in them, and on condition of more or less subjective Bus! on the part of the beholder. Among these graces are recovery from illness, discovery of secrets, inspiration to good works, and the like. The popular notion ascribes miraculous powers to the pictures themselves; but theologians take pains to explain that God alone is the wonder-worker, and the picture only the locality and occasion of the miracle, by means of the intercession of the saint, or sometimes the means by which the miracle is worked, as in cases where the image is supposed to speak, to weep, or to open and close its eyes.</p>
<p class="author">(C. G<small>R&#220;NERSEN</small>t.)</p>
<p class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY:</small> Council of Trent, session XXV., Latin and English in Schaff, <I>Creeds</i>, ii. 199-205; 
M. Chemnits, <i>Examinis concilii O Tridentini ... Opus</I>, Frankfort, 1585-1573, reprint, ed. Preuse, Berlin, 1881, Eng. transl., London, 1582; J. Marx, <I>Das Wallfahren in der katholischen Kirche</I>, Tr&#233;ves, 1842.</small></p>

<br>
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Pie" id="pie">
<p>
<b>PIE (PYE)</b>, pai: The name given to the index table on which prior to the Reformation in England the directions for worship were written, and to the early ordinal or directory for priests, containing a table of daily services and a summary of the mass rubrics: The arrangement was complicated and obscure, and the investigation required to discover the proper order was sometimes extended. The result was great confusion in the services. The name is perhaps derived from <I>pica</i>, " magpie," and is the result of the "pied" appearance of the book caused by the printing of initials in red and the body in
black type on white paper.</p>
<p class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY:</small> 
W. Maskell, <I>Monumnents ritualia ecclesi&#230; Anglican&#230;</i>, 3 vols., London 1848-47; 
M. E. C. Walcott, <I>The English Ordinal; its Hist., Validity, and Catholicity</I>, ib  1851; 
idem, <I>Sacred Arch&#230;ology</i>, p. 445, ib. 1880; 
J. H. Blunt, <I>The Annotated Book of Common Prayer</i>, pp. 101 sqq., New York, 1908. A transl. of a pie is given in <I>The Roman Breviary</I>, transl. by John, Marquess of Bute, i. pp. xi. -l., Edinburgh, 1879.</small></P>

<br>
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Pieper, Anton" id="pieper_anton">
<P>
<b>PIEPER</b>, p&#238;&#39;per, <b>ANTON:</b> German Roman Catholic; b.- at L&#252;dinghausen (16 m. S.W. of M&#252;nster), 
Westphalia, Mar. 20, 1854. He was educated at the universities of M&#252;nster, Innsbruck; and Rome from 1874 to 1883 (D.D., Freiburg, 1883), and in 1890 became privet-docent for church history and Christian archeology at the University of M&#252;nster, associate professor of church history in 1896, and full professor of church history and Christian archeology in 1899. He has written <I>Papst Urban VIII. und die Mantuaner Erbfolgefrage</I> (Freiburg, 1883); <I>Die Propaganda-Congregation und die nordlichen Missionen in siebzehnten Jahrhundert</I> (Cologne, 1886); <I>Zur Entstehungsgeschichte der st&#228;ndigen Nuntiaturen</I> (Freiburg, 1894); <I>Die p&#228;pslichen Legaten und Nuntien in Deutschland, Frankreich und Spanien seit der Mitte des sechzehnten Jahrhunderts</I> (M&#252;nster, 1897); <I>Die alte Universitat M&#252;nster 1778-1818</I> (1902); and <I>Christentum, r&#246;misches Kaisertum, and heidnischer Staat</I> (1907).</small></p>

<br>
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Pieper, Franz August Otto" id="pieper_franz_august_otto">
<P>
<b>PIEPER, FRANZ AUGUST OTTO:</b> Lutheran; b. at Carwita (85 m. w. of Danzig), Pomerania, June 27, 1852. After studying at the gymnasium of Colberg, Pomerania, he graduated in 1872 at Northwestern University, Watertown, Wis., and in 1875 from Concordia Theological Seminary, St. Louis, Mo. He was Lutheran pastor at Manitowoc, Wis. (1875-78), professor of theology in Concordia Seminary (1878 to 1887), since president of the same institution, and also president of the Lutheran Synod of Missouri, Ohio, and other states since 1899. In addition to his work as editor of <I>Lehre and Wehre</I>, he has written <I>Das Grundbekenntnis der evangelischlutherischen Kirche</I> (St. Louis, Mo., 1880); <I>Lehre
von der Rechtfertigung</I> (1889); <I>Gesetz und evangelium</i> (1892); <I>Distinctive Doctrines of the Lutheran Church </I> (Philadelphia, 1892); <I>Unsere Stellung in Lehre and Praxis</I> (St. Louis, 1896); <I>Lehrstellung der Missouri.-Synods</I> (1897); <I>Christ&#39;s Work</I> (1898); and <I>Das Wesen des Christentums</I> (1903).
</P>

<br>
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Pierce, Lovick" id="pierce_lovick">
<P>
<b>PIERCE, LOVICK:</b> Methodist Episcopal South; b. in Halifax County, N. C., Mar. 24, 1785; d. at Sparta, Ga., Nov. 9, 1879. With very limited education, he entered the ministry in South Carolina in 1804, and served as chaplain in the war of 1812, after which he studied medicine and practised at Greensborough, Ga., until about 1821, when he permanently resumed the ministry. He was abundant in labors; possessed remarkable physical endurance, and was a man of great intellectual force and moral power. He was a strong advocate of the Wesleyan. doctrine of sanctification; and was one of the first to encourage, and did much to advance, the cause of higher education in his church. He was a member of the first delegated general conference of Methodism in 1812; and remained one of its chief representatives in its conferences as well as before the country until his death.</P>
<P class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY:</small> 
J. M. Buckley, in <i>American Church History Series</i>, vol. v. passim, New York 1895; and the other works cited under 
M<small>ETHODISTS</small> which cover his locality and period.</small></P>

<br>
</div3><div3 type="Article title="Pierrius" id="pierrius">
<P>
<b>PIERRIUS</b>, pi-er&#39;i-vs: Presbyter of Alexandria. According to an excerpt from the "Christian History" of Philippus Sidetes by H. Dodwell, <I>Dissertatio in Irenarum</I> (Oxford, 1689), it appears that Pierius was the head of the catechetical school at Alexandria, the successor of Dionysius, and predecessor of Theognostus [c. 265 <small>A.D.</small>]. Photius also names Pierius as master of the school and teacher of Pamphilus. Eusebius 
<I>(Hist. eccl.</i>, VII., xxxii. 26, 27, 30, Eng. transl. in <I>NPNF</i>, 1 ser., i. 321-322,<pb n="53"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
cf. note 42) names Achillas, later bishop, as conductor of the school at that time, and if this is correct, the two might have been jointly at the head. At any rate his character, according to Eusebius, of ascetic, philosopher, exegete, and preacher, would present him as amply qualified. Sidetes also states, on the authority of a lawyer, Theodore, that Pierius and his brother Isidore were martyrs and had a very large church at Alexandria, which is also reported by Photius. Jerome (<I>De vir. ill.</i>, lxxvi.; also his second <I>Epist. ad Pammachium</I>, Eng. transl. in <I>ANF</I>, vi. 157) states that, after the persecution of Decius, Pierius lived at Rome. The work (<I>Biblion</I>) of Pierius to which Photius refers (Codex cxix.) consisted of twelve treatises or addresses, of which also Sidetes makes mention. One of these was an extemporaneous first Easter sermon, mentioned by Photius. The address upon the martyrdom of his pupil Pamphilus which contains exegetical elements is to be distinguished from the <I>Biblion</I>, and the representation of Jerome that he was the author of a commentary on I Corinthians is not substantiated. Pierius was a follower of Origen, was indeed called "the younger Origen,"and his writings were studied with those of Origen.</P>
<p class="author">(N. B<small>ONWETSCH</small>.)</p>
<P class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY:</small> 
For Philippus Sidetes consult C. de Boor, in <i>TU</i>, v. 2 (1889), 169 sqq.; 
for Photius use M. J. Routh, <I>Reliquies sacr&#230;</i>, iii. 423 sqq., 5 vols., Oxford, 1846-48, <I>MPG, </I> x. 241 sqq., and the Eng. transl. in <I>ANF</i>, v. 157.
Consult further: 
<I>ANF</I>, Bibliography, pp. 70-71 (contains detailed list of notices); Palladius, <I>Hist. Lausiaca</I>, chaps. xii., cxliii., in <I>MPG</i>, xxxiv.; 
Harnack, <I>Litteratur</i>, i. 439-441 (collects the passages), ii. 2, pp. 66-69, 71, 105, 123; idem, 
<I>Dogma</i>, ii. 95-96, 116, iv. 41; 
Bardenhewer, <i>Geschichte</i>, ii. 168 sqq.; 
Kr&#252;ger, <I>History</i>, pp. 217-218; 
L. B. Radford, <I>Three Teachers of Alexandria</I>, Cambridge and New York, 1908.</small></p>

<br />
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Pierson, Arthur Tappan" id="pierson_arthur_tappan">
<P>
<b>PIERSON, ARTHUR TAPPAN:</b> Presbyterian; b. at New York City Mar. 6, 1837. He was graduated at Hamilton College, Clinton, N. Y. (A.B.,1857), and Union Theological Seminary (1869), being minister of the Congregational Church at Winsted, Conn., in the summers of 1859 and 1869. He was then pastor at Binghampton, N. Y. (1860-1863), Waterford, N. Y. (1863-69), Detroit, Mich. (1869-82), Indianapolis, Ind. (1882-83), Bethany Church, Philadelphia (1883,89), Metropolitan Tabernacle, London (1891-93), and Christ Church, London (1902--03). In 1889-90 he made a missionary tour of the British Isles. Since 1888 he has been editor of the <I>Missionary Review of the World</I>, and was lecturer on missions in Rutgers College in 1891 and Duff lecturer in Scotland in 1892. He has written <I>The Crisis of Missions</I> (New York, 1886); <I>Many Infallible Proofs: Chapters on the Evidences of Christianity</I> (1886); <I>Evangelistic Work in Principle and Practise</I> (1887); <I>Keys to the Word: or, Helps to Bible Study</I> (1887); <I>The Divine Enterprise of Missions</I> (1891); <I>Miracles of Missions</I> (4 vols., 1891-1901); <I>The Divine Art of Preaching</I> (1892); <I>From the Pulpit to the Palm-Branch: Memorial of Charles H. Spurgeon</I> (1892); <I>The Heart of the Gospel</I> (sermons; 1892); 
<I>New Acts of the Apostles</I> (1894); <I>LifePower: or, Character Culture, and Conduct</I> (1895); <I>Lessons in the School of Prayer</I> (1895); <I>Acts of  the Holy Spirit</I> (1895); <I>The Coming of the Lord</I> (1896); <I>Shall we continue in Sin?</I> (1897); <I>In Christ Jesus: or, The Sphere of the Believer&#39;s Life</I> (1898); Catharine of Siena, an ancient Lay Preacher</I> (1898); <I>George Muller of Bristol and his Witness to a Prayer-Hearing God</I> (1899); <I>Forward Movements of the last half Century</I> (1900); <I>Seed Thoughts for Public Speakers</I> (1900); <I>The Modern Mission Century viewed as a Cycle of Divine Working</I> (1901); <I>The Gordian Knot: or, The Problem which baffles Infidelity</I>(1902); <I>The Keswick Movement in Precept and Practice</I>(1903); <I>God&#39;s Living Oracles</I> (1904); <I>The Bible and Spiritual Criticism</I> (1906); <I>The Bible and Spiritual Life</I> (1908); and <I>Godly Self-control</I> (1909).</P>

<br />
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Pietism" id="pietism">
<p>
<h2>PIETISM.</h2>
<table>
<tr><td>I. Philipp Jakob Spener.</td><td>Unsuccessful War on Pietism (&#167; 2).</td><td>Effect on Theology and Union (&#167; 6).</td></tr>
<tr><td>Early Life and Education (&#167; 1).</td><td>One-sided Nature of the Movement (&#167; 3).</td><td>Forerunner of Religious Freedom (&#167; 7).</td></tr>
<tr><td>Frankfort and the Collegia Pietatis (&#167; 2).</td><td>Effect on Theological Study (&#167; 4).</td><td>Conventicles and Lay Cooperation (&#167; 8).</td></tr>
<tr><td>The <i>Pia Desideria</i> (&#167; 3).</td><td>III. Pietism in W&#252;rttemberg.</td><td>Separatistic Tendencies (&#167; 9).</td></tr>
<tr><td>Attacks on Teachings and Collegis (&#167; 4).</td><td>Pietism Cordially Welcomed (&#167; 1).</td><td>Rigid Austerity (&#167; 10).</td></tr>
<tr><td>Stormy Career at Dresden (&#167; 5).</td><td>Separatism and T&#252;bingen Influence (&#167; 2).</td><td>Philanthropic and Missionary Activity (&#167; 11).</td></tr>
<tr><td>Call to Berlin; Real Rise of Pietism (&#167; 6).</td><td>Attitude toward Moravians (&#167; 3).</td><td>Pietism and the Enlightenment (&#167; 12).</td></tr>
<tr><td>Speners Closing Years (&#167; 7).</td><td>IV. The Spread of Pietism.</td><td>Development and Origin (&#167; 13).</td></tr>
<tr><td>Personality and Theology (&#167; 8).</td><td>V. The Nature and Influence of Pietism.</td><td>VI. Later Development.</td></tr>
<tr><td>Part in Pastoral Reform (&#167; 9).</td><td>Complexity of Pietism (&#167; 1).</td><td>Factors and Growth (&#167; 1).</td></tr>
<tr><td>Promotion of Lay Religion (&#167; 10).</td><td>Lutheran Orthodoxy and Pietism (&#167; 2).</td><td>Character of Modern Pietism (&#167; 2).</td></tr>
<tr><td>Cooperating Forces (&#167; 11).</td><td>Disadvantages of Pietism (&#167; 3).</td><td>Estimate of the Movement (&#167; 3).</td></tr>
<tr><td>II. Pietism at Halle.</td><td>Influence on the Church (&#167; 4).</td><td></td></tr>
<tr><td>Prestige of Francke and his Institutions (&#167; 1).</td><td>Religious Training and the Bible (&#167; 5).</td><td></td></tr>
</table>
</p>
<p>
The term Pietism connotes a movement in behalf of practical religion within the Lutheran Church of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Established at Halle by Philipp Jakob Spener, and following distinct and individual courses of development in Halle, W&#252;rttemberg, and Herrnhut, it received a bond of union in its conviction that the type of Christianity then prevailing in Lutheranism stood in urgent need of reform, and that this could be brought about by "piety," or living faith made active and manifest in upright conduct.</p>
<p>
<h3>I. Philipp Jakob Spener.</h3>
<p>
Philipp Jakob Spener, the founder of Pietism, was born at Rappoltsweiler (33 m. sm. of Strasburg), Upper Alsace, Jan. 23, 1635; d. at Berlin Feb. 5, 1705. His parents gave him a devout education, and he received still more lasting religious impressions from his godmother, the widowed Agatha von Rappoltstein (d. 1648)<pb n="54"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
and her chaplain, Joachim Stoll (1615-78), finding additional spiritual nourishment in such works as the <I>Vom wahren Christentum</I> of Johann Arndt (q.v.) and German translations of the English devotional writers Emanuel Sonthomb (Emanuel Thompson?), Lewis Bayly, Daniel Dyke, and Richard Baxter.
</P>
<h4>1. Life and Early Education.</h4>
<P>
Spener began his university studies at Strasburg in May, 1651, devoting himself primarily to history, philosophy, and philology, and receiving his master&#39;s degree in 1653. He later gained a reputation as a student of genealogy and heraldry, particularly through his voluminous <i>Opus heraldicum</i> (2 vols., Frankfort, 1690). His theological teachers were Johann Schmidt (1594-1658), Sebastian Schmidt (1617-96), and especially Johann Konrad Dannhauer (q.v.). It was to the latter scholar that Spener was chiefly indebted for his living interest in the writings of Luther and the assertion of the religious rights of the laity, as well as for his subsequent avoidance of separatistic tendencies. As a student he lived a quiet, reserved
life; his acquaintance confined itself to a few sympathetic. friends; and his Sundays were devoted to serious reading and singing hymns with these friends, as well as to the composition of his <I>Soliloquia et meditationes sacr&#230;</I>. 
He terminated his formal studies in 1659, and spent the next three years at Basel, Geneva, and T&#252;bingen. Here his
chief object was further knowledge of languages, literature, and history, but at the same time his religious development was profoundly influenced, notably by his acquaintance with Jean de Labadie (see L<small>A</small>B<small>ADIE</small>, J<small>EAN DE</small>, L<small>ABADISTS</small>), whom he met in Geneva. Though many desired Spener
to remain in W&#252;rttemberg, he accepted, in Mar., 1663, the position of assistant preacher at the cathedral in Strasburg, an appointment which was particularly attractive to him, since it allowed him time to pursue his studies and to attend
lectures; and in the following year he received his theological doctorate.
</P>
<h4>2 Frankfort and the Colegia Pietatis.</h4>
<P>
Spener now planned to live a quiet scholar&#39;s life, and eventually to become a professor of theology. In 1666, however, he was called as senior to Frankfort, where he not only found that his new office restricted his customary and congenial scholastic leisure, but also that his Lutheran orthodoxy was doubted, and that he was accused of Calvinistic tendencies. Accordingly,
on the eighth Sunday after Trinity, 1667, he delivered a sermon on "necessary caution against false prophets," among whom he classed the Reformed, who had a small congregation at Frankfort. Spener afterward regretted the attitude here
taken against the Reformed, however, and sought as far as possible to prevent the circulation of his sermon. Very different, and far happier, were the results of his sermon on July 18, 1669, on the "vain righteousness of the Pharisees." Here he described this ineffectual righteousness of the Pharisees as that superficial security which is content with an external subscription to the orthodox Lutheran Church, and which is satisfied with, merely intellectual attachment to pure doctrine, outward participation in divine service and the sacraments, and abstinence from gross sins and vices. Most of his hearers were disposed to feel that Spener demanded too much from frail men, but others were startled into a salutary dread and were aroused to serious. repentance.
</P>
<P>
It was those thus affected who, a year later (1670), participated in the <I>Collegia Pietatis</I>, or private devotional gatherings, which Spener assembled twice a week in his house, this course being a decided innovation, though at first the meetings escaped attack. At the same time, Spener by no means restricted himself to the care of his little band of conventicle people, but strove to arouse and maintain personal and vital Christianity by preaching, by ecclesiastical discipline, and, most of all, by improving and animating the catechizings held each Sunday. His catechetical sermons and his catechism itself, the <I>Erkll&#228;rung der cltristlichen Lehre reach der Ordnung des kleinen Katechismus Luthers</I> (Frankfort, 1677), were a fruit of these endeavors, as well as several annual series of sermons.
</P>
<h4>3. The Pia Desideria</h4>
<P>
The event that formed an epoch in Spener&#39;s life and attracted wide attention was the publication of his little <I>Pia desideria </I> (Frankfort, 1675). In this work Spener first depicted the Christianity of his period, which left much to be desired in every rank and station. Nevertheless, God had promised better times for the Church militant, which were to begin when Israel should have become converted and papal Rome should have fallen. Meanwhile he proposed the following helpful measures: the word of God must be more widely diffused among the people, this end being furthered by discussions on the Bible under the pastor&#39;s guidance; the establishment and maintenance of the spiritual priesthood, which is not possessed by the clergy alone, but is rather constituted by the right and duty of all Christians to instruct others, to punish, to exhort, to edify, and to care for their salvation; the fact must be emphasized that mere knowledge is in sufficient in Christianity, which is expressed rather in action; more gentleness and love between denominations are needed in polemics; the university training of the clergy must be changed so as to include personal piety and the reading of books of edification, as well as intellectual knowledge and dogmatic controversies; and, finally, sermons should be prepared on a more edifying plan, with less emphasis on rhetorical art and homiletic erudition.</p>
<h4>4. Attacks on Teachings and Collegia</h4>
<P>
Concretely regarded, these fundamental ideas of the Pia desideria were not new, but the very fact that Spener&#39;s treatise made so great a stir, and within a few years evoked a complete literature of its own, shows how imperative it was to emphasize such principles afresh. But amid much approval, there was, from the very first, no lack of opposition. This turned especially on the reiterated recommendation of private devotional gatherings in the <i>Pia desideria</I>. It was only now that the Frankfort conventicles became a center of general observation, visited by many, <pb n="55"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
copied by many, and also distrusted by many. [But while Spener hoped that the small bands of earnest Christians thus formed within the general congregation would serve as a spiritual leaven for the larger body, they possessed from the start the two inherent dangers of separatistic tendencies and, as being composed preponderatingly of laymen associated on the theory of the universal priesthood of all believers, of opposition to the clergy proper. Both these dangers proved real perils; and as early as 1677 complaints were lodged against the <I>collegia pietatis</I> by the police of Frankfort, while on Jan.
26, 1678, the Darmstadt consistory warned all pastors under its jurisdiction against them.] Spener defended his innovations, however, in his <I>Das geistliche Priestertum</I> (Frankfort, 1677), and finally transferred the meetings from his house to the
church, only to be confronted with fresh difficulties. His assertion that conversion and regeneration were indispensable for the right study of theology was contested by Georg Konrad Dilfeld in his <I>Theologia Horbio-Speneriana</I> in 1679, only to be easily refuted by Spener in his <I>Allgemeine Gottesgelehrtheit aller gl&#228;bigen Christen and rechtschaffenen
Theologen</I> (Frankfort, 1680).
</P>
<P>
Spener now hoped to proceed unmolested in his work, but his plans were abruptly frustrated in 1682 by the secession of a number of his most zealous friends and adherents from all connection with the Church. With the utmost reluctance Spener broke with the separatists for love of his church and his pastoral office, and even opposed them openly in his <I>Der Klagen &#252;ber das vevrdorbene Christentum Missbrauch und rechter Gebrauch</I> (Frankfort, 1685). A portion of these Frankfort separatists emigrated to Pennsylvania in 1683; and Spener&#39;s position was still further complicated by misunderstandings with the municipal council, which proved little disposed to comply with his wishes in combating public offenses, regularly inspecting catechetical examinations, and effecting a better organization of the parishes and of the practise of confession.
</P>
<h4>5. Stormy Career at Dresden.</h4>
<P>
Under these circumstances Spener decided, in the summer of 1686, to accept a call to Dresden as first chaplain to Elector John George III. of Saxony. Still greater conflicts awaited him here. The morals at the Saxon Court were crude and licentious, and Spener fell into disfavor with the elector by reproaching him, as his confessor on a fast-day, for his intemperance. The Saxon clergy, moreover, received Spener with distrust as a stranger, and his Dresden colleagues were offended when he began catechetical exercises in his house, deeming such a course beneath the dignity of a first court chaplain. In addition to all this, Spener alienated the Saxon universities of Leipsic and Wittenberg by his criticism of university conditions and the defective training of theological students in his <I>De impedimentis studii theologici</I> (1690). The conflict between the old orthodoxy and the new spirit represented by Spener became acute at Leipsic in 1689, when Spener&#39;s friends and pupils, who in cluded August Hermann Francke and Paul Anton (qq.v.), organized, for purposes of edification, the so-called <I>collegia biblica</I>. [Three years previous, on July 18, 1686, at the instance of Johann Benedikt
Carpzov (q.v.), their subsequent opponent, Francke and Anton had established a similar institution, the <I>collegium philobiblicum</I>, an association of eight masters who met at the house of Valentin Alberti (q.v.) for the study of the Bible. Gradually, under the influence of Spener, the devotional element gained ascendency over the technical theology that had been the purpose of the original society; but no open disturbance was created until Francke started the <I>collegia biblica</i>. His pietistic lectures now caused such a sensation among the students, however, as well as among the townsmen of Leipsic, that "doubtful conventicles and private assemblies" were forbidden by an electoral edict on Mar. 10, 1690, and Francke was eventually obliged to leave the university.]
</P>
<h4>6. Call to Berlin; Real Rise of Pietism.</h4>
<P>
A lively literary controversy now began concerning the merits of Pietism, but in 1691 Spener, who was deemed the spiritual leader of the Pietists, who were themselves opposed as sectaries, accepted a call to Berlin as provost of the Nikolaikirche. At Berlin, unlike Saxony, Spener and Pietism were to a certain extent protected by Elector Frederick III. (King Frederick I. of Prussia after 1701); for the Reformed elector, desiring to establish peace in his land between Lutherans and Reformed was opposed to strict Lutheranism, and perceived in the practical and unionistic trend of Pietism an ally to his plans. In Brandenburg, accordingly, Spener exercised a profound influence over ecclesiastical conditions through his powerful patrons. He utilized this influence, after 1692, primarily to further the creation of a theological school after his own liking at the new University of Halle, its first significant exponent being A. H. Francke (q.v.).</p>
<P>
Meanwhile the Pietistic movement had attracted wide circles and divided Lutheran Germany into two camps, organizing itself into a kind of party which, though claiming to be entirely orthodox and repudiating all attributes of heresy or sectarianism, was forced to struggle for existence against orthodoxy. The situation was still further complicated by the incorporation, after 1691-92, of certain chiliastic, enthusiastic, and ecstatic phenomena with the Pietistic movement. [As early as 1691 an unnamed opponent of Spener (probably C. A. Roth of Halle), in his <i>Imago Pietismi, </I>brought essentially the same charges against Pietism which were afterward constantly repeated in polemics against it.] Between 1691 and 1698 Spener alone exchanged some fifty controversial treatises with his antagonists. His chief opponents were Carpzov and Alberti in Leipsic, and such Wittenberg theologians as Johann Deitschmann (q.v.) and Johann Georg Neumann, the former of whom, in his <I>Christlutherische Vorstellung</I> (1695), written in behalf of the Wittenberg theological faculty, charged Spener with 283 erroneous teachings. Besides these opponents, there were Johann Friedrich Mayer (q.v.) in Hamburg, Samuel Schelwig (q.v.) in Danzig, and August Pfeiffer in L&#252;beck, the latter especially charging Spener with heterodox chiliastic views because of the <I>Behauptung der Hoffnung k&#252;nftiger besserer<pb n="56"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
Zeiten</I>, which he had published in 1692. The controversy was the more bitter since Spener&#39;s opponents feared, not without reason, that Pietism represented a new religious tendency, though they were unable to grasp its true nature, much less to understand its relative justification.
</P>
<h4>7. Spener&#39;s Closing Years.</h4>
<P>
After 1698 Spener withdrew both from controversial writing and from public advocacy of Pietism, deeming further debate useless and his opponents as altogether incapable of amendment. In 1700-02, under the title <I>Theologische Bedenken</I>, he published at Halle four volumes of selections from his correspondence with both men and women, princes and statesmen, theologians and scholars, nobles and commoners, through which he had for decades exercised a profound influence on Germany. During his closing years his mood fluctuated between hopes for his cause and a dejection which was increased by many extravagances of his friends and followers. Nevertheless, from first to last he conscientiously fulfilled his duties as preacher and catechizer. His last literary labor was his anti-Socinian <I>Verteidigung des Zeugnisses von der ewigen Gottheit Christi</I> (Frankfort, 1706). He spent May, 1704, at Grosshennersdorf in Saxony, where he dedicated his godson, Zinzendorf, then four years old, to the advancement of the kingdom of God. After a severe attack of illness, Spener passed his seven last months tranquilly and with patience, though growing more and more feeble until his death, Feb. 5, 1705.
</P>
<h4>8. Personality and Theology</h4>
<P>
Spener&#39;s was no heroic nature. He lacked bold initiative, as he himself knew; timidity and hesitation were inborn in him; and he was drawn into active life only by his living devotion, his moral earnestness, his strong faith-born sense of duty and responsibility. Nevertheless, his Christianity was somewhat one-sided, restricted, and narrow; and, like his style, he was dry, prosy, and heavy. But notwithstanding this, his personality made a profound impression on many because of his unswerving earnestness, his conscientiousness and fidelity to duty, his ingenuous modesty, and his irenic temper.
</P>
<P>
Neither was Spener&#39;s importance inherent in his theology. He meant to be simply an orthodox Lutheran, and persistently dwelt on his harmony with the doctrinal standards of the Lutheran Church. At the same time, he shifted the center of interest from the maintenance of orthodox doctrine to conduct and practical piety, and from the objective validity of the verities of salvation and means of grace to the subjective conditions connected with them, their subjective ethical accountability then following as a necessary corollary. Spener was concerned, above all, with the true personal faith of the heart, which, he maintained, might coexist with serious doctrinal errors. At bottom, however, this meant a far graver revolution in existing dogmatic and theological tenets than Spener himself had surmised, and led, in practise, to connivance at all sorts of erroneous teachers, sectarians, and fanatics. This laxity afforded Spener&#39;s opponents a ground of attack, but. their unskilful, superficial, and impassioned onslaughts not only lightened Spener&#39;s task of defense and substantiation, but also, unfortunately, helped to obscure his perception of the real consequences of his position. Spener&#39;s activity as a practical theologian and reformer may be summarized as efforts, on the one hand, to reform the clergy and their official ministration; and, on the other hand, to regenerate the ecclesiastical, religious, and moral life of the congregations and their members.
</P>
<h4>9. Part in Pastoral Reform.</h4>
<P>
In his attempted reform of the clergy, Spener justly discerned and combated the great defects in the theological studies of his time, especially the neglect of Biblical exegesis, undue in stress on formal rhetoric and polemics, and, most of all, the worldly life of those busied with theology. He maintained that it was neither sufficient nor even the chief essential for a pastor simply to hold pure doctrine, stressing instead the importance of Christian character in the pastor with relation to his office and his official activity. He set forth the principle that the first and foremost object of preaching is to edify, to induct the hearers into the word of God, and to awaken and foster personal piety and Christian living, all erudition and fine rhetoric, unless they subserve that end, being from the realm of evil. The rise of Spener, therefore, betokened an advance in the cause of preaching and homiletics, even though he himself fell far short of realizing the ideal of a plain, Scriptural, and edifying style of preaching. He was an important factor in securing recognition of the great importance of the religious instruction of the young; and by his direct example he revived the languishing condition of catechetical training, combated the mechanical system of memorizing, emphasized the serious duty of religious tuition, strove to secure a practical method of catechetical instruction, introduced the Bible as a school text-book, and contributed largely toward the spread of confirmation in the Lutheran Church of Germany. The improprieties and misuses connected with private confession at the time of Spener were felt by him to be a heavy pastoral burden and responsibility, especially as he had little sympathy with the custom. He had, therefore, no direct personal interest in its retention or improvement. Any reform of it seemed to him possible and desirable only in connection with the formation of boards of elders who should share the responsibility of church discipline. Since, however, such an institution appeared impracticable at the time, Spener&#39;s influence on confession and ecclesiastical discipline was little more than negative. The importance of detailed pastoral care was taught by Spener more by precept than by example, though in private life, especially in association with the clergy, candidates, and students, he exerted a profound and pervasive influence in this direction, while his extensive correspondence made him known as the " father confessor of all Germany."
</P>
<h4>10. Promotion of Lay Religion</h4>
<P>
In his endeavor to reform the ecclesiastical, religious, and moral life of Germany Spener combated, among both clergy and laity, inert, conventional Christianity and reliance on mere external orthodoxy, unceasingly preaching the necessity of conscious, personal, vital, active, and practical Chris-<pb n="57"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
tian life. For the furtherance of this type of Christianity he recommended household devotions, extempore prayer, and Bible readings, as well as a stricter observance of Sunday. He labored earnestly in behalf of Christian discipline and morals, not only assailing current offenses in public and private life, but also raising the standard of conscience and refining the moral sense. In his reaction against the prevailing laxity and licentiousness which the Lutheran clergy judged too leniently as things indifferent, Spener&#39;s stress on Christian and moral earnestness was no less wholesome than justifiable. He also emphasized the rights, and still more the obligations, of the laity in the Church; opposed the monopoly of the clergy; energetically revived the theory of the common spiritual priesthood of all believers; promoted the cooperation of the laity in ecclesiastical administration; and procured both recognition and free scope for the spontaneous activity of laymen in the life of the Church, even though in the latter direction he merely gave expression to general ideas and wishes. He created no actual organizations, for neither was he the man, nor was the time yet ripe. Nevertheless, in an age of sharp denominational cleavage, Spener awoke the Protestant sense of fellowship between all cornmunions that rested on the common basis of the
Reformation. He helped pave the way toward friendly relationship between the Lutheran and Reformed Churches in  Germany, both fortifying unionistic sentiment and preparing the means of union though rejecting any artificial and precipitate attempts at union. On the other hand, he was far more firmly convinced than most of the statesmen and clergy of his time that Roman Catholicism had deviated fundamentally from the Gospel of Christ, and that the "Roman peril" was real. He gave repeated expression to the thought of missions among Jews and heathen, and emphasized the missionary duty of Protestant Christianity at a time when the Lutheran Church had almost no conception of any such duty; and it was Spener&#39;s Pietistic friends, pupils, and disciples who went out from Halle in 1705 to the work of the Evangelical mission among the heathen, they being the first in Germany to attempt that field.
</P>
<h4>11. Cooperating Forces.</h4>
<P>
In all these lines, indeed, Spener did not stand entirely alone among his contemporaries. He had his forerunners and colaborers. He was not the "Father of Pietism" in the sense that it emanated exclusively from him. He was met half-way, as it were, by a widely diffused sentiment in the Lutheran Church of Germany, and he was aided in many phases of the situation by the change which took place in the general spirit of the age. There were also cooperative influences proceeding from England, Holland, and Switzerland. For the Lutheran Church of Germany, however, Spener was the acknowledged and honorable protagonist; he was the most eminent advocate and the spiritual center of all those forces which so vigorously sought to reform the Lutheran Church in the last quarter of the seventeenth century. </p>
<p class="author">P<small>AUL</small> G<small>R&#220;NBERG.</small></p>
<h3>II Pietism at Halle:</h3>
<h4>1. Prestige of Franke and his Institutions.</h4>
<p>A new epoch in the development of Pietism was marked when, for a time, the University of Leipsic closed its doors to the
movement, whereupon the theological faculty of the newly founded University of Halle was filled, under Spener&#39;s influence with men of his own type. From the first the dominant spirit was August Hermann Francke (q.v.), who, though professor of Hebrew and Greek in the philosophical faculty until 1698, immediately began to lecture on exegesis. His colleagues were Joachim Justus Breithaupt, Johann Wilhelm Baier, Paul Anton, Johann Heinrich Michaelis, Joachim Lange (qq.v.), and Johann Daniel Hernschmied. The university was also profoundly affected by Francke&#39;s establishment of the famous Halle orphan asylum and affiliated schools and institutions. Many students of theology here received not only support, but preparation for their studies; the publishing house facilitated the literary propagation of Halle&#39;s cause; the collegium orientale afforded opportunity for linguistic training; and in the infirmary attached to the orphan asylum the medical faculty found
compensation for the lack of a university clinic. Since Francke was both the dominant power in the faculty and the director of the orphan asylum, the former organization soon became so closely bound up with the interests and aims of these various in stitutions that the Halle phase of Pietism derived its peculiar nature from this very combination. This state of affairs was undeniably advantageous in many ways to the faculty, which gained prestige from the growing recognition of Francke&#39;s organizations, while the number of theological students at Halls rapidly increased; though, at the same time, these very factors caused a decided lose of independ ence and freedom of action in the faculty.
</p>
<h4>2. Unsuccessful War on Pietism.</h4>
<P>
In its command of an assured position, the Halle school of Pietism quickly assumed the aggressive, and deemed itself called to be the censor of divergent tendencies, views, and modes of life. This attitude rendered it still more difficult for its opponents to recognize its good intent, and contributed much to the degeneration of the controversies into personal animosities to the prejudice of real explanation and mutual understanding. This turn of events was the more unhappy since even without them the mass of conflicting elements would have resulted in open rupture. In 1698 strife broke out between Francke and the clergy of Halle, followed by a series of clashes between the theological faculty and the law professor, Christian Thomasius (q.v.), who had enthusiastically espoused the cause of Francke at Leipsic, all these controversies, however, being eclipsed by the attitude of the theological faculty toward their colleague, the philosopher Christian Wolff, who was deposed from his office by King Frederick William I. (see W<small>OLFF</small>, C<small>HRISTIAN, AND THE</small> W<small>OLFFIAN</small> T<small>HEOLOGY</small>). Of still greater moment were the literary battles be
tween Pietism and its opponents outside of Halle.The most significant of these was the Wittenberg theological professor Valentin Ernst L&#246;scher (q.v.), with his <i>Vollst&#228;ndiger Timotheus Verinus</i> (Witten-<pb n="58"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
berg, 1718). L&#246;scher was no fanatical assailant of Pietism; he recognized some good in the movement, and by a threefold classification of its adherents (the Halle Pietists being reckoned as midway between the radical and conservative wings) he sought to do justice to its several gradations. At the same time, his estimate of conversion, his concept of the pastoral office, and his stress on pure doctrine rested on a theological basis so wholly and fundamentally at variance with that of the Halle school that the harmony which he desired proved impossible, despite long correspondence and a personal interview with Francke and Hernschmied in May, 1719. The orthodox Lutheran attacks on Pietism, however, neither distracted the Pietists from their cause nor checked its wider development. Francke&#39;s educational institutions grew and multiplied; the Canstein Bible Institute was founded (see C<small>ANSTEIN</small>, K<small>ARL</small> H<small>ILDEBRAND</small>, B<small>ARON VON</small>); union was effected with the Danish mission in Tranquebar; and Francke also found time to interest himself in behalf of the captive Swedes in Siberia. His death, in 1727, was a serious loss for his faculty, which soon was greatly changed.
</P>
<P>
Many of the institutions and organizations created by the Pietism of Halle exercised a deep influence on the Lutheran Church in Germany. Even before Francke&#39;s death, however, the movement had reached its zenith; and it had only been his powerful, energetic, and influential personality which had, in many ways, lessened the dangers of one-sidedness and extravagance in Pietism at Halle, and kept its darker side comparatively inconspicuous. At the same time, the flaws in the movement did not originate altogether in the second generation, but were innate in the Halle type of Pietism from the first.
</P>
<h4>3. One Sided Nature of the Movement.</h4>
<P>
One obvious characteristic of the movement at Halle was its lack of appreciation of the diversity and wealth of development in the growth of piety. " Conversion," as Francke experienced it, was not viewed in the light of an individual phenomenon, but as the normal way to salvation, regardless of other experiences taught by the history of the religious life. The question then arose as to the distinguishing marks of real conversion, and whether this must include a conviction of sin and the experience of ictic conversion at a precise moment. The affirmation of these demands also afforded a standard for gaging the Christianity of others; and in applying this the Pietists of Halle were no very lenient judges where they lighted upon the "unconverted." Their one-sided insistence on the religious tone in education was not above criticism, admirable as were the results which it produced, for in some cases it was the cause of spiritual pride, and in others of hypocrisy. Francke, himself, however, in his inculcation of intense Christianity, clearly recognized the claims of practical life. Among the subjects of instruction he included botany, zoology, mineralogy, anatomy, physics, and astronomy, as well as such mechanical crafts as turning and glass-grinding, thus preparing the way for the modern trade schools. But not withstandingall this breadth of judgment, which Francke also evinced in many other directions, he was strangely ignorant of the needs and feelings of the young. The incessant surveillance of the pupils in all of his institutions clogged the development of independence and was an obvious pedagogical error; and the same statement holds true of the restriction of harmless amusements.
</P>
<h4>4. Effect on Theological Study</h4>
<P>
The practical religion taught by the Pietism of Halle exerted a significant influence upon the attitude of the university toward technical theology. Since Francke was convinced that living faith and sincere conversion were indispensable postulates to
a knowledge of God, independent value was denied mere intellect, and the entire curriculum of studies was arranged accordingly. First of all, the development of personal religion was furthered; all academic lectures assumed the character of devotional sessions and revival sermons; every lecture was opened and closed with prayer. In addition to all this, the faculty met twice each week at the dean&#39;s house, where the students had to report on their studies and receive advice. The
study of the Bible in the original was the center of the entire course. The darker side of this concept of theology, however, was shown in the Halle faculty&#39;s unproductiveness in the field of strict scholarship. Francke&#39;s own ability for scientific activity
was undeniable, but he was far too much engrossed by his institutions to have time for research, though he never felt that this curtailed his efficiency as a teacher. There was, however, no perception of the fact that the new foundation of theology upon conversion and the edifying study of Scripture needed to be harmonized with orthodox theology, or that the entire body of systematic theology must be reconstructed, any more than there was recognition of the desirability of reaching a scholarly understanding with extremists in the Pietistic camp itself and with the Wolffian philosophy. Since these problems lay within the scope of the faculty&#39;s duties, the fact that they were ignored was an act of remissness that brought speedy vengeance. The faculty grew torpid and, after the death of Francke, lost its influence over the student body.
</P>
<h3>II Pietism in W&#252;rttemburg:</h3>
<h4>1. Pietism Cordially Welcomed.</h4>
<p>
The entrance of Pietism into W&#252;rttemberg was particularly momentous for the subsequent development of the movement, since it there not only attracted many adherents, but also acquired a distinct character which was both independent of Spener and sharply distinguished from the Halle and Moravian Pietistic types. The movement received its
first incentives in W&#252;rttemberg from Spener himself, who visited Stuttgart in May, 1662, and later spent four months in T&#252;bingen. Not only were the general conditions of religious life in W&#252;rttemberg favorable for the growth of Pietism, but special welcome seems to have been accorded it because of contemporary political burdens, which rendered men more open to the preaching of a gospel of the heart. The movement was also aided by the fact that the princes of the land did not oppose it; while it received direct encouragement from the Church authorities, who had early begun to turn Spener&#39;s views to Practical account in favor of true Chris-<pb n="59"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
tian life. The influence of the Halle Pietist was very evident in the efforts to raise the standard of theological education; and as early as 1694 an edict was issued declaring that even a comprehensive theological training did not lead to a true knowledge of God if the heart clung to the world, and urging professors to educate not only learned, but devout and godly men. At Stuttgart the consistory successfully sought to obviate conflicts with Pietism on W&#252;rttemberg soil; the controversial <I>Considerationum theologicarum decas</I> of the T&#252;bingen professor Michael M&#252;ller was confiscated; and on Feb. 28, 1694, appeared an edict joyfully hailed by Spener for, while assuming the inviolable validity of the symbolical books and the existing agenda, it conceded a whole series of details to Pietism. There was, however, no uniform attitude on the part of the ecclesiastical authorities toward private devotional meetings, which had become popular in W&#252;rttemberg as early as the ninth decade of the seventeenth century. Where these meetings lacked clerical direction, they were at first partly forbidden; and it was only long afterward, in consequence of the organization of <I>coliegia pietatis</I> by some lecturers at T&#252;bingen in 1703, that the conventicles were regularly sanctioned, though even then it was desired that they be held in the churches. Moreover, this favorable disposition of the consistory had reference only to that section of Pietism which continued strictly within the bounds of the Church and did not favor the separatistic tendencies to which W&#252;rttemberg was peculiarly predisposed.
</P>
<h4>2. Separatism and T&#252;bingen Influence.</h4>
<P>
The early stages of Pietistic separatism may be traced back to the initial stages of the movement itself. It found particular support among clergymen of marked devoutness and gravity, and firmly ensconced itself in various places, including the
country districts. The conflict with this growing separatism was opened by the Edict of 1703; a second edict, forbidding all conventicles held by sectaries, followed in 1706; and the third, or general, rescript of Mar. 2, 1707, added certain drastic measures, threatening to banish those separatists who should refuse to attend Church and communion within three months. This course was abandoned, however, in a few years, so that the decree of Jan. 14, 1711, showed a milder attitude toward the separatistic Pietists. It came to be more and more the practise to. abandon all forcible measures in the case of such separatists as behaved themselves quietly, until finally the general rescript of Oct. 10, 1743, permitted all private devotional meetings that did not involve breach of the peace. This leniency toward the separatists, which was in sharp contrast to North German practise of the period, became possible since it involved no danger to the Church, and since there was no contentious orthodoxy to misconstrue its spirit. At the same time, this policy prevented the Church from putting down separatism, which persisted throughout the eighteenth century and broke out afresh at its close.
</p>
<P>
Lastly, the attitude of the University of T&#252;bingen was important for implanting Pietism in Wtirttemberg. While the influence of T&#252;bingen&#39;s theological faculty upon this development was far from equal to that of Halle, nevertheless, the plan of filling professorships with men who took their inspiration from Spener showed its practical effects in more ways than mere modification of the aims and methods of instruction. Besides Johann Wolfgang J&#228;ager, who imparted a new spirit to the faculty, the teaching force included Johann Christian Pfaff, Andreas Adam Hochstetter, Christoph Reuchlin, and Christoph Eberhard Weismann. The Pietism evolved under these conditions showed certain distinctive features. Its adherents were predominantly among the clergy, among the middle classes in the towns, and in the rural districts; not, as with Pietism in North Germany, among the nobility. This insured a far more popular character for the movement, so that Pietistic <I>Stunden</I>, or prayer-meetings, have survived to the present time. On the other hand, the W&#252;rttemberg phase of Pietism preserved the church ideal more largely than was the case at Halle, this attitude doubtless being strengthened by the moderate and reasonable course adopted by the ecclesiastical authorities, as well as by the absence of a contentious type of orthodoxy. In W&#252;rttemberg, moreover, Pietism enjoyed a distinct advantage through its intimate sympathy with scientific theology, the resultant combination being shown, for example, by the New-Testament critic and exegete Johann Albrecht Bengel (q.v.), who constantly sought to unite the two. In view of the influence exercised by Pietism on the life of the Church in W&#252;rttemberg this attitude toward scientific method was not without moment for theology; and its influence on Pietism itself was still more profound, since it served to maintain its intellectual mobility, and fostered that spirit of independence and selfrestraint which preserved it from the decline which overtook the movement at Halle. Finally, Wiirttemberg Pietism was characterized by a range, and scope of religious life far wider and more diverse than the stereotyped form of the movement which prevailed at Halle; and while it is not always easy precisely to define the new elements introduced by Swabian individualism, it is certain that there were many direct points of contact between the Swabian movement and the Pietism of Halle.
</P>
<h4>3. Attitude toward Moravians.</h4>
<P>
Though W&#252;rttemberg never became entirely independent of Halle, a distinct sense of the divergence between the two schools was eventually evolved. This became clear in the position taken by the W&#252;rttemberg Pietists with regard to the
Moravians. Count Nicholas Louis von Zinzendorf (q.v.) exercised a considerable influence from the time of his first visit in 1729, and induced many young theologians to enter the Moravian communion. Nevertheless, he was denied the fruit of great and permanent results, since men like Georg Konrad Rieger, and especially Bengel (qq.v.), who disapproved the formation of independent congregations, Count Zinzendorf&#39;s personality, and many other things, opposed the further inroads of Moravianism. Yet though they thus blocked its advance in W&#252;rttemberg, this rebuff did not entirely break off friendly relations with the Unity of the Brethren, with whom harmony is still preserved, chiefly<pb n="60"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
because of Lutheran appreciation of Moravian missionary activity. The third main division of Pietists was the Unity of the Brethren (q.v.), or Moravians, founded by Zinzendorf.
</P>
<h3>IV. The Spread of Pietism:</h3>
<P>
Statistics of the spread of Pietism can scarcely be given with any approximation to completeness until preliminary
studies, such as have already been begun, shall have been made of the history of the movement in the various localities in which it took root. Such studies, moreover, would doubtless aid in distinguishing the frequently interchanging tendencies
proceeding from Herrnhut and Halle respectively. Spener himself, like Francke, sought to find interests in common with other religious bodies and leaders, while Zinzendorf surpassed them both in this regard. The triumph of Pietism over all obstacles,
and its spread not only throughout Germany, but even into Switzerland, Holland, England, Denmark, and Russia, was partly due to the wide-spread indifference toward dogmatic formulas that had been discredited through theological wrangling, though
it owed its real success to the fact that it was able to offer something not then supplied by the State churches. In addition to preaching, the personal association that was facilitated by the private devotional meetings, and an extensive correspondence
dating from the time of Spener, the spread of Pietism was furthered by the influence exerted in filling pastorates and professorships with men sympathetic with the movement. This was particularly the case at Halle, which had a thousand theological students about 1730, while in 1729 an edict of Frederick William I. required all candidates for the ministry in his dominions to study there for two years. The university, therefore, together with Francke&#39;s institutions in Halle, developed a powerful influence in behalf of Pietism up to the middle of the eighteenth century; and Franeke&#39;s journey to South Germany in 1718 still further promoted the cause.
</P>
<h3>V. The Nature and Signifiance of Pietism.</h3>
<h4>1. Complexity of Pietism</h4>
<P>
The wide diversity of opinion, even at the present time, regarding Pietism is due not only to the fact that the movement, as a peculiar concept of Protestant Christianity, is naturally judged according to the dogmatic position of each individual critic, but also to the very nature of the Pietistic tendency. The mere question of authoritative sources for a determination of the essence of Pietism involves great difficulties, since the movement produced neither official doctrinal writings nor any principles which, when acknowledged everywhere and at all times, should constitute regular affiliation with the Pietist cause. The sole recourse, therefore, is to the private literature of the movement, which is predominantly devotional. It must, however, be used with caution because of its subjective, transient tone, which is shared by its opponents as well; and Purely biographical sources are lamentably scanty. Moreover, Pietism embraced very heterogeneous phenomena, eo that it assumed extremely divergent phases in different individuals living at the same time but in different regions, with different antecedents, and under different conditions. It likewise underwent the most diverse combinations, to say nothing of the variations which distinguished the chief phases of the movement from each other, or of the development which each of these phases worked out independently.
</P>
<h4>2. Lutheran Orthodoxy and Pietism.</h4>
<P>
Claiming possession of pure doctrine, the right administration of the sacraments, and a well-organized establishment as a national Church, Lutheranism had embarked upon a course of development during the seventeenth century in which, though the Bible was recognised as the sole authority and as the first and and highest source of knowledge, its essential content was held to be summarized and contained in definitive dogmas. Where these boons and institutions were unmutilated, the Church professed to supply such a degree of perfection as obviated the necessity of any further development, whether inward or outward. The sole requirements laid upon church-members, accordingly, were recognition of the doctrine of the Church as an authoritative presentation of divine revelation, reception of the proffered Word and sacraments, and obedience to the several ordinances affecting church life. In opposition to this institutional Christianity of the Lutheran Church, which assumed to stand for evangelical Christianity while actually permitting the spiritual life to languish, Pietism emphasized the duty of striving after personal and individual religious independence and collaboration, and declared that religion is something altogether personal, that evangelical Christianity is present only when and in so far as it is manifested in Christian conduct. In the nature of the case, this assertion of the right and of the necessity of personal Christianity implied no attack upon any special doctrines or institutions of the Church, but was rather a protest against Lutheran absolutism. Notwithstanding this, Pietism assumed many phases on the basis of accentuation of personal Christianity. With Spener and Francke, the core of religious life was a firm faith in Providence. The clergy whose training was received at Halle laid the chief stress on conversion. Another principle widely diffused, especially in Moravian circles, was deep love for Jesus, this leading to a revival of the well-known ideals of medieval mysticism. All pietistic trends and types, moreover, found a common bond in their tendency to seek the normal realisation of living piety in a life of intense religious emotion, and to give a permanent place to the keen realisation of individual sinfulness and guilt.
</p>
<h4>3. Disadvantages of Pietism.</h4>
<P>
Pietistic devotion achieved great and successful results, which were well merited in so far as the movement represented a justifiable reaction against an exaggerated ecclesiasticism. On the other hand, it was unconscious of the dangers attending its championship of the rights of individual personalities. In Proportion as the experience of regeneration was exalted, the mops expedient it seemed to produce, or at least to facilitate, this event by systematic courses o f action. But the as sumption that religious development was essentially fulfilled in the sphere of religious emotion prepared<pb n="61"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
the way for an artificial excitation of this feeling, thus involving the danger of insincerity, self-deception, and sentimentalism, which, in the absence of self-discipline and sobriety, formed an easy transition to still worse aberrations. The extreme importance attached to individual experiences and to spontaneous prayer led to a communicativeness often hard to distinguish from loquacity. Moreover, those who underwent no such experiences came to be regarded with disdain by others. It is significant that Alberti, at Leipsic, early reproached the Pietists with self-complacency; and the thought of standing in a peculiarly intimate relationship to God was by no means unusual in Pietism at Halle. These principles were also adopted and amplified by the Moravians, or Unity of the Brethren. This attitude, which was the chief factor in estranging nonPietistic from Pietistic circles, may seem to contradict the facts that Pietism was characterized by anxiety and depression, that it was cankered with introspection, that it never attained to inward rest, that one " awakened " must ever be awakened anew, and that he sought for indications of the grace which he had received, but enjoyed his prize only occasionally. Yet the contradiction is merely apparent, for the attitude in question was the necessary consequence of the dominating Pietistic consciousness of sin. It was, in other words, the result of an exclusively transcendental concept of the theory of blessedness, which in turn explains why Pietism looked so radically askance upon the world.
</P>
<h4>4. Influence on the Church.</h4>
<P>
By strongly emphasizing personal Christianity in the cultivation and development of pastoral care Pietism supplied abundant and momentous incentives which were heartily welcomed by Lutheran orthodoxy. The desire to unite the clergy more closely, and thus to facilitate an exchange of professional experiences, led Johann Adam Steinmetz, then general superintendent of the archdiocese of Magdeburg, to organize pastoral conferences in 1737; while by the systematic diffusion of devotional treatises he opened new ways for religiously influencing the masses. The fact that Johann Kaspar Schade&#39;s formal protest against the compulsory introduction of private confession was so thoroughly approved by the elector of Brandenburg that he abandoned the usage in 1698 (his example being followed by other State churches) was the result of serious disorders in the practical working of the system, though voluntary private confession still prevailed widely. The victorious advance of Pietism was also bound to affect public worship, which, as part of a State institution, enjoyed such protection in various districts that neglect of it might be punished by fines and other legal means. Not only was the mere existence of private devotional gatherings prejudicial to the position of authority enjoyed by the Church, but she was also obliged to find that the Pietistic emphasis on personal Christianity acted to the detriment of her liturgy. Nevertheless, while Pietism succeeded in making the entire Bible available for homiletic purposes, as contrasted with the compulsory pericopes, the movement failed to produce an epoch in the history of German preaching. It was, on the other hand, conspicuously successful in the sphere of hymnology, for which it was peculiarly qualified because of its cultivation of the emotional side of religion and its tenderness and warmth of religious expression. Though most of the hymns that emanated from Pietistic circles were pitched in too subjective, and even unwholesome and sentimental, a strain to be suitable for congregational use, some of the Pietist composers, such as Johann Jakob Schatz, Johann Anastasius Freylinghausen, Johann Jakob Rambach, Carl Heinrich von Bogatzky, Ernst Gottlieb Woltersdorf, Philipp Friedrich Hiller, and Nicholas Louis von Zinzendorf, have won a secure place in Lutheran hymnals; and not only did the wealth of poetry produced by Pietism exercise a profound influence in the furtherance of its own extension, but it also stimulated religious poetry beyond the circle of its own adherents.
</P>
<h4>5. Religious Training and the Bible.</h4>
<P>
In his high appreciation of religious and moral training for the people through the channel of religious instruction Spener followed the lines laid down by Luther in his catechisms, and especially advanced the task undertaken by Duke Ernest I. of Saxe-Gotha in the middle of the seventeenth century. It was owing to his efforts, indeed, that an electoral ordinance of Feb. 24, 1688, provided for the holding of weekly catechetical examinations for children and adults alike throughout the country; and it is not improbable that Spener was the ultimate inspiration of the Prussian electoral edict of 1692 requiring Sunday catechization in the rural congregations. Spener&#39;s purpose was the inward assimilation of religious truth rather than mere imparting of knowledge; and his efforts to advance practical piety among the masses were intimately associated with his interest in confirmation, which became an integral part of the usage of the Lutheran Church largely through the cooperation of Pietism. Still more eventful than Spener&#39;s energy, however, was the educational activity of Francke.
</p>
<P>
One of the main characteristics of Pietism was the fact that it claimed to be founded exclusively on the Bible. This might seem to be a mere repetition of the assertions of Lutheranism from the very first, but Pietism showed its independence of Lutheran orthodoxy both in its unswerving return to the Bible and in its application of Scriptural truths. The Lutheran Church was bound, as Pietism was not, by the creeds in which it had summarized its understanding of the Bible, and which it regarded as authoritative. The Pietistic reestablishment of the authority of the Bible was, therefore, a direct return to one of the cardinal principles of the German Reformation, and by granting the "awakened" Christian full capacity for independent study of the Bible Pietism restored to laymen the right which they had lost. Accordingly, Francke insisted that even children should read the Bible and made Biblical history a theme of study at school; while for the same reason he sought to gain wide circulation for the Bible, especially through the Canstein Bible Institute at Halle. On the other hand, Pietism impaired the salutary fea-<pb n="62"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
tures of this return to the Bible when it ignored the influence of the facts and conditions of history in its system of exegesis. The result was unbridled subjectivism; the Bible became a magical book from which prognostications and counsels were sought; the gloomy views on the conditions Prevailing in the Church and the world turned men&#39;s thoughts to the future and gave the prophecies and apocalyptic writings a preeminence which fostered only too well the Pietistic tendency toward fanaticism.
</P>
<h4>6. Effect on Theology and Union.</h4>
<P>
While the practical character of Pietism forbids it to be considered a theological movement, it did not preclude points of contact with scientific theology. Unfortunately for both sides, however, these were predominantly antithetic; yet at the same time the development of Pietism had two results which were widely welcomed. In the first place, it became clear that the official Church and theology were not so deeply implanted among the people as had been supposed; and the recognition of this fact involved the task of seeking closer touch with the needs and longings of the time. Furthermore, by unsettling post-Reformation scholasticism and combating excessive appreciation of the creeds, Pietism cleared the way for new theological investigation in which the Bible was made the first field of labor, while the presentation of new points of view supplied corresponding problems for solution. The fact that even these incentives produced no marked change in theology, but served only as a preliminary for its revival in the nineteenth century, was due not only to immobility and want of receptivity on the part of the orthodox theology of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, but also, in great measure, to the Pietistic lack of appreciation of the nature and import of learning, its failure to perceive the concept and task of theology apart from preaching, and its absence of conscious need of exact formulation.
</P>
<P>
When Pietism once came to power, it renounced the claims to freedom which it had once emphasized, and rapidly declined into externalism and torpidity. The movement undoubtedly resulted in a considerable depreciation of dogma and dogmatic documents; for though they were not explicitly assailed, the stress laid by Pietism on Christian life and its use of the Bible deprived dogma of the preeminence which it had formerly enjoyed. The practical effect of this process appeared in a change of view regarding the relation of the Lutheran to the Reformed Church. It was obvious that living, personal Christianity was not confined to the membership of the Lutheran Church; but, this being eon both denominations were fundamentally equal. This disregard of sectarian distinctions was actually realized by Pietism when it was confronted with the task of founding a new church, the Unity of the Brethren. In this case, the first attempt at union was successful; though there is no doubt that other factors besides Pietism entered into the formation of the Moravian communion. It was undeniable, moreover, that the excessive stress of pietism on personal religion might possibly lead to a depreciation of the differences separating Protestantism and Roman Catholicism, a tendency which might have found some support in certain aspects of the Halle system of education, in specific forms of Pietistic mysticism, and in much that is reported of Zinzendorf. Pietism did not, however, yield to this allurement, but adhered to its essentially Protestant character. Spener was an uncompromising foe of the Roman Catholic Church. In 1676 he urged the elector to make no concession to the pope; the revocation of the Edict of Nantes in 1685 called forth his unsparing condemnation; and the attempts of Cristoval Rojas de Spinola (q.v.) to unite Protestants and Roman Catholics received no sympathy from him. In 1694, as the spokesman of the Berlin clergy, he discussed the method of most effectually resisting all overtures of the Roman Catholic Church, and his entire attitude toward the Latin communion was too intensely bitter to permit him to be suspected of any pro-Roman tendency. The example of Spener was followed in general by both the Halle and the W&#252;rttemberg phases of Pietism; and though the age of orthodoxy witnessed many conversions from the Lutheran to the Roman Catholic Church, Pietism was responsible for none of them. It was not until toward the close of the eighteenth and the beginning of the nineteenth ckntury, when the Enlightenment had dulled sectarianism, that Pietists began to fraternize with Roman Catholics of similar tendencies.
</P>
<h4>7. Forerunner of Religious Freedom</h4>
<P>
By weakening the antagonism that had previously existed between the Lutherans and the Reformed, Pietism became the vehicle of an idea which, when realized, produced far-reaching results. While the concept of freedom in faith and conscience did not attain full clearness and expression until the nineteenth century, Pietism was an important factor in this development; and to that movement was mainly due the wide diffusion of the conviction that it had be come necessary to break with the restrictions on religious freedom contained in the treaties of Augsburg and Westphalia. Pietism likewise fought against the external constraint which it encountered from both Church and State because of the establishment, and secured legal sanction for its own organizations; and though this was but an isolated violation of the maxim that the State had the right of forcible intervention in case of deviation from the State Church, this infringement of the principle of territorialism marked a distinct advance toward complete emancipation from the medieval concept of religious compulsion.
</p>
<h4>8. Conventicles and Lay Cooperation</h4>
<P>
Yet another constituent force in Pietism was its union of its adherents into a life of.intimate religious fellowship under Spener, and in W&#252;rttemberg circles they developed into lasting institutions. Wherever Halle&#39;s influence reached, such meetings were organized; and Zinzendorf&#39;s entire activity was subservient to the fellowship ideal, pietism, therefore, fought unceasingly for the privilege of private assembly, and its opponents rightly deemed its con-<pb n="63"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
venticles one of the most important manifestations of its peculiar genius. The diversity in the outward form of these conventicles, however, indicates that the movement sought merely to adapt given conditions to the practical development of active religious intercommunication, with scant regard to external organization as an end in itself. In forming his <i>collegia pietatis</i> Spener took his stand on the doctrine of the universal priesthood, a theory which Luther had opposed to the Roman Catholic distinction between clergy and laity, and which Lutheranism had never renounced. The tenet had, however, received no practical application, for the old twofold classification of Christians had still continued, except that the laity were now subjected to temporal rulers and theologians instead of being guided by bishops and priests. It was, then, only the revival of a fundamental idea of the Reformation when Pietistic conventicles procured for every Christian the right and opportunity of testifying to his experience in free address and free prayer. The enlistment of laymen for cooperation in the active work of the Church, moreover, meant the winning of new forces. This was a momentous advance, for though it was restricted chiefly to the "awakened," it still remained a vital force. The singleness of aim in the highest concerns of life and the mutual interest in common edification produced so close a bond of fellowship among Pietists that class distinctions of civil life either lost their significance or at least were much obscured. On the other hand, this very fact naturally afforded opportunities for base motives, as well as for vanity, greed, and hypocrisy; yet despite such abnormal phases of the movement, the increasing approximation of high and low on the basis of mutual religious edification at a time when such free contact was otherwise impossible exercised a noteworthy influence on social life. Spener clearly saw and boldly faced the evils arising from the fact that the government of the Church was exclusively in the hands of the secular rulers in various governments, and that the laity were excluded from it. He accordingly urged the appointment of lay elders to cooperate with the preachers. The plan of instituting presbyteries gained favor in W&#252;rttemberg and was realized in the Moravian congregations. Nevertheless, Spener was unsuccessful in securing a general participation of the laity in the administration of the Church, for this was impossible unless the above-mentioned secular rulers should voluntarily curtail their prerogatives, a thing inconceivable in the eighteenth century. Furthermore, the formation of separatistic bodies for the realization of his ideals was as opposed to Spener&#39;s ecclesiastical mind as was the act of the Peace of Westphalia in granting toleration in Germany to those churches alone which were explicitly recognized by the treaty in question. But though Pietism found no way wholly to reconstruct the organization of the Church, the movement was not without significance in relation to subsequent efforts in this direction. There was a close affinity between Pietism and the chief exponents of Collegialism (q.v.), apparent, for instance, in the latter system&#39;s leading advocate, Christoph Matthaus Pfaff (q.v.), and also implied in the circumstance that both causes had their headquarters at Halle.
</P>
<h4> 9. Separatistic Tendencies.</h4>
<P>
So far as the orthodox opponents of Pietism understood and recognized the revival of the theory of the universal priesthood, they considered its beneficent results to be far outweighed by accompanying dangers and disadvantages. A far more vulnerable point of attack, however, was the relation of Pietism to separatism. This tendency was entirely unintentional, and the Moravian branch of Pietism was the only one to form a separate communion. Yet even here both the attendant circumstances and the character which the sect assumed show that it was not a product of a separatistic spirit. On the other hand, it must be conceded that Pietism was peculiarly open to the charge of separatism; and the very fact that the adherents of the movement were not conventional in their bearing immediately aroused suspicion. Though the Pietists themselves denied that there was such a thing as " Pietism," the outsider noticed that the friends of the movement kept together and supported each other, that the sense of union with sympathizers in other localities was a living one, that the adherents of the cause evinced unusual energy in pursuit of their aims, and that they exercised a potent influence. In short, Pietism had become a " party " as early as 1691; and during its golden age at Halle it manifested every evil of factionalism: greed for power; one-sided condemnation of opponents; and failure to censure friends. It seemed, therefore, both consciously and distinctly a tendency toward separation from fellow Lutherans in religious and in social life; and the very fact that its measures were designed to further the religious interests of its adherents alone caused it to be suspected of tendencies toward separatism and even secession.
</P>
<P>
Not only did Pietism thus become a faction of Lutheranism, but it was also joined and besieged by many of separatistic tendencies. As an opposition movement it naturally possessed a strong attraction for all those elements which were dissatisfied with existing conditions in the Church. Here they looked for sympathy and shelter, doubtless hoping, at the same time, to make the Pietistic circles instrumental to their own aims. They were cordially welcomed, but Pietism had to atone for excessive leniency toward many an enthusiast and " prophet " of doubtful character or of radical views. This ambiguous attitude of Pietism toward radicalism and separatism naturally increased current mistrust of the movement, and explains why its opponents might honestly assume an actual agreement between the two groups. Pietism itself, moreover, became fruitful soil for separatist movements through its attacks on contemporary Church conditions, its conventicle system, and its predilection for chiliasm and the like. At the same time, a sharp distinction must be drawn between Pietism and separatism. The former sought to achieve its projects of reform inside the Lutheran Church, and took current dogma and recognized organization as its bases; while the latter had lost all hopes of the future of a Church which it assumed to<pb n="64"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
be moribund, and accordingly on principle took up a position outside the existing status of the Church.*
<note>To those who do not regard separatism as an unmixed evil. but as a thing sometimes demanded by way of protest
against intolerable State Church conditions, the above criticism will seem to lack force. If conditions in Germany in the
seventeenth and the eighteenth century had made possible the rise of denominations, as in England, the religious life of
the nation might have attained to and maintained a higher standard. and the triumph of rationalism in the Enlighten
ment (q.v.) might have been averted. 
<p class="author"> </small>A. H. N.</small></p>
</note>
</P>
<h4>10. Rigid Austerity</h4>
<P>
The chief characteristics of Pietism also include intense moral earnestness and the stern austerity that it sought to realize in practical life. The conditions which confronted it demanded a policy of energetic aggression. Morality was low, especially at the courts and among the nobility, and conditions in the middle classes and the peasantry were little better. The effects of the Thirty Years&#39; War, which had shaken German civilization to its very foundations, were visible in immorality, luxury, riotous living, and contempt for the rights of others. How far Pietism effected the moral elevation of the masses must remain a problem until deeper researches shall have been made in the history of eighteenth-century Lutheranism, particularly with regard to the confessional. It is certain, however, that the adultery and drunkenness common among Lutheran pastors before the rise of Pietism were checked by it; and that it distinctly raised the moral tone of the W&#252;rttemberg clergy. Its moral effect upon the nobility is equally demonstrable, even though its darker sides were shown at the court of more than one Pietistic count. The labors of Pietism were, therefore, by no means in vain.
</p>
<p>
Pietism not only combated worldliness, but viewed the world itself as a vast organism of sin which every "awakened" Christian must shun under jeopardy of salvation. This attitude, however, gave rise to controversy because of the demand of Pietism that public morality be transformed to accord with its peculiar tenets, so that the theater, dancing, cards, smoking, and jesting were not to be considered Adiaphora (q.v.), but must be avoided by the Christian as sins and abominations before God. This austerity came to prevail not only among the more humble adherents of the movement, but also among the Pietistic nobility, so that Henry II. of Reuss-Greitz even attempted, though with scant success, to give official recognition to these principles by a decree dated Sept. 17, 1717. Pietism itself, however, was unswerving in its attitude, and all its branches retained the conviction that the converted Christian must exercise renunciation the points at issue. This position was deeply significant in the development of Pietism, for by shunning the world it was led to feel either no interest or an entirely inadequate interest in art, science, and secular culture. This aloofness involved the surrender of all real influence upon intellectual life in general; it forced Pietism into a position of isolation, and was also bound to restrict its religious and moral effects.
</p>
<h4>11. Philanthropic and Missionary Activity.</h4>
<p>
The final conspicuous attribute of Pietism was its practical benevolence, which led the movement in to the midst of active life and made it the vehicle of an evangelical comprehensiveness hitherto unknown in Germany. The impulse to undertake such tasks was inherent in the nature of Pietism. Just as Luther had taught that good works must necessarily proceed from living faith, so the intense religious life of Pietism inspired its followers to share the blessings of their salvation with others, to testify to their faith, and to give proof of it by upright life and brotherly love. In harmony with this attitude they naturally sought out the wretched and the needy as proper objects of beneficence. Attention was given first to their own countrymen and was begun by Spener himself, who took an active part in building a combination of a poorhouse, orphan asylum, and workhouse at Frankfort in 1679. The importance of all this, however, was overshadowed by Francke&#39;s establish ment of the orphan asylum at Halle in 1694. The new element in this event was the fact that one man alone, relying on divine help, should undertake to found such an institution on broad lines, and that it should be maintained by the voluntary contributions of a circle bound by mutual sympathy. Thus Pietism won the distinction of permanently pledging the Lutheran Church to works of active benevolence, so preparing the way for the ultimate establishment of the inner mission (see I<small>NNERE</small> M<smal>ISSION</small>). The orphan asylum at Halls was also the point of departure for foreign missions, the second form of benevolent activity created by Pietism. Spener himself had had appreciation for this cause, though the actual bond between Pietism and missions was Francke. Through him Halle became the psychic center of the Danish mission, he supplied the missionaries that went to India, he founded the first German missionary journal, he raised money for missionary purposes, and he led Protestant Germany to intrude missions in its scope of activity. A distinct step in advance was made shortly afterward when Zinzendorf turned the attention of the Moravians to this field of labor, not only because the Moravians embodied an independent type, and were more adaptable than the Halle Pietists, but also because they struck into new paths, utilized the services of laymen, and as a church sent missionaries with astonishing rapidity to various parts of America and South Africa. Germany was led, therefore, to share in spreading Protestantism among non-Christian nations and peoples through the direct influence of Pietism; and since this movement controlled the mission work until late in the nineteenth century, the details of the system adopted clearly showed the peculiar genius of Pietism. Under Zinzendorf&#39;s direction, the Moravian type of missionary Preaching, unlike that of the Danish and Halle mission, took the noteworthy course of preaching simply the Gospel of Christ, and not Lutheran dogma. It was, moreover, the interest of German Pietism in the diffusion of the Scriptures that led the missions to make the Bible accessible in translation to the Christian congregations among the heathen. The pioneer in this cause was Bartholom&#230;us Ziegenbalg (q.v.) with his Tamil version of <pb n="65"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
the Bible (Tranquebar, 1714-28). In certain respects, however, the adoption of Pietistic views worked unfavorably, as in the attempt to concentrate converts from paganism into small congregations analagous to the Pietistic circles within the Church at home. At the same time, extraordinarily strict rules were laid down regarding the admission of converts to the Church, and baptism was given only when conversion had been proved; while the same antipathy toward amusements and popular customs was manifested by the Pietists in the mission field as was shown by them in Germany. The Pietists were also lacking, to some degree, in proper self-restraint, as in their choice of fields of labor, the practise of drawing lots in connection with weighty decisions, and the sentimentalism characterizing many of their reports. Pietism also inaugurated systematic missions among the Jews. Spener had recognized the need of such missions and had done much to rouse interest in them. The Moravians also took an active part in this work through the aid of Samuel Lieberk&#252;hn, although their extensive foreign missions prevented them from applying their full energy to this difficult branch of Christian activity. On the other hand, an important center for these efforts was created by Pietism at Halle, where Johann Heinrich Callenberg (q.v.) founded, in 1728, an Institutum Judaicum, which continued in operation till 1792. Pietism likewise aided those who sympathized with its tenets, even though they were not within its own communion or in its own land. Zinzendorf found opportunity to intercede for the Protestants in Moravia; he protected the Schwenckfeldians who had fled from Saxony to America; and he made spiritual provision for the German emigrants to Pennsylvania.
</P>
<h4>12. Pietism and the Enlightenment.</h4>
<P>
The exact relation of Pietism to the Enlightenment (q.v.) is a problem which receives most divergent answers. Some declare that the two movements are absolutely antithetical, and others hold that the Enlightenment is a product of Pietism. In reality, however, the relation between these two trends was neither one of mere antithesis nor yet one of cause and effect. Though there were many fundamental deviations between Pietism and Enlightenment, such as the divergent attitudes toward revelation, the essence of piety, and the Bible, the two movements still had points in common, not only through such men as Christian Thomasius, Johann Christian Edelmann, and Johann Konrad Dippel (qq.v.), but also through their opposition to Lutheran orthodoxy, their insistence on the religious rights of individuals, and their practical Christianity. On the other hand, the theory that the Enlightenment was derived from Pietism is inadequate, for it assumes that those degeneracies and excreseences of the separatistic and radical forms of Pietism, which Pietism itself rejected as alien elements, must be regarded as characteristic features of the movement; and this hypothesis also overlooks the fact that the premises underlying Enlightenment were extremely Manifold, and in their initial stages were far anterior to the rise of Pietism. Enlightenment and Pietism should rather be considered two distinct movements with a mutual goal in the destruction of clericalism, hough diverging from each other in their subsequent evolution. At the same time, the sincerest Pietism indirectly aided the rapid growth of Enlightenment in Germany, not only, in its contempt for culture, by giving the younger generation no adequate training to cope with Enlightenment, but also, through its neglect of such education, by driving those of scholarly inclinations into the rationalistic camp.
</P>
<h4>13. Development and Origin.</h4>
<P>
It is extremely difficult to fix the precise limits of Pietism in point of time. Each of its chief phases passed through a distinct development and reached its climax at a different period. At Halle Pietism was on the decline by 1730; and when Francke died in 1769, the old position of Halle as the citadel of Pietism in central and northern Germany was practically lost. W&#252;rttemberg Pietism never exercised such wide-spread influence as that of Halle, but on the other hand it enjoyed a tranquil and steady development; and it also had the advantage of not owing its prosperity to any one individual, so that the death of Bengel in 1769 had no such effect as that of Francke. By overcoming the " Storm and Stress period," which they styled their " winnowing-time," the Moravians had won such internal and external tenacity that the decease of Zinzendorf in 1760 no longer menaced their status, and August Gottlieb Spangenberg (q.v.) could begin his activity. When Valentin Ernst L&#246;scher (q.v.), the famous opponent of Pietism, died in 1749, the Pietistic controversy had ceased to attract attention; the age of aggressive Pietism was past; its message to Protestantism had been delivered. 
</P>
<P>
Great differences of opinion likewise prevail concerning the beginnings of Pietism. It is well known, however, that long before the time of Spener a reaction had begun against the ruling tendencies in the Church and in theology, as well as against their effect on Christian life. Yet despite all this, the Pietistic movement was adjudged by its own contemporaries to be something new, this view being justified by the fact that Pietism welded together the scattered projects of reform, deduced their practical conclusions, and endeavored to realize them. This was Spener&#39;s achievement, and in this sense he may be considered the founder of Pietism. The preparation for Pietism, like its history, shows clear analogies to similar phenomena within the Reformed Church; and long before Spener&#39;s movement the sects which had broken off from the Church of England had manifested a kindred spirit which exercised a marked influence on the continent, including Germany, through its rich devotional literature. In western Germany contact with the Reformed Church of Holland was an important factor. The Pietistic tendencies in the Reformed Church, which also appear in the Reformed phase of Protestantism in northern Germany, are in entire accord with Lutheran Pietism in their emphasis upon practical Christianity, their attitude toward the dominant orthodoxy of their time, and their tendency toward a closer union among the faithful. These points of agreement between Lutheran Pietism and its parallels on Reformed soil imply the existence of<pb n="66"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
an international movement, even as Enlightenment was later to pervade all Europe. Yet even though many an incentive may have reached Germany from the Puritans, the Labadists, and the Dutch, Pietism was essentially a German movement, not a product of foreign Calvinism.
</P>
<h3>VI. Later Development:</h3>
<h4>1. Factors and Growth</h4>
<P>
Among the numerous and divergent factors which finally brought about the fall of Enlightenment, Pietism was one of the
foremost. Though it could bring to bear neither theological nor philosophical learning, and though it was without influence either on great masses or on the rulers of Church and State, it at least possessed the power which is ever inherent in firm religious convictions and the inward strength of the Christianity for which it stood. Pietism thus became the center for multitudes of members of the State Church who had failed to find in the official clergy, dominated by Enlightenment, the aid to religion which they desired. The new movement, on the other hand, was able to give all who joined it a definite and inspiring aim in the propaganda for the old faith; and there accordingly arose a Pietistic reaction which, hidden at first, grew until it became a potent factor among the national, literary, theological, and ecclesiastical elements which combined for the spiritual and mental regeneration of Germany during the period of the Napoleonic wars. So powerful, indeed, was its influence that it was little less than that which had been exercised by the Pietism of the eighteenth century, even though the changed conditions of the times rendered its external forms less striking. The bond between the Pietism of the eighteenth and that of the nineteenth century was supplied by survivals of the older movement, by the Moravians, and by the <I>Christentumsgeseltschaft </I>(see C<small>HRISTENTUMSGESELLSCHAFT</small>, D<small>IE</small> D<small>EUTSCHE</small>). From this latter organization German Lutheranism gained an assistance which marked an epoch in its history, especially in view of the foundation of the Basel Bible Society, the Basel Missionary Society, and other religious and philanthropic institutions. The Moraviana, or Unity of the Brethren (q.v.), perhaps never exercised a greater influence upon German Protestantism than during the era of Enlightenment. The very remoteness of their settlements gave them protection against the tendencies of the age, and the further they progressed in their tranquil development, the greater was the confidence of others in their cause. Even in Zinzendorf&#39;s time auxiliary societies were formed in England and Holland for the support of their  Missionary labors, and they were aided by their friends in Germany, especially about the beginning of the nineteenth century, when " awakened " circles became filled with the missionary spirit. Zinzendorf also showed himself disposed to cultivate religious friendship with non-Moravian sympathizers, and from his tours for the furtherance of this end was developed missionary activity among the Lutheran Diaspora, the object being not secession from the State Church but the formation of circles of Moravian sympathizers within it. In 1775 these affiliated adherents numbered 30,000. The revival type of preaching also renewed the conventicles of the older Pietism. In W&#252;rttemberg, indeed, prayer-meetings had never lapsed entirely, but had been conducted chiefly by laymen until a number of pastors, among whom Ludwig Hofacker (q.v.) was prominent, likewise joined the movement. In 1828 the number of those attending conventicles was estimated at 30,000. Swabian Pietism was also powerfully aided by its close affiliations with the Basel Missionary Society, which still finds its chief subsidiary district in W&#252;rttemberg, whence it is accustomed to call its leaders. So important a center as Basel was bound to affect all German Switzerland; Barbara Juliana von Kr&#252;dener (q.v.) gave some incentives of a transient kind in this region; and the "awakening" in French Switzerland likewise became a factor as it spread eastward. Besides Bern and Zurich, St. Gall may be noted as the center of a large Pietistic circle formed by the talented Agnes Schlatter. The revival in Bavaria found some Roman Catholic adherents, and Nuremberg also became a Pietistic focus, largely through the merchant Johann Tobias Kiesaling. In Baden, the rise of Pietistic sentiment was observed from the time of the "famine years" 1816-17, and it made rapid progress after the union of 1821. In northern Germany, on the other hand, Pietism, except for small scattered groups, suocumbed to Enlightenment; and even when this latter movement was approaching its end, the Pietistic cause had no firm hold that could be compared with Pietism in W urttemberg. The Reformed Pietism of Rhenish Westphalia, however, experienced a powerful revival through Samuel Collenbuach, Johann Gerhard Haaenkamp, Friedrich Arnold Hasenkamp, Johann Heinrich Hasenkamp, Gottfried Menken, Friedrich Adolf Krummacher, and Gottfried Daniel Krummacher (qq.v.). At the same time the Lutherans at Elberfeld were headed by a pastor, Hilmar Ernst Rauschenbuach, who had been won for Pietism while a student at Halle; the valley of the Wupper remained one of Pietism&#39;s surest domains in the nineteenth century; and the movement even gained entrance at Berlin, a center of German Enlightenment, notably through the efforts of the Silesian Baron Ernst von Kottwitz (q.v.) and the preacher Johann J&#228;nicke.
</P>
<h4>2. Character of Modern Pietism.</h4>
<P>
It is even more difficult to define modern Pietism than the corresponding movement of the eighteenth century. It forms no organized ecclesiastical body; its individual groups have no fixed mutual relation; it has no distinct theological tendency; and large numbers of its adherents do not term themselves Pietists. The old Halle school of Pietism has entirely Pietism. disappeared. The Moravians have formed a distinct church, and have so largely divested themselves of earlier Pietistic characteristics that only in a very limited sense can they now be considered Pietists. The W&#252;rttemberg branch alone survives, but though it preserves most purely the connecting bond with early Pietism, the territorial limitations of its activity prevent it from serving as a standard to determine the nature of modern Pietism. The transfer of the term Pietism to phases of church life of the nineteenth century shows that the word has lost its original definiteness of meaning. In many instances the modern use of<pb n="67"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
the word indeed connotes ideas in harmony with the older Pietism; in other instances there are only slight suggestions of such affinities; and in yet other cases there are absolutely no points in common. The Pietism of the nineteenth century may, however, be defined as that tendency in German Protestantism which represents the devotional type of the older Pietism, as well as its views of life and its attitude toward the world, so that it may be regarded as a continuation of the earlier school. Nevertheless, only the fundamental ideas of primitive Pietism have been retained, for the revolutions in political, social, and ecclesiastical affairs have caused the movement to assume new forms and activities and to adopt new constituent elements. It thus implies a further stage of development and shows scarcely an instance of mere repetition. It no longer fosters religious life by prayer-meetings, but finds a wider sphere of activity in foreign and domestic missionary societies. A noteworthy characteristic of the revival period of the early nine teenth century was the sense of fellowship with similar circles within the Roman Catholic Church, while the two churches cooperated in Bible societies, but the rise of ultramontanism, after the second decade of the nineteenth century, ended further association, although in Pietistic circles the sentiment of spiritual affinity with kindred spirits in the sister church persisted long, and exercises some influence even at the present time. The syncretism of Pietism, moreover, in combination with the decay of denominational barriers during the period of the Enlightenment, rendered the movement as liable to sectarianism and separatism in the nineteenth century as it had been in the hundred years preceding, but, on the other hand, these dangers were lessened by the fact that the relations of the new Pietism to the Church and to orthodoxy experienced an essential transformation. Their united stand against their common foe rationalism produced close affiliations which outlasted the conflict. Pietism became reabsorbed in the Church, and orthodoxy grew susceptible to Pietistic modes of thought and feeling. This change in the situation of Pietism was essentially aided by the fact that the Church now accorded due recognition to practical benevolence both at home and in the foreign mission field. Since, however, Pietism had from the first laid special claim to these spheres of activity, the altered attitude of orthodoxy toward it was a distinct tribute to its ability and enabled it to retain all essentials of its missionary position. When, moreover, the Church developed an increasing interest in domestic and foreign missions, there was a marked augmentation both of the influence of Pietism and of the confidence shown it by orthodox circles.
</p>
<h4>3. Estimate of the Movement.</h4>
<p>
A comprehensive verdict on the significance of modern Pietism for German Protestantism, whether favorable or unfavorable, can not be given in a single sentence. It is a far more complex phenomenon than the older system, full of heterogeneous elements, and not only varying in different parts of the country and changing with the lapse of time, but also showing divergent phases in cities and in rural districts. In addition to its mission work, Pietism was an important factor in the religious revival of Germany during the first third of the nineteenth century, even though it was not the sole source of the movement. The enlargement of its sphere of activity and its coalescence with the State Church doubtless aided Pietism to escape from its conventicle-like bonds. On the other hand, its innate tendency toward small coteries, which cuts it off from all comprehension of the wealth of intellectual, national, and cultured life, prevents it from becoming a great popular movement; nor has it proved able to resist the tendency toward party schemes and uncharitable depreciation of those holding different opinions. The movement has recently been forced into a critical position by the rise of the modern associational tendency based on Anglo-American Methodism; for even though Pietism and Methodism were closely akin in origin, the tendency in question is directed toward ends which have no reference to Pietism.
</p>
<p class="author">C<small>ARL</small> M<small>IRBT</small>.</p>
<P class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY:</small> 
A. Ritschl, <i>Geschichte des Pietismus, </I>Bonn, 1884-86; 
J. G. Walch, <i>Einteitung in die Relipionastreitipkeiten der evang.-lutherischen Kirche</i>, 5 vols., Jena, 1730-39;
F. W. Berthold, in <i>Raumers historischen Taschenbuch</i>, 3 ser., iii. 131-320, iv. 171-390, Leipsic, 1852-53; 
M. G&#246;bel. <I>Geschichte des christlichen Lebens in der rheinisch-westfitlischen Kirche</i>, vols. ii.-iii., Coblenz, 1852-60; 
A. Tholuek, <I>Der Geist der lutherischen Theologen Wittenbergs . .des 17. Jahrhundertes</i>, Hamburg, 1852 
W. Gass, <I>Gesehichte der protestantischen Dogmatik</i>, ii. 374-449. Berlin, 1857; 
H. Schmid, <I>Die Geschichte des Pietismus</I>, N&#246;rdlingen, 1863; 
H. L. J. Heppe, <I>Geschichte des Pietismus and der Mystik in . . . der Niederlande, </I>Leyden, 1879; 
W. Bender, <i>Johann Konrad Dippel, Der Freigeist aus dem Pietismus,</I> Bonn, 1882; 
F. Nippold <I>Zur Vorgeschichte des Pietismus,</I> in <I>TSK, </I>1882, pp. 347-392; idem, <I>Handbuch der neuesten
Kirchengechichte</i>, iii. 114 sqq., iv. 173 sqq., Berlin, 1901; 
E. Saehsse, <I>Ursprung and Wesen des Pietismus, </I>Wiesbaden, 1884; 
L. Renner, <I>Lebensbilder aus der Pietistenzeit, </I>Leipsic, 1886; 
G. Freytag, <I>Bilder aus der deutschen Vergangenheit</i>, vols. iii.-iv., Leipsic, 1888; 
J. H. Kurtz, <I>Church History</i>, pp. 159, 162, 176, New York, 1890; 
W. Hijbner, <I>Der Pietiamus, </I>Zwickau, 1901; 
C. Kolb, <I>Die Anf&#228;nge des Pietismus and Separatismus in W&#252;rttemberg</I>, Stuttgart. 1902; 
T. Holds, in <I>Beitrage zur bayerischen Kirchenpeschichte</i>, viii. 266-283, Erlangen, 1902; 
J. Batteiger, <I>Der Pietismus in Bayreuth</I>, Berlin, 1903; 
J. Jungst-Stettin, <I>Pietisten, </I>T&#252;bingen, 1906; 
H. Stephan, <I>Der Pietismus als Tr&#228;ger des Fortschritts</I>, T&#252;bingen, 1908; 
W. G. Goeters, <I>Die Vorbereitung des Pietismus in der reformierten Kirche der Niederlande</I>, Leipsic, 1909; 
Troltsch, <I>Leibniz and die Anf&#228;nge des Pietismus</I>, ed. C. Werckshagen, i. 366-375, Berlin, n.d.; 
the literature under 
F<small>RANCKE</small>, A<small>UGUST</small> H<small>ERMANN</small>; K<small>RUEDENER</small>, B<small>ARBARA</small> J<small>ULIANA VON</small>; 
especially that under 
M<small>YSTICISM</small>; S<small>PENER</small>, P<small>HILIPP</small> J<small>AKOB</small>; and
T<small>HOMASIUS</small>, C<small>HRISTIAN</small>; and the works on the church history of the period.
</small>
</P>

<br />
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Pietro Martire Vermigli" id="pietro_martire_vermigli">
<p>
<b>PIETRO MARTIRE VERMIGLI</b>. See V<small>ERMIGLI.</small>
</p>

<br />
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Pighius, Albertus" id="pighius_albertus">
<P>
<b>PIGHIUS</b>, pi-g&#238;&#39; us, <b>ALBERTUS (ALBERT PIGGHE):</b> Dutch Roman Catholic controversialist;
b. at Kampen (9 m. n.n.w. of Zwolle) c. 1490; d. at Utrecht Dec. 26, 1542. He studied philosophy and mathematics at the University of Louvain and completed his theological studies at the University of Cologne in 1517. He was canon (1524-35) and provost (1535-12) at the Church of St. John the Baptist, Utrecht. Pope Hadrian VI. called him to Rome in 1523 and he took part in the diets of Worms and Regensburg, the issue of which were his publications: <I>Controversiarum pracipuarum </I>(Cologne, 1541); <I>Ratio componendorum dissidiorum </I>(1542); and <I>Apologia adversus M. Buceri </I>(Mainz, 1543). Pighius was one of the most resolute defenders of<pb n="68"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
the papacy, and in his comprehensive principal work, <I>Hierarehim eecleaiasticw assertio</I> (Cologne, 1538), he unfolded most conclusively the papal system from a substructure involving a critical survey of the sources of Christian truth. He was the first to make tradition a basis of knowledge alongside of Scripture, in order to cut off Protestant argument in advance. On the other hand, his zeal of argument almost betrayed him as an unconscious disciple of Protestantism. The freedom of the will he asserted to such an extent, in <I>De libero hominis arbitrio </I>(1542), that original sin seemed to him scarcely as actual corruption but rather the imputation of the sin of Adam. This view carried with it the consequence of regarding justification as the imputation of the righteousness of Christ.</P>
<p class="author">(E. F. K<small>ARL</small> M<small>&#220;LLER</small>.)</p>
<P class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY:</small> Bayle, <I>Dictionary</i>, iv. 637-641; 
A. Schweizer, <I>Die protestantischen Centraldogmen</i>, i. 180 sqq., Zurich, 1854; 
Linsenmann, in <i>TQ</i>, 1866, pp. 571 sqq; 
K. Werner, <I>Geechichte der apologetischen and polemischen Litteratur</i>, iv. 241 sqq, 275 sqq., Schaffhausen, 1865; 
Hefele, <i>Conciliengeschichte</i>, ix. 936 sqq.</small></p>

<br />
</div3><div3 type="Author" title="Pigou, Francis" id="pigou_francis">
<P>
<b>PIGOU</b>, pi-gu&#39;, <b>FRANCIS:</b> Church of England; b. at Baden-Baden, Germany, of English parentage, Jan. 8, 1832. He was educated at Trinity College, Dublin (B.A., 1853), and was ordered deacon in 1855 and priested in the following year. He was curate of Stoke Talmage, Oxfordshire (1855-56), chaplain of Marboeuf Chapel, Paris (1856-58), curate of Vere Street Chapel, London (1858), and of St. Philip&#39;s, Regent Street, and St. Mary&#39;s, Kensington (1858-60), incumbent of St. Philip&#39;s (18601869), and served as vicar of Doncaster (18691875), being also rural dean of Doncaster after 1870; he was vicar of Halifax (1875-88), where he was likewise rural dean, and became dean of Chicester, a dignity which he held three years. Since 1891 he has been dean of Bristol, and was appointed a chaplain-in-ordinary to the queen in 1890. He is widely and favorably known as a missioner, and has held missions not only throughout England, but also in the United States, which he visited in 1885. His writings include <I>Faith and Practice </I>(sermons; London, 1865); <I>Early Communion Addresses </I>(1877); <I>Addresses to District Visitors and Sunday School Teachers </I>(1880); <I>Addresses delivered on various Occasions </I>(1883); <I>Manual of Confirmation </I>(1888); <I>Phases of my Life </I>(1898); <I>Odds and Ends </I>(1903); and <I>The Acts of the Holy Ghost. Thirty-two Years of Experience of Conducting Parochial Missions </I>(1908).
</P>

<br />
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Pilate, Acts of" id="pilate_acts_of">
<p>
<b>PILATE, ACTS OF.</b> See A<small>POCRYPHA</small>, B, I., 7.
</p>

<br>
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Pilate, Pontius" id="pilate_pontius">
<P>
<b>PILATE, PONTIUS:</b> Known only as the fifth Roman procurator of Judea, under whose administration Jesus was executed. He probably succeeded Gratus 27 <small>A.D.</small> and ended his procuratorship early in 37; it is not likely that Pilate required more than a year for his return journey to Rome, whither he was summoned by Tiberius to give an account of his administration., and he arrived there after Tiberius&#39; death, which took place Mar. 16, 37, and it appears that Vitellius, the legate of Syria, his accuser, was in Jerusalem in 36 as well as in 37, at the time of the Passover. Regarding the position of the procurator, see G<small>OVERNOR</small>. A copper coin struck in C&#230;sarea under Pontius Pilate is represented in <I>DB</i>, iii. 424-428. The judgment regarding Pilate&#39;s administration is chiefly based on the statements of Philo (<I>Legatio at Caixcm</I>, xxxviii.), who calls him inflexible and ruthless and reproaches him with venality, violence, peculation, ill-treatment, insult, the repeated infliction of punishment without trial, and with endless acts of cruelty-the well-known accusations brought by the Jews against every energetic Roman functionary. The only fact adduced by Philo, the setting up in the palace at Jerusalem of the golden shields dedicated to Tiberius, testifies only to the extreme sensitiveness of the Jews. Josephus (<I>War</I>, II, ix.; <I>Ant.</i>, XVIII, iii.-iv.) judges more indulgently, although he charges the procurator with introducing into Jerusalem banners bearing the emperor&#39;s image, and with using the funds of the temple for the construction of an aqueduct. The fact that Pilate energetically repressed every revolt is also proved by the massacre of the Galileans (<scripRef>Luke xiii. 1</scripRef>) and of the Samaritans (Josephus, <I>Ant.</i>, XVIII, iii. 1, iv. 1). It was on account of this latter act that Pilate was removed by Vitellius, who was very friendly toward the Samaritans as well as the Jews. It is quite natural that there were frequent disputes between the imperial procurator and the Jewish princes as to their respective fields of authority. Of the cause of the enmity between Pilate and Herod alluded to in <scripRef>Luke xxiii, 12</scripRef>, nothing is known. That Pilate was not an incompetent functionary is proved by the long duration of his rule under Tiberius.
</P>
<P>
In the trial of Jesus, Pilate acted from the standpoint of a functionary for whom public order was more important than the life even of an innocent man. According to Mark, the only question at issue was the confirmation of a sentence passed by the Sanhedrin. The fact that death occurred so quickly is the cause of his curiosity for the moment.
</P>
<P>
In Matthew and in Luke various points are added which bear an apologetic stamp; Pilate&#39;s wife and he himself acknowledge the innocence of Jesus. In John, where the main action of the trial is transferred from the Sanhedrin to the proceedings before Pilate, he becomes almost a mediator between Jesus and the Jews. Subsequently, along this apologetic tendency, the responsibility for the death of Jesus is more and more laid upon the Jews, and Pilate is made a witness to his innocence. Later Pilate is even represented as a Christian; the Copts and the Abyssinians rank him among the saints; and the Greeks do the same for his wife Prokla In the third century arose the legend of Pilate&#39;s suicide under Caligula, of which Origen knows nothing. After the fourth century the estimation of Pilate, especially in the west, became more and more unfavorable; but recent historians have been more just in their treatment.
</P>
<p class="author">E, V<small>ON</small> D<small>OBSCH&#220;TZ.</small></p>
<P>
Some interest attaches to the apocryphal account of the death of Pilate (Eng. transl., <I>ANF</i>, viii. 466-467). According to this the Emperor Tiberius was afflicted with a serious disease. Hearing that there was in Judea a wonderful physician who healed by power of a word, he sent to Pilate an order to have the physician come to Rome. To the messenger Pilate confesses that he has had the healer cru-<pb n="69"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
cified because he was a malefactor. The messenger in returning meets Veronica, who sends by him the miraculous handkerchief (see J<small>ESUS</small> C<small>HRIST</small>, P<small>ICTURES AND</small> I<small>MAGES OF</small>, III., 1, &#167;&#167; 1-2), by which the emperor was healed. So Tiberius was enraged at Pilate and had him brought to Rome, but was restrained miraculously from upbraiding him by the fact that Pilate wore the seamless coat of Jesus. In a second interview, the anger of the emperor dissolved in the same unaccountable manner. By impulse or on advice, Tiberius had Pilate deprived of the coat and then sentenced him to the most disgraceful death possible. To avoid this, Pilate committed suicide. His body was weighted and sunk in the Tiber, but the demons which inhabited the body caused the water to boil as if in a storm. The body was then raised and sent to Vienne in France (etymologized as <I>Via Gehenna</I>), where the phenomenon was repeated. The body was then sent to "Losania" (Lausanne or Lucerne?) and buried. Thus Pilate was brought into connection with Mont Pilatus, near Lucerne, the name of which is, however, rather to be derived from  <I>Mons Pileatus</I>," the hatted mountain," referring to the cloud cap which forms so often around the summit in midday.
</P>
<P class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY:</small> As sources, besides the references in the
Gospels, consult: 
Philo, <I>Legatio ad Caium</i>, xxxviii.; 
Josephus, <I>War</i>, II., ix.; 
idem, <I>Ant.</i>, XVIII., iii.-iv.; 
and the apocryphal material with comment on it, as follows: 
J. C. Thilo, <I>Codex apocryphus N. T.</i>, i. 118-119, 487-488, Leipsic, 1832; 
C. Tischendorf, <I>Pilati circum Christum judicio quid lucis afferatur ex Actis Pilati</I>, Leipsic, 1855; 
idem, <I>Evangelia apocrypha, </I>ib. 1878; 
R. A. Lipsius, <I>Die PilatusAkten</I>,Kiel, 1871; 
Ciemen, in <i>TSK</i>, 1894, pp. 759 sqq., 
F. C. Conybeare, in <I>Studia Biblica et ecclesiastica</i>, iv. 59132, Oxford, 1898; 
Harnack, <I>Litteratur</i>, i.  21-24, 907-909, ii. 1, pp. 803-812; 
M. R. James, <I>Apocrypha Anecdota</I>, in <i>TS</i>; vol. ii.; 
E. Hennecke, <I>Handbuch zu den neutestamentlichen Apokryphen</i>, pp. 143 sqq., T&#252;bingen, 1904;
idem, <I>Newestamentliche Apokryphen</i>, pp. 74-76, ib. 1904.
Eng. transls. of the apocryphal material are in: 
<I>ANF,</I>viii. 416-467 (see A<small>POCRYPHA</small>, II., 7); 
<I>Acta Pilati</I>, ed. Geo. Sluter, Shelbyville, Ind., 1879; 
<I>Gesta Pilati: or the Reports, Letters and Acts of Pontius Pilate . . . </i>, ed. W. O. Clough, Indianapolis, 1880; 
<i>Apocryphal Gospels, Acts, and Revelations, </I>translated by A. Walker, pp. 125 sqq., Edinburgh, 1873; 
<I>Apocryphal New Testament</i>, pp. 50-79, Boston, n.d. 
Consult further: 
J. Langen, <I>Die letzten Lebenstage Jesu</i>, pp. 261-294, Freiburg, 1864;
G. Wameck, <I>Pontius Pilatue der RichterJesu Christi</I>, Gotha, 1867; 
G. A. Maller, <I>Pontius Pilatua der f&#252;nfte Prokurator von Judas</I>, Stuttgart, 1888 (gives earlier literature); 
P. Waltier, <I>Pontius Pilatus, eene Studie</I>, Amsterdam, 1888;
A. Schaab, <I>Pontius Pilatus, sin Zeitbild</I>, Carlsruhe, 1892;
T. Mommsen <I>R&#246;mische Geschichte</i>, v. 508 sqq., Berlin, 1894; 
J. Stalker, <I>Trial and Death of Jesus Christ</i>, pp. 43 sqq., London, 1894; 
A. T. Innes, <I>Trial of Jesus Christ, a Legal Monograph</I>, Edinburgh, 1899; 
S. Mathews <I>Hist. of N. T: Times, </I>2d ed., New York, 1910; 
J. Balser, <I>Die Geachuchte Leidens and Sterbens . . . des Herrn</i>, pp. 323-339, 346-372, Freiburg, 1903; 
G. Rosadi, <I>The Trial of Jesus</I>, London, 1905; 
<I>The Archko Volume, </I>transl. by McIntosh and Tyman, chap. viii., 2d ed., Philadelphia, 1905;
Sehdrer, <I>Geschichte i. </I>487-492, Eng transl., i. 2, pp. 8186; <I>DB</i>, iii. 875-879; <I>EB</i>, iii. 3772-74; <I>DCG</i>, </I>363-366; <i>JE</i>, x. 34-35; 
Vigouroux, <I>Dictionnaire</I>, part xxxii., columns 429-434; 
especially in the literature on the life of Christ the works of Keim, Holtzmann, Lange, Weiss, Stalker, Andrews, and Edersheim; also the commentaries on the Gospels, at the passages where mention of Pilate occurs.</small></P>

<br />
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Pilgrimages" id="pilgrimages"
<P>
<b>PILGRIMAGES:</b> Journeys to holy places for the sake of devotion and edification. They are a common feature of religious devotion, not peculiar to Christianity. In the last-named religion the custom began early. In the middle of the fourth century,  after Constantine and his mother Helena had visited Golgotha, Bethlehem, and other places, and had built churches there, pilgrimages to the Holy Land became quite frequent. In the eighth century Charlemagne made a treaty with Haroun al Rashid to procure safety to the Christian pilgrims in Jerusalem, and founded a Latin monastery in that city for their comfort. In the eleventh century it was the outrages to which the Christian pilgrims were exposed in Palestine which, more than anything else, contributed to bring about the crusades. But in the mean time the Church had taken the matter in hand, and pilgrimages changed character. They became " good works," penalties . by which gross sins could be expiated, sacrifices by which holiness, or at least a measure of it, could be attained. The pilgrim was placed under the special protection of the Church; to maltreat him, or to deny him shelter and alms, was sacrilege. And when he returned victorious, having fulfilled his vow, he became the center of the religious interest of the village, the town, the city, to which he belonged,-an object of holy awe. Thus pilgrimizing became a life-work, a calling. There were people who adopted it as a vocation, wandering all their life from one shrine to another. Places of pilgrimage sprang up everywhere-at the tombs of the saints and martyrs (St. Peter and St. Paul in Rome, St. Thecla in Seleucia, St. Stephen in Hippo in Africa, the Forty Martyrs in Cappadocia, St. Felix at Nola in Campania, St. Martin at Tours, St. Adelbert at Gnesen, St. Willibrord at Echternach, St. Thomas at Canterbury, St. Olaf at Drontheim, etc.), or at the shrine of some wonder-working relic or image. At the Reformation, this practise was ridiculed by Protestants, but was retained by the Roman Catholic Church. In very recent times two new places of pilgrimage have excited the Roman Catholic world-Lourdes (q.v.) in the south of France, near the Pyrenees; and Knock, near Dublin, Ireland. In both places the Virgin Mary, it is claimed, revealed herself.
</P>
<P>
Among the most celebrated shrines toward which the currents of pilgrimage have been chiefly directed are the holy places of Palestine, which since the fifteenth century have been under the guardianship of the Franciscan order. Sanctuaries of the Virgin in various parts of the world, e.g., Loreto (q.v.) and Genezano in Italy, Chartres, Fourvi6res (in Lyons) and especially Lourdes (q.v.) in France, Einsiedeln (q.v.) in Switzerland, Mariazeli in Austria, Guadeloupe and Montserrat in Spain, Walsingham in England (of which Erasmus wrote an account; Eng. trans]., <I>Pilgrimages to Saint Mary of Walsingham and Saint Thomas of Canterbury, </I>2d ed., London, 1875), etc. Among the sanctuaries of the angels and saints may be mentioned the " Limina apostolorum " on the Vatican hill, Monte Gargano, in Italy, in honor of St. Michael (it was the devotion of Norman pilgrims to this shrine that led to the Norman conquest of Naples); Czenatochau in Russian Poland, Compostella in Spain, in honor of St. James the Apostle, Mont St. Michel on the northern coast of France, to say nothing of the reputed tombs of Lazarus and his two sisters in the south. In North America the most noted place of pilgrimage is the shrine of St. Anne on the St.<pb n="70"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
Lawrence, a few miles below Quebec, where a reputed relic of St. Anne, mother of the Virgin, is preserved, having been brought from one of the sanctuaries dedicated to St. Anne in France. In general, all the tombs of prominent saints, or localities intimately connected with their careers, have at one time or another been centers of pilgrimages on the part of the pious faithful, even though the claims of many of them to such honor could not stand the test of critical investigation.
</P>
<p class="author>J<small>AMES</small> F. D<small>RISCOLL.</small></P>
<p class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY:</small> 
J. Marx, <I>Das Wallfahren in der katholischen Kirche, </I>Treves, 1842 
A. M&#252;ller, <I>Das heilige Deutschland, Geschichte and Beschreibunp der Wallfahrtsorte, </I>Cologne, 1897; 
H. von Rudniki <I>Die ber&#252;hmtesten Wallfahrtsorte der Erde, </I>Paderborn 1897; 
L. Depont, <I>Pilerinages, </I>Paris, 1902; <I>DCA</i>, ii. 1635-42 (a detailed discussion, where the
older literature is given); 
Schaff, <I>Christian Church, </I>iii. 465-469; <I>KL </I>xii. 1199-1204; <i>JE</i>, x. 35-38. 
An important series is that of the <I>Palestine Pilgrims&#39; Text Society, </I>13 vols. and Index, London, 1897 (to the different volumes of the series valuable introductions are prefixed). For the Roman Catholic position on the subject, cf. Council of Trent, sessio xxv.</small></p>

<br>
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Pilgrim" id="pilgrim"
<P>
<b>PILIGRIM:</b> Bishop of Passau; d. May 20, 991. He was a kinsman of Friedrich, archbishop of Salzburg; was brought up at the Benedictine monastery of Niederaltaich; became a canon of the diocese; and was bishop of Passau, 971-991. For Supporting Otto II. against Duke Henry he was rewarded with the monastery of St. Mary, a part of the revenue of Passau, and a confirmation of his title. The emperor approved his control of the monastery of Krems in 975, of St. Florian and St. Polten in 976, and later of Otting and Mattsee. The bishopric had no real claim on any one of these, but Piligrim knew how to establish one on forged documents. His inordinate ambition included the elevation of Passau into an archbishopric. This effort was advanced by means of the reoccupation of Ostmark and the beginning of the mission to Hungary, and Piligrim forwarded the most embellished reports to Pope Benedict VI. in 973 or 974, to the effect that about 5,000 persons had been baptized; countless Christian captives of war had openly confessed; that the heathen offered no hindrances; and that he was convinced that the erection of several bishoprics in Hungary was necessary. in order to conserve and extend what had been accomplished. He advanced the fable to Benedict that at one time Loreh, which he represented to be the original seat of the bishopric of Passau, was the metropolitan seat for seven bishoprics in Pannonia and Moesia; and had a number of sources forged representing the relations of earlier popes with the archbishopric of Lorch. He asked, therefore, for the pallium and the authorization to erect the bishoprics in Hungary. His dependence upon fraud may have been due to the slight importance attached by the emperor and the pope to this enterprise. Failing in this effort, he succeeded in 977 in having a statement included in a document of Otto II., which declared Loreh to have been an ancient seat of primacy. But evidently Archbishop Friedrich induced the pope to confirm his right over Bavaria and Pannonia, and Piligrim had to abandon his plans. But Piligrim&#39;s care for his district was great, and churches were organized and synods were held. He was a man distinctly ahead of his times in his freedom from superstition, and made a marked impression upon his age.</p>
<p class="author">  (A. H<small>AUCK</small>.)
<P class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY:</small> 
E. D&#252;mmler, <I>Piligrim von Passau und das Erbistum Lorch, </I>Leipsic, 1854; 
S. Riezler, <I>Geschichte Baierns</i>, i. 391 sqq., Gotha, 1878; 
K. Schr&#246;dl, <I>Passavia sacra</i>, i. 77 sqq., Passau, 1879; 
Hauck, <I>KD</i>, iii. 168 sqq.</small></P>

<br>
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Pillar of Fire and Cloud" id="pillar_of_fire_and_cloud">
<P>
<b>PILLAR OF FIRE AND CLOUD:</b> The traditional supernatural guide and guard of the Hebrews during the desert wanderings. Beginning at Etham (Ex. xiii. 20 sqq.) the Hebrews were accompanied by a pillar of cloud by day and fire by night which went before them to show the way. When the Egyptians pursued, the pillar (Ex. xiv. 19 sqq.) passed behind the people serving as an obstructing bank of cloud toward the enemy and as light toward themselves. According to the adduced passages and other statements of the Bible, it was the Lord himself that went before Israel; theology regards it as " his angel," i.e., the agent of his manifestation (Ex. xxiii. 20 sqq,)_ This cloud also covered the tabernacle after its erection (Num, ix. 15 sqq.), and filled it (Ex. xl. 34 sqq.) as the habitation of God. On important occasions it descended upon the  tabernacle, stood before it (Num. xii. 5) while the people worshiped, and regularly when Moses was to receive revelations (Num. xxxiii. 8-11). The glory of the Lord concealed in the cloud appeared at supreme moments to all the people (Ex. xvi. 10; Num. xiv. 10, xvi. 19, xvii. 7). The ascent of the cloud from the tabernacle meant the breaking of the camp; its resting upon a place the sign of pitching camp (Ex. xl. 36 sqq.; Num. ix. 17-23). There is no doubt that there were not two but one and the same pillar which appeared by night as fire, by day as cloud. It is also clearly stated that this cloud was the covering of God when he descended upon Sinai (Ex. xxiv. 15 sqq.).
</P>
<P>
As to its physical nature, this mysterious cloud, like wonders in general, attaches itself to natural conditions and phenomena. However, two efforts to materialize that theophany must be rejected. One derives the pillar of cloud from the caravan-fire which was borne before the march. Reference is made to Alexander&#39;s march (E. Cyrtius,  <I>Griechische Geschichte</i>, V., ii. 7, Berlin, 1868-74; Eng. translation, <i>History of Greece, </I> London, 1868-73), which shows how great armies made use of fire for guidance, just as caravans do to-day. But this is contradicted by the materials of the narrative noted above, and the divinity of the cloud demands a supernatural phenomenon. Such a cloud lay pregnant with fire on Sinai where God most positively offered his majesty to the gaze of the people. For the same reason, the view of Ewald (followed by Riehm and Dillman) must also be rejected, who supposed that the altar-fire was the kernel of the tradition.
</P>
<P>
The cloud in the mean time became a subject for theological speculation. The author of the Wisdom of Solomon saw in it the divine wisdom (x. 17; cf. xviii. 3, xix. 7); Philo, the divine Logos <I>(Opera,</I> ed. T. Mangey, 501, London, 1742).
</P>
<p class="author">C. <small>VON</small> O<small>RELLI</small>.</p>
<P class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY:</small> 
The subject is best discussed in the commentaries on the passages (see under H<small>EXATEUCH</small>
); also in the works on the O. T. cited under B<small>IBLICAL</small> T<small>HEOLOGY</small>, <pb n="71"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
and in those on the history of Israel (see under A<small>HAB</small>; and I<small>SRAEL</small>, H<small>ISTORY OF</small>).  Consult further the articles in the Bible dictionaries, e.g., <I>EB</i>, iii. 3775-78; <i>JE</i>, x. 39.</small>
<P>

<br>
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Pilot, William" id="pilot_william">
<b>PILOT, WILLIAM:</b> Anglican; b. at Bristol, England, Dec. 30, 1841. He was educated at St. Boniface&#39;s College, Westminster, and St. Augustine&#39;s College, Canterbury, and was ordered deacon in 1867 and advanced to the priesthood in 1868. From 1867 to 1875 he was vice-principal of Queen&#39;s College, St. John&#39;s, Newfoundland, as well as incumbent of Quidi Vidi, Newfoundland, and in 1883-84 was principal of Queen&#39;s College. Since 1875 he has been superintendent of education in Newfoundland and in 1905 was also appointed commissary to the bishop of Newfoundland. He is a canon of the Anglican cathedral at St. John&#39;s. In theology he is an "Anglican of the old type," and has written essays on nomenclature and folk-lore of Newfoundland, also the geography of Newfoundland, and sketches of early church history of Newfoundland.
</P>

</br>
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Pinytus" id="pinytus">
<P><b>PINYTUS:</b> Bishop of Cnossus, Crete, in the second century, according to Eusebius <I>(Hist. eccl.</i>, iv. 21, 23, Eng. transl,  <I>NPNF, </I> 2 ser., i. 197-198, 200-202), and contemporary of Dionysius of Corinth (q.v.). Eusebius gives some extracts from the correspondence of the two. Dionysius, it appears, wrote to the bishop of Cnossus asking him not to impose too strict a yoke of chastity upon his brethren. But Pinytus was unmoved by this counsel and replied that Dionysius might impart stronger doctrine and feed his congregation with a more perfect epistle inasmuch as Christians could not always subsist on milk or tarry in childhood. It may be that Pinytus was influenced by Montanistic views; however, Eusebius vouches for his orthodoxy and his care for the welfare of those placed under him. </P>
<p class="author">(A. HAUCK.)</p>
<P class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY:</small> The references are collected in Harnack,
<I>Litteratur</i>, i. 237. See the literature under D<small>IONYSIUS OF</small> C<small>ORINTH.</small></small>
</P>

<br>
</div3><div3 type=Article" title="Pionius" id="pionius">
<P>
<b>PIONIUS:</b> Christian martyr of the middle of the third century. Eusebius <I>(Hist. eccl.</i>, IV., xv. 47; Eng. transl., <I>NPNF, </I>2 series, i. 192) refers to his own lost "Collection of the Ancient Martyrdoms" as containing accounts of martyrdoms in the time of Polycarp. Among the martyrs referred to was a certain Pionius, of whom an account was given in Eusebius&#39; source and used by him, which included a report of his confessions, his courageous defense of the Christian faith before people and authorities, his friendly reception of the fugitives from persecution, and his encouraging address to the brethren who visited him in prison, as well as his endurance of sufferings, nailings, and burning. In spite of some uncertainties in particulars, the genuineness of the account seems evident and presents a good picture of events during the Decian persecution (see D<small>ECIUS</small>, C<small>AIUS</small> M<small>ESSIUS</small> Q<small>UINTUS</small> T<small>RAJANUS</small>). The " Acts " from which Eusebius draws points distinctly (ii. 1, ix. 4, 23) to the persecution of the year 250 under the consuls Decius and Gratus; the reference to the time of Marcus Aurelius by Eusebius is explained by the connection with the "Acts of Polycarp." Pionius was seized at the anniversary of the martyrdom of Polycarp, Feb. 23, which day also was a Sabbath in 250, and he was burned with a certain Metrodorus on Mar. 12. The Pionius of this article must be distinguished from Pionius, author of <I>Vita Polycarpi </I>(350-400).</P>
<P class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>IBLIOGRAHY:</small> Sources are: 
T. Ruinart, <I>Acta Martyrum</I>, pp. 185-198, Regensburg, 1859; <I>ASB, </I>Feb., i. 37-46;
F. Miklosich, <I>Monumenta lingua pal&#230;oslvenic&#230;</i>, pp. 94 sqq., Vienna, 1851; 
O. von Gebhardt, in <I>Archiv f&#252;r slavische Philologie</i>, xviii (1896), 156 sqq., in <I>Ausgw&#228;hlie M&#228;rtyrakten</i>, pp. 59 sqq., T&#252;bingen,1901, and in <I>Acta martyrum selecta</i>, pp. 59 sqq., Berlin, 
1902. Consult further: Kr&#252;ger, <I>History</i>, pp. 385-386; 
B. Aub&#233;, <I>L&#39;Eglise et L&#39;&#233;tat dans la seconde moiti&#233; du 3. si&#232;cle</i>, pp. 140 eqq., Paris, 1885; 
J. B. Lightfoot, <I>Apostolic Fathers</i>, i. 622-626, 695-702, London, 1889; 
T. Zahn, in <I>Forschungen zur Geschichte des neutestamentlichen Kanons</i>, iv. 271 A 4, Leipsic;1891; 
J. A. F. Gregg, The <I>Decian Persecution</i>, pp. 242 eqq., ib. 1897;
Bardenhewer, <I>Geschichte</i>, ii. 631-632; <I>DCB</i>, iv. 397. 428;
Ceillier, <I>Auteura sacres</i>, ii. </I>113-114.</small></P>

<br>
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Piper, Karl Wilhelm Ferdinand" id="piper-karl_wilhelm_ferdinand">
<P>
<b>PIPER, KARL WILHELM FERDINAND:</b> German church historian; b. at Stralsund (120 m. n.w. of Berlin) May 7, 1811; d. at Berlin Nov. 28, 1889. He studied theology at the universities of Berlin and G&#246;ttingen, 1829-33; was tutor in theology at the latter institution, 1833--40; privat-docent in church history at the University of Berlin, 1842; and associate professor after 1842. As church historian he belonged to the school of Neander. His earlier literary activity dealt with chronology and resulted in the publication of the " Evangelical Calendar " (1850-70), in which he substituted for the names of saints, those of Christian worthies, and furnished annually biographical sketches. His principal pursuit became the investigation of Christian monuments of art, as a source for church history. The first important product appeared as the first part of the projected work, <I>Mythologie und Symbolik der Christlichen Kunst </I>(2 vols., Weimar, 1847-51) setting forth the influence of pagan mythology upon Christianity. The intended second part was never prepared. His next great work was  <i>Einleitung in die monumentale Theologie </I> (Gotha, 1867). Other works are: <I>Ueber den christlichen Bilderkreis</I> (Berlin, 1852); and <i>Die Kalendarien and Martyrologien der Angelsachsen </I>(1862). Piper does not treat art for art&#39;s sake; form and style are almost ignored. He always seeks to present the content for his specific purpose. He was the founder of the Christian museum at the University of Berlin and its director from 1849 till his death. </p>
<p class="author">(A. H<small>AUCK.</small>)
</p>

<br>
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Pippin, Donation of" id="pippin_donation_of">
<p>
<b>PIPPIN, DONATION OF</b>. See P<small>APAL</small> S<small>TATES.</small></p>

<br>
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Pirke Aboth" id="pirke_aboth">
<p>
<b>PIRKE ABOTH</b>, p&#238;r-k&#234;&#39; a&#39;bot (" Sayings of the Fathers ") : The ninth tractate of the fourth order ("Damages") of the Mishna. An especially valuable translation, with excellent notes, is found in C. Taylor&#39;s  <I>Sayings of the Jewish Fathers, </I>2d ed., Cambridge, 1899. See T<small>ALMUD.</small></p>

<br>
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Pirkheimer, Charitas" id="pirkheimer_charitas">
<P>
<b>PIRKHEIMER</b>, pirk-haim&#39;er, <b>CHARITAS:</b> Sister of Wilibald Pirkheimer (q.v.) and abbess of the nunnery of St. Clara at Nuremberg; b. at Eichstatt (42 m. w.s.w. of Regensburg) Mar. 21, 1466; d. at Nuremberg Aug. 19, 1532. At the age of twelve she entered the nunnery of which she became abbess in 1503. In the same year she induced her sister Clara, who succeeded her in the headship of the cloister in 1532, to enter as a sister and to undertake the work of secretary and assistant. She was especially faithful in the mainte-<pb n="72"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
nance of discipline and nurture of those committed to her care. By her brother she was led to the study of patristics, but was never reconciled to the Reformation, being a devoted daughter of her church. Her character was necessarily developed in a one-sided direction through her early entrance into the nunnery, and she was apparently quite morbid through colAinued contemplation of her sins and weaknesses. Her <I>Denktw&#252;rdigkeiten</i> pictures the misfortunes of her cloister (given in C. H&#246;fler&#39;s <I>Frankischen Studien</i>, vol. iv., part 2, Vienna, 1853).
</P>
<p class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY:</small> F. Binder, <I>Charitas Pirkheimer,</I> Freiburg, 1873.</small></p>

<br>
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Pirkheimer, Wilibald" id="pirkheimer_wilibald">
<P>
<b>PIRKHEIMER, WILIBALD:</b> German humanist; b. at Eichstatt (42 m. w.s.w. of Regensburg) Dec. 5, 1470; d. at Nuremberg Dec. 22, 1530. He received his elementary education from his father and then studied at the universities of Pavia and Padua the classics, music, and jurisprudence for seven years. He was city councilor at Nuremberg, 1496-1523; was entrusted with diplomatic charges by his city; and served in the war with the Swiss as imperial counselor to Maximilian I. and Charles V., as a result of which he wrote <I>Historia belli Suitensis sive Halvetici</I> (in <I>Pirckheimeri opera politics</i>, pp. 63-92, Frankfort, 1610), which secured him the appellation of the German Xenophon. But Pirkheimer was famous for his versatile scholarship; he was identified with the revival in Germany of the humanities from Italy and shared the leadership with Erasmus and Reuchlin. He translated into Latin wholly or in part the works of Euclid, Xenophon, Plato, Ptolemy, Theophrastus, Plutarch, Lucian of Samosata, Gregory of Nazianzus, and John of Damascus, and possessed a large library gathered in the cities of Italy and freely thrown open to friends of learning.
</P>
<p>
Though in conflict with crystallized scholasticism, he was not inimical to the Church. However, he was a part of the movement which prepared the way for the coming division. At the beginning of the Reformation he took his position with Luther; called himself " a good Lutheran " in 1522; and for his <I>Eckius dedolatus </I> (ed. S. Szamatolski, 1891) and for a defensive polemic for Luther he drew upon himself a bull at the instigation of Johann Eck (q.v.) in 1521, but was absolved the same year. After 1524 he gradually fell away from Protestant ism and turned more and more toward the Roman Catholic Church, mainly through his relation with the monastery of the Poor Clares (see C<small>LARE</small>, S<small>AINT, AND THE</small> P<small>OOR</small> C<small>LARES</small>) at Nuremberg the abbess of which (1503-32) was his famous sister Charitas (q.v.). When the innovators in that city, Hieronymus Ebner, Caspar Nutzel, and Lazarus Spengler, went so far in 1524 as to induce a voluntary abandonment of the monastery by the nuns, Pirkheimer&#39;s tender relation with his sister impelled him to advance to the defense. He appealed to Melanchthon through whose influence the abolition was stayed. His last work was in defense of the monastery, the <I>Oratoria Apologetica</I> (1529; ed. G. J. Gretser, <I>Opera omnia,</i> xvii., Regensburg, 1734-41).</p>
<p class="author">(F. L<small>IST</small>t.)</p>
<P class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY:</small> 
An incomplete edition of the <I>Opera,</I> ed. M. Goldast, was issued Frankfort, 1610, 
with the basal life by K. Rittershausen. Pirkheimer&#39;s " Autobiography" is given by K Ruck in his 
<I>Wilibald Pirckheimer a Schweizerkrieg, </I>Munich, 1895. 
There are biographies by
F. Roth Halle, 1887; in <I>ADB</i>, xxxv. 118-122; 
and in E. Munch, <I>Wilibald Pirkheimers Schmeizerkrieg und Ehrenhandel mit seinen Feinden zu N&#252;rnberg,</I> 
Basel, 1826. 
Consult further: 
R. Hagen, <I>Wilibald Pirkheimer in seinem Verhdltnis zum Humanismus und zur Reformation,</I> Nuremberg, 1882; 
O. Markwart, <I>Wilibald Pirkheimer als Geschichtschreiber,</I> Zurich, 1886; 
P. Draws, <I>Wilibald Pirkheimera Stellung zur Reformation,</I> Leipsic, 1887; 
P. Kalkoff, <i>Pirkheimera and Spenglers L&#246;sung vom Banns 1681,</I> Breslau, 1896; 
H. Westermeyer, <I>Zur Bannangelegenheit Pirkhelmera and Spenglers,</I> in <I>Beitr&#228;ge zur bayerischen 
Kirchengeschichte</i>, ii. 1-8, Erlangen, 1896.</small>
</P>

<br>
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Pirmin, Saint" id="pirmin_saint">
<P>
<b>PIRMIN</b> (PERMIN, PRIMIN), <b>SAINT:</b> Abbot and missionary in southern Germany; d. at the monastery of Hornbach (75 m. n.n.w. of Strasburg) Nov. 3, probably in 753. According to Rabanus Maurus (q.v.) he was a foreigner, and being a Benedictine, it is concluded that he was an Anglo-Saxon. He was first known as rural bishop of Meaux, where he preached in Latin and Frankish, during the reign of Theodoric IV. (720-737) and was called thence as missionary to the people about Lake Constance. There he first established the monastery of Reichenau on an island in the western arm of Lake Constance. When the lemanni under Theobald rose against Charles Martel, Pirmin was compelled to leave his see, and repaired to Alsace, where, under Count Eberhard, he completed the monastery of Murbach in the Vosges. He is also said to have founded the religious houses of Altaich in Bavaria and Pfaefers in Switzerland, of Schuttern and Gengenbach in Offenburg, Schwartzach near Lichtenau in Baden, Maurmiinster and Neuweiler in Alsace, and finally the abbey of Hornbach near Zweibr&#252;cken.
</P>
<p>
There still exists a document of Pirmin entitled <I>Dida abbatis Pirminii, de singulis libris canonicis scarapsus;</I> first published by J. Mabillon in <I>Vetera analecta</i>, iv (Paris, 1723); ed. by A. Gallandi in <I>Bibliotheca veterum patrum</i>, xiii., pp. 277-285 (Venice, 1779); <I>MPL,</I> lxxxix. 1030 sqq. <I>Scarapsus</i> is evidently a corruption for 
<I>excerptus.</I> These sayings written in barbarous Latin are directed to baptized Christians, offering instruction in faith and morals and supported by abundant Scripture citation. Man was created to fill the vacancy made by fallen angels. Satan is vanquished by the humility of the Son of God and sin by the cross, The vocation of the Christian is to follow Christ and
shun evil. Of elementary sins there are eight: lust, gluttony, fornication, wrath, despair, recklessness, vainglory, and pride. He warns against the fleshly sins: divorce, which should not be permitted excepting with the consent of both parties and for the love of Christ; fornication, covetousness, untruthfulness, and sorcery. Actual sins are to be atoned for by almsgiving.</p>
<p class="author">(A. H<small>AUCK</small>.)</p>
<P class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY:</small> Early <I>Vit&#230;</I> and other documents, with comment, are in <i>ASB</i>, Nov., ii., 1, pp. 2-54, and, ed. Holder-Egger, in <I>MGH Script.,</I> xv (1887--88), 21-35. Consult: M. Gorrmger, <I>Pirminis, </I> Zweibr&#252;cken, 1841; P. Heber, <I>Die vorkarolingischen christlichen Glaubenahelden am Rhein,</I> pp. 212-248, Frankfort, 1858; J. H. A. Ebrard, <I>Die iroschottische Missionakirche</i>, pp. 344 sqq., 453 sqq., Gutersloh, 1873; J. Weicherding, <I>Der St. Pirminsberg . . . und</I><pb n="73"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
der heilige Pirmin</i>, Luxemburg, 1875; C. P. Caspari, </i>Kirchenhistorische Anecdota,</i> i. 149 sqq., Christiania, 1883; E. Egli, <i>Kirchengeschichte der Schweiz</i>, pp. 72-82, Zurich, 1893; Friedrich, <i>KD</i>, ii. 580 sqq., Rettberg, <i>KD</i>, ii. 5084; Hauck, <i>KD</i>, i. 346; <i>DCB</i>, iv. 405.</small>
</P>

<br>
</div3><div3 Type="Article" title="Pirstinger, Berthold" id="pirstinger_berthold">
<p><b>PIRSTINGER, BERTHOLD.</b> See P<small>UERSTINGER.</small></p>

<br>
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Pisa, Councils of" id="pisa_councils_of">
<P>
<b>PISA, COUNCILS OF:</b> The council of Pisa in 1409, standing as a moment in the tendency to establish an episcopal oligarchy in place of a papal monarchy, was occasioned by the great schism in the western Church and the need of reforms. There had been since 1378 two popes in western Christendom and it was imperative to put an end to the confusion incident to a double system of bishops, priests, and sacraments. The two popes themselves, Gregory XII. of Rome and Benedict XIII. of Avignon, were opposed to arbitrating their claims. A majority of the cardinals of both parties resolved to ignore their obstinate chiefs and came together at Livorno in 1408 and invited the representatives of the Church to a general council at Pisa on Mar. 25, 1409. A large number of church dignitaries besides representatives of the sacred orders, universities, and secular kings and princes obeyed the summons of the cardinals. The claims of both papal pretenders were considered, and after ten days the cardinals entered into a conclave at the archiepiscopal palace at Pisa, and, on June 26, chose unanimously the Cardinal Peter Philargi, archbishop of Milan, as pope. He was a native Greek of the island of Crete, and reputed to be of a conciliatory disposition. He assumed the name of Alexander V. The cardinals had not taken pains to find out whether the several Christian states would accept their election as valid. The consequence was that instead of a two-headed papacy they had created a three-headed one, a result foreseen by such men as Pierre d&#39;Ailly (q.v.). Rupert of Germany, Ladislaus of Naples, and certain other minor princes stood by Gregory XII.; Spain and Portugal supported Benedict XIII. The cause of union was thus unsuccessful. The cause of reformation, on the other hand, fared no better, for it proved that the great assembly was unprepared to deal with so great a problem. The reformation of the Church, both head and members, was postponed to the next council, to which both Pope Alexander V. and Council agreed. The materials of reformation were to be first discussed at provincial, diocesan, or chapter synods; but later developments proved that no one had in mind a reform of the hierarchical structure. The only consequence was the testimony to the world that there was a Church universal strong enough to withstand the strain of even a thirty-years schism.</p>
<p class="author">(P. T<small>SCHACKERT</small>.)</p>
<P>
The second Council of Pisa was called by nine cardinals under the Spanish Cardinal Carvajal, three of whom, however, had not formally given assent, to convene Sept. 1, 1511. The council was a political step aimed at Pope Julius II., who was
involved in conflict with Ferrara and France. It was of an abortive nature, attended by only a small contingent, and soon adjourned to Milan on account of popular opposition, where it declared Julius II. suspended, Apr. 21, 1512. Soon after, it
dispersed to France from fear of the Swiss invasion, and died of inanition at Lyons toward the end of the year. Pope Julius II. retaliated by depriving the four leading schismatic cardinals of their dignities and calling a Lateran Council which met May
3, 1512, and excommunicated the members of the second Pisan Council. The whole matter was a futile attempt to galvanize into activity the conciliar movement of the previous century (ut sup.) and to employ it for political purposes.</P>
<P class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY:</small> 
The sources most accessible are Hefele<i>, Conciliengeschichte</i>, vi. 992 sqq.; 
Mansi, <i>Concilia</i>, xxvi. 1136 sqq., 1184 sqq., xvii. 1-10, 115 sqq., 358 sqq.; 
E. Martkne and U. Durand, <i>Thesaurus novus anecdotorum</i>, ii.1436 sqq., Paris, 1717; 
P. Tsehackert, <i>Peter van Ailly</i>, appendix, 31-41, Gotha, 1877; and <i>Reichstagsakten</i>, vol. vi., ed. J. Weizs&#228;cker, Gotha, 1888. Consult 
J. Lenfant, <I>Hist. du concile de Pise et de ce qui est passt de plus m&#233;morable depuis ce concile jusqu&#39;au concile de Constance</i>, 2 vols., Amsterdam, 1724; 
Pastor, <i>Popes</i>, i. 175-207; 
Creighton, <i>Papacy</i>, i. 223 sqq, iv. 269, v. 160-161; 
J B. Schwab, <i>Johann Gerson</i>, W&#252;rzburg, 1858; 
C. H&#246;fler, <i>Ruprecht van der Pfalz</I>, Freiburg, 1861; 
Lehman, <i>Die Pisaner Concil van 1511</i>, Breslau, 1874; 
G. Erler, <i>Dietrich van Nieheim</i>, Leipsic, 1887; 
F. Stuhr, <i>Die Organisation and Gesch&#228;ftsordnung des Pisaner . . . Konzels</i>, Schwerin, 1891; 
H. Rossbach, <I>Das Leben and die . . . Wirksamkeit des Bernaldino Lopez de Carvajal, </I>vol. i., Breslau, 1892; 
J. Haller, <I>Papattum and Kirchenrejorm</i>, vol. i., Berlin, 1903; 
<I>KL</I>, x. 23 sqq.; 
Milman, <I>Latin Christianity</i>, vii. 312-320; 
and the literature under G<small>REGORY</small> XII.; 
B<small>ENEDICT</small> XIII. (1).</small></p>

<br>
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Piscator, Johannes" id="piscator_johannes"><p>
<b>PISCATOR</b>, pis-ke&#39;tor (FISCHER), <b>JOHANNES:</b>  German theologian; b. at Strasburg Mar. 27, 1546; d. at Herborn (32 m. n.e. of Nassau) July 26, 1625. He was educated at T&#252;bingen; became professor of theology at Strasburg in 1573; and of philosophy at Heidelberg in 1574 as a follower of Peter Ramus; was made scholastic rector at Siegen in 1577; professor of theology at Neustadt-on-the-Haardt in 1578; rector at Moers in 1581; and was instructor at the high school at Herborn, in 1584-1625. Tireless in industry, Piscator prepared Latin commentaries collectively of the New Testament (Herborn, 1595-1609) and the Old Testament (1612, 1618), and a German translation of the Bible (1605-19). He followed with <I>Anhang des herbonischen biblischen Wercks</I> (1610), noted for its wealth of archeological, historical, and theological material. He left a multitude of text-books in philosophy, philology, and theology, of which <I>Aphorismi doctrin&#230; christian&#230; </I> (1596) was much used. His significance for theology was his opposition to the doctrine of the active obedience of Christ. " Whoever denies that Christ was subject to the law, denies that he was man." If the imputation of the active obedience were sufficient man would be free from obedience as well as from the curse. [From being an advocate of supralapsarianism in the most extreme form, as in his controversy with Conrad Vorstius (cf. extracts in A. H. Newman, <I>Manual of Church History</i>, ii. >338-339, 3 vols., Philadelphia, 1900-03), Piscator became a pronounced Arminian. <small>A. H. N.</small>]
</P>
<p class="author">(E. F. K<small>ARL</small> M<small>&#220;LLER.</small>)</p>
<P class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY:</small> Steubing, in <I>ZHT, </I>1841, part 4, pp. 98 sqq.; 
F. C. Baur, <I>Die christliche Lehre van der Verabhnung</i>, pp. 352 sqq., T&#252;bingen, 1838; 
W. Gass, <I>Geschichte der protestantischen Dogmatik</i>, i. 422 sqq., 4 vols., Berlin, 1854-67; 
A. Ritsehl, <I>Die christliche Lehre van der Rechtfertigung and Versbhnung, i. </I>271 sqq., Bonn, 1889, Eng. transl., <I>Critical Hist. of the Christian Doctrine of Justification and Reconciliation, </I>Edinburgh, 1872.</small></P>

<br>
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Pisgah" id="pisgah">
<p><b>PISGAH.</b> See M<small>OAB.</small></p>

<br><pb n="74"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Pisidia" id=pisidia">
<p>
<b>PISIDIA.</b> See A<small>SIA</small> M<small>INOR</small>, VII.
</p>

</br>
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Pistis Sophia" id="pistis_sophia">
<p>
<b>PISTIS SOPHIA.</b> See O<small>PHITES.</small>
</p>

<br>
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Pistoja, Synod of" id="pistoja_synod_of">
<p>
<b>PISTOJA, SYNOD OF.</b> See R<small>ICCI</small>, S<small>CIPIONE DE&#39;</small>, J<small>OHANNES.</small>
</p>

<br>
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Pistorius, Johannes Becker" id="pistorius_johannes_becker">
<P>
<b>PISTORIUS, JOHANNES BECKER:</b> The name of two persons, father and son, who were influential, though widely divergent, figures in the religious controversies of the sixteenth century.
</P>
<P>
<h3>1. Johannes Pistorius the Elder:</h3>
<h4> Controversies with Roman Catholics</h4>
</p>
<p>
First Protestant pastor at Nidda, Hesse; b. in the latter part of the fifteenth century; d. 1583. In company with Butzer, he appears to have attended the Diet of Augsburg in 1530, and in 1541 he became superintendent of the diocese of Alsfeld. Landgrave Philip accorded him the utmost confidence. In 1540 he was one of the Hessian delegates to the convention at Hagenau, and soon afterward he was delegated to attend the colloquy with at Worms, in 1540-41. He accompanied the landgrave to the Diet of Regensburg, where the emperor appointed him to speak on the Protestant side, along with Melanchthon and Butzer. He stood loyal to Melanchthon, who esteemed him highly In 1543, at the request of Butzer, the landgrave sent him to Cologne, to support attempts of the elector to introduce the Reformation there. He preached to large throngs, and to Melanchthon&#39;s complete satisfaction. In 1545-116, again as a colleague of Butzer, he took part in the religious conference at Regensburg. When it was purposed to introduce the Interim (q.v.) in Hesse, he headed a brave, though moderate, resistance, even being ready to resign his office. After the reaction brought about by the Elector Maurice, the landgrave, in 1557, despatched Pistorius to the princely diet at Frankfort; and not long afterward he was one of the speakers at the great religious conference in Worms (q.v.).
</P>
<P>
<h4>Activity in Inter-Protestant Controversy</h4>
</p>
<p>
From this time on, Pistorius was busied more by the controversies raging among the Protestants than by the struggle against the Roman Catholic Church. He then deeply influenced the Hessian position, and his constant aim was either to preserve or to restore peace. Together with his colleagues at the Synod of Ziegenhain, in 1558, he gladly accepted the Frankfort Recess (q.v.). Owing to illness, he was unable to accompany the landgrave to the princes&#39; conference at Naumburg in 1561, although he declared, in a formal expression of opinion, that the revised Augsburg Confession contained no doctrinal deviation from the original. It was most probably Pistorius who composed the important Hessian opinion, dated Oct. 19, 1566, regarding the "final answer" of the W&#252;rttemberg theologians to the Heidelberg divines (T&#252;bingen, 1566). This document takes a very decided stand against the Heidelberg party with their Calvinistic teaching regarding the Lord&#39;s Supper, and it recognizes the doctrine of Ubiquity (q.v.). At the momentous eighth general synod of 1576, when the Torgau Book (see F<small>ORMULA OF</small> C<small>ONCORD</small>) was under advisement, Pistorius approved its basal creed, its various doctrinal statements and antitheses, its teaching concerning the Lord&#39;s Supper, and, pending deeper investigation, its Christology. At the same time, he shared the scruples urged by the majority against emphasizing the <i>Invariata</i>, the "damnation" of the Calvinists, and the subtlety of the doctrine of ubiquity; and he was, therefore, the first to sign the treatise explanatory of these points. At the general assembly in Treysa (Nov., 1577), Pistorius and the majority voted to reject the Book of Bergen (see F<small>ORMULA OF</small> C<small>ONCORD</small>). It is thus evident that Pistorius undervalued the significance and range of the dogmatic questions of the period. He intensely disliked doctrinal polemics, and always treated dogmatic questions from a practical point of view. Administratively he evinced a very influential activity in organization and polity, as well as in public worship, discipline and education, during his entire term of office. At his death he left an unfinished work on the diets and colloquies that he had attended from 1540 to 1557.
</P>
<h3>2. Johannes Pistorius the Younger:</h3>
<h4>Early Life and Conversion of Margrave Jacob</h4>
<p>Roman Catholic convert and apologist; b. at Nidda (19 m. s.e. of Giessen), Hesse, Feb. 4, 1546; d. at Freiburg Sept., 1608. He studied first theology and then medicine, and in 1568 published at Frankfort the peculiar cabalistic treatise: <i>De vera curand&#230; pestis ratione</i>, which he followed by his <i>Artis cabalistic&#230; scriptores</i> (Basel, 1587). During the life-time of Charles II. (d. 1577), sole regent of the margravate of Baden-Durlach, Pistorius became court physician, though he was continually taking part in theological affairs. Meanwhile he had gone over from Lutheranism to Calvinism; and shortly afterward, in 1588, became a convert to the Roman Catholic Church. He now wrote a number of open letters which opened a controversy on the nature of the Church, an issue that he henceforth deemed the most important point under discussion. At the same time he made earnest, though unsuccessful, efforts to convert Margrave Ernest Frederick. With the Margrave Jacob, at Hochberg Castle, he had better fortune. This chivalrous, learned, and traveled prince had frequently received foreign Protestants, although in 1585-86, when in the Spanish military service, he had fought against the adherents of the new teachings in the archdiocese of Cologne. He was very accessible, moreover, to Roman Catholic court influences, and now became a convert to the ancient Church. To justify this step he arranged a religious conference at Baden, the residence of his cousin, Margrave Eduard Fortunatus, who had himself become a Roman Catholic in 1584. Margrave Jacob appeared with his councilor, Pistorius, his chaplain, Johann Zehender, the Jesuit Theodor Bus&#339;us, and others. Duke Christopher of W&#252;rttemberg, who had been invited, did not attend in person, but sent certain councilors and theologians, Jakob Andrea, Jakob Heerbrand, and Gerlach. The debate (Nov. 18-19) occupied four sessions, though it did not turn on ubiquity, as the margrave had purposed, but on the visible and invisible Church, as Pistorius had arranged. The conference proved fruitless, however, and was soon broken off. Andre&#228;, and Pistorius parted in enmity,<pb n="75"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
and their oral dispute was prolonged in writing. Margrave Jacob, dissatisfied with the Baden conference, and continually influenced by the duke of Bavaria, ordered a second religious colloquy, this time at his Emmendingen residence. The Roman Catholic debaters were the chaplain Zehender and the rector Georg H&#228;nlin of Freiburg. The margrave had wished for the debate to turn on the doctrine of justification; and at his command Pistorius had prepared 300 theses on that subject, but again succeeded in making the theory of the Church the topic of argument. After seven sessions (June 37, 1590), the margrave finally authorized the pronouncement that "Luther&#39;s church was a new church, and therefore a false church." Without further delay, the margrave solemnly became a member of the Roman Catholic Church in the monastery of Thennenbach (July 15), Bus&#339;eus granting him absolution. Great joy reigned in Rome, and Pope Sixtus V. appointed a feast of thanksgiving. Before it could be held, however, Margrave Jacob, after a brief illness, had died (Aug. 7, 1590). Immediately after his death, Ernest Frederick appeared at Emmendingen and forbade any change in religious conditions, but when this prince was later about to force Calvinism upon his domain, he, too, died a sudden death (1604). The entire margravate now devolved on George Frederick, whom neither Pistorius nor Ernest Frederick had been able to win from Lutheranism.
</P>
<h4>Clerical Career and Writings</h4>
<P>
Pistorius outlived these events, but not in Baden. He took orders, became vicar general to the bishop of Constance, and resided for the most part in Freiburg, devoting himself zealously to writing polemics. Soon after his removal from Baden, he published <I>Wahrhafte Beschreibung, was sich bei Markgraf Jakobs letzter Krankheit und Ableben verlauffen</I> (1590) and <I>Orationes de vita et morte Jacobi</I> (1591).
</p>
<p>
Of great note among his many and widely published controversial writings was his <I>Anatomia Lutheri</I> (2 parts, Cologne, 1595-98), in which he sought to prove from Luther&#39;s writings that the Reformer was possessed of the seven evil spirits (lust, blasphemy, etc.), and that he was an utter abomination. The constructive counterpart to this work was his <I>Wegweiser f&#252;r all verf&#252;hrten Christen, das ist, ein wahrhaftiger Bericht von vierzehn durch  die unrechtgl&#228;ubigen in Streit gezogenen Artikeln, daraus jedermann der r&#246;mischen Kirche Wahrheit erkennen kann</I> (Munster, 1599). Pistorius rendered lasting service through his works on history and genealogy, particularly by his edition of the  <I>Scriptores rerum Germanicarum </I>(3 vols., Frankfort, 1583-1607) and by his <I>Polonic&#230; histori&#230; corpus </I> (3 vols., Basel, 1582). His zeal was recognized by his church, for he was appointed imperial and Bavarian councilor, apostolic prothonotary, provost of the cathedral at Breslau, and domestic prelate to the abbot of Fulda.
</p>
<p class="author">C<small>ARL</small> M<small>IRBT</small>.</p>
<p class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY:</small> 
For 1, besides the literature under CONTARINI, GASPARO, and PHILIP OF HESSE, much of which is
pertinent, consult: 
H. Heppe, <I>Kirchengeschichte der beiden Hessen</i>, vol. i., Marburg, 1876; 
idem, <I>Geschichte der hessischen Generalsynoden 1568-88</i>, 2 vols., Cassel, 1847;
<I>Philipps des Grossm&#252;thigen hessische Kirchenreformations-Ordnung, </I>ed. K. A. Credner, pp. ccxxxvi. sqq., Giessen, 1852; 
F. W. Hassencamp, <I>Hessische Kirchengeachichte</i>, 2 vols., Frankfort, 1864; 
P. Vetter, <I>Die Religionsverhandlungen auf dem Reichstag zu Regensburg</i>, pp. 71 sqq., Jena, 1889; 
F. Herrmann, <I>Das Interim in Hessen, </I>Marburg, 1901.
<br>
For 2: K. F. Vierordt, <I>Geschichte der evangelischen Kirche in dem Grossherzogtum Baden</i>, ii. 21 sqq., Carlsruhe, 1856; 
A. R&#228;ss, <I>Die Konvertiten seit der Reformation</i>, ii. 488 sqq., iii. 83 sqq., Freiburg, 1886; 
J. Janssen, <I>Geschichte des deutschen Volkes</i>, v. </I>389 sqq., 395 sqq., Freiburg, 1886, Eng. transl., ix. 144-145, x. passim, St. Louis, 1906; 
F. von Weech, <I>Badische Geschichte</i>, pp. 276 sqq., Carlsruhe, 1890.</small>
</p>

<br>
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Pithom" id="pithom">
<P>
<b>PITHOM:</b> A treasure city built for Rameses II. by the Israelites (Ex. i. 11). It has been identified by Brugsch with Succoth, the first encampment on the route of the exodus, the starting-point being Rameses (Ex. xii. 37, xiii. 20), and by Naville with the present Tell al-Maskhuta in the Wady al-Tumil&#226;t on the line of the Sweet-Water Canal, between Ismailia and Tell al-Kebir. See EGYPT, I., 4, &#167;2, 6, &#167; 4.
</P>

<br>
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Pitra, Jean Baptiste" id="pitra_jean_baptiste">
<P>
<b>PITRA</b>, p&#238;&#39;&#39;tra, <b>JEAN BAPTISTE:</b> Cardinal; b. at Champforgeuil, near Autun (230 m. s.e. of Paris) Aug. 12, 1812; d. at Rome Feb. 9, 1889. He studied at the seminary at Autun, became priest in 1836, entered the order of St. Benedict in 1840, and lived in the abbey of Solesmes. In 1843 he was sent as prior to a new monastery at Paris, whence he made journeys throughout France, Switzerland, Holland, Belgium, and England, in the interest of his order. He devoted himself to historical research and at Paris he helped to project the <I>Patrologia</I> of the Abb&#232; Migne, and assisted in the publication of the first four volumes. In 1858 Pope Pius IX. sent him to Russia in the hope of effecting a union with the Greek Church, and he took occasion to prosecute his researches in archives, monasteries, and libraries. In 1861 he entered the service of the Propaganda; two years later he was made a cardinal priest; in 1869 he became librarian of the Vatican; in 1879, cardinal bishop) of Frascati;
and in 1884 he retired to the bishopric of Porto.
He was an earnest advocate of the papal supremacy. He was the author of  <I>&#200;tudes sur la collection des actes des saints par les Bollandists </I>(Paris, 1850); and <I>Histoire de Saint L&#232;ger </I>(1846). His greatest work is <i>Spicilegium Solesmense </I>(4 vols., 1852-58), followed by <I>Analecta sacra spicilegio Solesmensi parata </I>(8 vols., 1876-91), and <I>Analecta novissima</I> (2 vols.,1885,88); the whole monumental work is of immense value as it is a treasure-house of hitherto imprinted documents relating to ecclesiastical history. To be added are the <i>Juris ecclesiastica Gr&#230;corum historia et monumenta</I> (Rome, 1864-68), and <I>Triodion katanacticon</I> (1879); both the fruit of four years of travel and special study after 1858, when the pope directed him to devote his attention to the ancient and modern canons of the eastern churches; and <I>Hymnographie de l&#39;Eglise grecque </I>(1867).
</P>
<P class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY:</small> Biographies are by A. Battandier, Paris, 1893; and F. Cabrol, ib. 1893.</small>
</P>

<br>
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Pitzer, Alexander White" id="pitzer_alexander_white">
<P>
<b>PITZER, ALEXANDER WHITE:</b> Presbyterian; b. at Salem, Roanoke County, Va., Sept. 14, 1834; studied at Virginia Collegiate Institute (now Roanoke College, 1848-51); graduated at Hampden-Sidney College, Va. (1854); studied at Union Theo-<pb n="76"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
logical Seminary, Va. (1854-55), and at Danville Theological Seminary, Ky. (1855-57); was pastor at Leavenworth, Kan. (1857-61); Sparta, Ga. (1862-65); Liberty, Va.(1866-67); organized Central Presbyterian Church, Washington, D. C., in 1868, and has since been its pastor. He was also professor of Biblical history and literature in Howard University in the same city (1876-90). He is the author of <I>Ecce Deus Homo</i>, published anonymously (Philadelphia, 1867); <I>Christ, Teacher of Men </I>(1877); <I>The New Life not the Higher Life </I>(1878); <I>Confidence in Christ </I>(1889); <I>Manifold Ministry of the Holy Spirit </I>(1894); and <I>Predestination</I> (1899).
</P>

<br>
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Pius" id="pius">
<p>
<b>PIUS</b>, pai&#39;us: The name of ten popes.
</p>
<P>
<b>Pius I.:</b> Bishop of Rome 140-155. According to the Meratorian Canon (q.v.) he was a brother of the Hermas who was the author of "The Shepherd." Tertullian (" Against Marcion," i. 19) declares that Marcion in the time of this pope went to Rome for the purpose of establishing his sect there. According to Iren&#230;us, Valentinus and the Syrian Cerdon were active there at the same time. Thus the pontificate of Pius I. was a stormy one. What part Pius took in these conflicts and controversies is not known, but one of the ablest of his champions and allies was Justin Martyr (q.v.). Pius I. was canonized and his festival is July 11.
</p>
<p class="author>(H. B<small>&#214;HMER.</small>)</p>
<p class="bibliography>
<small>B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY:</small> 
Sources are Iren&#230;us, <I>H&#230;r.</i>,Ill., iii. 3, Eng. transl., <I>ANF</i>, i. 418; 
Eusebius, <I>Hist. eccl.</i>, IV., xi., Eng. transl., <I>NPNF</i>, 2 ser., i. 182 sqq; 
<i>Liber pontificalis, </I>ed. Ducheane, i.. 4-5, Paris, 1886, ed. Mommsen, in <I>MGH</i>, Gest.
pont. Rom.</i>, i (1898), 14. Consult, Jaffe, <I>Regesta</i>, i. 7-8; Harnack, <I>Lltteratur</i>, i. 789, ii. 1, pp. 70 sqq. (where literature on the lisle of Roman bishops is fully given); 
J. Langen, <I>GeachichEe der rlisniachen Kirche</i>, i., iii, sqq., Bonn, 1881;
Bower, <I>Popes</i>, i. 12-13; Platina, <I>Popes</i>, i. 27-29.</small>
</p>
<br>
<P>
<b>Pius II.</b> (&#198;neas Silvius, Enea Silvio de&#39; Piccolomini):<h4>Early Life.</h4> Pope 1458-64. He was born in Corsignano, the present Pienza (100 m. n.n.w. of Rome), Oct. 18, 1405. He studied at the University of Siena, came under the spell of the penitential appeal of Bernardino of Siena (1425), and was with difficulty restrained from joining the Franciscan order. At Florence he began the study of law, in deference to his father&#39;s wishes, but against his own inclination; he was fortunate, however, in finding a position as secretary in the employment of the bishop of Fenno. The latter took him to the Council of Basel (q.v.), already under the shadow of suspension at the hand of Eugenius IV. (1431). Like his master, whom Piccolomini before long exchanged for one offering higher pay, he joined the opposition; though leaving Basel and making a journey in the political service of Cardinal Albergati, first to the Netherlands, then to Scotland, and not returning to Basel until 1436. Though still a layman, Piccolomini soon managed to gain a certain esteem in connection with the council. His cleverness and rhetorical talent procured him the post of abbreviator, and caused him to be commissioned on various embassies. But when it was proposed to nominate him as conclavist in behalf of electing a successor to Eugenius IV., whom the council had pronounced to be deposed, he declined this honor, as he wished to avoid consecration in order that he might still indulge in pleasures not permitted to the clergy. In the year 1438 or 1439, Piccolomini began his <I>Commentarii</I> on the Council of Basel; in 1440, he wrote the <I>Libellus dialogorum de auctoritate consilii generalis.</I> Wide prospects were disclosed to him when, in 1442, he attended the imperial diet at Frankfort as envoy. It was there that the bishops of Chiemsee and Treves recommended him to King Frederick III., who crowned him with the laurel, poet of scandalous verses though he was; and then took him into his own service as secretary. An index to his mood and frame of mind at that time is found in a letter addressed to his father from Vienna, Sept. 22, 1443. He asks him to receive in his home one of his own (Piccolomini&#39;s) illegitimate sons; and adds by way of excuse, that he, "of course, was no capon, nor did he belong to your cold natures," casting at his father the shameless comparison: "You know what sort of a chanticleer you were yourself." If, therefore, a "conversion" of Piccolomini is supposed to have occurred in the following year still this hindered him not from publishing so lascivious a tale as "Euryalus and Lucretia"; and the play Chrysis, of which one critic observes that it " shows brilliant wit and intimate familiarity with the indecencies and obscenities of the Roman poets, and is worthy to be produced in a brothel." And if he writes under date of Mar. 6, 1446: " I am a subdeacon; something I once thoroughly abhorred to be. Levity has left me," the latter acknowledgment need not be taken for very serious repentance. The mainspring rather appears in what he writes two days later: " I own to you, dearest brother, I am satiated, surfeited; I have grown disgusted with Venus . . . Venus even shuns me more than I abominate her." This is not the note of a penitential mood.
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<h4>Diplomacy.</h4>
<P>
Simultaneously with his "conversion," as secretary of Frederick III. he changed the direction of his ecclesiastical statecraft. While Felix V. and the Council of Basel still regarded him as the advocate of their interests, he posed even in Vienna as one of the " neutrals," and as such openly Diplomacy. appeared at the Nuremberg diet of 1444. The resolution passed by this diet, that the status of " neutrality " should last till 1445, but that Pope Eugenius IV. should then be requested to convoke a new council, was conveyed to Rome by Piccolomini in person; and if, indeed, he did not there contrive to gain approval for his errand, he still gained the entire favor and pardon of Eugenius IV. as far as his own course was concerned. Thus the political variation was effectually reversed; while in order to set aside the animosity still prevalent in Germany he supported the king with all his diplomatic art. Nor was reward from Rome lacking. After Eugenius IV. had appointed him papal secretary, there followed, upon his returning to Vienna subsequently to the papal election of 1447, his nomination as bishop of Trieste, and, in 1450, as bishop of Siena. At this time Piccolomini conceived a new "mission" for himself, designed to carry him still higher and to obliterate all disagreeable souvenirs of his Basel period. He<pb n="77"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
endeavored to unite all Europe againd the Turks, who already held in their control the citadel of classical Greek culture. So upon his urgent appeal, Nicholas V., on Sept. 30, 1453, issued the crusading bull, and Piccolomini, at the diets of Regensburg and Frankfort in 1454, delivered lofty orations against the hereditary foe of Christendom. The circumstance that, following the new papal election of 1455, Piccolomini transcended his commissioned authority, and in the name of the emperor acknowledged the obediency of Calixtus Ill., although the promises of the deceased pope had not so much as been rehearsed, let alone approved, finally brought him the greatly desired red hat, in Dec., 1456, though his thanks for its bestowal were cold. Thenceforth he remained at Rome in close alliance with Cardinal Rodrigo Borgia, later Alexander VI. He it was, at the conclave after the death of Calixtus III., in 1458, who carried through the election of Piccolomini.
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<h4>His Work as Pope.</h4>
<P>
Rome joyfully acclaimed the election of the worldly-fashioned humanist. Nevertheless, his election proved a disappointment to the mendicant literati, who beset him with all sorts of petitions. To his teacher alone, the aged Filelfo in Florence, was he accessible, and to him he granted a pension, though this was irregularly paid, thus eventually gave occasion to invectives against the donor. However, Pius II. expended considerable sums in the acquisition of manuscripts and for the copying of valuable codices, besides employing artists of every kind, particularly architects, at Rome, Siena, and Corsignano. The first project which the new pope desired to carry out, was that of a crusade to recover Constantinople. An assembly of Christian princes, convened at Mantua, was opened by Pius II. himself; but the proposition to impose a general tithe for the purpose was withstood on the part of Venice and France, and also met with obstruction in the case of the Austrian Duke Sigismund&#39;s delegate, Gregory of Heimburg (q.v.). It was in course of the strife with him (for he appealed from the pope to a general council) that the notorious bull <i>Execrabilis</i> appeared, Jan. 18, 1460, which even thus early applied the ban against an appeal of that kind. This reveals the extreme of contrasts expressed in the man who formerly at Basel had championed the superiority of the councils over the popes. The action that emanated from Mantua, and even evoked a bull declaring war and issuing summons for a crusade (Jan. 14, 1460), had no practical result, because meanwhile, at Naples, the conflict which broke out between the Spanish and the French pretenders for the sovereignty rendered all procedure against the Turks impossible. The pope then turned his attention to other objects. He endowed with affluence his nephews and other favorites at Siena; he sought to annul the pragmatic sanction of Bourges (1438); in Germany, the opposition of the archbishop of Mainz, Dieter of Isenburg, necessitated measures of the utmost stringency, including that prelate&#39;s deposition (1461) followed next by the ban, which was not revoked until 1464. It was in Bohemia, however, that the strife became hottest. In 1458, King Podiebrad had been forced to promise, in conjunction with his oath of obedience to Calixtus III., that he would "lead back the Bohemian people from all errors and heresies to the true Catholic faith and into obedience toward the Roman Church," which promise Podiebrad was unable to meet because the Utraquists (see HUSS, JOHN),  under Rokyczana, were too strong. On the contrary, at the national diet of May 15, 1461, he was compelled to guarantee them the perpetuation of the articles compacted at Prague. Accordingly, Pius II. stepped in. with absolute power, and annulled the concession by the Council of Basel in favor of the Bohemians, although he himself had advised its adoption. Podiebrad, who personally was a Utraquist, now sided openly with that party. His subsequent citation to Rome, under date of June 15, 1464, on charge of heresy was rendered inoperative by the pope&#39;s death.
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<h4>Conflicts and Failures.</h4>
<P>
A matter of less moment was involved in a conflict with Duke Sigismund of Tyrol, mentioned above as Duke Sigismund of Austria. For years the latter had stood at odds with the bishop of Brixen, the famous cardinal of Cues (Cusanus), who claimed the suzerainty over Tyrol. Cusanus had been commissioned during the convention at Mantua as governor of Rome, for he was an old friend of Pius Il. But when he returned to Tyrol, Sigismund.waylaid him and took him prisoner. Ban and interdict were the sequel (1460). On promising to procure at Rome the repeal of the church penalties, Cusanus recovered his freedom; but as nevertheless he failed to effect the desired repeal, he did not return to Tyrol. Neither did he survive the conclusion of subsequent negotiations between Pius II. and the duke (1461). With all these conflicts and cares, the pope was not permitted to compass his favorite plan. Even his marvelous attempt miscarried whereby the Sultan Muhamed II. was to be converted by epistolary persuasion. Above all, there was dearth of money. Within the papal domain, and but eight miles from Rome, the rich and sumptuous camp of the Alouni was discovered; whereupon Pius II. once again convened envoys of various powers, and in 1463 promulgated a new bull in behalf of a crusade. But except at Venice, which had a twofold interest in the enterprise, and Hungary, which was immediately menaced,, the war against the Turks found no response. Then the pope headed affairs in person. In June, 1464, he journeyed to Ancona; and had the satisfaction, on August 12, when already gravely ill, of outliving the arrival of the Venetian fleet. But three days later he died, in his last words earnestly commending to those about him the crusade and the dependent members of his family. He seemed to have realized what had been his strongest motive in connection with this undertaking, to expiate, by means of a " good death," an evil life. " We think," for so had he said in the discourse wherewith he proclaimed the beginning of the crusade, " it might go well with us if God should please to have us end our days in his service." </P>
<h4>Character.</h4>
<P>
The tremendous chasm which seams his life Pius Il. himself attempted to cover under a still greater equivocation. All that he formerly assailed at<pb n="78"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
Basel, and what he wrote to the praise of the council, he retracted by appeal to Augustine in the bull <i>In minorrbus</I> 
of Apr. 26, 1463. Even previously, in the <I>Epistola retractationis</I> (cf. F. H. Reuech, <I>Der Index der verbotenen Bucher</i>, i. 40, Bonn, 1883), he had expressed himself in similar terms. And as touching his <I>Commentarii</I> on the Council of Basel, which during the sixteenth century found their way to the Index, he offset the same, in the years 1448-51,
with a work advocating the papal point of view. Again, with reference to his obscene writings, about the period of 1440, the pope exclaims to his readers: "Away with that &#198;neas, and now receive Pius!" He brought his autobiography down to
1464; and it was issued in elaborated form by his friend Campano. Sundry historical, geographical, and ethnographical writings belong to the second period of his development, among them the history of Frederick III., wherein events of the years 1439-1456 are set forth in piquant style, also, the "Bohemian History," and the works "Europa" and "Asia." The vindictiveness of the aggrieved humanist Filelfo attributed to Pius crimes against nature such as not even Piccolomini had committed. His life in the papal office appears to have been unobjectionable; although the charge of nepotism was well founded. Withal he was eager to eradicate heresy, even though he laid himself open to a charge of heresy: " With reason was marriage taken away from priests; but with weightier rear son it ought to be again allowed them." In the case of Bishop Pecock of Chichester (q.v.), this prelate had first denied the infallibility of the Church in comparison with Holy Scripture, but had afterward renounced that " false doctrine." However, when still again he opposed the Church&#39;s infallibility, the pope (1459) commanded his legate to see to it that the apostate be burned, together with his writings. And under date of May 11, 1463, he urged the bloodthirsty and avaricious inquisitors to allow no human consideration to prevail as against the Waldenses. Thus even with him, no sooner was the interest of the ecclesiastical authority at stake than everything else that stamps his nature-classicaI culture, creature benevolence, liberality of a richly endowed intellect-was thrust aside.
</P>
<P>
Upon the death of Pius II. at Ancona on August 15, his body was conveyed to Rome, and first bestowed in the (older) Church of St. Peter; subsequently (1614), sarcophagus and monument were lodged in the Church of S. Andrea dells Valle.
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<h4>Writings</h4>
<P>
The pope&#39;s writings were printed in a collective edition at Basel, 1551 and 1571. His <I>Liter&#230;</I> appeared in many separate editions (Cologne, 1478; Nuremberg, 1481, 1486, 1496.) They were classified, with many accessions, by G. Voigt in <I>Archiv f&#252;r Kunde &#246;sterreichischer Geschichtsquellen</I> (1856); some supplements appear in Pastor&#39;s 
<I>R&#246;mische P&#228;llpste, vol. ii.,</I> appendix (Freiburg, 1894; Eng.transl., vol. iii.); a new ed. was begun by R. Wolkan in the <I>Fontes rerum Austriacarum,</I> of which two volumes have appeared, Vienna, 1909-10. There is a Frankfort edition (1614) of his <I>Commentarii rerum memorabilium,</I> also, ed. G. Lesca, Pisa, 1894. The Commentariorum . . . de concilio Basiliensi</I> appeared at Cologne, 1521; his <I>Epistola Retractationis</i> is in C. Fea, 
<i>Pius II. a calumniis vindicates</I> (Rome, 1823); the <I>Historia Friderici, III,</I> is in A. F. Kollar, <I>Analecta . . . Vindobonensia</i>, vol. ii. (Vienna, 1762); his "Addresses" were issued by Mansi (3 vols., Lucca, 1755-59); supplements by G. Cugnoni, <I>Opera inedita Pii II.</I> (Rome, 1883).
</P>
<p class="author">K. BENRATH.</k>
<p class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY:</small> 
Creighton, <I>Papacy</i>, iii. 202-358; 
K. R. Hagenbach, <I>Erinnerungen an &#198;neas Silvius Piccolomini,</I> Basel, 1840; 
C. H. Verdikre, <I>Essai sur &#198;nea Silvio Piccolomini,</I> Paris, 1843; 
J. M. Diix, <I>Der deutsche Kardinol Nicolaus van Cusa</i>, i. 189 sqq., ii. 119 sqq., 142 sqq., Regensburg, 1847;
G. Voigt, <I>Eneas Silvius . . und sein Zeitalter</i>, 3 vols., Berlin, 1858--83; 
idem, <I>Die Wiederbelebung des klaasischen AIterthums,</i> 2 vols., Berlin 1880-81; 
H. G. P. Gengler, <I>Ueber &#198;neas Sylvius in seiner Bedeutung fur die deutsche Rechdageschichte,</I> Erlangen, 1880; 
F. Palacky, <I>Geschichte van B&#246;hmen</i>, iv. 2, pp. 80 sqq., Prague, 1880; 
A. J&#228;ger, <I>Der Strait des Nikolaus von Cusa mit dem Herzog Sigmund von Oesterreich</i>, i. 317 sqq., ii. 44 sqq.,
Innsbruck, 1881; 
C. A. H. Markgraf, <I>Ueber das Verh&#228;ltness des K&#246;nigs Georg von B&#246;hmen zu Papst Pius II.</i>, Breslau, 1887; 
A. von Reumont, <I>Geachichte der Stadt Rom</i>, iii. 1, pp 129 sqq., 387 sqq., Berlin, 1888; 
F. H. Reusch, <I>Index der verbotenen B&#252;icher</i>, i. 38, 40, Bonn, 1883; 
A. Frind, <I>Die Kirchengeschichte B&#246;hmens</i>, iv. 48 sqq., Prague, 1878;
G. W. Kitchin, <I>Life of Pius II.</i>, London, 1881; 
A. Bees, <I>Pius II. in seiner Bedeutunp als Geograph, </I>Halle, 1901; 
W. Boulting <I>&#198;neas Silvius (Enea Silvio de Piccolomini--Pius II.), Orator, Man of Letters, Statesman and Pope,
</I> London, 1909;
Schaff, <I>Christian Church</i>, v. 2, passim;
Mirbt, <I>Quellen</i>, pp 189-170; 
Ranks, <I>Popes</i>, i. 28-29, 308; 
Pastor, <I>Popes</i>, vols. ii.-iii. passim; 
Bower, <I>Popes</i>, iii. 241-244; 
Platina,  <i>Popes</i>, ii. 257-275, 
Milman, <I>Latin Christianity</i>, vii. 565, viii. 84-122.</small>
</p>
<P>
<b>Pius III.</b> (Francesco Todeachini): Pope 1503. He was a nephew of Pope Pius II. and was born at Siena in 1439. His uncle had him educated at Perugia, and influenced him to adopt the name and arms of the Piccolomini. He also created him archbishop of Siena in 1460, cardinal in 1462, and governor of Rome in 1464. By the following popes the " cardinal of Siena " was largely employed on diplomatic missions. That he possessed courage was evinced by his vigorous opposition, in 1497, restraining Alexander VI. from erecting a duchy out of portions of the States of the Church in behalf of his son, the duke of Gandia. He is supposed to have owed his election in Sept., 1503, not so much to his unstained reputation as to his manifestly impaired health. In fact, he died on the tenth day after his enthronement, Oct. 18, 1503. He had permitted C&#230;sar Borgia to return, and thus left the city of Rome in grievous confusion under the strife between him and the Orsini and Colonna.
</P>
<p class="author">K. B<small>ENRATH.</small></p>
<p class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY;</small> 
Pastor, <I>Popes</i>, vi. 185-208; 
Creighton, <I>Papacy</i>, v. 81-87; 
F. Petruccelli della Gattina, <I>Hist. Diplomatique des conclaves</i>, i. 435 sqq., Paris, 1884; 
F. Gregorovius, </i>Geschichte der Stadt Rom</i>, viii. 4 sqq. Stuttgart, 1874; 
A. von Reumont, <I>Geschichte der Stadt Rom</i>, iii. 2, pp. 7 sqq.. Berlin, 1878; 
Piccolomini, in <I>Archivio storico Italico</i>, v. 32, 102-103, Florence, 1903; 
Bower, <I>Popes</i>, iii. 277-278.</small></p>
<P>
<b>Pius IV.</b> (Giovanni Angelo Medici): Pope 1560-1565. He was derived not from the Florentine Medici but from a Milanese family, was elected pope at the age of sixty years in Dec., 1559, and was enthroned as Pius IV. on Epiphany, 1560.
</P>
<p>
Unlike his predecessor Paul IV. (q.v.), whose <pb n="79"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
policy had been passionately hostile to Spain, he turned toward the Austro-Spanish house. By nature he was the counterpart to that somber man who had reorganized the inquisition at Rome, perceiving  therein the best instrument of his domination.  Pius IV. was affable, benevolent, and of simple manners. Yet it was his lot, soon after his ascension to the throne, to inflict the extreme penalty of the law upon the two nephews of his predecessor. One of them, the duke of Paliano, besides other deeds of violence, had caused thirty vassals of the hostile Colonna family to be imprisoned, and atrociously made away with his wife&#39;s paramour, as well as herself. The evidence against him inculpated in like degree his brother, Cardinal Caraffa. When the trial proceedings had lasted eight months, the pope himself gave the decision, in a sealed order at the final session, imposing the death sentence upon both, which was carried out Mar. 6, 1561. Under Pius V., however, the trial was reviewed, the stigma upon the two brothel was removed, and the promoter of the trial was himself condemned to death.
</P>
<P>
Nepotism in the Curia was radically abolished by Pius IV., who contrived to extract large sums of money from the States of the Church and from the ecclesiastical administration, and allotted considerable amounts to his adherents, though he never yielded to them special influence in State or Church. His weightiest concern was the reopening of the Council of Trent (q.v.), the result of which was no less gratifying to the Curia than it was disappointing to Emperor Ferdinand. For even though the emperor refused to acknowledge its decrees, and though not until later, and subject to the guaranteed rights of his crown, were these decrees acknowledged by King Philip II., while the French parliament assumed an expectant stand, yet during the council and by virtue of it, Pius IV. removed all dangers that threatened the papal absolutism within the Church. When, in 1564, he solemnly published the council&#39;s decrees and imposed upon the bishops the <I>Professio fidei Tridentin&#230;</I> (see T<small>RIDENTINE</small> P<small>ROFESSION OF</small> F<small>AITH</small>)  as a matter of obligation, he could do so in the consciousness that the papal theory had now conquered effectually. Hence the contingency of apostasy without was indemnified within the Church by a centralization of ecclesiastical economy such as laid all the lines of administration, jurisdiction, and doctrinal finality in the sole hands of the pope.
</P>
<p> 
Destiny placed Pius IV. between two popes who stand as the most impassioned persecutors of heretics in that century, Paul IV. and Pius V. For he is not the equal of these in furtherance of the inquisition and in persecution of heretics. Yet where opportunity offered, he showed himself ready for that object; and it was he who facilitated the conflict in the literary arena by devising the expedient of the <I>Index librorum prohabitorum</i>, so named by
him in 1564.</p>
<p class="author"> K. B<small>ENRATH.</small></p>
<P class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY.</small>
Onuphrius Panvinius, <i>De summis pontificibus continuatio,</I> Bonona, 1599; Ranke, <I>Popes,</I> 1. 241 sqq., iii. nos. 31-40; M. Broach, <I>Geschichte des Kirchenstaates</i>, vol. i, Gotha, 1880; F. H. Reuseh, <I>index der verboten B&#252;cher, </I>passim, Bonn, 1885;  Bower, <I>Popes, </I>iii. 319-320; and the literature under  T<small>RENT</small>, C<small>OUNCIL OF.</small></small>
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<P>
<b>Pius V.</b> (Michele Ghislieri): Pope 1566-72. He was born at Bosco near Alessandria (48 m. e.s.e. of Turin), and both as cardinal and as pope conceived his main task to be the detection and annihilation of heresy. He belonged to the Dominican order, to which this activity was particularly committed. After some earlier inquisitorial service about Milan, he was drawn to Rome by Caraffa in 1550 (see PAUL IV.),  who conferred on him the cardinalate and appointed him director of the Roman inquisition. He owed his election as pope (Jan. 8,1566) to Cardinal Borromeo and other exponents of the very strictest trend in the sacred college. The Roman populace felt due fear on hearing that " Fri Michele dell&#39; Inquisizione " had ascended the papal throne. In fact, no pope applied so indefatigably every agency for annihilating the heretics. Both in and out of Italy, he was incessantly exhorting or threatening governments to make them accommodating to this end. And the consequence was favorable to him, especially in the Italian peninsula. During the six years of his pontificate, Protestantism in Italy was deprived of its last vestige of strength; its prominent advocates being either killed or driven away (see ITALY, REFORMATION IN). In France, Catherine de&#39; Medici and Charles IX. were at his command. He fortified the Spanish king in his measures against the Netherlands, and sent to the duke of Alva the consecrated hat and sword.
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<P>
Yet according to Roman Catholic apprehension, this foe of " heretics " was a very pious man, and in Rome he insisted on the most stringent ecclesiastical discipline, imposing heavy penalties for desecration of festival days. No physician was to continue treating a patient critically ill, unless that patient&#39;s certificate of confession be produced on the third day for inspection. Whoever, among the higher clergy, combined an ascetic life with strictness toward the nether clergy, was regarded as the right man, as in the case of Carlo Borromeo.
</P>
<P>
Toward the close of his labors he was destined also to achieve a notable success in statecraft. Like so many of his predecessors, he headed an action against the Turks, which Venice and Spain assisted with their naval forces, and the work was crowned by the brilliant victory of Lepanto (Oct. 7, 1571).
</P>
<p>
Pius V. died on May 1, 1572, and was canonized by Clement XI.
</p>
<P class="author">K. B<small>ENRATH</small></p>
<p class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY.</small> 
G. G. Catena, <I>Vita del . . . Papa Pio V.,</I> Rome, 1587; 
Ranke, <I>Popes</i>, i. 269 sqq., iii., no. 43: 
J. Qubtif and J. Eehard. <I>Scriptores ordinis Pradicatorurn, </I>ii. 220, Paris, 1721; 
J. Mendham, <I>Life and Pontificate of . Plus V.</i>, London, 1832; 
A. F. P. Comte de Falloux, <I>Hist. de . . . Pie V., </I>2 vols., Angers, 1844; 
T. M. Granallo, <i>Fr&#224; Michele Ghislieri, o San Pio V., </I>Bologna, 1877;
F. H. Reusch, <I>Index der verbotenen B&#252;cker, </I>Bonn, 1885;
C. A. Joyau, <I>Saint Pie V., pope du rosaire, </I>Poitiers, 1892;
P. A. Faroehan, <I>Cheypre et L&#233;fante, St. Pie V. et Don Juan d&#39;Autriche, </I>Paris, 1894 (profusely illustrated): 
U. Papa, <I>Un Dissidio tra Venezia a Pio V.. </I>Venice, 1895; 
B. A. H. Wilberforce, <I>St. Pius V., </I>London, 1896; 
Bower, <I>Popes,</I>iii. 320, 484-489; 
Pastor, <I>Popes, </I>viii. 432 sqq.</small>
</P>
<P>
<b>Pius VI.</b> (Giovanni Angelo Braschi): 
<h4> Election and Policy</h4>
Pope 17751799. He was born at Cesena (57 m. n.e. of Florence) Dec. 27, 1717. After a course in jurisprudence, he entered the clerical vocation, and in 1740 went to Rome with his uncle, auditor to Cardinal Ruffo. Years later, he reappears as secretary to<pb n="80"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
Benedict XIV. and canon at St. Peter&#39;s. He was created cardinal in 1773 by Clement XIV., with whom he did not sympathize in the principal question connected with his name, that is, suppression of the Jesuit order in 1773 (see J<small>ESUITS</small>, II., J 8). When the conclave assembled after Clement&#39;s death, the cardinal&#39;s election was vigorously resisted from several quarters which employed even personal calumniation, and his election was reached only after the conclave had sat for four months. The Romans received him coolly. Yet though the more zealous faction hoped for immediate restoration of the Jesuit order, Pius VI. considered himself circumscribed to a policy of expectation and waiting in order not to become involved in disputes with Spain, France, and other states.
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<h4>German and Austrian Difficulties.</h4>
<P>
At first, the pope turned his attention to the elevation of the morality of the clergy in Rome. Before long, however, he was diverted to affairs at a distance, first, in Germany. In that  country the movement which was associated with the work of Febronius  (see H<small>ONTHEIM</small>, J<small>OHANN</small> N<small>IKOLAUS VON</small>)  had circulated extensively, though it had been placed on the Index in 1764. Meanwhile the true authorship, concealed under the pseudonym, had become known. Inasmuch as Pius VI. had correctly described, in an address dated Sept. 24, 1775, the bearings of the movement upon the Roman Church, he now commissioned the elector of Treves to constrain the author to retract, and the form of retraction was to comprehend the statement of its purely voluntary character. This experiment proved successful, for the author was a broken old man, then (1778) nearly fourscore years old. However, in other quarters there asserted itself the spirit which had prompted Hontheim, in the form of Josephinism (see J<small>OSEPH</small> II.).
</P>
<P>
But though Pius VI. perceived things clearly and was prepared to retaliate, he neither approved nor yet abruptly reversed the first procedure of Joseph II., who withdrew the Austrian cloisters from submission to the supreme control of foreign generals
of monastic orders. Even when Garampi, his nuncio at Vienna, in Dec., 1781, met with a brusk rebuff from Count Kaunitz, on the score of his instructive <i>Promemoria</i> to the emperor-the pope still believed he could attain every purpose through petsonal intervention. So in the spring of 1782 he journeyed to Vienna, but every attempt to draw the emperor
and his minister from the path of reform continued fruitless. The enthusiastic speeches, in turn, which the Roman Catholic population addressed to the pope on occasion of his awe-commanding appearance in Vienna, Munich, and Augsburg nowise availed to console him over the miscarriage of his attempt. This is apparent from the brief to the emperor, dated Aug. 3, 1782, with its rather patent affirmation that " those who lay their hands on the goods of the Church belong to hell." He seemed afterward more conciliatory; but in Sept., 1783, he was provoked afresh by the emperor&#39;s arbitrary course in appointing, as though he were the sole authority, a bishop for Milan. When, therefore, Joseph II. was confronted with the prospect of excommunication, he answered that his holiness might anyhow deign to visit the becoming punishment upon the individual who had made so bold as to misuse his name by forging a document. Without awaiting reply, the emperor next announced his visit to Rome, which came to pass in January, 1784. And at last Pius gained the point which had been so vehemently contested, namely, that the appointment to the episcopal sees in Lombardy be conceded to him. He continued the reforms in church conditions in Austria. After the Congress of Ems (see E<small>MS</small>, C<small>ONGRESS OF</small>)  had completed its sittings, and the electors transmitted to the emperor the Ems Proviso, Joseph II. made answer that they could reckon upon his cooperation in execution of the same. And yet they had there decidedly emphasized the sole prerogative of the archbishops in matters of reform. At all events, the pope easily became master of the Ems resolutions, as not only the bishops in Germany, but even one of the members of the Congress, the archbishop of Mainz, went over to the papal camp. In order to secure the Curia&#39;s acquiescence in the election of a coadjutor, he offered the Ems Proviso by way of exchange; wherein he was  followed, down to 1789, by the other participants in the Congress. In short, they transformed the drafted resolutions into very modest petitions. In the case of the king of Prussia, Frederick William IL, who had been accommodating to the pope in connection with Mainz, Pius VI. accorded him the reward of no longer thenceforth withholding from him the title of king.
</P>
<h4>Affairs in Belgium and Italy</h4>
<P>
Even while premonitory signs of the French Revolution were perceptible, the pope still gained a victory over Joseph&#39;s reform attempts. In what was then Austrian Belgium, the closure of the episcopal seminaries (1786) had evoked great agitation, also actively fomented by the papal nuncio.  And though Joseph II. dismissed the nuncio from that country, this measure did not stay the outbreak of actual insurrection any more than did the repeal of the closure itself, together with a propitiatory word from the pope. For the provinces proclaimed their independence, and there stepped to the front as president the pope&#39;s thoroughly devoted cardinal-primate Frankenberg. Joseph II. died in 1790. Subsequently; church concerns in the Austrian hereditary lands were once again made thoroughly conformable to papalistic grooves, barring some alight provisional modifica tion at the hands of Emperor Leopold II. Still more serious for Pius VI. appeared to be the trend of ecclesiastical conditions in Tuscany under the Grand Duke Leopold I. The latter, under date of Jan. 26, 1786, issued a circular to the Tuscan bishops proposing fifty-seven reforms; for instance, convocation of diocesan synods, improvement of clerical studies, segregation of suspicious relics, diminution of processions, and the like. Seven bishops assented on principle, among them Ricci of Pistoja (see R<small>ICCI</small>, S<small>CIPIONE DE&#39;</small>), who then also submitted these points to a synod convening at Pistoja in Sept., 1786, and effected their immediate acceptance. On the other hand, a protest was raised by the bishops generally, through the chan-<pb n="81"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
nel of the Tuscan Council (Apr.-June, 1787). And as Leopold I. kept adhering to his plans of reform, there ensued a conflict with the pope; while, in turn, the Tuscan envoy was recalled from Rome. It was only when Leopold ascended the imperial throne (1790) that these complications reached an end; Ricci resigned, and Ferdinand III. receded. Nor was the situation less grave, as affecting the pope, in the kingdom of Naples. In 1779, the royal exequatur was refused to quite a series of papal briefs; in 1780, the king claimed a general patronal right over the benefices, then over the bishoprics; in 1782, the tribunal of the inquisition was dissolved in Sicily; while from 1788, the custom was discontinued, of long centuries&#39; duration though it had been, of offering a tent and the so-called " feudal tribute " at the festival of SS. Peter and Paul. By and by the number of unoccupied bishoprics became so large that in 1791 the pope at last conceded the king&#39;s right of presentation of three candidates, whereupon sixty-two episcopal sees were supplied.
</P>
<h4>Conflict with France.</h4>
<p> 
The outbreak of the French Revolution (q.v.) involved most incisive consequences for the Church. The "civil constitution of the clergy," still proposed for acceptance under Louis XVI., was  rejected by Pius VI.; and, in fact,  50,000 priests, following the precedent of 130 bishops, refused the oath in connection with this new ruling. Thereupon, in Sept., 1791, the National Assembly answered by annexing Avignon and Venaissin. Then when a secretary of the French embassy in Rome had been assassinated there by the rabble, in 1793, and when the pope took part in the coalition against France, Bonaparte declared war on him, advanced upon Rome, and compelled Pius VI., during the truce of Bologna, 1796, to relinquish a large part of the States of the Church (see P<small>APAL</small> S<small>TATES</small>). When disturbances were renewed, General Berthier occupied Rome in 1798; and had Pius VI., who was ill, transported first to Florence, then to Valence, where he died Aug. 29, 1799.
</p>
<p class="author">  K. B<small>ENRATH.</small></p>
<P class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY:</small> 
For his bulls, etc., consult either 
N. S. Guillon&#39;s <I>Collection pinirale des brefs et instructions de . .Pie VI.</i>, 2 vols., Paris, 1798; 
the <I>Collectio brevium . . .</i> of L. H. Halot, 2 parts, Rome, 1800; 
or the <I>Collectio bullarum, brevium </I>. . , London, 1803. 
For his life and acts consult: Ranke, <I>Popes</i>, ii. 453 sqq., iii. no. 165;
P. P. Wolf, <i>Geschichte der r&#246;misch-katholischen Kirche unter . . . Pius VI.</i>, 7 vols., Zurich, 1793-1802; 
G. de Novaces, <I>Stoma de&#39; sommi Pontefiei, </I>Rome, 1822; 
P. Baldassari, <I>Hist. de l&#39;enl&#232;vement et de la captiviti de Pie VI.</i>, Paris, 1839; 
F. Beccatini, <I>Storia di Pio VI.</i>, 4 vols., Venice, 1841; 
G. C. Cordare, <I>De Profectu Pii VI. ad aulam Viennensem</I>, ed. J. Bo&#235;rus, Rome, 1855; 
F. Petrucelli della Gattina, <I>Hist. diplomatique des conclaves</i>, iv. 211 sqq., Paris, 1866; 
A. von Reumont, <I>Gesehichte der Stadt Rom</i>, iii. 2, pp. 660 sqq., Berlin, 1870; 
A. M. de Franclieu, <I>Pie VI. dans lea prisons du Dauphins, </I>Grenoble, 1878; 
I. </I>Bertrand, <I>Le Pontificat de Pie VI. et l&#39;ath&#233;isme r&#233;olutionnaire, </I>Paris, 1879; 
F. H. Reuseh, <I>Index der verbotenen B&#252;cher</i>, vol. ii., Bonn, 1885; 
H. Schletter, <I>Die Reise des Papstes Pius VI. nach Wien</i>, and <i>Pius VI. und Josef II.</i>, 2 vols., Vienna, 1892-94 (valuable for the literature named); <I>Pie VI., sa vie, son pontificat (1717-99)</i>, Paris, 1907; 
Nippold, <I>Papacy</i>, pp. 20, 36; 
Bower, <I>Popes</i>, iii. 390-419.</small>
</p>
<P>
<b>Pius VII.</b> (Luigi Chiaramonti): Pope 1800-23. He was born at Cesena (57 m. n.e. of Florence) Aug. 14, 1740. At the age of sixteen he entered the Benedictine order, became a lecturer in the cloister at Parma and later in Rome. His predecessor made him bishop of Tivoli, then of Imola, and in 1785, cardinal. When the French army approached Imola, he still maintained his residence in his episcopal city. On that-occasion (1797), he contrived to save the town from spoliation and even maintained good terms with Republican powers.
</p>
<p>
Shortly before he was taken captive, Pius VI. had prescribed that the conclave should be held in that city in the neighborhood of which the most cardinals might happen to be at his death, only not in Rome. So they assembled in Venice, and on Mar. 14, 1800, Chiaramonti was elected unanimously, and in July he entered Rome as Pius VII. For secretary of state he appointed Cardinal Ercole Consalvi (q.v.), whose first achievement of note was the conclusion of the concordat with France (see C<small>ONCORDATS AND</small> D<small>ELIMITING</small> B<small>ULLS</small>, VI., &#167; 1), which restored most of its rights to the Roman Catholic Church, and annulled episcopal power in favor of the papal absolute supremacy. However, in virtue of the " Organic Articles " (1802), the first consul deprived these concessions of nearly all significance, insomuch that the pope protested. Yet both sides wished to avoid a rupture, and in the following year, Pius VII. appointed the consul&#39;s uncle (Joseph Fesch, q.v.) a cardinal.
</P>
<P>
Meanwhile in Germany, when by terms of the peace of Lun&#233;ville, in 1801, the left bank of the Rhine had fallen to France, the secularization of the temporal dominions of the Church was brought to pass despite every protest; and the Elector Dalberg of Mainz, against the will of the Curia, was elected primate of Germany. Even thus early, Napoleon put forth still greater demands, as, when the senate had named him hereditary ruler of France, he desired the pope to consummate the imperial coronation. Reluctantly, but yet in the hope of thereby gaining concessions for the Church, Pius VII. performed the ceremony of anointing (Dec. 2, 1804), but when he was about to place the crown on the sovereign&#39;s head, Napoleon forestalled him, crowned himself, and placed the diadem on the head of his consort, Josephine. All demands by the pope on occasion of this journey came to naught; what satisfaction he felt was on account of the deportment of the French people, who were charmed by his presence. At Florence, on his return journey, he received the full , submission of Bishop Ricci of Pistoja (see R<small>ICCI</small>, S<small.CIPIONE DE&#39;</small>).
</P>
<P>
But heavy clouds were gathering from France. The emperor demanded the dissolution of his brother Jerome&#39;s marriage, desiring Jerome to marry a princess-a prelude to his own course later. When the pope firmly refused, Napoleon declared the marriage dissolved. In 1808, he managed to find occasion to occupy Rome; in 1809, he declared it a French city; and when for this reason he was put under the ban, he had the pope and Cardinal Pacca, carried captive to Savona. But even here Pius VII. would not bend, and refused the confirmation of the French bishops appointed by the emperor until finally the enervating torments of his captivity induced him to an oral assent. But when, owing to continued confinement at Fontainebleau, the tor-<pb n="82"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
mented old man, on Jan. 25, 1813, agreed to a concordat both surrendering Rome and voicing the confirmation of the bishops designated by the emperor, Cardinals Consalvi and Pacca, who hastened to the spot, succeeded in moving him to solemn retraction. Napoleon&#39;s own fate had meanwhile turned; the year 1814 gave the captive his freedom again; and on May 24 he triumphantly entered Rome. The restoration of the Jesuits and of the Congregation of the Index, together with Consalvi&#39;s activity at the Congress of Vienna, effectually reinstated the Roman Catholic Church both within and without; while by the terms of sundry favorable concordats, the pope guaranteed large advantages, to the states of Central Europe.
</P>
<P>
At the close of his life, Pius VII. found himself once again involved in conflict, this time with Spain and Portugal. In that quarter, the revolution and the liberal government of 1820 had not only abolished the settlements of the Jesuits, but also those of most of the remaining orders, and ruptured diplomatic relations were the result. The French, however, suppressed the revolution, and King Ferdinand VII. proclaimed the abrogation of all acts against the Church (1823). This happened also in Portugal, where Dom Miguel, at the same time, put an end to liberalism.
</P>
<p> 
The Rome of the second phase of the pontificate of Pius VII. became the goal of artists of all nations. Crowned heads, as well, sought the city, and the venerable pontiff was visited by Emperor Francis II. of Austria (1819); by the king of Naples; and by King Frederick William III. of Prussia, while Charles IV. of Spain and Emanuel of Savoy made Rome their permanent residence. The city was thus enveloped with new splendor; and Pius VII., who died on Aug. 21, 1823, is commemorated still by that part of the Vatican sculpture museum which bears his name Chiaramonti.
</p>
<p class="author">  K. B<small>ENRATH.</small></p>
<P class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY:</small> 
The bulls are in the <I>Bullarii Romani contsnuatio</i> of Barberi, vols. xi.-xv., Rome, 1848-53. Consult: 
Ranke, <I>Popes</i>, ii. 481 sqq, 488 sqq., 539 sqq.; 
E. Pistolesi, <I>Vita del; . . Pio VII, </I>2 vols., Rome, 1824;
H. Simon, <I>Vie polstsque et privie de . . . Pie VII, </I>2 vols., Paris, 1823&#183; 
J&#228;ger, <I>Lebensbeschreibung des Papstes Pius VII. mit Urkunden, </I>Frankfort, 1824; 
A. F. Artaud de Montor, <i>Hist. du pope Pie VII, </I>3 vols., Paris, 1839;
B. Pacca, <I>Historical Memoirs, </I>2 vols., London, 1850;
idem, <I>M&#233;moires sur Is pontificat de Pie VII., </I>2 vols., Paris, 1884; 
N. P. S. Wiseman, <I>Recollections of the last Four Popes, </I>London, 1858; 
A. Gavazzi, <I>My Recollections of the last Four Popes </I>London, 1858; 
J. Bohl, Pius <I>VII. en ziin Tijd</i>, 2  vols., Rotterdam 1881; 
F. Petrucelli della Gattina, <I>Hist. diplomatique des conclaves</i>, iv. 282 sqq., Paris, 1888;  
A. Theiner, <I>Hist. des deux concordats de la r&#233;publique Fran&#231;aise et de la r&#233;publique cisalpine</i>, 2 vols., Bar-le-Duc, 1889; 
A. van Reumont, <I>Geschichte der Stadt Rom</i>, iii. 2, pp. 885 sqq., Berlin, 1870; 
O. Meier, <I>Zur Geschichte der rdmisch-deutachen Prage</i>, vols. i.-iii, passim, Rostock, 1871-73; 
D. Bertollotti, <I>Vita di Papa Pio VII.,</I> Turin, 1881; 
F. H. Reuseh <I>Index der verbotenen B&#252;cher, </I>vol. ii., Bonn, 1885; 
H. Chotard, <I>Le Pape Pie VII. &#224; Savone</i>, Paris, 1887; 
Mary H. Allies, <i>Pius VII, </I>London, 1897; 
F. Nippold, <I>Handbuch der neuesten Kirchengeschichte, </I>ii. 15-70 Berlin, 1901; 
L. K&#246;nig, <I>Die S&#228;kularisation and das Reichskonkordat, </I>Innsbruck, 1904; 
H. Welschinger, <I>Le Pape et L&#39;empereur, 1804-16, </I>Paris, 1905; 
Nielsen, <I>Papacy; </I>
Nippold. <I>Papacy, </I>passim; 
Pastor, <I>Popes</i>, viii. 299; 
Bower, <I>Popes</i> iii. 419-434; and the literature under C<small>ONCORDATS AND</small> D<small>ELIMITING</small> B<small>ULLS</small>.</small>
</P>
<P>
<b>Pius VIII.</b> (Francesco Saverio Castiglioni): Pope 1829-30. He was born at Cingoli (102 m. e.s.e. of Florence) Nov. 20, 1761. The principal event of his brief pontificate was the Emancipation Act of Apr. 23 [13], 1829, in favor of English Catholics, though this did not have the pope&#39;s cooperation. In the case of the contest just then breaking out with the Prussian government, Plus VIII. allowed the clerical <i>assistentia passiva</i>, where there was no guaranty for the bringing up of all the children as Roman Catholics. This concession was revoked by his successor. When the Bourbons were expelled from France in the July revolution, and Louis Philippe was instituted king, the pope reluctantly acknowledged the reversal.
</p>
<p class="author">K. B<small>ENRATH.</small></p>
<p class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY:</small> 
The bulls are in the <I>Bullarii Romani continuatio </I>of Barberi, vol. xviii., Rome, 1858; 
for the Brief of Mar. 25, 1830, 
cf. Mirbt, <I>Quellen</i>, pp. 350 sqq. 
Consult: A. F. Artaud de Montor <I>Hist. du pape Pie VIII.,</I>Paris, 1844; 
A. Gavazzi, <I>My Recollections of the last Four Popes, </I>London 1858; 
N. P. S. Wiseman, <I>Recollections of the last Four Popes, </I>London, 1858; 
M. Broach, <I>Geachichte des Kirchenstaates</i>, ii. 318 sqq., Gotha. 1882; 
F. H. Reuseh, <I>Index der verbotenen B&#252;cher</i>, vol. ii, passim. Bonn. 1885;
F. Nippold, <I>Handbuch der neuesten Kirchengeschichte</i>, ii. 79 sqq., Berlin, 1901; 
Bower, <I>Popes</i>, iii. 484-470; 
Nippold. <I>Papacy. </I>Passim; 
Nielsen, <I>Papacy, </I>Passim.</small>
</P>
<P>
<b>Pius IX.</b> (Giovanni Mastai Ferretti): Pope 1846-1878. He was born at Sinigaglia (70 m. s.e. of Ravenna) May 13, 1792. He studied in the Collegium Romanum, was made priest, and labored for several years in Chile. In 1827 he became bishop of Spoleto, then of Imola, and obtained the cardinalate in 1840. Elected by 34 (37 ?) votes, in the conclave following the death of Gregory XVI, Pius IX. found himself confronted with extremely difficult tasks. The administration of the Papal States (q.v.) had everywhere aroused the utmost dissatisfaction; and the cities of the eastward half-Ancona, Bologna, and&#39; Ravenna,-clamored for reforms. The pope&#39;s character and presence appeared to warrant such progress, and it was hoped that he might even assist in the unification of the entire nation, which was demanded on every side.
</P>
<P>
Good will for the amelioration of existing conditions attended him from the outset. He curtailed the expenses of the papal court, though in connection with the civil administration he could not persuade himself to break with the system according to which the governing officials were to belong almost without exception to the clerical body. He refused the patriots&#39; demand for some action toward eliminating the Austrians from the Italian peninsula, resolving not to declare war on Austria, although his troops were already united with the Piedmont troops; but, in his address of Apr. 29, 1848, he took shelter behind the pronouncement that "conformably to our apostolic rank, we embrace all nations with like love."
</P>
<P>
Though it proved not feasible to laicize the administration of public affairs throughout the Papal States, in Rome the lay element was to be more strongly represented in the common council; some non-clerics also took seats in the council of state (<i>consulta</i>). This did not meet the impetuous demand for a constitution and for institution of secular ministers. Yet on May 4, 1848, upon adjustment of the membership of the Consults in the proportion of six laymen to three clerics, a patriotic president of council was accepted in the person of <pb n="83"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
Terenzo Mamiani; but in view of the conflict that soon ensued with the Curia&#39;s executive experience and wisdom, Mamiani perceived himself constrained to withdraw. His successor, Count Rossi, was assassinated, and in order to escape the tumult, Pius IX. fled from Rome to Gaeta. From that base he rejected the suggestion of the Piedmontese that he allow them to restore the Papal States as a constitutional monarchy. This was done by the French in 1849, but not under those conditions. Hardly had Pius IX. returned (Apr., 1850) when he inaugurated an era of uncompromising reaction, marked, for instance, by the incident that in Bologna alone, down to 1856, the "court of summary justice" had executed by shooting 276 "culprits."
</P>
<P>
The administration of the Papal States was now conducted by Antonelli (q.v.) on a thoroughly clerical  basis. In the department of finance, individuals, including Antonelli, enriched themselves; nothing was done in the matter of public instruction to reduce the scandalous illiteracy of the land; while in the department of justice arbitrary ruling was rife. In short, the Papal States remained the worst administered political fabric in Europe, while trade and industry were in wretched condition. In the distinctly ecclesiastical sphere, wherein Pius IX., in 1854, conceived the dogma of the Immaculate Conception of Mary (q.v.), without taking counsel of the Church, he tested the point as to how far the bishops would conform to his bidding. At the same time, in relation to civil governments, he carried most of his demands through the medium of concordats (with Spain, 1851; Austria, 1855; also with lesser German States; see C<small>ONCORDATS AND</small> D<small>ELIMITING</small> B<small>ULLS</small>). In Italy, however, the unification project, supported by Piedmont, now so successfully asserted itself against the pope that its several stages were completely accomplished (victory over Austria, 1859; Victor Emanuel, king of Italy, 1860; September treaty, 1864) even down to the conquest of Rome, in 1870. It is memorable that the last step in the process was achieved shortly after the momentous date when the Vatican Council (q.v.) had declared the infallibility of the pope, July 18, 1870.
</P>
<P>
To be sure, the occupation of Rome by the Italian army was by no means intended to banish the pope from that city thereafter. They suffered him the narrowly circumscribed " sovereignty " of the Vatican; and even offered him, in the stipulation law of 1871, an annual income of 3,250,000 francs. But Pius IX. rejected this offer, feigned a state of captivity, and a limitation upon his action which soon became subjects of derision; for it appeared, as in the contest with Prussia, that the Curia had grown more free than formerly in the matter of safeguarding its ecclesiastical interests. The last years of Pius&#39; pontificate are largely filled with this contest, he himself having given the challenge in that address of the spring of 1871 wherein he threatened Prussia with the " stone " of her destined shattering. Yet even this contest (so grave in its results and not finally appeased until Leo XIII., q.v., came into power) did not prevent the brilliant celebration of two jubilees of Pius IX. In 1871 he celebrated the twenty-fifth anniversary of his pontificate, whereby he had attained to the "years of Peter "; and in 1877 his jubilee proper, or fiftieth year in the priesthood. On this occasion he beheld the whole Roman Catholic world at his feet. In deed, he surpassed the " years of Peter " by seven years, dying on Feb. 7, 1878. He and his secretary of state Antonelli did not achieve the restoration of the temporal sovereignty, but they bequeathed such a heritage to the following pontiff as he well understood how profitably to occupy to the Church&#39;s advantage.  
</p>
<p class="author">K. B</small>ENRATH.</small></p>
<P class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY:</small> 
Sources of information for the pontificate are the 
<I>Acta Pie IX.</i>, 4 vols., Rome, 1854 sqq.; 
<I>Acta sancta sedis, </I>ib. 1885 sqq.; 
<I>Acta et decreta sanctorum conciliorum</i>, vol. vi., Freiburg, 1882. 
A collection of this pope&#39;s encyclicals was published in Freiburg, 1881 sqq.,
and of his "Apostolic Letters," 2 vols., Paris, 1893. 
A large literature is indicated in the <I>British Museum Catalogue, </I>under " Rome, Church of," cols. 332 sqq., and under
Pius IX. Consult: Mirbt, <I>Quellen</i>, pp. 360-390 sqq.; 
M. Marocco, <I>Storia di Pio IX., </I>2 vols., Turin, 1856-59; 
H. Reuchlin, <I>Geschichte Italiena</i>, vols. i., iii., iv., Leipsic, 1859-73; 
F. Liverani, <I>Il Papato, l&#39;Impero a il Regno d&#39;Italia, </I>Florence, 1861; 
A. Gennarelli, <I>Le Sventure ital. durante il Pontificato di Pio IX., </I>Florence, 1863; 
A. 0. Legge, <i>Pius IX.</i>, 2 vols., London, 1872; 
Abb&#233; Gillet, <I>Pie IX., sa vie et les acts de son pontificat, </I>Paris, 1877;
T. A. Trollope, <I>Story of the Life of Pius IX</i>., 2 vols., London, 1877; 
J. G. Shea, <I>Life of Pius IX. and the Great Events of . . . his Pontificate, </I>New York, 1878; 
J. M. Stepischnegg, <I>F&#252;rstbischof von Lavant, Papst Pius IX.</i>, 2 vols., Vienna, 1879; 
A. M. Dawson, <i>Pius IX. and his Times, </I>Toronto, 1880; 
C. Sylvain, <I>Hist. de Pie IX.</i>, 3 vols., Lille, 1883; 
F. H. Reusch, <I>Index der verbotenen B&#252;cher, </I>passim, 2 vols., Bonn, 1885; 
A. Pougeois, <I>Hist. de Pie IX.</i>, 6 vols., Paris, 1886; 
J. F. Maguire, <i>Pius IX. and his Times, </I>London, 1893; 
M. Pagba <I>Pie IX., sa vie, ses &#233;crits, sa doctrine, </I>Paris, 1895; 
E. Gebhart, <I>Moines et papes (Alexander VI. and Pius IX.)</i>, Paris, 1896; 
F. Nippold, <I>Handbuch der neuesten Kirchengeschichte</i>, ii. 102-155, Berlin, 1901; 
J. Fernandez Montana, <I>El Syllabus de Pio IX., </I>Madrid, 1905; 
J. H. Robinson and C. A. Beard, <I>Development of Modern Europe</i>, vol. ii. passim, New York, 1908; 
R. de Cesare, <I>The Last Days of Papal Rome, 1860-70, </I>Boston, 1909; 
Nippold, <I>Papacy</i>, pp. 113 sqq.; 
Nielsen, <I>Papacy. </I>Use also the literature under 
I<small>NFALLIBILITY OF THE</small> P<small>OPE</small>; U<small>LTRAMONTANISM</small>; and V<small>ATICAN</small> C<small>OUNCIL.</small></small>
</P>
<P>
<b>Pius X.</b> (Giuseppe Melchior Sarto): Pope since 1903. He was born at Riese (a village near Castelfranco, 25 m. n.w. of Venice), Italy, June 2, 1835. His parents were in humble circumstances and their family was large, but such were the talents of the future pope that every effort was made for his education. His early training was received in the gymnasium at the neighboring town of Castelfranco, and in 1850 he entered the Seminary of Padua, where he remained seven years, being ordained to the priesthood in 1858. He was immediately appointed curate in Tombolo, in the diocese of Treviso, where he remained until 1867, when he was called to take control of the parish of Salzano. In 1875 he was made canon of Treviso, and three years later was appointed director of the episcopal chancellery and vicar general of the diocese. Meanwhile his talents were rapidly gaining recognition, and in 1882 he was consecrated bishop of Mantua, where he found an evil condition of affairs, made still worse by the attacks of the Italian government, which from 1871 to 1879 had rendered exercise of episcopal functions impossible. Within the eleven years of his bishopric, Sarto transformed the diocese of Mantua into a model see, and his labors<pb n="84"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
found their fitting reward in 1893, when he was created patriarch of Venice and cardinal priest of San Bernardo. There he remained until in 1903 he was elected pope to succeed Leo XIII. (q.v.). The most striking features of the new pope&#39;s reign thus far have been the official promotion of the use of the Gregorian chant throughout all churches of the Roman Catholic communion, the separation by the French government of Church and State (1905; see F<small>RANCE</small>), the attack upon critical tendencies in the Church (see M<small>ODERNISM</small>; and cf. L<small>OS VON</small>
R<small>OM</small>), and a serious dispute with Spain, one object of which on the part of the Spanish government is
the control of the religious orders necessitated by the settlement of monks and nuns exiled from France.
</P>
<P class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY:</small> 
<i>Pie X-Actes-eneycliques-rnotu proprio, brefs, allocutions, etc. Texte latin avec la traduction fran&#231;aise en regard pr&#233;c&#233;d&#233;s d&#39;une notice biographique suivi d&#39;une table g&#233;n&#233;rale alphab&#233;tique</i>, 3 vols., Paris, 1906-09; 
A. de Waal, <I>Papst Pius X.; Lebensbild</i>, Munich, 1903 Eng. transl., <I>Life of Pope Pius X., </I>Milwaukee, 1904; 
A. Marchesan, <I>Papst Pius X. in Leben and Wort, </I>Einsiedeln, 1906; 
N. Peters, <I>Papst Pius X. and das Bibelstudien, </I>Paderbom, 1906; 
A. Hoch, <I>Papst Pius X. Ein Bild kirchlicher Reformth&#228;tigkeit, </I>Leipsic, 1907; 
W. E. Schmitz [Didier], <I>The Life of Pope Pius X., </I>New York, 1908; 
B. Sentzer, <i>Pius X.</i>, Graz, 1908; 
N. Hilling, <I>Die Reformen des Papstes Pius X. auf dem Gebiet der kirchenrechtlichten Gesetzgebung, </I>Bonn, 1909; 
and the literature under M<small>ODERNISM.</small></small>
</P>

<br />
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Pius Societies" id="pius_societies">
<P>
<b>PIUS SOCIETIES:</b> Certain religious associations, composed of clergy and laity, formed in Germany after the revolutionary disturbances of 1848, the object of which was the defense and promotion of Roman Catholicism in Germany. The bishops of the Roman Catholic Church assembled at Wilrzburg in 1848, agreed to support the Pius Societies, so called after Pius IX. (q.v.), to maintain the supremacy of the pope in Germany and to keep national education in the hands of the Church. In Oct., 1848, a meeting representing many local unions was held at Mainz in which all the Pius Societies throughout the country were incorporated in one collective union which took the name of the " Catholic Union of Germany." The object of this association was declared to be the treatment of all social and religious questions from a Roman Catholic standpoint, and especially the preservation and promotion of the Church&#39;s welfare and independence. The union was pronounced by the bishop of Limburg to be "a powerful lever for the Christian restoration of Germany." At this meeting were formed the Vincent societies for domestic missionary work, and later Boniface societies, which, together with a host of societies either new or previously in existence, became adjuncts of the Pius Societies.
</P>
<P>
The assemblies were always made occasions for
commenting on the condition of the Roman Catholie Church in Germany, for preaching Ultramontanism (q.v.), and inveighing against Protestantism.
During the trials of the so-called Kulturkampf (see
U<small>LTRAMONTANISM</small>) the Pius Societies at their annual meeting at Wilrzburg, 1877, resolved: "We
will fight not with the sword but with the cross." This peaceful attitude gave way after 1880 to a more stormy program, including the ultramontanc policy of Pius IX., the readmittance of Roman Catholic orders, particularly the Jesuits, and the temporal supremacy of the pope. The Pius Societies do not aim at a parity of privileges among all religious bodies, but at the total catholicization of the German nation in accordance with the introduction of that future ideal when, in the words of Baron von Lo&#235; uttered in the Roman Catholic Assembly at Bonn in 1881: "Germany shall be a Catholic country and the Church the leader of the nations."
</P>
<p class="author">(O. Z&#214;CKLER &#8224;.)</p>
<p class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY:</small> From the Roman Catholic side may be adduced: 
H. Menne, <I>Ueber den Zweck and Nutzen der katholische Vereine Deutschlands, </I>Osnabr&#252;ck, 1848; 
T. Palatinus, <I>Entstehung der Generalversammlung der Katholiken Deutschlands, </I>W&#252;rzburg, 1893; 
H. Br&#252;ck, <I>Geschichte der katholiachen Kirche im 19. Jahrhundert</i>, iii. 511-537, M&#252;nster, 1905. 
For the Protestant side read: 
H. Schmid, <I>Geschichte der katholischen Kirche Deutschlands</i>, pp. 667, 758 sqq., Munich, 1874; 
F. Nippold, <I>Handbuch der neuesten Kirchenpeschichte</i>, ii. 707 sqq., Berlin, 1901.</small></p>

<br />
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Place, Josu&#233; De La" id="place_josu&#233;_de_la">
<p> 
<b>PLACE, JOSU&#201; DE LA.</b> See P,small>LACEUS.</small>
</p>

<br />
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Placemaker&#39;s Bible" id="placemaker&#39;s_bible">
</p>
<P>
<b>PLACEMAKER&#39;S BIBLE.</b> See B,small>IBLE</small> V<small>ERSIONS</small>, B, IV., &#167; 9.
</P>

<br />
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Placet" id="placet"> 
<P>
<b>PLACET,</b> pl&#234;&#39;set, or pla&#39;rset <b>(PLACETUM REGIUM, REGIUM EXEQUATUR, LITTER&#198; PAREATIS):</b> Formal state approval of measures of
ecclesiastical administration, or state provision that
only ecclesiastical administrative measures thus approved shall be civilly recognized and maintained.
<h4>Development of the Placet.</h4>
<p>
This presupposes that both State and Church are mutually independent. In the case of a church governed, as the Reformed state church came to be, by the civil power, the <i>placet</i> is meaningless; and it is equally inapplicable where the State, in, ecclesiastical affairs, is completely dependent on the authority of the Church, as was the case in the Middle Ages from the time of Gregory VII. The <i>placet</i>, therefore, first becomes a part of the machinery of the State when the latter begins to revolt from the Church and to deem itself independent. Concomitantly with the development of royal power, this occurred first in Spain, during the reign of Alfonso XI. (1348). In that country, the <i>placet</i> had already been formulated in a series of royal ordinances when the Emperor Charles V. ascended the throne and made decisive use of this device with the aid of the Cortes. In France the <i>placet</i> did not arise till nearly a century later, there assuming a distinct character through the practical bearings of the French parliaments. The rule that papal bulls gained legal validity only by virtue of the royal <i>placet</i> was practically current in France before becoming established by legislation in 1475. In the Netherlands, while the rudiments of the <i>placet</i> are very old, it was only in the Spanish period that it was legislatively established (1565), its form here receiving marked influence from Spanish jurisprudence and from the French culture dominant in the Walloon portion of the country.
</p>
<h4>Mutual Attitude of Church and State.</h4>
<P>
In so far as these developments arose prior to the Reformation, the Church, like the modern Roman Catholic communion, never acknowledged the civil <i>placet</i> but, in virtue of her divine commission, asserted the prerogative of sole power to prescribe<pb n="85"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
whatsoever might be deemed necessary for her best interests even in secular affairs, particularly of a legislative character. She accordingly held ecclesiastical requirements to be binding in their very nature, and regarded the State as unreservedly pledged to lend her the support of the secular arm. The bull <i>In c&#230;na Domini</i> (1668) pronounces excommunication on all who obstruct the publication and execution of papal bulls and briefs. By the brief <I>Pervenerat</I> (June 30, 1830) Pius VIII, rejected the placetin dealing with the estates of the ecclesiastical province of the Upper Rhine; and Pius IX. followed the same course in his allocution  <I>Meminit unusquisque</I> (Sept. 30, 1861), as well as on other occasions, and emphasized it in the <i>Syllabus</i> (&#167; 30). The Roman Catholic Church denies categorically that the State possesses any jurisdiction over things which the Church has declared spiritual, and the Curia and its sympathizers view the use of the <i>placet</i> by the State as an act of compulsion to which they must submit  so long as there is no feasible way to overcome it. By the State these ecclesiastical pronouncements were long disregarded. When the bull <i>In c&#230;na Domini </I>(q.v.) was published in Spain without royal approbation, Philip II. retaliated with most stringent measures; and the <i>placet</i> was also upheld by his successors. In France, jurisprudence and legislation alike developed this legal instrument even down to concrete details; and only when the enactment  of the Church was concerned with religion alone was there no need of State approval. The French theory, modified by the Belgian development of Hispano-Gallican theory and practise, was also of essential influence upon the evolution of German jurisprudence.
</p>
<h4>The Placet in Modern Times</h4>
<P>
As a logical consequence of the social freedom guaranteed by a constitutional government, associations for religious purposes regulate and, so far as their social means permit, control their own affairs. Similar freedom is enjoyed by the Roman Catholic Church. Here the placet has no place as long as the State is not bidden to transcend its own sphere, which it alone can gage, and to protect the special interests of the Church; or so long as its own interests do not lead it to restrict the freedom of the Roman Catholic Church. The Church, on the other hand, neither recognizes any limitations of this character, nor does it concede to the State the right to decide how far to further the interests of the Church, but it demands implicit obedience. This double relation of Church and State, which was clear to the former from the first, but only gradually became evident to the letter,  conditioned the development of the controversy concerning the <i>placet</i> in Germany from the time when constitutional government came to have a distinct meaning.
</p>
<P>
German states retaining the <i>placet</i> are Bavaria, Saxony, Wurttemberg, Baden, Hesse, Saxe-Weimar, Brunswick, and Saxe-Coburg-Gotha, as well as the imperial provinces of&#39;Alsace and Lorraine; though the several state codes diverge considerably as regards details. Officially the Roman Catholic Church; never recognizes the <i>placet</i>; and in Bavaria, for instance, the church dignitaries have simply ignored it when publishing the Vatican decrees, thus repeatedly giving rise to severe controversies not only regarding the validity of the <i>placet</i> in general, but also concerning its validity in the case of dogmas in particular. The theory advanced by influential ultramontane leaders, that the <i>placet</i> should be abrogated since Church and State are independent of, though coexistent with, each other, would be correct if the Church were willing to see her ordinances preserved intact simply by the social agencies of her rule in the sphere o&#163; conscience. But since, to secure this end, she lays claim, either directly or indirectly, to civil means, this ostensible coexistence practically becomes the Gregorian elevation of the Church above the State. If, therefore, the modern State freely concedes to the Roman Catholic Church the right of regulating its own religious concerns, it can do so only in the sense in which it concedes autonomy of any character, on condition of State supervision, and of the State&#39;s consequent right either to approve or to forbid.
</P>
<p>
Those states which still enforce the <i>placet</i> as a special institution make it apply to Protestants as well as to the Roman Catholic Church. Even the states which no longer take cognizance of the placet as such are not content with the fact that the sanction of church laws rests in the hands of the territorial sovereign; for in the case of such laws, they require either the countersignature of a minister of state, or preliminary approbation by ministers of state for drafts of such laws. See also N<small>OMINATIO</small> R<small>EGIA</small>.
</p>
<p class="author">E. SEHLING.</p>
<P class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY:</small> The one book of value here is 
E. Friedberg, <I>Die Gr&#252;nzen zwischen Staat and Kirche, </I>T&#252;bingen, 1872.
But See C<small>HURCH AND</small> S<small>TATE</small>, and the literature there adduced.</small>
</P>
</div3><div3>
<br />
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Placette, Jean La" id="placette_jean_la">
<P>
<b>PLACETTE</b>, pla&#x304;"set&#39;, <b>JEAN LA:</b> French Protestant theologian and moralist; b. at Pontacq (118 m. s.s.w. of Bordeaux) Jan. 19, 1639; d. at Utrecht Apr. 25, 1718. He studied theology at the Protestant  academy at Montauban; became pastor at Orthez (1660), and at Nay (1664), where he earned a brilliant reputation as an orator; after the revocation  of the Edict of Nantes (1685) he became pastor of the French church at Copenhagen, where he labored fruitfully as pastor and as writer till 1711, when he retired and went to live at Utrecht. His writings fall into three classes, those on systematic theology, on morals, and on practical theology. Among those in the former class to be named are: <I>Observationes historico-ecclesiastic&#230; </I>(Amsterdam, 1695); <I>Trait&#233; de la foi divine</I> (1697); and <I>R&#233;ponse &#224; deux objections . . . sur l&#39;origine du mal et sur le myst&#232;re de la Trinit&#233;</I> (1707). In the second class mention may be made of <I>Nouveaux essais de morale</I> (1892); a second series with the same title (6 vols., The Hague, 1715); <I>Le Morale chr&#233;tienne</I> (2 vols., Cologne, 1695) ; and <I>Divers trait&#233;s sur des mati&#232;res de conscience</I> (Amsterdam, 1698). In the third class are: <I>La Mort des justes ou mani&#232;re de biers mourir</I> (1695; Eng. transl., <I>The Death of the Righteous</i>, 2 vols., London, 1737); <I>La Communion devot&#233; </I>(2 vols., 1895); <I>Trait&#233; de la conscience </I>(1699; Eng. transl., <I>The Christian Casuist, </I>London, 1705); and<pb n="86"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
the posthumous <I>Avis sur la mani&#232;re de pr&#234;cher</I> (Rotterdam, 1733; contains a biography).
</P>
<P class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY:</small>
Beside the life in <i>Avis . . </i>, ut sup., consult: Niceron, <I>M&#233;moires</i>, vol. ii.; P. A. Sayous, <I>Hist. de
la litt&#233;rature fran&#231;aise &#224; l&#39;&#233;tranger</i>, ii. 211-220, Paris, 1853; Lichtenberger, <I>ESR</i>, vii. 
741-744.</small>
</P>

<br />
</div3><div3 class="Article" title="Placetum Regium" id="placetium_regium">
<p>
<b>PLACETUM REGIUM.</b> See P<small>LACET.</small>
</P>

<br />
</div3><div3 class="Article" title="Placeus, Josua" id="placeus_josua">
<p>
<b>PLACEUS,</b> pla&#772;-s&#238;&#39;-us, <b>JOSUA (JOSU&#201; DE LA PLACE):</b> French theologian; b. at Saumur (30 m. s.e. of Angers) probably in 1596; d. there Aug. 17, 1665 or 1655. He became pastor at Nantes in 1625 and was professor of theology at his native city from 1633 till his death. Placeus together with M. Amyraut (q.v.) and L. Capellus belong, as followers of John Cameron (q.v.), to that theological movement at Saumur which in contrast with the orthodox
school of Sedan sought to moderate the Calvinistic doctrine by emphasizing the ethical and common human elements, without, however, departing from the fundamental principles. From the supreme value of the accountability of every human soul, Placeus especially drew the conclusion against the imputation of Adam&#39;s actual sin. In defense of the doctrine that the sin of Adam could be reckoned to his descendants only as mediated by the inherited sinful subjective state he pointed out that Calvin knew nothing of an immediate imputation and that the same was denied by Peter Martyr and Daniel Chamier (q.v.), but did not go so far as to justify himself by the view of Zwingli that hereditary guilt was no more than the guilt of every individual. The national synod of Charenton (1644) under the leadership of Antoine Garissoles (q.v.), representing the over-zealous constituency of Montauban, opposed this assertion by adopting a decree to be subscribed by all pastors and candidates. Placeus issued later his vindication, <I>Disputatio de imputatione primi peccati Adami</I> (Saumur, 1655).
The national synod of Loudun, in 1659, withdrew all threatening measures of discipline, but the Zurich orthodoxy did not rest content until in the <I>Formula consensus Helvetici</I> of 1675 it repudiated with Saumurism as a whole the mere " imputation mediate and consequent."</p>
<p class="author"> (E. F. K<small>ARL</small> M<small>&#220;LLER.</small>)</P>
<P class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY:</small>
The <I>Opera omnia </I>were published in 2 vols., Franeker, 1899, Aubencit, 1702. 
Consult: E. and E. Haag, <I>La France protestante, </I>ed. H. L. Bordier, vi. 309 sqq., Paris, 1889; 
J. G. Walch, <I>Einleitung in die Religions-Sereitigkeiten . . ausser der evangelisch-lutherischen Kirche</i>, iii. 890 sqq, Jena, 1734; 
Bartholmeas, in <I>Bulletin de la soci&#233;:t&#233; de l&#39;hist. du protestantisme fran&#231;a&#237;s, </I>
1853;
Saigey, in <I>Revue de th&#233;ologie, </I>Oct., 1855; 
Lichtenberger, <I>ESR,</i> xi. 489 sqq.</small>
</P>

<br />
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Plague" id="plague">
<P>
<b>PLAGUE.</b> See D<small>ISEASES AND THE</small> H<small>EALING</small>
A<small>RT</small>, H<small>EBREW</small>, IV., &#167;&#167; 4-5.
</P>

<br />
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Plagues of Egypt" id="plagues_of_egypt">
<p>
<b>PLAGUES OF EGYPT.</b> See M<small>OSES</small>, &#167; 3.
</p>

<br />
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Plain Song" id="plain_song">
<p>
<b>PLAIN-SONG.</b> See S<small>ACRED</small> M<small>USIC.</small>
</p>

<br />
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Planck, Gottlieb Jakob" id="planck_gottlieb_jakob">
<P>
<b>PLANCK, GOTTLIEB JAKOB:</b> German Lutheran and church historian; b. at N&#252;rtingen (13 m. s.s.e. of Stuttgart), W&#252;rttemberg, Nov. 15, 1751; d. at G&#246;ttingen Aug. 31, 1833. He was educated at the University of T&#252;bingen (1769-74), where he was a lecturer in 1775-80, after which he went to Stuttgart as vicar, being preacher and associate professor at the Karlsschule in the same city, 1781-1784. Here he completed the first two volumes of his <I>Geschichte der Entstehung, der Ver&#228;nderungen und der Bildung unseres protestantischen Lehrbegriffs von Anfang der Reformation bis zur Einf&#252;hrung der
Konkordienformel</I> (6 vols., Leipsic, 1781-1800). So favorable was the reception accorded these volumes that, on the death of Christian Wilhelm Franz Walch in 1784, Planck was chosen to succeed him as professor of church history at G&#246;ttingen. He became a member of the consistory in 1791; ephor of the Hanover theologians in 1800; general superintendent of the principality of G&#246;ttingen in 1805; abbot of Bursfelde in 1828; and supreme consistorial 
councilor in 1830.
</P>
<P>
Planck himself described his theological standpoint as "rational supernaturalism." He held to the divinity as well as to the reasonableness of Christianity, to the necessity as well as to the comprehensibility of a direct divine revelation. He was essentially a historian, and the historical point of view and method colored his whole personality. The first of his two most important works, the <I>Geschichte . . . unseres protestantischen Lehrbegriff&#39;s</I>, has already been mentioned. His second great work was his <I>Geschichte der christlich-kirchlichen Gesellschaftsverfassung</I> (5 vols., Hanover, 1803-09).
The first, of these two works was undoubtedly Planck&#39;s masterpiece, and marked an epoch in the writing of Protestant church history, since it was the earliest attempt at an unpartizan account of the Reformation and of the rise of Lutheranism.
Planck has been criticized for emphasizing too strongly the subjective, personal part in the development of ideas. He paid too little attention to general influences and currents of thought that prevailed throughout entire historic periods, though
he went deeply and carefully into his sources, and used the knowledge of details thus obtained in presenting extremely graphic delineations of character and motives.
</P>
<P>
<small>Among the numerous writings of Planck, in addition to those already mentioned, special mention may be made of the following: continuations of the <I>Neueste Religions-Geschichte</I> of Christian Wilhelm Franz Walch (q.v.; 3 vols., Lemgo, 1787-93) and the <I>Bibliothek der Kirchenversammlungen des vierten and f&#252;nften Jahrhunderts</I> of Georg Daniel Fuchs (Leipsic, 1784). as well as a new edition of the <I>Grundriss der Kirchengeschichte</I> of Ludwig Timotheus Spittler
(q.v.; G&#246;ttingen, 1812); <I>Grundriss einer Geschichte der kirchliehen Verfassung, kirchlichen Regierung und des kanonischen Rechts</I> (1790); <I>Einleitung in die theologischen Wisaenachaften</i> (2 parts, Leipsic, 1794-95; Eng. transl., <I>Introduction to Sacred Philology and Interpretation</I>, Edinburgh, 1834); <I>Ueber Trennung und Vere&#237;nigung der getrennten christlichen Hauptpartheyen</I> (T&#252;bingen, 1803); <I>Betrachtunpen &#252;ber die neuesten Ver&#228;nderunpen in dem Zustand der deutschen katholischen Kirche</I> (Hanover, 1808); <I>Worte des Friedensmit der katholischen Kirche</I> (G&#246;ttingen, 1809); <I>Grurtdriss der theologischen Encyklop&#228;die</I> (1813); <I>Geschichte des Christenthums 
in der Penode server eraten Einfithrunp in die Welt durch Jesum und die Apostel</i> (2 vols., 1818); <I>Ueber die Behandlung, die Haltbarkeit und den Werth des historischen Beweises fur die Gottlichkeit des Christenthums</I> (1821); and <I>Geschichte der protestantischen Theologie von der Konkordienformel an bis in die Mitte des achtzehnten Jahrhunderts </I>(1831).
</small>
</P>
<P>
He was, throughout, judicial and conciliatory, refraining as much as possible from taking sides, and preferring painstaking investigation of facts to passing judgment.
</P>
<P>
Besides his historical work&#39;s, Planck also wrote three quasi-romances, the first two anonymously: <I>Tagebuch vines neuen Ehemannes </I>(Leipsic, 1779); <pb n="87"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
<I>Jonathan Ashley&#39;s Briefe </I>(Bern, 1782); and the fragmentary <I>Das erste Amtsjahr des Pfarrers von S. in Auszugen aus seinem Tagebuch, eine Pastoraltheologie in Form einer Geschichte </I>(Gottingen, 1823).
</p>
<p class="author">(P<small>AUL</small> T<small>SCHACKERT</small>.)</P>
<p class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY:</small> J. S. Putter, <I>Gelehrtengeachichte von der . . .Universitat zu G&#246;ttingen, </I>continued by Saalfeld and
Oesterley, ii. 121, iii. 283 sqq., iv. 270, 4 parts, G&#246;ttingen,
1765-1838 (for list of works by and on Planck); G. C. F.
Lueke, <I>Dr. G. J. Planck. Ein biopraphischer Versuch </I>ib. 1835; 
<I>Nekrolag der Deutschen, </I>for 1833, ii. 581 sqq.; <I>ZHT, </I>
1836, i. 313 sqq. (by Mohnicke), 1843, iv. 75 sqq. (by E.
Henke); G. Franck, <I>Geschichte der protestantischen Theologie</i>,
 iii. 359 sqq., Leipsic, 1875.</small></p>

<br />
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Planck, Heinrich Ludwig" id="planck_heinrich_ludwig">
<p class="body">
<b>PLANCK</b>, plank, <b>HEINRICH LUDWIG:</b> German Lutheran; son of the preceding; b. at Gottingen July 19, 1785; d. there Sept. 23, 1831. He was educated at the university of his native city (1803-06), where he became lecturer in 1806. Four years later he was appointed associate professor of theology in the same institution, and in 1823 was promoted to a full professorship. He devoted himself particularly to New-Testament exegesis, and long labored on a lexicon of the Greek Testament, which he did not live to complete. Among his writings special mention should be made of the following: <I>Bemerkungen &#252;ber 1 Timotheus</I> (G&#246;ttingen, 1808; in answer to Schleiermacher&#39;s attack on the authenticity of the epistle); <I>Entwurf einer neuen synoptischen Zusammenstellung der drei ersten Evangelien nach Grunds&#228;tzen der h&#246;herer Kritik</I> (1809); <I>De vera natura atque indols orationis Gr&#230;c&#230; Novi Testamenti</I> (1810; Eng. transl. by A. S. Paterson, Edinburgh, 1833); and <I>Abriss der philosophisehen Religionslehre</I> (G&#246;ttingen, 1821).
</p>
<p class="author">(P<small>AUL</small> T<small>SCHACKERT.</small>)</p>
<p class="bibliography"><small>B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY:</small> 
Consult the literature under the preceding,
especially G. C. F. L&#252;cke, 
<I>Dr. G. J. Planck</i>, pp 153 sqq., G&#246;ttingen, 1835; and the 
<I>Nekrolog</I> for 1831, ii. 303; also
J. X. F. Schlegel, <I>Kirchen- and Reformationageschichte</I>, vol. iii., Hanover, 1832; 
G. Uhlhom, <I>Hannoversche Kirchengeschichte</I>, Stuttgart, 1902; 
<I>ADB</i>, xxvi. 227; 
Vigouroux, <i>Dictionnaire</I>, fasc. xxxii., col. 457.
</small></p>

<br />
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Plath, Karl Heinrich Christian" id="plath_karl_heinrich_christian">
<p>
<b>PLATH</b>, pla&#772;t, <b>KARL HEINRICH CHRISTIAN:</b> Lutheran promoter of foreign missions; b. at Bamberg (69 m. n.e. of Posen) Sept. 8, 1829; d. at Berlin July 10, 1901. He was educated at Halle and Bonn (1849-53), and at Wittenberg Theological Seminary (1854-56); was preacher and religious instructor at Halle (1856-63); third secretary of the Society for Foreign Missions, Berlin (1863-71) and also instructor at the mission seminary, field-lecturer and author of missionary literature; first secretary of Gossner&#39;s Mission, after 1871; lecturer at the University of Berlin on missionary and religious history after 1867; and full professor after 1882.  He visited India in 1877-78 on behalf of Gossner&#39;s Mission and twice afterward. He was author of <I>Leben des Freiherrn von Canstein</I> (Halle, 1861); <I>Sieben Zeugen des Herrn aus allerlei Volk</I> (Berlin, 1867) ; <i>Die Erwdhlung der V dlker im Lichte der Missionsgeschichte</I> (1867); <I>Drei neue Missionsfragen</i> (1868; Eng. transl., <I>The Subject of Missions Considered under Three New Aspects</I>, Edinburgh, 1873); <I>Die Missionsgedanken des Freiherrn von Leibnitz</i> (1869); <I>Missions-Studien</I> (1870); and <I>F&#252;nfzig Jahre Gossnerscher Mission</I> (1886).</p>
<p class="bibliography"><small>B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY:</small> 
G. Plath, <I>Karl Plath, lnspektor der Gossworschen Mission</I> Schwerin, 1904.
</small></p>

<br />
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Platina, Bartolomeo" id="platina_bartolomeo">
<p>
<b>PLATINA, BARTOLOMEO (BARTOLOMEO SACCHI) :</b>Itallian humanist, theologian, and historian of the popes; b. at Piadena (17 m. e. of Cremona) 1421; d. at Rome 1481. After studying at Mantua, he went to Florence in 1457 to learn Greek of Argyropulos, and in 1462 migrated to Rome, where he obtained a position at the Curia in the College of Abbreviators. When Paul II. Ascended the throne in 1464, Platina, like many others, lost his position, and then headed a sharp reaction against the pope. He was arrested and imprisoned for four months in the Castle of St. Angelo, and did not obtain a new office until Sixtus IV. appointed him director of the Vatican library, a position which he held until his death. The same pope gave him the incentive for the preparation of his most important work, his <i>Opus in vitas summorum pontificum ad Sixtum IV.</I> (Venice, 1479; translated into the principal languages of Europe; Eng. transls., 2 vols., <i>Lives of the Popes</I>, London, 1685, 1888). In the main, Platina repeated the statements of his predecessors Damasus, Anastasius, Pandulphus, Ptolemseus of Lucca, and others, though he frequently made independent investigations. At the same time, like his precursors, he utilized forged decretals without suspecting their real nature.</P>
<P>In addition to Platina&#39;s <i>Opus</i>, mention should also be made of his <I>Historia inclyt&#230; urbis Mantu&#230; et serenissim&#230; famili&#230; Gonzag&#230; libri sex</I> (Vienna, 1675).</p>
<p class="author>K. BENRATH.</p>
<p class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY:</small> On the editions, etc., of Platina&#39;s work on
the popes consult Moller, <i>Disaertatio de B. Platina</i>, Altdorf, 1694, 
with which may be compared Tiraboschi, <i>Storiea della Letteratura Italiana</i>, vol. vi., 11 vols., Modena,
1772-95; and 
<i>Historia inclyt&#230; urbis Mantua,</i> ed. Lambecins, Vienna, 1675. 
Consult: Pastor, <i>Popes</i>, vols. ii-iv. (use the Index); 
Creighton, <i>Papacy</i> (use the Index);
S. Bissolati, <i>Le Vite di due illustri Cremonesi</i>, Milan, 1856;
G. Voigt, <i>Die Wiederbelebung des klasaiachen Alterthums</i>, ii. 237 sqq., Berlin, 1881; 
J. Burekhardt, <i.Die Kultur der Renaissance</i>, ii 277 278, Leipsic, 1898, Eng. transl., <i>The Civilization of the Renascence of Italy</i>, London, 1898.</small>
</p>
</P>

<br />
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Platner, John Winthrop" id="platner_john_winthrop">
<p><b>PLATNER, </b> plat&#39;ner, <b>JOHN WINTHROP:</b> Congregationalist; b. at Lee, Mass., May 15, 1865. He
was educated at Yale College (A.B., 1885), and after being a private tutor for five years entered Union Theological Seminary, from which he was graduated in 1893. He then studied at the University of Berlin for two years, after which he was an instructor at Union Theological Seminary for a year; he was assistant professor of ecclesiastical history at Harvard (1896-1901), and since 1901 has been professor of the same in Andover Theological Seminary.
</P>

<br />
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Plato" id="plato">
<p><b>PLATO.</b> See P<small>LATONISM AND</small> C<small>HRISTIANITY.</small></p>

<br />
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Plato, Porphory Rojdestvensski" id="plato_porphory_rojdestvensski">
<p>
<b>PLATO, </b>pl&#226;&#39;to, <b>PORPHORY ROJDESTVENSSKI:</b>  Archbishop of the Orthodox Russian Church in the United States; b. at Kursk (275 m. s. of Moscow), Russia, 1866. He became a priest in 1887 and a monk in 1894, and in 1902 was consecrated bishop of Chigizin, first auxiliary bishop of the archdiocese of Kief, and superior of the monastery of the Epiphany in Kief. He was a reactionary member of the second Duma, and in 1907 was elevated to the archbishopric of Aleutia and North America, with residence in New York City.
</P>

<br />
<p></div3><div3 type="Article" title="Platon" id="platon">
<p><b>PLATON</b>, pla&#772;&#39;ton <b>(PETER LEVCHIN):</b> Metropolitan of Moscow; b. near Moscow June 29, 1737; <pb n="88"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
d. at Moscow 1812. He was the son of a psalmodist, and was educated at the seminary and the theological academy of Moscow. In 1757 he was appointed instructor in Greek and rhetoric at the latter institution, and became distinguished as a pulpit orator. Within the year he was called to be instructor in rhetoric at the famous monastery of the Holy Trinity near Moscow. Here he became a monk, adopting the name of Platon, and in 1761 was made rector of the seminary of the monastery. A sermon preached by him in Oct., 1762, produced so favorable an impression on the Empress Catherine II. that she summoned him to court to be the religious instructor of the eight-year-old heir apparent, Paul Petrovitch. Here he came into close contact with Voltaire and the encyclopedists, but without injury either to his faith or his character.
</P>
<P>
Platon remained at the Russian court, winning the admiration of even Voltaire, until the marriage of the heir apparent to Maria Feodorovna, daughter of Duke Eugene of Wiirttemberg, in 1773. During this time he published, for the use of his royal pupil, his " Orthodox Doctrine: or, A short Compend of Christian Theology " (Moscow, 1765; Eng. transl., <I>The Present State of the Greek Church in Russia: or, A Summary of Christian Divinity, </I>by R. Pinkerton, Edinburgh, 1814), in which the influence of Western thought, and even of rationalism, may be distinctly traced. At the same time, Roman Catholic doctrines are mercilessly attacked, while the Lutheran tenet of ubiquity and the Reformed theory of predestination also receive their share of criticism. This catechism was followed, a year later, by the " Exhortation of the Orthodox Eastern Catholic Church of Christ to her former Children, now on the Road to Schism," pleading, though with scant success, for lenient treatment of dissenters from the Orthodox Church.
</P>
<P>
In 1768 Platon became a member of the synod, and in 1770 was made bishop of Tver, though he still remained at St. Petersburg, finally being the religious instructor of the new grand duchess. In 1775 he was enthroned archbishop of Moscow, and throughout the reigns of Catherine II., Paul, and Alexander I. diligently promoted the religious, moral, intellectual, and material welfare of his archdiocese, maintaining meanwhile an unceasing literary activity. In 1775 he issued a catechism for the use of the clergy, and in 1776 a short catechism for children, as well as one in the form of a dialogue, while his brief history of the Russian Church (1777) is the first systematic treatise of its kind in the Russian language.
</P>
<P>
In 1787 Platon reluctantly consented to become metropolitan of Moscow. He visited the city but seldom, however, passing the winter in the Triotzki monastery and the summer in the Pererva Monastery close to Moscow. Here he supervised personally the studies of the seminarians, who included three destined to succeed him as archbishop of Moscow. It was Platon who crowned both Paul (1797) and Alexander I. (1801); but despite his close and cordial relations with the court he preserved to the last his firmness and his independence. Shortly before his death he aided in preparing the way for the foundation of the Russian Bible society which was established in the year in which he died. The collected works of Platon were published at Moscow in twenty volumes in 1779-1807, the greater portion of these writings being sermons, of which there are about 500. An abridged English translation of Platon&#39;s catechism was prepared from a Greek version of the Russian original (London, 1867), and his sermon preached at the request of the empress to celebrate the victory of Tschesme also appeared in English (London, 1770).
</p>
<p class="author"> (H. D<small>ALTON</small>.)</p>
<P class="bibliography"><small>B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY:</small> A life in Russian by Snegirew was published
at Moscow, 1857, while incidents of the life, also in Russian, was by Barsow, ib. 1891. Consult: L. Boissard,
<I>L&#39;&#201;glise de Russie</i>, ii. 348 sqq, Paris, 1887;
A. H. Hors, <I>Eighteen Centuries of the Orthodox Greek Church.</i> pp. 690-691, New York, 1899.</small></p>

<br />
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Platonism and Christianity" id="platonism_and_christianity">
<h3><b>PLATONISM AND CHRISTIANITY.</b></h3>
<table>
<tr><td>Christian Estimate of Plato (&#167; 1).</td></tr>
<tr><td>Platonic Philosophy Spiritual (&#167; 2).</td><tr>
<tr><td>Platonic Philosophy Theistic (&#167; 3).</td></tr>
<tr><td>Platonic Philosophy Teleological and Ethical (&#167; 4).</td></tr>
<tr><td>Religion. Rewards, and Punishment in Plato (&#167; 5).</td></tr>
<tr><td>Merits and Defects (&#167; 6).</td></tr>
<tr><td>Later Platonic Schools (&#167; 7).</td></tr>
</table>
<h4>Christian Estimate of Plato</h4>
<P>
"The peculiarity of the Platonic philosophy," says Hegel, in his "History of Philosophy" (vol. ii.), "is precisely this direction toward the supersensuous world, &#8212; it seeks the elevation of consciousness into the realm of spirit. The Christian religion also has set up this high principle, that the internal spiritual essence of man is his true essence, and has made it the universal principle." Some of the early Fathers recognized a Christian element in Plato, and ascribed to him a kind of prop&#230;deutic office and relation toward Christianity.  Clement of Alexandria calls philosophy "a sort of preliminary discipline for those who lived before the coming of Christ," and adds, "Perhaps we may say it was given to the Greeks with this special object; for philosophy was to the Greeks what the law was to the Jews, -a schoolmaster to bring them to Christ (cf. <I>Strom.</i>, I, v.-xx.; Eng. transl., <I>ANF</I>, ii. 305-324). "The Platonic dogmas," says Justin Martyr, "are not foreign to Christianity. If we Christians say that all things were created and ordered by God, we seem to enounce a doctrine of Plato; and, between our view of the being of God and his, the article appears to make the only difference" (cf. <i>II Apol.</i>, xiii.). "Justin" (says Ackermann, <I>Das Christliche im Plato</I>, chap. i., Hamburg, 1835; Eng. transl., <I>The Christian Element in Plato</I>, Edinburgh, 1861), "Justin was, as he himself relates, an enthusiastic admirer of Plato before he found in the Gospel that full satisfaction which he had sought earnestly, but in vain, in philosophy. And, though the Gospel stood infinitely higher in his view than the Platonic philosophy, yet he regarded the latter as a preliminary stage to the former. And in the same way did other apologetic writers express themselves concerning Plato and his philosophy, especially Athenagoras, the most spirited, and philosophically most important of them all, whose `Apology&#39; is one of the most admirable works of Christian antiquity." The Fathers of the early Church sought to explain the striking resemblance between the doctrines of Plato and those of <pb n="89"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
Christianity, principally by the acquaintance, which, as they supposed, that philosopher had with learned Jews and with the Jewish Scriptures during his sojourn in Egypt, but partly, also, by the universal light of a divine revelation through the "Logos," which, in and through human reason, "lighteth every man that cometh into the world," and which illumined especially such sincere and humble seekers after truth as Socrates and Plato before the incarnation of the Eternal Word in the person of Jesus Christ. Passages which bear a striking resemblance to the Christian Scriptures in their picturesque, parabolic, and axiomatic style, and still more in the lofty moral, religious, and almost Christian sentiments which they express, are scattered thickly all through the dialogues, even those that treat of physical, political, and philosophical subjects; and they are as characteristic of Plato as is the inimitably graceful dialogue in which they are clothed. A good selection of such passages may be seen in the introductory chapters of Ackermann&#39;s work (ut sup.). A still more copious and striking collection might be made.
</P>
<h4>2. Platonic philosophy Spiritual.</h4>
<P>
Perhaps the most obvious and striking feature of the Platonic philosophy is that it is preeminently spiritual. Hegel speaks of "this direction toward the supersensuous world," this "elevation of consciousness into the realm of spirit," as "the peculiarity of the Platonic philosophy." There is no doctrine on which Plato more frequently or more strenuously insists than this, that soul is not only superior to body, but prior to it in order of time, and that not merely as it exists in the being of God, but in every order of existence. The soul of the world existed first, and then it was clothed with a material body. The souls which animate the sun, moon, and stars, existed before the bodies which they inhabit (<i>Tim&#230;us</i>). The preexistence of human souls is one of the arguments on which he relies to prove their immortality (<i>Ph&#230;do</i>, 73-76). Among the other arguments by which he demonstrates the immortality of the soul and its exalted dignity are these: that the soul leads and rules the body, and therein resembles the immortal gods (ib. 80); that the soul is capable of apprehending eternal and immutable ideas, and communing with things unseen and eternal, and so must partake of their nature (ib. 79); that, as consciousness is single and simple, so the soul itself is uncompounded, and hence incapable of dissolution (ib. 78); that soul, being everywhere the cause and source of life, and every way diametrically opposite to death, can not be conceived as dying, any more than fire can be conceived as becoming cold (ib. 102-107); that soul, being self-moved, and the source of all life and motion, can never cease to live and move (<i>Ph&#230;drus</i>, 245) ; that diseases of the body do not reach to the 
soul; and vice, which is a disease of the soul, corrupts its moral quality, but has no power or tendency to destroy its essence ("Republic," 610), etc. Spiritual entities are the only real existences- material things are perpetually changing, and flowing into and out of existence. God is: the world becomes, and passes away. The soul is: the body is ever changing, as a garment. Soul or ideas, which are spiritual entities, are the only true causes; God being the first cause why every thing is, and ideas being the secondary causes why things are such as they are (<i>Ph&#230;do</i>, 100-101). Mind and will are the
real cause of all motion and action in the world, just as truly as of all human motion and action. According to the striking illustration in the <i>Ph&#230;do</i> (98, 99), the cause of Socrates awaiting death in the prison, instead of making his escape as his friends urged him to do, was that he chose to do so from a sense of duty; and, if he had chosen to run away, his bones and muscles would have been only the means or instruments of the flight of which his mind and will would have been the cause. And just so it is in all the phenomena of nature, in all the motions and changes of the material cosmos. And life in the highest sense, what we call spiritual and eternal life, all that deserves the name of life, is in and of and from the soul, which matter only contaminates and clouds, and the body only clogs and entombs (<i>Gorgias</i>, 492, 493). Platonism, as well as Christianity, says, Look not at the things which are seen, but at the things which are not seen; for the things which are seen are temporal, only for a season; but the things which are not seen are eternal (cf. <scripRef>II Cor. iv. 18</scripRef>).
</P>
<h4>3. Platonic Philosphy Theistic.</h4>
<P>
The philosophy of Plato is eminently theistic. "God," he says, in his " Republic " (716 A), " is (literally, holds) the beginning, middle, and end of all things. He is the supreme mind or reason, the efficient cause of all things, eternal, unchangeable, all-knowing, all-powerful, all-pervading, and all-controlling, just, holy, wise, and good, the absolutely perfect, the beginning of all truth, the fountain of all law and justice, the source of all order and beauty, and especially the cause of all good " (<i>Philebus, Ph&#230;do, Tim&#230;us</i>, "Republic," and "Laws," passim). God represents, he impersonates, he is the true, the beautiful, but, above all, the good. Just how Plato conceived these " ideas" to be related to the divine mind is disputed. Indiscussing the good, sometimes it is difficult to determine whether he means by it an idea, an attribute, a principle, a power, or a personal God. But he leaves no doubt as to his actual belief in the divine personality. God is the reason (the intelligence, <I>Ph&#230;do</i>, 97 C) and the good ("Republic," 508 C) ; but he is also the artificer, the maker, the Father, the supreme ruler, who begets, disposes, and orders all (cf. <I>Tim&#230;us</I>, with places just cited). He is <i>Theos</I> and <i>Ho Theos</i> (<i>Ph&#230;do</i>, 106 D, and often elsewhere). Plato often speaks also of gods in the plural; but to him, as to all the best minds of antiquity, the inferior deities are the children, the servants, the ministers, the angels, of the supreme God (<I>Tim&#230;us</i>, 41). Unity is an essential element of perfection. There is but one highest and best the Most High, the Supreme Good, God in the true and proper sense is one. The Supreme God only is eternal, he only hath immortality in himself. The immortality of the inferior deities is derived, imparted to them by their Father and the Father of all, and is dependent on his will (<I>Tim&#230;us</i>, 41). God made the world by introducing order and beauty into chaotic matter, and putting into it a living, moving,<pb n="90"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
intelligent soul; then the inferior deities made man under his direction, and in substantially the same way. God made the world because he is good, and because, free from all envy or jealousy, he wished everything to be as much like himself as the creature can be like the creator (<i>Tim&#230;us</I>, 30 A). Therefore he made the world good; and when he saw it he was delighted (ib. 37 C; cf. <scripRef>Gen. i. 31</scripRef>). God is the author of all good, and of good only, not of evil. "Every good gift cometh down from the Father of the celestial luminaries "; "for it is morally impossible for the best being to do any thing else than the best" (<i>Tim&#230;us</i>, 30 A; cf. <scripRef>Jas. i. 17</scripRef>). God exercises a providential care over the world as a whole, and over every part (chiefly, however, through the inferior deities who thus fulfil the office of angels, "Laws," 905 B-906), and makes all things, the least as well as the greatest, work for good to the righteous and those who love God, and are loved by him (<i>Ph&#230;do</I>, 62; "Republic," 613). Atheism is a disease, and a corruption of the soul; and no man ever did an unrighteous act, or uttered an impious word, unless he was a theoretical or practical atheist ("Laws," 885 B), that is, in the language of the indictment at common law, he did it, "not having the fear of God before his eyes."
</P>
<h4>4. Platonic Philosophy Teleological and Ethical.</h4>
<P>
The Platonic philosophy is teleological. Final causes, together with rational and spiritual agencies, are the only causes that are worthy of the study of the philosopher: indeed, no others deserve the name (<i>Ph&#230;do</i>, 98 sqq.). If mind is the cause of all things, mind must dispose all things for the best; and when it is known how anything may best be made or disposed, then, and then only, is it known how it is and the cause of its being so (</i>Ph&#230;do</I>, 97). Material causes are no causes; and inquiry into them is impertinent, unphilosophical, not to say impious and absurd. Thus did Plato build up a system of rational psychology, cosmology, and theology, all of which are largely teleological, on the twofold basis of a priori reasoning and mythology, in other words, of reason and tradition, including the idea of a primitive revelation. The eschatology of the <I>Ph&#230;do</I>, the <I>Gorgias</I>, and the "Republic," is professedly a mythos, though he insists that it is also a <i>logos</i> ("Republic," 523). His cosmology he professes to have heard from some one (<I>Ph&#230;do</I>, 108 D); and his theology in the <I>Tim&#230;us</I> purports to have been derived by tradition from the ancients, who were the offspring of the gods, and who must, of course, have known the truth about their own ancestors (40 C). Yet the whole structure is manifestly the work of his own reason and creative imagination; and the central doctrine of the whole is, that God made and governs the world with constant reference to the highest possible good; and "ideas" are the powers, or, in the phraseology of modern science, the "forces," by which the end was to be accomplished. The philosophy of Plato is preeminently ethical, and his ethics are remarkably Christian. Only one of his dialogues was classified by the ancients as "physical,&#39; and that (the <I>Tim&#230;us</i>) is largely theological.  The political dialogues treat politics as a part of ethics,&#8212;ethics as applied to the State. Besides the four virtues as usually classified by Greek moralists,&#8212;viz., temperance, courage, justice, and wisdom,&#8212;Plato recognized as virtues humility and meekness, which the Greeks generally despised, and holiness, which they ignored <I>(Euthyphron)</i>; and he teaches the duty of non-retaliation and non-resistance as strenuously, not to say paradoxically, as it is taught in the Sermon on the Mount (<I>Critias</I>, 49). That it is better to suffer wrong than to do wrong is a prominent doctrine of the <I>Gorgias</I> (479 E, 508 C). But as the highest " idea " is that of the good, so the highest excellence of which man is capable is likeness to God, the supreme and absolute good. A philosopher, who is Plato&#39;s ideal, is a lover of wisdom, of truth, of justice, of goodness (" Republic," book vi.), of God, and, by the contemplation and imitation of his virtues, becomes like him as far as it is possible for man to resemble God (ib. 613 A, B).
</P>
<h4>5. Religion, rewards and Punishment in Plato.</h4>
<p>
Plato is preeminently a religious philosopher. His ethics, his politics, and his physics are all based on his theology and his religion. Natural and moral obligations, social and civil duties, duties to parents and elders, to kindred and strangers,  to neighbors and friends, are all religious duties (" Laws," ix. 881 A, xi. 931 A). Not only is God the lawgiver and ruler of the universe, but his law is the source and ground of all human law and justice. "That the gods not only exist, but that they are good, and honor and reward justice far more than men do, is the most beautiful and the best preamble to all laws" ("Laws," x. 887). Accordingly, in the "Republic" and the "Laws," the author often prefaces the most important sections of his legislation with some such preamble, exhortation, or, as Jowett calls it, sermon, setting forth the divine authority by which it is sanctioned and enforced. Plato gives prominence also to the doctrine of a future state of rewards and punishments. At death, by an inevitable law of its own being, as well as by the appointment of God, every soul goes to its own place; the evil gravitating to the evil, and the good rising to the supreme good. When they come before their judge, perhaps after a long series of transmigrations, each of which is the reward or punishment of the preceding, those who have lived virtuous and holy lives, and those who have not, are separated from each other. The wicked whose sins are curable are subjected to sufferings in the lower world, which are more or less severe, and more or leas protracted, according to their deserts. The incurably wicked are hurled down to Tartarus, whence they never go out, where they are punished forever as a spectacle and warning to others (<i>Gorgias</i>, 523 sqq.; <I>Ph&#230;do</I>, 113 D). Those, on the other hand, who have lived virtuously and piously, especially those who have purified their hearts and lives by philosophy, will live without bodies (<I>Ph&#230;do</i>, 114 C), with the gods, and in places that are bright and beautiful beyond description.
</p>
<h4>6. Merits and Defects</h4>
<P>
Allusion only may be made to other characteristic features of Plato&#39;s philosophy, such, for example, as his doctrine of "ideas,"&#8212;the true, the beautiful, the good, the holy, and the like, which,<pb n="91"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
looking at them now only on the ethical and practical side, are eternal and immutable, and not dependent even on the will of God (the holy, for instance, is not holy because it is the will of God, but it is the will of God because it is holy, just, and good&#8212;<i>Euthyphron</i>,10 D); the indispensable necessity of a better than any existing, not to say better than human, society and government (like the ideal republic, which is not so much a state as a church or a school, a great family, or a man "writ large"), in order to the salvation of the individual or the perfection of the race; the degenerate, diseased, carnal, and corrupt state into which mankind in general has fallen since the reign of Kronos in the golden age ("Laws," 713 C; "Politics," 271 D; <i>Critias</i>, 108 D), and from which God only can save any individual or nation ("Republic," vi. 492, 493); and the need of a divine teacher, revealer, healer, charmer, to charm away the fear of death, and bring life and immortality to light  (<I>Ph&#230;do, </I>78 A, 859).
</P>
<P>
But a passing glance may be given to the radical defects and imperfections of Plato&#39;s best teachings&#8212;his inadequate conception of the nature of sin as involuntary, the result of ignorance, a misfortune, and a disease in the soul, rather than a transgression of the divine law; his consequent erroneous ideas of its cure by successive transmigrations on earth, and protracted pains in purgatory, and by philosophy; his philosophy of the origin of evil, viz., in the refractory nature of matter, which must therefore be gotten rid of by bodily mortification, and by the death of the body without a resurrection, before the soul can arrive at its perfection; his utter inability to conceive of atonement, free forgiveness, regenerating grace, and salvation for the masses, a fortiori for the chief of sinners; the doubt and uncertainty of his best religious teachings, especially about the future life ("Apology," 40 E, 42; <i>Ph&#230;do</I>, 107 C); and the utter want in his system of the grace, even more than of the truth, that have come to us by Jesus Christ, for, after all, Platonism is not so deficient in the wisdom of God as it is in the power of God unto salvation. The "Republic," for example, proposes to overcome the selfishness of human nature by constitutions and laws and education, instead of a new heart and a new spirit, by community of goods and of wives, instead of loyalty and love to a divine-human person like Jesus Christ.
</P>
<h4>7. Later Platonic Schools.</h4>
<P>
In the Middle and the New Academy, there was always more or less tendency to skepticism, growing out of the Platonic doctrine of the uncertainty of all human knowledge except that of "ideas." The Neo-Platonists (see N<small>EO</small>-P<small>LATONISM</small>), on the other hand, inclined toward dogmatism, mysticism, asceticism, theosophy, and even thaumaturgy, thus developing seeds of error that lay in the teaching of their master. After the Christian era, among those who were more or less the followers of Plato, were, at one extreme, the devout and believing Plutarch the author of "Delay
of the Deity in the Punishment of the Wicked, and the practical and sagacious Galen, whose work on the "Uses of the Parts of the Human Body" is an anticipation of the <I>Bridgewater Treatises</I>, both of whom, as also Socrates, would have accepted Christianity if they had come within the scope of its influence; and, at the other extreme, Porphyry and the Emperor Julian, who wielded the weapons of philosophy in direct hostility to the religion of Christ; while intermediate between them the major part of the philosophers of the Neo-Platonic and eclectic schools who came in contact with Christianity went on their way in indifference, neglect, or contempt of the religion of the crucified Nazarene. But not a few of the followers of Plato discovered a kindred and congenial element in the eminent spirituality of the Christian doctrines and the lofty ethics of the Christian life, and, coming in through the vestibule of the Academy, became some of the most illustrious of the Fathers and Doctors of the early Church. And many of the early Christians, in turn, found peculiar attractions in the doctrines of Plato, and employed them as weapons for the defense and extension of Christianity, or cast the truths of Christianity in a Platonic mold. The doctrines of the Logos and the Trinity received their shape from Greek Fathers, who, if not trained in the schools, were much influenced, directly or indirectly, by the Platonic philosophy, particularly in its Jewish-Alexandrian form. That errors and corruptions crept into the Church from this source can not be denied. But from the same source it derived no small additions, both to its numbers and its strength. Among the most illustrious of the Fathers who were more or less Platonic, may be named Justin Martyr, Athenagoras, Theophilus, Irenwus, Hippolytus, Clement of Alexandria, Origen, Minutius Felix, Eusebius, Methodius, Basil the Great, Gregory of Nyssa, and St. Augustine. Plato was the divine philosopher of the earlier Christian centuries; in the Middle Ages Aristotle succeeded to his place. But in every period of the history of the Church, some of the brightest ornaments of literature, philosophy, and religion-such men as Anselm, Erasmus, Melanchthon, Jeremy Taylor, Ralph Cudworth, Henry More, Neander, and Tayler Lewis-have been "Platonizing" Christians.
</P>
<P class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY:</small> 
No attempt can be made here to give a
complete list of works on Plato, the works now cited being
those which probably best illustrate the subject of the
article. A notable bibliography, covering editions, translations, and critical treatises, is to be found in Baldwin,
<I>Dictionary</i>, iii. 1, pp. 404-423, to be supplemented by the list entered under "Philosophy" in Fortescue&#39;s Subject
<I>Index of Modern Works . . . of the British Museum</I>, London, 1902 sqq. 
For the works of Plato the best eds. for general use are that on the basis of Stephens by 
C. D. Beck, 8 vols., Leipsic 1893-99; and the ed. by 
J. Bumet, vols, i.-v., Oxford, 1900-07. The classical Eng. transl. is that of 
B. Jowett, <I>The Dialogues</I>, 3d ed., 5 vols., Oxford, 1892, with 
E. Abbott&#39;s <I>Index</I>, ib. 1895, 
<I>The Republic</i>, 2  vols., 3d ed., ib. 1908. Of prime importance are the works on the history of philosophy by Ueberweg, ed. M. Heinse, 9th ed., Berlin, 1901-05, Eng. transl. of the 4th ed., London, 1875-76; 
W. Windelband, 4tb ed., T&#252;bingen, 1907, Eng. transl. of 1st ed., New York, 1893;
J. E. Erdmann, 2 vole., Berlin, 1895-98, Eng. transl., 3 vols., London, 1892-98 ; and 
E. Zeller, new ed., T&#252;bingen, 1892, Eng. transl., London, 1897. Consult: 
G. C. B. Ackermann, <I>Dos Chrislliche im Plato and in der platoniachen Philosophie</I>, Eng transl)., <I>The Christian Element in Plato</I>, Edinburgh, 1880; 
F. Schleiermacher, <I>Introduction to Dialogues of Plato</I>, translated by W. Dobson, Cambridge and London, 1838; 
E. Zeller, <I>Platonischen Studien</i>, T&#252;<pb n="92"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
bingen, 1839; 
J. F. Simon, <I>Etudes sir la theodic&#233;e de Platon et d&#39;Aristote</I>, Paris, 1840; 
C. B. Smyth, <I>Christian Metaphysics, or Plato, Malebranche, and Gioberti Compared with the Modern Schools of Psychology</I>, London, 1851; 
C. Morgan, <I>An Investigation of the Trinity of Plato</I>, Cambridge 1853; 
D. Becker, <I>Das philosophische System Platons in seiner Beviehung zum christlichen Dogma</I>, Leipsic, 1882; 
R. D. Hampton, <I>The Fathers of Greek Philosophy</I>, Edinburgh, 1882; 
G. Grote, <I>Plato and the Other Companions of Socrates</I>, London, 1885, 2d ed., 1887;
B. F. Cocker, <I>Christianity and Greek Philosophy</I>, New York, 1870; 
A. E. Chaignet, <I>La Vie et les &#233;scrits de Platon</I>, Paris, 1871; 
J. W. Lake, <I>Plato, Philo and Paul</I>, Edinburgh, 1874; 
E. Zeller, <I>Plato and the Old Academy</I>, London, 1878; 
S. W. Mendenhall, <I>Plato and Paul, or Philosophy and Christianity</I>, Cincinnati, 1888; 
E. W. Simson, <I>Der Begriff der Seele bei Plato</I>, Leipsic, 1889; 
J. Lipperheide, <I>Thomas van Aquino and die platonische Ideenlehre</I>, Munich, 1890; 
J. H. Stirling, <I>Philosophy and Theology</I>, Edinburgh, 1890; 
C. B&#233;nard, <I>Platon: sa vie et sa phiZoaophie</I>, Paris,
1892; W. Pater, <I>Plato and Platonism</I>, London and New
York, 1893; J. W. G. van Oordt, <I>Plato and the Times he Lived in</I>, The Hague, 1895; 
H. Roeder, <I>Platom phiZoaophiache Entwickelung</I>Leipsic, 1905; 
E. Reich, <I>Plato as an Introduction to Modern Criticism of Life</I>, London, 1908;
C. Ritter, <I>Platon, sein Leben, seine Schriften, seine Lehre</I>, Munich, 1909; 
idem, <I>Neue Untersuchungen fiber Platon</I>, ib., 1910; 
A. E. Taylor, <I>Plato</I>, New York, 1909. Much
that is illustrative from a historical point of view will be
found in the literature under S<small>CHOLASTICISM.</small></small>
</P>

<br />
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Pleasure" id="pleasure">
<p>
<b>PLEASURE:</b> An agreeable and gratifying feeling or desire which awakens in the person experiencing it a wish for its continuance or renewal. Neither the feeling nor the impulse is necessarily sinful, for desire and its gratification are essential
to a complete life. Just as the man who takes pleasure in nothing is unhealthy, so one who seeks and desires nothing is in danger of becoming both mentally and morally a nonentity. Ethically, pleasure, both as feeling and desire, is determined by its relation to the ego, by the free personality of man, and by its object. Where, as in the ethics of Democritus, Epicurus, Protagoras, and others, the ego exalts its own natural sensations and desires into a norm of life, pleasure decides what is good and what is bad. On the other hand, the personality that has submitted itself to the divine will determines for itself what shall be pleasure and pain. It is divine revelation that guides man here, so that the Psalmist can say, " Delight thyself also in the Lord; and he shall give thee the desires of thine heart " (<scripRef>Ps. xxxvii. 4; cf. i. 2, lxxiii. 23-28, cxi. 2, cxii. 1, cxix.</scripRef>); and the New Testament makes communion with God the highest and most perfect pleasure of the Christian (cf. <scripRef>II Cor. v. 15</scripRef>; <scripRef>Gal. ii. 20</scripRef>; <scripRef>John xvii. 23</scripRef>). This pleasure, however, does not exclude the enjoyment of other pleasures. Pleasure in the true (science) and the beautiful (art), and even bodily pleasures in moderation, as in eating and in general comfort, are proper and consistent with the Christian life. Extreme asceticism is unchristian (<scripRef>I Tim. iv. 3-5</scripRef>; <scripRef>Col. ii. 16-23</scripRef>). Pleasure becomes sin only when the accompanying desire becomes lust, overpowers the will, and enslaves the personality. As a guard against this the moderate asceticism of Paul may be recommended (<scripRef>I Cor. ix. 27</scripRef>; <scripRef>Phil. iv. 11-13</scripRef>).
</P>
<P>
While desire is an essential element of human nature, it requires a curb. According to Roman Catholic doctrine, this was a special gift of grace bestowed upon Adam, without which man would be completely given up to sensuality. Desire in the first man was originally directed by God; but Adam renounced this guidance, and desire became concupiscence and lust, this depravity being transmitted by man&#39;s first parents to the entire human race. At times Paul uses "lust" as synonymous with "sin" (<scripRef>Rom. vii. 7</scripRef>); but in New-Testament usage the ethical character of desire, whether good or evil, depends upon the subject rather than upon the object (cf. <scripRef>John viii. 44</scripRef>; <scripRef>Rom. i. 24</scripRef>; <scripRef>Gal. v. 16</scripRef>; <scripRef>I John ii. 16</scripRef>). The duty of the Christian toward sinful natural impulses is set forth in <scripRef>Gal. v. 24</scripRef> and <scripRef>Col. iii. 5</scripRef>.
</P>
<p> 
The doctrinal difference between Roman Catholicism and Protestantism regarding original sin depends chiefly on their divergent interpretation of desire, the Council of Trent maintaining that, after the loss of the special gift of grace, man&#39;s nature was weakened, though neither the loss of his original righteousness nor the desire which remains even in the regenerate is necessarily sinful. Protestantism, on the contrary, holds that desire is evil in itself.  
</p>
<p class="author">(K<small>ARL</small> B<small>URGER</small>.)</p>

<br />
</div3><div3 tytpe="Article" title="Plenary" id ="plenary">
<P>
<b>PLENARY</b> (<i>Liber plenarius</i>): The term applied in the early Middle Ages to a missal containing all the liturgy appertaining to the mess, thus combining what was usually scattered through the sacrarmentary, gradual, and lectionary. Though such plenaries existed in the ninth century, the extant manuscript copies are not older than the eleventh. Later in the Middle Ages the plenaries were translated into German with various additions explanatory of the mass. The name was likewise applied to lectionaries containing the epistles and Gospels for Sundays and feasts, with glosses or postils on the Gospels; and the plenaries came to be called simply Gospel books or postils. With the Reformation the plenary vanished, none being known to have been issued after 1521. 
<p class="author">(P. D<small>REWS.</small>)</p>
</P>
<P class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY:</small> 
J. Alaog, in <I>Freiburger Di&#246;cesan-Archiv,</I> viii (1874), 255 sqq.; 
M. F. A. G. Campbell, <I>Annales de la typographic n&#233;erlandaise au 15. si&#232;cle, </I>The Hague 1874;
F. Folk, <I>Die Druclekunst im Dienste der Kirche, pp. </I>29 sqq., Cologne, 1879; 
R. Cruel, <I>Geachichte der deutachen Predigt im Mittelalter, pp. </I>533 sqq., Detmar, 1879.</small>
</P>

<br />
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Plitt, Gustav Leopold" id="plit_gustav_leopold">
<P>
<b>PLITT, GUSTAV LEOPOLD:</b> German Lutheran; b. at Genin, near L&#252;beck, Mar. 27, 1838; d. at Erlangen Sept. 10, 1880. He studied. theology at the universities of Erlangen (1854-58, 1857-58) and Berlin (1858-57), and early in 1861 became privat-docent at the former institution, lecturing chiefly on church history and especially on the Reformation period and the life of Luther, and also on exegesis. At the same time he developed his literary activity, publishing <I>Melanchthons Loci communes in ihrer Urgestalt </I>(Erlangen, 1864) and soon after his main work, <I>Einleititng in die Augustana</I> 
(2 vols., 18678). In 1867 Plitt was appointed associate professor. Besides continuing his work as an author, evidenced in his 
<I>Aus Schelling&#39;s Leben, in Briefen</I> (3 vols., Leipsic, 1869-70) and <I>Kurze Gesehichte der lutherischen Mission, in Vortr&#228;gen</I> (Erlangen, 1871), he took an active part as preacher at the university and in influencing practical church
life.
</P>
<p>
In 1867 he became the head of the Bavarian<pb n="93"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
Verein f&#252;r Judenmission, and was equally energetic in behalf of home missions and philanthropic enterprises, being also one of the founders of the institution of army deacons in the Franco-Prussian war. In 1875 he was advanced to a full professorship, and in the same year published his <I>Grundriss der Symbolik f&#252;r Vorlesnagen</I> (Erlangen, 1875), which had been preceded by <I>Die Apologie der Augustana, geschichtlich erkl&#228;rt</I> (1873). Meanwhile he had continued his studies on the period of the Reformation, and contemplated combining them into a biography of Luther which should appeal to the cultured public as well as to scholars. This work, begun by him, was completed after his death by his friend E. F. Petersen of L&#252;beck, appearing under the title, <I>Martin Luthers Leben und Wirken</I> (Leipsic, 1883). In 1877 he became associated with Johann Jakob Herzog (q.v.) in the preparation of the second edition of the <I>Realeneyklop&#228;die f&#252;r protestantische Theologie and Kirche</I>, a task for which wide theological knowledge, unwearying energy, and breadth of view rendered him peculiarly adapted. He had been able, however, to help to finish only half the work when he died.
</p>
<p class="author">(F. F<small>RANK</small>&#8224;.)</p>

<br />
</div3><div3 type="article" title="Plockhoy, Pieter Cornelisz" id="plockhoy_pieter-cornelisz">
<p>
<b>PLOCKHOY, PIETER CORNELISZ:</b> "The father of modern socialism"; born at Zierikzee (35 m. n.w. of Antwerp) about 1600; d. in Germantown, Pa., about 1674. Becoming interested in plans for the realization of the Christian ideal through the best social and industrial methods, he crossed to England and had two interviews with Cromwell, who was greatly interested in his project. On the decease of the protector, Sept. 3, 1658, Plockhoy discussed his scheme with parliament, but owing to the breakdown of government in England was not able to secure cooperation. He printed in English at London in 1659 a pamphlet of fourteen pages, with an advertisement or an invitation of the same bulk, setting forth <I>A Way Propounded to make the Poor in these and other Nations happy by bringing together a fit, suitable and well qualified People into one Household Government or little Commonwealth, wherein Everyone may keep his own Property and be employed in some Work or other, as he shall see fit, without being oppressed.</I>"
</p>
<p>
He proposed to assemble in a common lot and housing four sorts of people: husbandmen, handicraftsmen, mariners, and masters of arts and sciences, who were to be industrial, yet cultivated and of good character, that is, "only rational and impartial persons." "All intractable persons, such as those in communion with the Roman see, usurious Jews, English stiff-necked Quakers; Puritans; fool-hardy believers in the Millennium; and obstinate modern pretenders to revelation," were to be excluded. Those not of the elect or limited number could join the community as servants or assistants. Two houses were deemed necessary, one for the living occupants and one for a warehouse, factory, and shops. Rents were to be cheap and there was to be no overcharging. In the living-house, the sexes were to sit on opposite aides of the table, and dwell in mutual courtesy, using no titles. They were to acknowledge none but Christ as head and master. A president was to be elected annually to be the executive, but he was to have no salary or remuneration. In the large hall at the religious and devotional exercises, which included singing and Bible-reading, each was to take turns in speaking, and each was to make his discourses short. Then the business of the court began. No clergyman or capitalist was allowed. One hundred families were to be associated, so that, for example, instead of the work of one hundred women toiling as in separate families, only twenty-five could do the housework, while seventy-five were set free for other productive labors. In like manner, instead of 100 fires, four or five furnaces could heat the whole habitation. Each was to work six hours a day for the benefit of the colony, the rest of the time could be devoted to private interests. The profits were to be divided equally among all over twenty years and to others in proportion.
</P>
<P>
After the fall of the Netherlands West India Company the city of Amsterdam financed Plockhoy&#39;s project after a contract of 117 articles had been made, giving 100 guilders to each colonist twenty four years old and free from debt. Colonists were to be ready by Sept. 15, 1662. The settlement was made on Hoorn Kill on the Delaware River, near Swannendaal (New Castle). It seems to have flourished until 1664, at the conquest of New Netherland by the English. Then Sir Robert Carr seized and plundered the Delaware settlements, sold the Dutch soldiers as slaves in Virginia, stripped the colonists bare, and took " what belonged to the Quaking Society of Plockhoy, to a very naile." It is not known what became of his colonists, but ten years later Plockhoy, now blind and his wife leading him, came into Germantown, Pa., where the couple were given a house during the ten years of his remaining life. Some of Plockhoy&#39;s ideas, once novel, are now commonplace. His pamphlet in Dutch, <I>Kort ere klaer ontwerp ... door een Volck Planting  ... aan de Zuytrevier in Nieuw Nederland</i> (16 pages, Amsterdam, 1662), is described and discussed by E. B. O&#39;Callaghan, <I>History of New Netherlands or, New York under the Dutch</i>, ii. 461->469, New York, 1848; J. R. Brodhead, <I>Hist. of the State of New York</i>, i. 697-699, ib. 1853; G. M. Asher, <I>Bibliographical and Historical Essay on the Dutch Books and Pamphlets Relating to New Netherlands,</I> pp. 205-208, 2 parts, Amsterdam, 1854-67; W. E. Griffis, <I>The Story of New Netherland</i>, pp. 131, 138, Boston, 1909.
</p>
<p class="author">W. E. G<small>RIFFIS</small>.</p>

<br />
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Plotinus" id="plotinus">
<p>
<b>PLOTINUS.</b> See N<small>EOPLATONISM</small>, II
</p>

<br />
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Plumer, William Swain" id="plumer_william_swain">
<P>
<b>PLUMER, WILLIAM SWAIN:</b> Presbyterian; b. at Greersburg (now Darlington), Beaver Co., Pa., July 26, 1802; d. at Baltimore, Md., Oct. 22, 1880. He was educated at Washington College, Lexington, Va., where he graduated in 1825; and at Princeton Theological Seminary in 1826; and was ordained in 1827.
</P>
<P>
After working in various fields he was pastor at Petersburg. Va. (1831-34), Richmond (1835-46), Baltimore (1847-54), and at Allegheny, Pa. (18551862), where he served at the same time as professor of didactic and pastoral theology in the Western Theological Seminary. He supplied the pulpit of Arch Street Church, Philadelphia (1862-65); <pb n="94"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
was pastor at Pottsville, Pa. (1865-66); and professor in the theological seminary at Columbia, S. C. (1867-80). He possessed a singular impressiveness in the pulpit and a gift for teaching. His writings are practical and didactic and of an ultra-Calvinistic cast. He founded <I>The Watchman of the South</I> in 1837 and was sole editor, 1837-45. Some of his works are <I>The Bible True and Infidelity Wicked</I> (New York, 1848); <I>The Saint and the Sinner</I> (Philadelphia, 1851); <I>The Grace of Christ</I> (1853); <I>The Law of God as Contained in the Ten Commandments</I> (1864); <I>Sermons for the People</I> (1871); and Commentaries on Romans (1870), and on Hebrews (1872).
</P>

<br />
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Plummer, Alfred" id="plummer_alfred">
<P>
<b>PLUMMER, ALFRED:</b> Church of England; b.
at Heworth (near Gateshead, opposite Newcastle-on-Tyne), Durhamshire, Feb. 17, 1841. He was educated at Exeter College, Oxford (B.A., 1863; M.A., 1866), and was ordered deacon in 1866, but has never been ordained to the priesthood. He was fellow of Trinity College (1865-75), and was tutor and dean of the same college (1867-74); he was master of University College, Durham (1874-1902), where he was junior proctor of the University of Durham (1875-77), senior proctor (1877-93), and subwarden (1896-1902). He was one of the last pupils of J. J. I. von D&#246;llinger, and translated that theologian&#39;s <I>Fables respecting the Popes of the Middle Ages</I> (London, 1871); <I>Prophecies and the Prophetic Spirit in the Christian Era </I>(1873); and <I>Hippolytus and Callistus: or, The Church of Rome in the first Half of the third Century</I> (Edinburgh, 1876). He has prepared Peter and Jude for <I>The New Testament Commentary for English Readers</I> (London, 1879); the Johannine Gospel and Epistles for <I>The Cambridge Bible for Schools </I>(Cambridge, 2 vols., 1880, 1882) and for <I>The Cambridge Greek Testament</I> (2 vols., 1882, 1886), and II Corinthians for the same series (2 vols., 1903); The Pastoral Epistles, James, and Jude for <I>The Expositor&#39;s Bible</I> (2 vols., London, 1888, 1890); Luke for <I>The International Commentary</I> (Edinburgh, 1896); and an independent commentary on Matthew (1909). He has also written the historical introduction to Joshua, Nehemiah, and the Johannine Epistles in <I>The Pulpit Commentary </I>(2 vols., London, 1881, 1889), and is the author of <I>The Church of the Early Fathers</I> (London, 1887); <I>English Church History from the Death of Henry VII. to the Death of William III.</I> (3 vols., Edinburgh, 1904-07); and <I>The Church of England in the Eighteenth Century</I> (1910).
</P>

<br />
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Plumptre, Edward Hayes" id="plumptre_edward_hayes">
<P>
<b>PLUMPTRE, EDWARD HAYES:</b> Church of England; b. at London Aug. 6, 1821; d. at Wells Feb. 1, 1891. He was scholar of University College, Oxford (B.A., 1844; M.A., 1847); and fellow of Brasenose College (1844-47); assistant preacher at Lincoln&#39;s Inn (1851-58); select preacher at Oxford (1851-53, 1864-66, 1872-73); chaplain of King&#39;s College, London (1847-68); professor of pastoral theology there (1853-63); dean of Queen&#39;s College, London (1855-75); prebendary of Portpool, in St. Paul&#39;s Cathedral (1863-81); professor of exegesis in King&#39;s College, London (1863-81); examining chaplain to the bishop of Gloucester and Bristol (1865-67); Boyle lecturer (1866-67); rector for of Pluckley, Kent (1869-73); Grinfield lecturer on the Septuagint at Oxford (1872-74); examiner in school of theology at Oxford (1872-73); vicar of Bickley, Kent (1873-81); principal of Queen&#39;s College, London (1875-77); and examining chaplain to the late archbishop of Canterbury (1879-82). On Dec. 21, 1881, he was installed dean of Wells. He was a member of the Old-Testament company of revisers, 1870-74, and is known also as a hymnist. For <I>The Bible ("</I>Speaker&#39;s<I>") Commentary </I>he wrote the comments on The Book of Proverbs (1873); for C. J. Ellicott&#39;s <I>New-Testament Commentary for English Readers, </I>those on the first three Gospels, the Acts, and II Corinthians (1877); for the <I>Old-Testament Commentary </I>by the same general editor, those on Isaiah, Jeremiah, and Lamentations (1882-84); for <I>The Cambridge Bible,</I> those on Ecclesiastes, James, Peter, and Jude; and for Philip Schaff&#39;s <I>Popular Commentary on the New Testament, </I>those on I Timothy and II Timothy (1883). He edited <I>The Bible Educator </I>(4 vols., London and New York, 1874). He likewise published <I>The Calling of a Medical Student, </I>four sermons (1849); <I>The Study of Theology and the Ministry of Souls </I>(1853); <I>King&#39;s College Sermons </I>(1859); <I>Sophocles </I>(a translation; 1865); <I>&#198;schylus </I>(a translation; 1868); <I>St. Paul in Asia Minor and the Syrian Antioch </I>(1877); <I>The Epistles to the Seven Churches </I>(1877); <I>Biblical Studies </I>(1870; 4th ed., <I>1884); Introduction to the New Testament (1883); <I>Things New and Old (1884); Theology and Life, </I>sermons <I>(1866); Spirits in Prison, and other Studies on Life after Death</i> (1884) ; Life and Letters of Thomas Ken, Bishop of Bath and Wells</i> (2 vols., 1888); Lazarus and Other Poems</i> (1864); <i>Master and Scholar</i> (poems; 1866); <i>Christ and Christendom</I> (Boyle Lectures; 1867; new ed., 1899); <i>The Commedia and Canzoniere of Dante Alighieri</I> (new translation, with notes, life, and portraits, 2 vols., 1887); and <I>Wells Cathedral and its Deans</i> (1888). The two hymns by him which are most widely known are "Rejoice, ye pure in heart," and "Thine arm, O Lord, in days of old."
</p>
<P class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY:</small> 
Julian, Hymnology, p. 897; S. W. Dufeld, <I>English Hymns, pp. </I>208-209, New York, 1886; <I>DNB,</I> xlv. 437-438.</small>
</P>

<br />
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Plunket, William Conyngham" id="plunket_william_conymgham">
<P>
<b>PLUNKET, WILLIAM CONYNGHAM:</b> Church of Ireland archbishop; b. at Dublin, Ireland, Aug. 26, 1828; d. there Apr. 1, 1897. Graduated at Trinity College, Dublin (B.A., 1853; M.A., 1864); was ordained deacon (1857), and priest (1858); was rector of Kilmoylan and Cummer, Tuam (1858-64); chaplain and private secretary to the bishop of Tuam, and treasurer of St. Patrick&#39;s Cathedral, Dublin (1864-67); precentor of St. Patrick&#39;s (18691877); consecrated lord bishop of Meath (1876); and translated to the joint archbishopric of Dublin, Glendalough, and Kildare, in 1884. He was a leader of the Evangelical party in the Irish Church strenuously opposed its disestablishment prior to 1868; fostered a sympathy for struggling Protestant communities, and took an active part in the Protestant movements in Spain and Italy; reorganized what is now the Church of Ireland Training College (Kildare Place); and for his activity in educational matters was nominated in 1895 a member of the<pb n="95"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />board of national education. In 1871 he succeeded his father in the peerage.
</P>
<P class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY:</small> F. D. How, <I>William Conynpham Plunket, . . . , a Memoir, </I>London, 1900; <I>DNB, </I>Supplement, iii. 275-277.</small>
</P>

<br />
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Pluralities&#39; id="pluralities">
<P>
<b>PLURALITIES:</b> A term in canon law for the holding, by a clergyman, of two or more livings at the same time. The canon law forbids it; but Roman Catholic bishops granted dispensations to commit the offense until by the general council of 1273 the right was taken from them. The popes still exercise this right. In England the power to grant dispensations to hold two benefices with the care of souls is vested in the monarch and in the archbishop of Canterbury. The benefices thus held must not be farther apart than three miles, and the annual value of one of them must be under a hundred pounds.
</P>

<br />
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Plutarch of Athens" id="plutarch_of_athens">
<P>
<b>PLUTARCH OF ATHENS.</b> See N<small>EOPLATONISM</small>, III., &#167; 3.
</P>

<br />
</div3></div2><div2 type="Article" title="Pluvial" id="pluvial">
<P>
<b>PLUVIAL.</b> See V<small>ESTMENTS AND</small> I<small>NSIGNIA</small>,  E<small>CCLESIASTICAL.</small>
</P>

<br />
</div2></div1><div1 title="Brethren, Plymouth">
</div1><div1 title="Brethren, Plymouth">
<div2 title="Brethren, Plymouth">
</div2><div2 title="Brethren, Plymouth">

<H1>PLYMOUTH BRETHREN</H1>
I.  History.
<ol>
<li>Foundation; Record till 1845 (&#167; 1).</li>
<li>The Newton Episode (&#167; 2).</li>
<li>Defection of Cronin and Kelly (&#167; 3).</li>
<li>Further Divisions (&#167; 4).</li>
<li>Present Status (&#167; 5).</li>
</ol>
II. Doctrines.

<div3 title="History"> <H2>I. History: </H2>
<div4 title="Foundation; Record till 1845"> <H3>1. Foundation; Record till 1845.</H3>
<p>
The Plymouth Brethren, called by others Darbyites or Exclusive Brethren, and by themselves "Brethren," are to be distinguished from Bible Christians and Disciples of Christ (qq.v.).  They took their origin in Ireland about 1828 after a movement under the leadership of John Walker which was a revolt against ministerial ordination, and in England the origin is connected with the interest in prophecy stimulated by Edward Irving (q.v.).  Conferences like those under the Irving movement were held from 1828 at Powerscourt Mansion, County Wicklow, Ireland, at which John Nelson Darby (q.v.) was a prominent figure.  Prior to this, from 1826 private meetings had been held on Sundays under the leadership of Edward Cronin, who had been a Roman Catholic and later a Congregationalist, for "breaking bread," at which Anthony Norris Groves, John Vesey Parnell (second Lord Congleton), and John Gifford Bellett, a friend of Darby, were attendants.  
</p>
<p>
In 1827 John Darby resigned his charge and in 1828 adopted the non-conformist attitude of the men named above, prompted by the Erastianism of a petition of Archbishop Magee to the House of Commons, and issued a paper on <I>The Nature and Unity of the Church of Christ</I> (in vol. i. of his <I>Collected Writings</I>, London, 1867). This served to swell the ranks of the Brethren, so that in 1830 a public "assembly" was started in Aungier Street, Dublin, which emphasized "the coming of the Lord as the present hope of the Church and the presence of the Holy Ghost as that which brought into unity" and "the heavenly character of the Church," and used as the golden text <scripRef>Matt. xviii. 20</scripRef>.  
</p>
<p>
Through Francis William Newman (q.v.), Darby had become acquainted with Benjamin Wills Newton (a lay fellow of Exeter College) and George Vicesimus Wigram at Oxford.  He also visited Plymouth (whence the name for the Brethren), where Robert Hawker had been active in Evangelical ministry, and held meetings there, the outcome of which was the first English gathering of the Brethren (1831).  The basis of communion was the acceptance of "all that are on the foundation" and rejection of "all error by the Word of God and the help of his ever present Spirit," recognizing that "degeneracy claimed service, and not departure."  
</p>
<p>
Before the appearance of Darby&#39;s <I>Liberty of Preaching and Teaching </I> (1834), the Brethren had taken their stand upon a free ministry, while other weighty papers by Darby and Newton appeared in the new magazine, <I>The Christian Witness,</I> edited by J. L. Harris.  Recruits of note were Henry Craik and Georg (Friedrich) Muller (q.v.), coming from the Baptist denomination.  The latter had been in the service of the London Society for Promoting Christianity among the Jews, but became convinced that assemblies should consist only of the converted and joined the Brethren, beginning pastoral work at Bristol in 1832 on the lines of their policy, and developing the other activities for which he became famous.  Other noted converts to the denomination were Samuel Prideaux Tregelles (q.v.) and Robert Chapman.  
</p>
<p>
Darby continued his work in London, then went to the continent, where in French Switzerland he promoted the movement by personal and literary activities, opposing a regular ministry as ignoring the privilege of every believer to direct access to God.  While there he became aware of a tendency toward isolation manifesting itself in Newton, shown in his revival of restricted ministry together with doctrinal divergencies, e.g., Newton&#39;s adherence to the Reformation teaching of justification, inclusion of the Old-Testament saints in the apocalyptic Church, and belief that the second advent would not precede the "great tribulation," to which the Church would be subject.  Failing to secure satisfaction from Newton and his adherents, in 1845 Darby started a separate assembly.
</P>


</div4><div4 title="The Newton Episode">
<H3>2. The Newton Episode. </H3>
<P>
Newton remained at Plymouth for two years.  The dispute so far had concerned the special "testimony" of Brethren as such.  According to notes of a lecture by Newton acquired by Harris in 1847, Newton&#39;s position as to our Lord&#39;s person was unsound: Christ by his incarnation and as a descendant of Adam entered upon a relation of distance from God, and as an Israelite incurred from birth the condemnation attaching to the broken law.  Tregelles shows that the personal Sinlessness was maintained through the seal at Christ&#39;s baptism, although lifelong suffering was entailed by his relationship.  Newton withdrew the first part of his statement, but did not satisfy Darby, and a definite alienation separated the two men.  Newton severed his connection with the Brethren, but continued till his death (1898) to write on prophetical subjects.  Tregelles is reported by Scrivener to have died in the communion of the Church of England.  In 1848 the Bristol company did not refuse fellowship to the adherents of Newton, and one of<pb n="96"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />their number, George Alexander, seceded on the ground that "blasphemers were sheltered," taking occasion for this action in a paper intended to apply to the special circumstances but construed as a statement of a general policy.  After debate and several assemblies, it was decided that no one upholding Newton&#39;s views should be received into communion, and several to whom this applied withdrew, though it appeared that they were afterward readmitted.  Darby insisted upon the fundamental of "separation from evil" as "God&#39;s principle of unity"; the result was a breach between him and the Bristol company, his followers insisting upon his statement as the watchword, while the opponents&#39; formula was "the blood of the Lamb is the union of saints."  Wigram charged Craik with statements concerning Christ&#39;s physical ailments which savored of Newtonianism; but Darby sent a farewell message to Craik on his deathbed (1866), which did not, however, heal the breach.  
</p>
<p>
A new magazine,<I>The Present Testimony, </I>edited by Wigram, became the organ of the exclusives, followed in 1856 by the monthly <I>Bible Treasury, </I>for which William Kelly (q.v.) was responsible, and to this also Darby contributed papers on the sufferings of Christ, in which he argued that Christ endured certain nonatoning sufferings, in addition to those borne vicariously in death, due to his voluntary position in Israel (<scripRef>John xi. 51</scripRef>), in fulfilment of prediction of his participation in the sorrows of the godly remnant in the last days.  This had no affiliation with the Newtonian doctrine, which affected the whole life of Christ; but some of his followers, unable to distinguish between Darby&#39;s position and Newton&#39;s, withdrew from fellowship with him.  Darby offered to abstain from ministry, but was counseled not to do so by his prominent supporters.  Meanwhile he had worked on German soil, where he had met Tholuck, and had visited the United States, Canada, and other British colonies lecturing and writing.
</p>

</div4><div4 title="Defection of Cronin and Kelly"> <H3>3. Defection of Cronin and Kelly.</H3>
<P>
In 1879 a gathering at Ryde, Isle of Wight, failed to deal with depravity in the midst, and Darby&#39;s old Dublin associate Cronin, desiring to end the scandal, founded a new "assembly" in the place.  Darby regarded this as a breach of unity, and called upon Cronin&#39;s home congregation at Kensington, London, to discipline the offender, and to "judge" his "indiscretion."  Cronin was defended by use of Darby&#39;s avowal that the old assembly was "rotten" and that for thirty years he himself had avoided it.  A crusade was nevertheless directed against Cronin by the leaders at Park Street, Islington, and additional matters connected with baptism entered into the controversy.  Finally, although Darby had asked only for a stern rebuke, Cronin&#39;s stubbornness widened the breach and he was excommunicated.  
</p>
<p>
About the same time there was disruption at Ramsgate, Kent, one of the rival parties at which supported Cronin while the other strongly condemned him, the assemblies at Blackheath, where Kelly resided, and at Islington also taking opposite sides. The result was a split in 1881 at Park Street like that which had occurred in the Bethesda affair.  Each side charged the other with "independency," and Darby described the situation as a struggle between intelligence and the Spirit, by "intelligence" referring to Kelly&#39;s endeavor to give intellectual expression to the policy hitherto pursued and thereby to maintain the "unity of London."  The man who had so long led meditated withdrawing altogether from the Brethren, feeling that the encroachments of the world had marred "the testimony"; but his faith reasserted itself.  Darby&#39;s survival of this poignant situation can be counted only by months, as he died the next year.  He was little disposed to learn from others, and claimed to have "the mind of the Spirit."  He united Roman Catholic with Evangelical ideas, though his own apprehension of Scripture dominated his mind.  He regarded himself as the beginning of the Plymouth Brethren, which was true at least so far as the English branch was concerned.  Where he was iconoclastic, it was not, as he expressed it, "with an Edomitic attack but with Jeremianic sorrow."
</P>

</div4><div4 title="Further Divisions"> <H3>3. Further Divisions.</H3>
<P>
The year 1885 was notable for concurrent divisions among Darby&#39;s last associates on both sides of the Atlantic.  In the United States Frederick William Grant, of Plainfield, N. J., alienated rivals in the Islington party by his candidly independent attitude toward some of their cherished doctrines.  He was an ex-clergyman of Canadian origin, a man of much erudition, and highly esteemed in his section.  He held that the saints of the old dispensation possessed eternal life, and agreed with the interpretation of Rom. vii. which holds that the apostle there describes the moral condition of believers even after receiving the seal of the Spirit.  The English leaders detached their adherents from fellowship with him.  
</p>
<p>
At Reading, England, Clarence Esme Stuart, an accomplished Biblical scholar who had sided with Darby in 1881, came into collision with James Butler Stoney, an unbalanced teacher who was no longer held by the restraint imposed by Darby&#39;s presence.  Stuart&#39;s primal offense was that at Reading he had not adopted the hymn-book last revised by Darby; second, that he unduly distinguished between the standing and state (or condition) of believers, holding that the Pauline expression "in Christ" sets forth condition alone, and that in this are to be sought such distinctions as obtain fundamentally between believers of the different dispensations.  With these doctrinal issues was combined a social breach between him and a local female ally of the Stoney school.  Upon this last matter the Reading assembly refused to give judgment, though with some dissent against the order of procedure, supported by the Stoney faction dominant in London, which separated from Reading and carried many assemblies with them.  Those in Great Britain who disowned the interference of the London adherents continued to recognize the Grant contingent in America.  Stuart gave color to the new departure by shortly afterward emphasizing his view of atonement, according to which Christ, as high priest only after death, made propitiation by blood not on the cross but in heaven, in the interval between death and resurrection.  This view was not unknown in theology (e.g., Professor George Smeaton), but was regarded by Stuart&#39;s critics as a<pb n="97"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />novel inference from Darby&#39;s teaching.  The year 1890 witnessed a further division among the "exclusives" of the party formed in 1885.  Frederick Edward Raven of Greenwich became prominent through teaching doctrines which were reprobated by the old Darbyites.  He questioned the claim of believers in general to have had eternal life imparted to them, in doing so seeming, as an Apollinarian, to impair the glory of Christ&#39;s person.  He held also that Scripture is not as such the word of God but the record of it, to which resort is to be had for confirmation of oral ministry.  Reconciliation he regarded, with Calvin, as a continuous process which believers undergo.  In the division which ensued a majority of Stoney&#39;s associates and a small band in the United States stood with Raven, but the continent of Europe was lost to them.  
</p>
<p>From 1881 to his death in 1906 Kelly continued to be revered as a sound teacher of the first order, possessed of great capacity as a leader and controversialist.  He was unremitting in his ministry and in writing, defending the truth as he conceived it against all innovation, in particular against the higher criticism.  With him passed away the last survivor of the golden age of the Brethren.
</P>

</div4><div4 title="Present Status"> <H3>5. Present Status.</H3>
<P>
This community has, then, resolved itself into the following sectional fellowships.  (1) Brethren fully recognizing the existing congregation at Bethesda (Bristol) and regarding, with Westcott, the primitive unity of the Church as that of a federation; adhering to Baptist views; open in communion; and existing in Great Britain and the colonies, Europe, North and South America, India, and China. It has the largest following.  (2) Those who followed Darby more or less closely, in five branches.
 (a) Brethren chiefly in France, Switzerland, and Germany, with a remnant in England and the United States, committed to Darby&#39;s ecclesiastical position as defined since 1881. (b) Associates of Kelly, adhering to Darby&#39;s doctrinal views, with the exception of pedobaptism, and to the system prevalent in 1848-81; mainly in England. (c) Associates of Stuart and Grant, loath to abandon anti-Bethesda discipline, but standing for elasticity in doctrine. (d) Associates of Raven, opposed to Bethesda, favoring expansion of doctrine of their own type, but including some independent of this; in Great Britain, the colonies, and the United States. These have since 1908 composed two sections, separated from one another by disciplinary policy and views of evangelization and redemption.  On the other hand, there has been for several years a movement, originating in America, for abatement of the alienation between the various types of bodies.  Some adherents of Grant have lowered the barriers between themselves and "open" Brethren, while not giving themselves this name; and since 1906 a corresponding movement has gathered force in Great Britain. These "eclectics" repudiate the distinction between "open" and "close," and seek, by a blending of the Pauline and Johannine aspects of the Church, to revive the unity first realized at Dublin untrammeled by formal federation of either open or close types, which is favored by neither element.  A hopeful feature of the situation is the absence of a pronounced leadership.  
</p>
<p>
No denominational statistics exist for Great Britain.  In the United States there are over 300 assemblies with about 7,000 communicants. The denomination has drawn its membership from all ranks of society--the nobility, the army and navy, the judiciary, and scholars in various spheres.  It has had notable Evangelists like Charles Stanley and Denham Smith; missionaries like Baedeker and Arnot have propagated its teachings in the world field; while C. H. Mackintosh is the writer whose works are most widely used.
</P>
<P>


</div4></div3><div3 title="Doctrines"> <H2>II. Doctrines: </H2>
A full epitome of the doctrine developed among the Brethren could be obtained only from the writings of Darby, who was the chief teacher.  So large was his authority in his denomination that for most Athanasius, Augustine, Luther, and Calvin were mere ciphers. On the Godhead and the person of Christ the teaching is that common to Catholic Christianity. On human nature it is held that Adam was first sinless, not virtuous or holy; the fall spelled unqualified ruin. The atonement has two sides: Godward it is propitiation; manward, substitution; the purchase of all, the redemption of the believer, and Christ&#39;s death under wrath. Predestination is held as the election of individuals, the assured acceptance of believers, together with denial of free will and reprobation. Justification implies the righteousness of God (not of Christ specifically) displayed in the resurrection of the Savior, with dissociation of his life from the process. Sanctification is positive and practical; in the latter aspect it involves self-judgment and confession to God, insuring a sense of forgiveness through Christ&#39;s priesthood, which preserves from sin, as his advocacy restores.  Cleansing by his blood is once for all, cleansing by the Word continues. Not the law, but the Second Man&#39;s risen life is the believer&#39;s rule. The Church was primitively one visible, closely organized community.  The "assembly," in view of grace, is the body of Christ; in view of government is the house of God; one is the product of the Spirit, the other is the product of man, marked by failure and ruin.  National churches are too broad, non-conformity is too narrow.  Darby denies what has been suggested by critics&#8212;that the "gathering" is held to be coextensive with "the Church of God on earth"; he also repudiates the further assertion that for eighteen centuries there has been no church. The ordinances are (1) baptism, which is required for fellowship.  Among the exclusives mutual toleration is practised by baptists and pedobaptists.  Darby&#39;s view was based on the recognition of privileged position (outward as distinct from inward, essential baptism).  Other pedobaptists practise household baptism. (2) The Lord&#39;s Supper is observed weekly in the forenoon, at which leavened bread and fermented wine are taken by the members seated.  The institution is commemorative only.  Participation in this is jealously guarded; in theory it is the privilege of all believers, but in practise the theory is overborne by the notion of full fellowship. The special means of grace are the Holy Scriptures according to the canon of the Reformers.  The book is infallible; consequently the idea is condemned that the Church and the Bible stand or fall to-<pb n="98"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />gether.  The higher criticism is not recognized; development is disowned, and the truth is recovered by reversion to St. Paul (not, as the Quakers hold, to the "historical Christ").  Since Darby&#39;s dying recommendation not to neglect the Johannine doctrine, the center of gravity is increasingly sought in that.  The Bible version favored is Darby&#39;s own (in English, French, and German); he rejected the Revised Version with the words, "They have not had the mind of God at all."  In the matter of the ministry Darby did not begin by questioning the validity of Anglican orders.  His conception of the office was service in the Word, the faithful exercise of a special gift, for which the individual is responsible to the Lord alone.  A distinction is made between "gift" and "office"; the latter came through apostolic appointment and is no longer available.  The "assembly," while not being the source of the ministry, since it is the taught and not the teacher, may or may not accredit the ministry as profitable.  Anything beyond the moral influence of the Spirit is regarded as delusion.  In theory, all godly men are possibly competent, whether in formal fellowship or not; but in practise such fellowship is presupposed, and the flock is discouraged from "wandering."  The public ministry of women is disallowed.  Worship is conducted, as among the Quakers, by "waiting on the Lord," and conventional collections of hymns are used in praise and prayer.  The Lord&#39;s Prayer is discarded, as symbolic of the position and desires of the inchoate Church and typical of the Jewish remnant.  The local assembly acts through non-official organs, men of moral weight whose personal influence is encouraged as commanding confidence.  As discipline excommunication is practised for grave delinquency and for lapse into fundamental error in doctrine.  With the exclusives <scripRef>I Cor. v. 6</scripRef>; <scripRef>II Tim. ii. 19</scripRef> sqq.; and <scripRef>II John 10</scripRef> have furnished the rule of action.  While this has been the object of criticism, in practise its influence has been salutary, restraining tendencies to antinomianism.  For eschatology, it is held that believers at death go not to Hades but to a heavenly paradise with Christ.  Within the present dispensation Christ will at an initial coming gather all his people to his tribunal for reward according to conduct, and will subsequently visit the earth in an appearance for judgment of living nations (Newton denied the distinction between the two and the interval).  The second beast of Rev. xiii. is regarded as the Antichrist.  No Christian will pass through the great tribulation (Newton expected that Christ will be revealed before the parousia), while the Church with Christ will reign over the earth for a millennium, with Israel, the earthly bride, as administrative assessor.  The final judgment is of the wicked dead, with endless punishment of such.  So much of the foregoing as Brethren deem part of their special testimony they describe as "recovered truth."  The germinant idea is that of the Church&#39;s ruin.  In their principal points of doctrine they have been anticipated by other bodies or by individual thinkers; but they believe that men such as Darby have presented these with more light and power.
</P>
<p class="author">-- E. E. WHITFIELD.</p>
<P class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>IBLIOGRAHPY:</small> For the authoritative literature of the denomination use the writings named in the articles on J. N. Darby, W. Kelly, G. Mueller, and B. W. Newton as their productions, together with the works cited in the bibliographies there appended.  A considerable literature, mainly controversial and antagonistic to the Plymouth Brethren, is given in the <I>British Museum Catalogue </I>under "Plymouth Brethren."  Consult further: W. B. Nearby, <I>Hist. of the Plymouth Brethren, </I>London 1902 (critical and accurate); J. J. H[erzog], in <I>Evangelieche Kirchenzeitung, xxxiv </I>(1844), nos. 23-28, 28-33; S. P. Tregelles, <I>Three Letters to the Author of "A Retrospect of Events . . among the Brethren," </I>London 1849; <I>Memoir and Correspondence of A. N. Groves, </I>by his wife, London, 1855; F. Esteoul, <I>Le Plymouthisme d&#39;autrefois et Ie Darbyisme d&#39;aujourdhui, </I>Paris, 1858: H. Groves, <I>Darbyism&#183; its Rise arid Development, </I>London, 1888; E. Dennett, <I>The Plymouth Brethren, </I>London, 1871 &#183; J. Grant, <I>The Plymouth Brethren, their History and Heresies, </I>London, 1875; E. J. Whately, <I>Plymouth Brethrenism, </I>London, 1877; T. Croskery, <I>Plymouth Brethrenism: a Refutation of its Principles and Doctrines, </I>London, 1879; J. C. L. Carson, <I>The Heresies of the Plymouth Brethren, </I>London, 1883; W. Raid, <I>Plymouth Brethrenism Unveiled and Refuted, </I>Edinburgh, 1883; J. S. Teulon, <I>The Hist. and Teaching of the Plymouth Brethren, </I>London [1883]; <I>Life among the Close Brethren, </I>London, 1890; J. R. Gregory, <I>The Gospel of Separation, </I>London, 1894; A. Miller, <I>Plymouthism and the Modern Churches, </I>Toronto, 1900.</small>
</P>





<hr>
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Pneumotomachi" id="pneumatomachi">
<P>
<b>PNEUMATOMACHI.</b> See M<small>ACEDONIUS AND THE</small> M<small>ACEDONIAN</small> S<small>ECT.</small>
</P>

<br />
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Poach, Andreas" id="poach_andreas">
<P>
<b>POACH, ANDREAS.</b> See A<small>NTINOMIANISM</small>, II, 1, &#167; 5.
</P>

<br />
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Pneumatics" id="pneumatics">
<P>
<b>PNEUMATICS:</b> The highest of three classes of natures (pneumatic, psychic, and hylic) assumed as human by Gnostics. The superiority of the pneumatics is regarded as resting upon the ground that to them had been communicated the higher truths of the world of eons because they alone were capable of understanding such truths. Those possessing the pneumatic nature were known also as "the elect," and were regarded as not under the dominion of the archon or world-ruler and also not subject to the restraints of the demiurge. They therefore live on as strangers in the world, perceiving as from afar the reality of the things of a higher world. Their innermost characteristic is their essential relationship with God, resulting in a life of undivided unity, exalted above the antithesis of rest and motion. Their blessedness is described as due to a union between the <i>soter</i> (savior) and wisdom (<i>sophia</i>). They are to be found not only in the Christian Church, but are scattered in the pagan world, the evidence of this being found in the agreement of much of pagan doctrine with Christian truth. In the Christian Church, they are its salt and its soul, the real propagators of Christianity.
</P>
<P>
The name has at various times in the history of the Christian Church been adopted because of its signification ("the spirituals") by parties or sects, as by the followers of a French Anabaptist named Ambrose (fl. c. 1559), who professed to have received revelations which transcended in value those of the Bible.
</P>
<P class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY:</small> Besides the literature under G<small>NOSTICS</small>, consult Neander, <I>Christian Church, </I>Vol. i. passim.</small>
</P>

<br />
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Pobiedonostev, Konstantin Petrovich" id="pobiedonostev_konstantim_petrovich">
<P>
<b>POBIEDONOSTSEV</b>, po&#x304;"bi-e"do-nes&#39;tzeff, <b>KONSTANTIN PETROVICH:</b> Greek Orthodox; b. at Moscow 1827; d. at St. Petersburg Mar. (10) 23, 1907. After completing his studies at the Imperial Law School at St. Petersburg, he was successively<pb n="99"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
secretary and chief secretary of the Senate of Moscow, later becoming professor of civil law at the university of the same city. In 1860 he was appointed tutor to the princes of the blood royal, including the future Emperor Alexander III., and in 1863 accompanied another of the princes in his travels through Russia. Pobiedonostsev was created a senator in 1868 and in 1872 became a member of the cabinet. His chief activity, however, began in 1880, when he was made chief procurator of the Holy Synod, a position which he retained until his retirement from active life in 1905. In this high office, his devotion to the principles of autocratic government and his firm adherence to the welfare of the Greek Orthodox Church exposed him to the enmity of the revolutionary factions and the attacks of rationalists and Protestants of all shades. Nevertheless his course was unswerving and consistent throughout--personally fearless and deeply impressed with the righteousness of his cause, he acted with a severity which could not fail to bring upon him the hatred of those whom his measures affected. Besides a Russian translation of the <I>Imitatio Christi </I>(St. Petersburg, 1869), he wrote "Letters on the Travels of the Imperial Heir Apparent in Russia" (in collaboration with I. K. Bast; Moscow, 1864); " Course of Civil Law " (3 vols., St. Petersburg, 1868-91); and "historical Investigations on the State " (1876). His <I>Reflexions of a Russian Statesman</I> have been translated into English by R. C. Long (London, 1898).
</P>

<br />
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Pocock, Edward" id="pocock_edward">
<P>
<b>POCOCK (POCOCKE), EDWARD:</b> Orientalist; b. at Oxford Nov. 8, 1604; d. there Sept. 10, 1691. He was educated at Oxford (B.A., 1622; M.A., 1626; B.D., 1636); elected fellow of Corpus Christi College, 1628; became chaplain to the English factory at Aleppo, 1630-36 (during which time he made a collection of Greek and oriental manuscripts and coins on commission of Archbishop Laud); professor of Arabic at Oxford, 1636-40; was in Constantinople to seek for manuscripts, 1637-40; rector of Childrey, Berkshire, 1642-47; professor of Hebrew and canon of Christ Church, 1647-48; lost the canonry and the two lectureships in 1650; though in the same year the lectureships were restored to him,and in 1660 the canonry; and in spite of opposition from Roundheads, and the indifference of Cavaliers, he retained these positions till his death. He was one of the foremost orientalists in his day. His works are numerous and valuable. His <I>Theological Works</I> were published with a <I>Life</I> by the editor, Leonard Twells (2 vols., London, 1740). They embrace <I>Porter Mosis </I> (a Latin translation of Maimonidea&#39; six discourses prefatory to his commentary upon the Mishna, 1655), Commentaries on Hoses (1685), Joel (1691), Micah and Malachi (1677), and a Latin treatise upon ancient weights and measures. The commentaries formed part of Fall&#39;s projected commentary upon the entire Old Testament. They are heavy and prolix, but learned. Pocock took a prominent part in Walton&#39;s <i>Polyglot</i>, furnished the collations of the Arabic Pentateuch, and was consulted by Walton at every step (see B<small>IBLES</small>, P<small>OLYGLOT</small>, IV.). He translated Grotius&#39; <I>De veritate Christian&#230; religionis</I> (1660) and the Church of England Liturgy and Catechism into Arabic (1674). His chief work was his edition of <I>Gregorii Abel Farajii historia dynastiarum,</I> Arabic text with Latin translation (2 vols., Oxford, 1663).
</P>
<P class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY:</small> Besides the <I>Life</I> in the <I>Theological Works</I>, ut sup., reprinted in <I>The Lives of Dr. Edward Pocock ....Dr. Zachary Pearce, etc., </I>ed. L. Twells, 2 vols., London, 1818, consult: <I>The Remains of John Locke, viz.</i>, 1. <I>Memoirs of the Life of Dr. E. Pococke</I>, London, 1714; <I>DNB</i>, xlvi. 7-12.</small>
</P>

</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Podebrad and Kunstatt, George of" id="podebrad_and_kunstatt_george_of">
<P>
<b>PODEBRAD (PODIEBRAD) AND KUNSTATT, GEORGE OF:</b> King of Bohemia (1458-71); b. at Podebrad (30 m. e. of Prague) Apr. 23, 1420; d. at Prague Mar. 22, 1471. From 1444 he had been the leader of the utraquist party (see H<small>USS</small>, J<small>OHN</small>, H<small>USSITES</small>, II, &#167;&#167; 3, 7). On the death of Ladislas he was elected king of Bohemia by the diet, and his reign marks the decisive period in the religious history of Bohemia. The Huasites had been in a manner reconciled to the Church by the compacts made with the Council of Basel (1433; see H<small>USS</small>, J<small>OHN</small>; H<small>USSITES</small>, II, &#167; 6). The papacy neither accepted nor disavowed the compacts, and hoped to bring back Bohemia to Roman Catholicism. Podebrad wished to unite Bohemia and organize it into a great power; but this was impossible so long as it was rent by religious discord and, through want of papal recognition, was isolated from European politics. He accordingly tried to accomplish his purpose by skilful diplomacy with the popes, Calixtus III. and Pius II. At last Pius II. was alarmed at his increasing influence in Germany, and in 1462 disclaimed the compacts, and demanded Podebrad&#39;s unconditional obedience. At first Podebrad temporized, and, when he proposed to the various courts of Europe the summoning of a parliament of temporal princes, Pius II. excommunicated him in 1496. His successor, Paul IL, authorized the formation of a league of discontented nobles, and called Mathias Corvinus, king of Hungary, to the aid of the Church; but Podebrad was not conquered, and, after his death, the Bohemian crown was given by the diet to Ladislas II.
</P>
<P class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>IBLIOGRAHPY:</small> 
Creighton, <I>Papacy, </I>vol. iii. passim: Pastor, <I>Popes</i>, iv. 134-148; M. Jordan, <I>Das K&#246;nigthum George von Podiebrad, </I>Leipsic, 1881; F. Palacky, <I>Geschichte von B&#246;hmen</i>, vol. iv.. Prague, 1857; idem, <I>Urkundliche Beitr&#228;ge im Zeitalter George von Podiebrad, </I>Vienna, 1880; E. H. Gillett, <I>Life and Times of  John Huss</i>, ii. 550-551, 562-563, </I>New York, 1870; E. J. Whately, <I>The Gospel in Bohemia. </I>London, 1877; H. Ermiseh, <I>Geschichte der s&#228;chsisch-b&#246;hmiachen Beziehungen 1464-71, </I>Dresden, 1881; F. Luetaow, <I>Bohemia, </I>London, 1898;  C. E. Maurice, <I>Bohernia, </I>London and New York, 1898; <i>Monumenta Vaticana res gestas Bohemias illustrantia</i>, </I>Prague, 1903: H. Apianus. <I>Geschichte B&#246;hmena, </I>Leipsic, 1905; E. Schwitzky, <I>Der europ&#228;ische F&#252;rstenbund George von Podiebrad, </I>Marburg, 1907;  Hefele, <I>Conciliengeschichte, </I>vol. viii. passim; and the literature under P<small>IUS</small> II.
</small>
</P>

<br />
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Poems, Anonymous, in the Early Church" id="poems_anonymous_in the_early_church">
<p>
<b>POEMS, ANONYMOUS, IN THE EARLY CHURCH:</b> A small group of compositions of unknown authorship and of relatively small poetic excellence, though not without interest for the history of literature, dogma, and culture.
</p>
<p>
<b>1. Carmen adversus Marcionem:</b> A refutation of Marcionistic dualism in five books, containing 1,302 clumsy hexameters. The first book attacks heresy in general and Marcionism in particular the second shows the harmony of the Old and the New<pb n="100"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
Testament; the third demonstrates the unity of Church doctrine with the teaching of the Old Testament, of Christ, and of the apostles; the fourth refutes Marcionistic tenets one by one; and the fifth considers the antitheses. The place, date, and authorship of the poem are too problematical to admit of even plausible solution, though the implication of the anonymous 
<I>De duodecim scriptoribus ecclesiasticis </I>that the poet was a certain Bishop Victorious (most likely Victorious of Pettau [q.v.]) deserves serious consideration.
</P>
<P>
<b>2-3. Carmine. de Sodoma; Carmen de Jona:</b> Two poems of 166 and 105 hexameters respectively, ascribed by a number of manuscripts to Tertullian or Cyprian. Their use of the Itala shows that they can scarcely have been written later than 400. They may be fragments of some longer poem, and are characterized by a considerable degree of artistic merit.
</P>
<P>
<b>4. Carmen de Genesi:</b> A fragmentary composition in hexameters, often printed in the works of Tertullian and Cyprian, and representing the first part of a poetic version of the Heptateuch contained in a few manuscripts. It has been suggested that the poem was written by a Cyprian who lived in Gaul early in the fifth century, though others have distinguished two authors in the fragment.
</P>
<P>
<b>5. Carmen de Judicio Domini, or Ad Flavium Felicem de resurrectione mortuorum:</b> A poem variously ascribed to Tertullian and Cyprian, though showing close affinities to Commodian and the <I>Carmen adversus Marcionem. </I>On the basis of Isidore of Seville <I>(De vir. </I>ill., vii.), it may not improbably be ascribed to Verecundus of Junca in Byzacene (d.about 552), despite certain differences in style.
</P>
<P>
<b>6. Carmen ad Senatorem ex Christians Religione ad Idola Conversum:</b> A poem of eighty-five hexameters ascribed by the manuscripts to Cyprian, expressing the hope that a renegade senator, possibly Flavianus, prefect of the city of Rome (late fourth century), might ultimately return to Christianity.
</P>
<P>
<b>7. Carmen de Pascha:</b> An allegorical composition of sixty-nine hexameters, also called <I>De cruce</I> and <i>De ligno vit&#230;.</I> It gives the history of Christianity from the crucifixion to the sending of the Holy Ghost, and though assigned both to Cyprian and to Vict3rinus Afer, probably dates from the fifth century.
</P>
<P>
<b>8. Carmen de Passione Domini:</b> A poem of eighty hexameters printed with the works of Lactantius, but probably written between 1495 and 1500, perhaps by its anonymous first editor (Venice, 1501).
</P>
<P>
<b>9. Carmen de Laudibus Domini:</b> A panegyric in 148 hexameters, composed in Gaul, probably between 316 and 323, by a contemporary of Juvencus, perhaps resident in Flavia &#198;dua (the modern Autun).
</P>
<P>
<b>10. Carmen adversus Flavianum:</b> A poem of 122 hexameters, polemizing against the advocates of paganism, especially Clavianus, prefect of Rome. Since the latter fell in the.rebelhon against Theodosiua I., the poem was written in or shortly after 394.
</P>
<P>
<b>11. Carmen de Fratribus Septem Macchabaeis
Interfectis ab Antiocho Epiphane:</b> A poetic version of II Macc. vii. in two recensions, one of 394 hexameters, and the other of 389. It has been ascribed, though without sufficient reason, both to Hilary of Arles and to Victorious Afer.
</P>
<P>
<b>12. Carmen de Jesu Christo et de Homine:</b> A poem of 137 hexameters on the redemptive work of Christ, conjecturally assigned to Victorious of Pettau or to some later Christian grammarian.
</P>
<P>
<b>13-14. Carmen de Lege Domini</b> and <b>Carmen de Nativitate, Vita, Passions et Resurrections Domini:</b> Two poems, one of 106 and the other of 216 hexameters, ascribed to a certain Victorious. They treat of the Old and New Testaments respectively, and are a cento from the <I>Carmen adversus Marcionem </I>
</P>
<P>
<b>15. Carmen de Providentia Divine:</b> A long poem seeking to refute skepticism regarding the divine governance of the world. It was composed in southern Gaul about 415, but though in phrase and versification it resembles the work of Prosper of Aquitaine (q.v.), to whom the manuscripts ascribe it, its tendency toward semi-Pelagianism makes such an identification impossible.
</P>
<P>
<b>16-17. Metrum in Genesin</b> and <b>De Evangelio:</b> Two poems ascribed by the manuscripts to Hilary of Poitiers (apparently an error for Hilary of Arles). The first poem is a paraphrase of Gen. i.-ix. in 204 hexameters; the second is a mere fragment.
</p>
<p>
<b>18. Christos Pashon</b>, or <b>Christus Patiens:</b> A Greek drama of 2,640 iambic trimeters erroneously ascribed to Gregory Nazianzen, really written at earliest in the eleventh century by an unknown author. It is a cento from the Greek tragedians (especially Euripides), the Bible, and such older apocryphal writings as the Protevangelium of James. The prologue, spoken by the Virgin, announces the author&#39;s intention of narrating the passion in Euripidean style; and the <i>dramatis person&#230;</i>, are Christ, the Virgin (the leading r&#226;le), Joseph of Arimathea, St. John the Divine, Mary Magdalene, Nicodemus, a messenger, Pilate, the high priests, a chorus of maidens, a semi-chorus, young men, and the watch. The whole is a closet drama, and is the only known instance of a Greek attempt to produce a passion play.
</p>
<p class="author"> (G K<small>R&#220;GER</small>.)</p>
<P class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY:</small> Works to-be used in general are: 
J. F. C. B&#228;hr, <I>Die christliche Dichter und Geachichtsachreiber, </I>Carlsruhe, 1872; 
A. Ebert, <I>Allgemeine Geschichte der Litteratur des Mittelalters, </I>Leipsic, 1889; 
M. Manitius, <I>Geschichte der chrlstlieh-Lateiniachen Poeaie, </I>Stuttgart, 1891.
For editions of the works under discussion: 
G. Fabricius, <I>Poetarum veterum ecelesiasticorum opera Christians, </I>Basel, 1584; 
F. Oehler, <I>Tertulliani Opera, </I>Leipsic, 1854; 
G. Hartel, <I>Cypriani Opera, </I>Vienna, 1871; 
R. Peiper, ,i>Cypriani Galli poet&#230; Heptateuchos, </I>Vienna, 1891.
On 1 consult for editions: 
Fabricius, ut sup., pp. 257-288; 
Oehler, ut sup., 781-798; and for discussions: 
B&#228;ahr, ut sup., pp. 21-22; 
Ebert, ut sup., p. 312, no. 1; 
Manitius, ut sup 148-158; 
E. H&#252;ckst&#228;dt, <I>Ueber das pseudotertulliaische Gedicht adv. Marcionem. </I>Leipsic. 1875 (cf. A. Hilgenfeld, in <i>ZWT</i>, xix (154-159); 
A. Ox&#233;, <I>Prolegomena de carmine adv. Marcionitas. </I>Leipsic. 1888; 
J. Ziehen, <I>Zur Geschichte der Lehrdichtung in der sp&#228;tr&#246;mischen Litteratur, </I>in <I>Neue Jahrb&#252;cher f&#252;r das klassische Altertum</i>, i (1898), 409.
On 2-4, for editions consult: the edition of 2 by 
G. Morelius, Paris, 1560; 
Fabricius, 298-302; 
Oehler, ut sup., 769-778; 
Hartel, ut sup., 283-301; 
Peiper, ut sup., 1-7, 212-226&#183; for discussions consult. 
B&#228;ahr, ut sup., pp. 34, 41; 
Ebert, ut sup., 118-224; 
Manitius, ut sup., 51-54, 167-170; 
H. Beat, <I>De Cypriani qu&#230; feruntur metre in Heptateucham, </I>Marburg, 1891.<pb n="101"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
</ br>
On 5 for editions consult: Fabricius, ut sup., pp. 286-294; Oehler, ut sup., pp. 776-781, Hertel, ut sup., pp. 308-325; and for discussions: B&#228;hr, ut sup., p. 23; Manitius, ut sup., 344-348; O. Bardenhewer, 
<i>
	Patrologie</i>, Freiburg, 1901, Eng. transl., St. Louis, 1908. 
</ br>
On 6 for editions consult: Hartel, ut sup., pp. 302-305; Peiper, ut sup., 227-230; for discussions, B&#228;hr, ut sup., p. 24; Ebert, ut sup., pp. 313-314; Manitius, ut sup., pp. 130-133. 
</ br>
For the rest the works already cited are available. Additional sources for one or more are: S. Brandt, 
<i>
	Ueber das dem Lact. zugeschriebene Gedicht</i>, Leipsic, 1891; W. Brandes, 
<i>
	Ueber die fr&#252;hchristliche Gedicht Laudes Domini</i>, Brunswick, 1887; (on 10) G. Delisle, in 
<i>
	Biblioth&#232;que de l&#39;&#233;cole des chartes</i>, ser. 6, vol. iii., pp. 297 sqq., Paris, 1867, and T. Mommsen, in 
<i>
	Hermes</i>, iv (1869), 350-363; (on 13-14): A. Mai, 
<i>
	Classici auctores</i>, v. 382-385, Rome, 1833, and A. Oxe, 
<i>
	Victorini versus de lege Domini</i>, Crefeld, 1894. For editions of 18 that of Bladus, Rome, 1542, and that in 
<i>
	MPG</i>, xxxviii. 131-338 may be named; and the later ones of F. D&#252;bner, Paris, 1846; J. G. Brambs, Leipsic, 1885; A. Ellison, ib. 1885 (Greek and German; useful for the list of literature and the introduction); Germ. transl. by E. A. Pullig, Bonn, 1893. Consult Krumbacher, 
<i>
	Geschichte</i>, pp. 746-748 (also with lists of literature). 
</p>

<br>
	</div3></div2><div2 title="Poeschl">
		<div3 title="Poeschl, Thomas">
			<b>
				POESCHL</b>, p&#363;&#180;shl, 
			<b>
				THOMAS: 
			</b>
			Austrian chiliast; b. at H&#246;ritz (20 m. s.w. of Budweis), Bohemia, Mar. 2, 1769; d. at Vienna Nov. 15, 1837. He was educated for the Roman Catholic priesthood at Linz and Vienna, and after ordination became, in 1804, cooperator, catechist, and director of the school at Braunau-on-the-Inn. In 1806 he attended the Protestant Johann Philipp Palm at his execution, and became filled with wild hatred of Napoleon, while his impassioned, sermons caused some to regard him as a saint and others as a maniac. At this crisis he came into contact with the mystic and chiliastic Roman Catholic " Brothers and Sisters in Zion," and was accordingly removed to Ampfelwang, whither the " Brothers and Sisters " also transferred their headquarters. The great battle of Leipsic, however, caused his insanity to become unmistakable. Supported by the revelations of a certain Magdalena Sickinger, he now proclaimed himself called to convert the Jews and to found the true Judeo-Catholic Church. In spite of all efforts to suppress him, he continued to promulgate his doctrines at Vocklabruck and Salzburg. Finally, in 1817, he was committed to the hospital for the clergy at Vienna, where he remained until his death. 
		</p>
		<p>
			Under the leadership of a peasant named Johann Haas, the followers of P&#246;schl went on to still wilder vagaries than their leader, though without falling into sensuality or giving a single addition to Protestantism. Even when deserted by Haas and Magdalena Sickinger, they remained true to P&#246;schl, who had adherents a generation later, not only in Bohemia, but also in Baden, Franconia, Hesse, and Frankfort, while in 1831 some fifty emigrated to Louisiana, where they made an unsuccessful at tempt at communism. His three great tenets were the indwelling of Christ in the heart through faith, the conversion of the Jews, and the repentance of the Christians; and he likewise advocated the use of the vernacular in the liturgy, the administration of the Eucharist under both kinds, and the rejection of images. 
		</p>
		<p class="author">
			(G<small>EORG 
			</small>
			L<small>OESCHE.</small>) 
		</p>
		<p class="bibliography">
			<small>
				B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY: 
				</small>
				L. W&#252;rth, 
				<i>
					Die protestantische Pfarrey V&#246;klabruck (1818-18,136). Ein Beitrag zur Kenntniss . . der P&#246;schlianer</i>, Marktbreit, 1825; M. Hiptmair, 
				<i>
					Thomas P&#246;schl im Lichte seiner Selbstbiographie</i>, Vienna, 1893; T. Wiedemann, 
				<i>
					Die religiose Bewegung in Ober&#246;stereich .... beim Beginne des 19. Jahrhunderts</i>, Innsbruck, 1890; 
				<i>
					ADB</i>, xxvi. 454-55; 
				<i>
					KL</i>, x. 118-121. 
			</small>
		</p>
	
	<br>
		</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Poetry, Hebrew" id="poetry_hebrew">
			<p>
				<b>
					POETRY, HEBREW</b>. See H<small>EBREW 
				</small>
				L<small>ANGUAGE AND 
				</small>
				L<small>ITERATURE</small>, III. 
			</p>
		
		<br>
			</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Pohle, Joseph" id="pohle_joseph">
				<p>
					<b>
						POHLE</b>, p&#333;&#180;le, 
					<b>
						JOSEPH: 
					</b>
					German Roman Catholic; b. at Niederspay (7 m. s. of Coblenz) Mar. 19, 1852. He was educated at the Gregorian University, Rome (1871-79; Ph.D., 1874; D.D., 1879), and the University of W&#252;rzburg (1879-81); was teacher in the intermediate school at Baar, Switzerland (1881-83), professor of dogmatic theology in St. Joseph&#39;s College, Leeds, England, (1883-86), professor of philosophy at Fulda, Prussia (1886-89), professor of apologetics at the Catholic University of America (1889-94), and professor of dogmatic theology at the University of M&#252;nster (1894-97). Since 1897 he has been professor of the same subject at the University of Breslau. He has been one of the editors of the 
					<i>
						Philosophisches Jahrbuch der G&#246;rresgesellschaft 
					</i>
					since its establishment in 1888, and has written 
					<i>
						P. Angelo Secchi, S. J., Ein Lebens- and Kulturbild aus dem neunzehnten Jahrhundert 
					</i>
					(Cologne, 1883); 
					<i>
						Die Sternenwelten and ihre Bewohner, zugleich als erste Einf&#252;rung in die moderne Astronomie 
					</i>
					(2 vols., 1883-84); and 
					<i>
						Lehrbuch der Dogmatik f&#252;r akademische Vorlesungen und sum Selbstunterricht 
					</i>
					(3 vols., Paderborn, 1902-05, new ed., 1908). 
				</p>
			
			<br>
				</div3><div3 tytpe="Article" title="Points of Agreement, Hessian" id="points_of_agreement_hessian">
					<p>
						<b>
							POINTS OF AGREEMENT, HESSIAN. 
						</b>
						See V<small>ERBESSERUNGSPUNKTE</small>, H<small>ESSISCHE. 
						</small>
					</p>
				
				<br>
					</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Poiret, Pierre" id="poiret_pierre">
						<p>
							<b>
								POIRET</b>, pw&#257;&#180;&#180;r&#234;&#180;, 
							<b>
								PIERRE: 
							</b>
							Prominent French mystic; b. at Metz Apr. 15, 1646; d. at Rijnsburg (3 m. n. of Leyden) May 21, 1719. After the early death of his parents, he supported himself by the engraver&#39;s trade and the teaching of French, at the same time studying theology, in Basel, Hanau, and, after 1668, Heidelberg. At Basel he was captivated by Descartes&#39; philosophy, which never quite lost its hold on him. He read also Thomas &#224; Kempis and Tauler, but was especially influenced by the writings of the Dutch Mennonite mystic Hendrik Jansz van Barneveldt, published about that time under the pseudonym of Emmanuel Hiel. In 1672 he became pastor of the French church at Annweiler in the duchy of Deux-Ponts. Here he became acquainted with Elisabeth, abbess of Hereford, the granddaughter of James I. of England and a noted mystic, with the 
							<i>
								Theologia Germanica 
							</i>
							(q.v.), and with the writings of Antoinette Bourignon (q.v.), which last supplied exactly what he wanted. The desire to make the acquaintance of this gifted woman took him to Holland in 1676. He settled in Amsterdam, and published there in the following year his 
							<i>
								Cogitationzs rationales de Deo, anima, et Malo, 
							</i>
							which gained him an immediate reputation for scholarship and philosophic insight. It is Cartesian in form; the Trinity is conceived in mathematical terms; all knowledge is to rest on evidence-but the end of this knowledge of God is practical, to lead distracted Christendom back to unity. The influence of Thomas &#224;, Kempis and Tauler is plainly visible. 
						</p>
						<p>
							From Holland Poiret went on to Hamburg, still <pb n="102"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
in quest of Antoinette Bourignon, was completely won by her at the first meeting, and until her death in 1680, he was her faithful disciple. He accompanied her in her wanderings, traveled several times as far as Holstein in connection with her exceedingly confused affairs, and returned to Amsterdam to see to the publication of her complete works, to which he prefixed a thoroughgoing defense of her and added a translation of the 
<i>
	G&#246;ttliche Gesicht 
</i>
of Hans Engelbrecht (q.v.), the Brunswick enthusiast. He defended her character and divine mission in a 
<i>
	M&#233;moire touchant la vie de Mlle. A. Bourignon
</i>
(1679), and championed her cause against Bayle and Seckendorf. He was also a warm admirer of Jane Lead (q.v.). In 1688 he settled at Rijnsburg, where he busied himself on his own works and in multifarious labors for the Dutch booksellers, such as in the Dutch edition of Ruinart. Among his original productions may be mentioned 
<i>
	L&#39;&#201;conomie divine, ou syst&#232;me universel et d&#233;montr&#233; des &#230;uvres et des desseins de Dieu envers les hommes 
</i>
(Amsterdam, 1687; Eng. transl., 
<i>
	The Divine &#338;conomy, 
</i>
6 vols., London, 1713), which purports to reproduce the visionary notions of Antoinette Bourignon, but at least gives them in intelligible and consistent form. Another work, 
<i>
	La Paix des ames dans tous les partis du Chriatianisme 
</i>
(1687), disregards the formal creeds of the various churches, and appeals to the minority of really sincere Christians, urging them to an inner union without the abandonment of their external affiliations. In 
<i>
	De erudition, solida, superfciaria et falsa 
</i>
(1692), he distinguishes between superficial knowledge of the names of things and real or solid knowledge of the things themselves, which latter is to be attained by humble renunciation of one&#39;s own wisdom and will. He continued to make contributions to the philosophical and religious controversies of the time, as, for example, against Bayle and his "hypocritical" opposition to Spinoza. The work which probably ran through the most editions was the little treatise on the education of children which first appeared in 1690 a collection of his shorter writings: was frequently translated, and fluenced the Pietistic controversy at Hamburg. His most permanently valuable contribution was 
<i>
	Bibliotheca mysticorum selecta 
</i>
(1708), which displays an astonishing acquaintance with ancient and modern mystics, and contains valuable information on some of the less-known writers. He also published a large number of mystical writings both from the Middle Ages and from the French Pietists of the seventeenth century. In 1704 he brought out a new edition of Mme. Guyon&#39;s writings, with the addition of a treatise printed for the first time and an introduction. In spite of his devotion to her, he was not a Quietist in the ordinary sense of the word. He would not have man&#39;s relation to God one of pure passivity but of receptivity. He repudiated predestination, and condemned Pelagianism because it suppressed the feeling of inherent sinfulness in man-just as he opposed Socinianism because it did not ascribe the whole of salvation to the operation of God&#39;s grace. Mystic as he was, he knew how to combine with his own peculiar attitude a firm insistence on certain dogmatic definitions, such as that of the Trinity. He continually appealed to the authority of Scripture. Though after 1680 he led a quiet and retired life, he was recognized widely by the scholars of his time, such as Thomasius and Bayle, Le Clerc and Walch, as a man of great learning; and his zealous participation in the cause of Antoinette .Bourignon did not injure his good name as a devout mystic and an honorable man. His influence persisted after his death, not merely through the work of his spiritual son Tersteegen, but through the respect which his writings won for mysticism, forcing the regular theology, as represented by Le Clerc, Lange, Buddeus, Walch, and Stapfer, to take account of it. 
</p>
<p class="author">
	S. C<small>RAMER.</small>
</p>
</p>
<p class="bibliography">
	<small>
		B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY:
		</small>
		The one source, contemporary, exact, and detailed, sent by Poiret himelf to Ancillon and after Poiret&#39;s death printed in Latin in the 
		<i>
			Bibliotheca Bremensis, 
		</i>
		iii. 1, Bremen, 1720, is printed as 
		<i>
			Kort Verhael van des Schryvers Petrus Poireta leven en Schriften 
		</i>
		in 
		<i>
			De goddelyke Huishouding</i>, ii 31-86 1723. Next to this the best references are to A. Ijpeij, 
		<i>
			Gewhiedenia van de Kristlyke Kerk in de achttiende Eeuw, x. 
		</i>
		510-531 Utrecht, 1809; idem, 
		<i>
			Geschtedenis der systematiche Godgeleerdheid iii. 
		</i>
		48-81; and M. G&#246;bel, 
		<i>
			Geshicte des chriastlichen Lebens in der rheinish-westphalischen evangelischen Kirche, 
		</i>
		Vol. iii.,Coblenz, 1880. The more general works on M<small>YSTICISM
		</small>
		(see the bibliography there) have practically nothing additional to what is contained in the preceding-cf. R. A. Vaughan, Hours with the Mystics</i>, ii. 290, 8th ed., London, n.d.
</small>
</p>

<br>
	</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Poissy, Religious Conference of" id="poissy_religious_conference_of">
		<p>
			<b>
				POISSY</b>, pw&#257;&#180;&#180;s&#238;&#180;, 
			<b>
				RELIGIOUS CONFERENCE OF:
			</b>
			<p>
				A conference held in Sept., 1561, between Protestants and Roman Catholics at Poissy (10 m. n.w. of Paris).
			</p>
			<h3>
				Purposes and Preliminaries
			</h3>
			<p>
				The wide diffusion of Protestantism in France led the queen regent, Catherine de Medici, to seek to establish some peaceable understanding between the two confessions. After the assembly of notables at Fontainebleau in Aug., 1560, and the general assembly of the estates at Orl&#233;ans (Dec. 13, 1560-Jan. 31, 1561), the nobility and the third estate gathered at Pontoise, h while the court and the clergy met at the abbey of Poissy. The assembly, which was partly to prepare for the expected reopening of the Council of Trent, partly as a sort of national council to promote the reformation of the French Church, and partly to diminish the debt of the State out of the treasury of the Church, was convened July 28, 1651. The assurance, in the king&#39;s name, of the Chancellor Michel de L&#39;H&#244;pital (q.v.) to the bishops and archbishops that there was to be a reformation not only of abuses but also of doctrine, received a very limited approval, and still more so that the Reformed also were to be heard. A review of the preliminaries is necessary properly to understand the call of colloquy. Theodore Beza (q.v.) and colleagues came to Worms in 1557 in behalf of the Evangelicals imprisoned by Henry II. at Paris, and when the Germans requested a confession of faith, the French returned a statement of entire agreement with the Augsburg Confession with the exception of the article on the Eucharist, holding out the prospect, however, of future agreement. The result was that Elector Otto Heinrich interceded with the French king. Meanwhile relations became more strained: Frederick went over to Calvinism, and strict Lutheranism was emphasized in W&#252;rttemberg. When King Antoine of Navarre, for the<pb n="103"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
French kingdom, demanded intercessory delegations to the court in behalf of the Protestants, he was advised to accept the Augsburg Confession, especially on the Eucharist. Duke Christopher of W&#252;rttemberg, on June 12, sent to Antoine and to the duke of Guise an envoy with copies of the Augsburg Confession, the new W&#252;rttemberg Confession, and various books of the Lutheran theologians. Christopher&#39;s envoy found the convention of prelates already in prospect, and the duke&#39;s suggestion that Protestant theologians take part in the proceedings obtained royal approval. The Roman Catholics, in their turn, expected to refute the Protestants by the Bible and the Church Fathers and drive the Reformed to the wall. Beza and Peter Martyr Vermigh (q.v.) were the Reformed theologians invited to attend the colloquy. The German princes were also asked to send theologians, but they were unable to agree on any uniform instructions to their delegates and the plan was consequently abandoned. Beza enjoyed a cordial welcome both at Paris and the court at St. Germain, and on the Sunday evening after his arrival was invited by Antoine to an assembly which included Catherine, Cond&#233;, and the cardinals of Bourbon and Lorraine. Here a conversation was carried on between Beza and the cardinal of Lorraine, in which the latter minimized the differences of Eucharistic doctrine between himself and Beza, concluding by inviting the Reformed theologian to visit him that they might cooperate for some agreement between Roman Catholics and Protestants. Shortly afterward it was invidiously rumored at St. Germain and abroad that Beza had been worsted in argument by the cardinal. Some days before Beza&#39;s arrival the Reformed preachers had presented a memorial thanking the king for their safe conduct and requesting him to submit to the consideration of the prelates the French Reformed confession (see G<small>ALLICAN</small> C<small>ONFESSION</small>). This petition was graciously received by the king on Aug. 17, and on Aug. 26 the prelates, yielding to the wish of Catherine, decided to hear the Reformed. Attempts were made to keep the king himself from attending, but in vain; and on Sept. 9 the conference began in the refectory of the great Nunnery at Poissy. There were present the king, his mother, the princes and princesses royal, high dignitaries of the crown, and many courtiers; while from among the lords spiritual were present the cardinals of Tournon, Lorraine, Chatillon, Armagnac, Bourbon, and Guise; the archbishops of Bordeaux and Embrun, thirty-six bishops, representatives of absent prelates, many deputies of abbeys and monasteries, and theologians and professors of the Sorbonne. The Reformed were represented by twenty delegates and fourteen elders.
</p>
<h3>The Sessions.</h3>
<p>
After preliminary addresses by the king and chancellor, Beza delivered a long address in which he sought to demonstrate the patriotism and peacefulness of his party and gave a brief summary of the Reformed doctrines to show that they differed in very essential points from tenets previously held, and that they did not reject each and every fundamental principle of Christianity so as to be on a plane of those of Jews and Mohammedans.  This presentation contained many citations for authority from the Fathers. When, however, Beza spoke of the Eucharist, and declared that the body of Christ was as far from the bread as the highest heaven is from the earth, he was interrupted with vehement disapproval. He was followed by Cardinal Tournon, who expressed his entire disapproval of Beza&#39;s attitude and concluded the session by demanding a written copy of the Reformed leader&#39;s address, which was apparently altered by Beza before it was printed. For the second session the prelates entrusted the cardinal of Lorraine with the refutation of Beza. The Roman Catholic reply was to comprise the following four doctrines: the Church and her authority; the powers of councils to represent the entire Church, which includes not only the elect, but also the non-elect; the authority of the Scriptures; and the real and substantial presence of the body and blood of Christ in the Eucharist. This was to be followed by the presentation of a creed controverting the Reformed confession and by pronouncing condemnation on the preachers if they should refuse to accept it, after which the conference was to be closed. The Protestants, learning of this, protested to the king, who obliged the prelates to defer their proposed condemnation and adjournment. The second session took place on Sept. 16, and was opened by the cardinal of Lorraine. Expressing the pleasure of the prelates to learn that the Reformed were in harmony with the Apostles&#39; Creed, he yet called attention to other points in which they deviated from Roman Catholic teaching. In his discussion of the Eucharist, the cardinal carefully avoided all offensive phraseology, and even avoided references to transubstantiation and the mass, speaking of the real presence in a quasi-Lutheran sense. Discussion and a copy of the address were denied, to Beza&#39;s disappointment. On the following evening Catherine summoned Beza and Peter Martyr, the latter of whom expressed his hope of reaching an understanding if the Eucharistic problem were omitted from discussion and each one were permitted to believe and preach according as he was convinced by the word of God. The queen expressed her intention of doing all in her power to bring about such an understanding. [It is a significant fact that at the conference while the Roman Catholic prelates were seated, the Protestants were required to remain standing.]
</P>
<h3>Results</h3>
<P>
The further course of events was determined by the intervention of the papal legate, the cardinal of Ferrara, uncle of the duchess of Guise. He advised the queen to restrain the king, the cardinal of Tournon, and the majority of the prelates, from attending further conferences, pleading that an agreement might the more easily be reached if the irreconcilable spirits were absent. On Sept. 24, therefore, a conference was summoned with twelve representatives of each party; and the debate, which was without result, concluded with the question of the cardinal of Lorraine whether the Reformed were ready to subscribe to the Augsburg Confession. On the following day Montluc, bishop of Valence, and<pb n="104"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
D&#39;Espence conferred, at the queen&#39;s command, with Beza and Nicolas des Gallarda on a compromise formula. The result was as follows: " We believe that the true body and the true blood of Jesus Christ really and substantially, that is, in their proper substance, are, in a spiritual and ineffable manner, present and offered in the Holy Communion and that they are thus received by the faithful who communicate." When, on Sept. 26, negotiations were continued publicly, Beza declared that the Reformed could not accept this formula. The ultimate failure of compromise is perhaps due to the Jesuit general Lainez, who hitherto played his part under cover but, admitted to the colloquy on Sept. 26, vehemently and scurrilously attacked the Protestants, to whom Beza replied. The debate continued until late at night; and for further discussion a committee of five on each side was appointed; among the Roman Catholics being Montluc and D&#39;Espence, and among the Reformed Beza and Peter Martyr. After three conferences (Sept. 29, Oct. 1, and Oct. 3) a formula was reached teaching the real presence, of which the substance was given through the operation of the Holy Ghost, the body of Christ being received spiritually and through faith. All at court were satisfied, but when the formula was submitted to the assembled prelates on Oct. 9, the majority declared the formula heretical. A rigidly Roman Catholic formula was immediately drawn up, and it was resolved to give no further hearing to the Reformed after their refusal to subscribe, and to urge the king to banish the recalcitrants. Negotiations were broken off at Poissy on Oct. 9. Ten days later five German theologians arrived at Paris, Michael Diller, Peter Bouquin, Jakob Beurlin, Jakob Andrea (qq.v.) and Balthasar Bidembach, summoned to explain the Augsburg articles. Their leader Beurlin died on Oct. 28 and on Nov. 8 the rest were received in audience by the king of Navarre, who expressed a wish that they would bear witness to the harmony between the Augsburg Confession and the compromise formula at the conclusion of negotiations at Poissy. After many futile conferences on the union of German and French Protestantism, and, after having explained to the king the meaning of the Augsburg Confession and urged him to accept it, the envoys were finally dismissed on Nov. 23. The conference at Poissy had shown that reconciliation between Roman Catholics and Protestants on the basis of mutual concession was entirely impossible, and that the only alternatives were mutual toleration or a war for existence.
</P>
<p class="author">(E<small>UGEN</small> L<small>ACHENMANN</small>.)</p>
<P class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY:</small> 
H. M. Baird, <I>Hist. of the Rise of the Huguenots</i>, i. 505-546, London, 1880; 
Theodore Beza, <I>Hist. eccl&#233;siastique des &#233;glises r&#233;form&#233;es . . . de France, </I>Geneva, 1580, new ed., ed. P. Vesson, 2 vols., Toulouse, 1882-83, and, in 3 vols., ed. J. W. Daum and A. E. Cunitz, Paris, 1883-.88; 
J. W. Baum, <I>Theodor Beza</i>, vol. ii, Berlin, 1852; 
G. de F&#233;lice, <I>Hist. des Protestants de France</i>, pp. 131 sqq., Toulouse, 1850, new ed., 1861, Eng. transl., 2 vols.; London, 1853; 
G. von Polenz, <I>Geschichte des franzosischen Calviniamus</i> ii. 47 sqq., Gotha, 1859; 
N. A. F. Puaux <I>Hist. de la r&#233;formation francaise</i>, ii. 101 sqq., Paris, 1860; 
H. Klipffel, <I>La Colloque de Poissy. </I>Paris, 1868; 
A. de Ruble, <I>Le Journal de Claude d&#39;Espence, </I>in <I>M&#233;moiires de la soci&#233;t&#233; d&#39;histoire de Paris</i>, xvi., 1889; 
H. Amphoux, <I>Michel de l&#39;H&#244;pital</i>, pp. 185 sqq., Paris, 1900.</small>
</P>

<br>
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Poland, Christianity in" id="poland_Christianity_in">
<p>
<b>POLAND, CHRISTIANITY IN.</b>
<ul>
<li>I. Before the Reformation.</li>
<ol>
<li>Slavic Foundations (&#167; 1).</li>
<li>German Influence and Organization (&#167; 2).</li>
<li>Reaction and Turmoils (&#167; 3). </li>
<li>Ecclesiastical Independence (&#167; 4).</li>
</ol>
<li>II. The Reformation and After.</li>
<ol>
<li>Need and Preparation (&#167; 1).</li>
<li>Reformation (&#167; 2).</li>
<li>Counter-Reformation (&#167; 3).</li>
<li>Later History (&#167; 4).</li>
</ol>
</ul>
<h3>I. Before the Reformation:</h3>
<h4>1. Slavic Foundations.</h4>
<p>
When Poland received Christianity in the tenth century, it comprised the territory between the Russian grand duchy in the east, Prussia and Pomerania in the northeast and north, the Wendish tribes in the northwest, the German empire as far as the Oder in the west, and Moravia in the south and southwest. After Duke Mieczyslaw of Poland had been defeated in 963 by the Wends, he sought protection from them by submission to the German emperor. But in spite of the favorable opportunity thus afforded for the introduction of Christianity from Germany, no efforts were made in this direction. Christianity was introduced as a resultant of the Slavonic mission of the Greek Oriental Church; and, in particular, according to the oldest and most reliable reports from Bohemia, where it had obtained a permanent foothold under Duke Boleslaw I. the Pious. Duke Mieczyslaw married in 966 Dambrowka, the sister of Boleslaw II., duke of Bohemia, and in 967 accepted Christianity, followed immediately by the nobles and a part of the people. Further expansion was promoted by priests from Bohemia; and at the order of the duke all his subjects were baptized. All idols were to be broken, burned, or thrown into the water.
</p>
<h4>2. German Influence and Organization.</h4>
<P>
At this point Germany began missionary work in Poland. Under the protection of the emperor, Jordan, a German priest, worked with great zeal and under many difficulties, as missionary. The Poles had indeed accepted Christianity after the example of their duke, nominally; but in secret they were still attached to their old gods, and at a later time heathenism was yet strong enough to produce a reaction. The ecclesiastical organization of the country soon followed the acceptance of Christianity by the duke. This could not possibly have been accomplished by the efforts of the Slavonic-Greek mission; but the close political connection of Poland with Germany and the feudal relation of the duke to the emperor effected in the course of time close relations with the German-Occidental Church, and from these a firm foundation and organization of Polish Christianity proceeded. Mieczyslaw, in 977, after the death of his first wife, married Oda, the daughter of the Saxon Margrave Dietrich, under whose influence the Greek rite gave way to the Roman forms of church service (see R<small>OMAN</small> C<small>ATHOLlCS</small>, "UniateChurches"). Otto the Great conceived comprehensive plans for a permanent Christianization of the Slavonic people who were compelled to submit to his power. At his instance and with
his cooperation, the first Polish bishopric, Posen<pb n="105"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
was founded in 968. At first included under the archbishopric of Mainz, it was later incorporated in the archbishopric of Magdeburg. Thus the connection of the Polish Church with the Roman Church was established, and under the influence of the political conditions the Roman Church gained the ascendency over the unwilling Greek element. As the Roman missionaries from Germany did not speak the Polish language, they could not gain that influence over the people to which the Slavonic missionaries owed most of their success. Conflicts arose, and it became very difficult to introduce the institutions of the Roman Church. The pope found it necessary to make temporary concessions; and preaching and liturgy were allowed in the vernacular. Until his death in 992 Mieczyslaw remained a faithful adherent of the imperial power. Under his son from his first marriage, Boleslaw Chrobry, " the Brave " (992 to 1025), one of the most powerful and valiant of the old Polish dukes, the tie of Poland with the Roman Church became still closer. Although Poland had not been fully Christianized even externally, it became under him a center for the further expansion of Christianity among the neighboring peoples, in that he made the mission serve his warlike undertakings. Boleslaw Chrobry had safeguarded St. Adalbert (see A<small>DALBERT OF</small> P<small>RAGUE</small>) on his missionary tour to Prussia and afterward redeemed his remains; and over his grave in Gnesen he contracted an intimate friendship with Emperor Otto III. Gnesen became an archbishopric and the center of the Polish Church. Seven bishoprics were placed under its jurisdiction, among them Colberg, Cracow, and Breslau; and thus there was established the first comprehensive organization of the Polish Church. But with the foundation of the archbishopric of Gnesen Poland&#39;s connection with the archbishopric of Magdeburg and with the German Church and empire was loosened, and there gradually grew up a more immediate connection with Rome. As he had protected Adalbert on his missionary tour to Prussia, so Boleslaw aided powerfully the bold undertaking of Brun of Querfurt, the enthusiastic disciple of Adalbert, to bring the Gospel to the wild people of the far east. Boleslaw also sent to Sweden missionaries whose efforts were very successful. The further he extended his power over the neighboring Slavonic people, the stronger became his desire for a great Christian-Slavonic kingdom, the crown of which he asked from the pope. In 1018 the Greek empire in Constantinople feared its power and the Russian kingdom, in the capital of which, Kief, he erected a Roman Catholic bishopric, succumbed to it.
</P>
<h4>3. Reaction and Turmoils.</h4>
<P>
After the external reception of Christianity, the people still clung tenaciously to heathenism. The annual celebration of the destruction of the old gods at which their images were thrown into the water, took place for a considerable  time with the singing of dirges. Only  by harsh penal codes were the uncultured minds of the people turned to the observance of Christian morals and church usages. Adultery and fornication were punished with mutilation, and eating of flesh during Lent with the knocking out of teeth. Mieczyslaw II. carried out his father&#39;s policy for the maintenance and extension of the Church. He built churches and founded a new bishopric, Cujavia, in the territory of the Wends on the Vistula. But the terrible disorders in Poland following his death in 1034 involved also the Church. The external and forced Christianization had been so ineffective that the very existence of the Church was threatened. Many of the nobility and the people fell back into heathenism; cities and churches were destroyed, and the laity rebelled against the clergy. From Germany efforts were no longer made to aid and strengthen the Polish Church. Under Conrad II. the archbishopric of Magdeburg had forgotten its missionary duty to the east and especially to Poland. Since 1035 its influence upon the Polish church and the latter&#39;s connection with the German Church ceased. The bishopric of Posen was placed under the archbishopric of Gnesen; Gnesen was destroyed by the duke of Bohemia; Casimir, the son of Mieczyslaw II., found refuge in Germany, and after the recovery of his inheritance reestablished the Church by placing land and church under the protection of the royal power of Germany. But a long time passed before the old order was reestablished. Under Boleslaw II., who had regained the throne, a terrible civil war ensued. In the following period the progress of the Church was hindered by political disturbances, so that prosperous development by the planting and fostering of Christian life was impossible, though the missionary activity of the Polish Church was revived under Boleslaw III. From Poland in the second quarter of the twelfth century the Christianization of Pomerania was accomplished by Otho of Bamberg, while Pomerania became politically dependent upon Poland. Strenuous efforts were made to expand the church in Prussia in order to subjugate it the more securely to the dominion of Poland. Such missionary efforts, however, did not indicate vigorous life in the Church so much as political energy in the sovereigns. The division of the kingdom after Boleslaw&#39;s death (1139) among his four sons wrought new ecclesiastical troubles and disturbances; and before the time of the Reformation peaceful developments did not obtain. The princes either showered possessions and privileges upon the clergy from selfish or party interests at the expense of the nobility and the people, whose hatred was thus intensified while the moral condition of the clergy was corrupted, or they violently attacked the rights and property of the bishoprics. A synod at Leucyka in 1180 forbade princes to appropriate the property of deceased bishops under penalty of excommunication. The favors of the princes to the clergy involved the latter in continual battles with the nobility; violent dissensions between clergy on the one side and nobility and laity on the other were caused by the payment of tithes to the Church, and by the arbitrary extension of clerical jurisdiction.
</P>
<h4>4. Ecclesiastical Independence.</h4>
<P>
In close connection with the national element and the opposition of Slavism to Romanism and Teutonism, the opposition to the popes is one of the characteristic features of the Polish church.<pb n="106"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
The princes energetically guarded their right to fill bishoprics, granted them by Otto III. Pope Martin V. complained in letters to the king of Poland that the rights and liberties of the Church were trampled under foot and that the authority of the Holy See was not obeyed. The clergy shared with princes this desire for independence of the pope. Hence the complaint of Gregory VII. in a letter of 1075, " the bishops of your land are absolutely independent and unsubmissive to regulation." A bishop of Posen dared to refuse to announce an interdict of Innocent III. against one of the dukes. Marriage of priests had come in through the Greek origin of the Polish church; thence came general opposition to the law of celibacy among the Polish clergy. About 1120 all priests in the diocese of Breslau were married. In the middle of the twelfth century the majority of the Polish clergy were the same; and a synod of Gnesen (1219) complained that the former prohibitions of the marriage of priests had remained without effect. The appeal of the Polish nation from the pope to a general council at the time when Pope Martin V. did not condemn the work of John of Falkenberg, the Dominican monk who in the interest of the Teutonic order had preached murder and rebellion against the Polish people and their king, was a memorable protest against the absolutism of the papacy. The immorality of the clergy, their simony, unchastity, political intriguing, and lack of church discipline produced an anticlerical and antiecclesiastical movement among the people. The religious needs of the country, which had been so shamefully disregarded by the clergy, were so urgent that the Reformation found open doors among the Poles.
</p>
<p class="author">(D<small>AVID</small> E<small>RDMANN</small>&#8224;.)</p>
</P>
<h3>II. Reformation and After:</h3>
<h4>1. Need and Preparation.</h4>
<p>
In the middle of the fifteenth century Poland bordered in the west upon Hungary, Bohemia, and Silesia; in the north on the Eastern Sea from Danzig to Courland; in the east it included Lithuania and the greater part of White Russia; and in the south, Red Russia, Volhynia, Podolia, and Kief; while its influence spread over Moldavia and Walachia (Roumania), and the Crimea. A grandson of Ladislas Jagiello (1348-1434) was king of Bohemia and Hungary. Relations by marriage brought neigh
boring dominions under the kings of Poland, which was now at the zenith of its power and extent. Three sons of Casimir (1444-92) became kings of Poland; the third one, Sigismund (1513-48), taking for second wife the Italian princess Bona Sforza, who wrought an influence detrimental to Poland and the Reformation. The heart of the kingdom, namely, Little Poland, was Slavic, and thus mild, peaceable, and deeply religious. Cyril and Methodius, the Slavic apostles of the ninth century, had translated a part of the Scriptures into the mother tongue; the pious people held firmly to worship in the vernacular and to ecclesiastical independence; and thus the foundation for the Reformation spirit was laid. The king was only the chief of the nobles, who in a century of strife had risen to an eminence of independence and power which stood also in defense of the bishops and resisted the popes. The bishops had been appointed by the lords for centuries and stood by their side; for they were first of all Poles. An archbishop of Gnesen had been regent. In 1176 WaIdensians from the south of France and later the Hussites found refuge in Poland, in spite of the individual opposition of the bishops, the synods, and the Inquisition; and they were protected. As elsewhere so in Poland the revival of learning and humanism prepared the way for the Reformation. The classics were read by nobles and clergy; German and Italian scholars were welcomed; multitudes of young Poles returned from schools abroad, bringing back the spirit of the humanities; and Erasmus obtained the most enthusiastic admirers. But perhaps nowhere else was the moral and spiritual destitution so great as in Poland. The law of celibacy was generally violated among the priesthood; nepotism prevailed among the bishops; and ecclesiastical positions were sold to the highest bidder.
</P>
<h4>2. Reformation.</h4>
<p>
The fires of the Reformation first broke into flame along the German border. As early as 1520 the Dominican Andreas Samuel at the cathedral of Posen and later John Seklueyan, a preacher at the church of Mary Magdalen, preached the Gospel, emphasizing the need of a reformation of the Church. In 1519, Jacob Knade, a vicar at the church of Peter and Paul in Danzig, married; and this step, together with his fearless reform preaching, met with wide public approval. In Posen, the castellan Lukas of Gorka received the Evangelical preachers under his protection against the bishop. The archbishop of Gnesen hurried to Danzig to suppress the movement but the magistrate upheld his right, even against the king, to permit Evangelical preach ing and the entrance of the Reformation. From here it spread by way of Elbing into Prussia; George of Polentz, bishop of Samland, joined it; Albert of Brandenburg, Grand Master of the German Order in Prussia, called as preacher to Konigsberg Johann Briesaman (q.v.), Luther&#39;s follower (1525); and changed the territory of the order into a hereditary grand duchy under Polish protection. From these borderlands the movement penetrated Little Poland which was the nucleus for the extensive kingdom. All measures on the part of the church powers and king to stem the tide proved ineffective. In spite of the prohibition, especially against Wittenberg, the nobility continued to send its sons to the universities of Bologna, Padua, Orleans, and Paris, and even to Strasburg and Geneva, whence Calvin&#39;s " Institutes " were welcomed in Poland. The Italian Lismanin, confessor to Queen Bona, joined the Reformation; and placed himself as well as Prince Radziwil, chief reformer in Lithuania, in communication with Calvin. The latter dedicated his commentary on Hebrews to the king of Poland (1549), which honor the latter accepted. From 1545 a constantly widening circle of spiritually awakened Poles collected at the house of the eminent and wealthy Andreas Trzecieski of Cracow; among these were Wojewodka, later prefect of Cracow, Orzechowaki, Przyluski, author of the "statues of the realm," and, in particular, Rej and<pb n="107"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
Fricius Modrevius. From this source the movement spread everywhere among the minor as well as the greater nobility; but the prime cause of the Reformation is to be sought in the deep religious sense of the Slavic people, who eagerly accepted the preaching of the Gospel in place of the means of the deteriorated Church. In the mean time the movement proceeded likewise among the nobles of Great Poland; here the type was Lutheran, instead of Reformed, as in Little Poland. Before the Reformation the Hussite refugees had found asylum here; now the Bohemian and Moravian brethren, soon to be known as the Unity of the Brethren (q.v.), were expelled from their home countries and, on their way to Prussia (1547), about 400 settled in Posen under the protection of the Gorka, Leszynski, and Ostrorog families. During 15531579, this band increased to seventy-nine congregations, due to their industrious and sane activity, during the quarter-century leadership of George Israel. In Little Poland, owing to political conditions, there was for a long time a lack of organic home leadership. The churches could not continue successfully under the control of Geneva and the Rhine. Efforts were made to import proper men from abroad, which resulted most wisely in the choice of Johannes a Lasco (q.v.). He was a Pole, acquainted with the Reformers of his native land, a fugitive first in East Friesland and then in England, and one who had specially proved his fitness for organization and leadership. His return was delayed and the Synod of Kozminek (1555), under the pressure of threatened disorganization, adopted a plan of union, the result of which would have meant absorption into the Unity of the Brethren. A year later, upon his arrival, Lasco insisted upon the integrity and independence of the home church. In the fifth decade of this century the movement entered into its final tests in the struggles of the bishops and the nobles of the Reformation in the diets. In the diet of 1552, Leszynski refused to bow the knee and remove the hat at the opening of the mass. This diet secured freedom of conscience by granting the Roman Catholic Church the right of judgment on heresies but not of penalty. The Diet of Warsaw (1556) provided that every noble was free to establish in his house and on his estate that worship which seemed to him fitting, if it were grounded on the Scriptures. It also voted an address to Pope Paul IV. demanding of the Council of Trent worship in the vernacular, communion in both forms, consecration of priests, abolition of the papal contributions, and the calling of a national council for the correction of abuses and the unification of church bodies. However, the king was weak. He sent the bishop of Przenysl as delegate; the diet was unrepresented and never accepted the resolutions of the council. King Sigismund August died in 1572 without heir, and unfortunately at this stage the country was thrown into the strife of electing a sovereign. The choice fell upon Prince Henry of Valois, duke of Anjou, who had been recommended by Coligny before Sigismund&#39;s death. In spite of the division, united action was taken at the Diet of Warsaw (1573) under the Reformed leadership of Crownmarshal Firley of Little Poland, guaranteeing equal rights and freedom to all creeds. The Reformed representatives of Poland also exacted a pledge from the king of France before they cast their votes for his brother, guaranteeing freedom of faith and worship and a safe return of the fugitives to his kingdom.. Until the time of coronation the Jesuits plotted to make this oath void, and when Henry showed signs of weakening before reaffirming the oath at the coronation, Firley fearlessly stepped forward, seized the crown in his hand, and cried out in a loud voice, "If thou wilt not swear thou shalt not reign." The frightened king forthwith took the oath.
</P>
<h4>3. Counter-Reformation.</h4>
<P>
This episode was an outward mark of a CounterReformation which bad been developing for some time. Two movements within the bosom of Protestantism exposed it the more to the reaction. First, antitrinitarianism, imported from Italy, toward which even Lismanin inclined, had its supporters and centered itself at Pinczow. Against this, Lasco (q.v.) placed himself in energetic and successful oppotion. sition. In the second place was the irreconcilable division of the three Protestant bodies over against the united front of the Jesuit Roman Catholics. The Church of Little Poland and Lithuania was Calvinistic; that of
Greater Poland and Prussia, and, with occasions, that of Courland and Livonia, was Lutheran, the churches of which were early intermingled with many congregations of the Unity of the Brethren. Lasco strove for such a union with his last energy,
but failed. Ten years after his death a general synod at Sendomir (1570) adopted a consensus identifying themselves in a union against the Roman Catholic Counter-Reformation. It was shaken by conflict as soon as it hadkbeen adopted. The general synod at Thorn (1595) reendorsed the consensus of Sendomir, making it binding upon all the clergy and subscriptions necessary under the penalty of dismission. Yet the measures fell into oblivion. In 1728 the general synod of Danzig recalled it from obscurity and resolved to adhere to it; but though never revoked, it was in time forgotten. Meanwhile the Counter-Reformation proceeded, conducted sagaciously by Rome, not only by availing of these internal divisions of Protestantism, but also by following its own independent dosigns, regardless of the survival of the Polish nation. The foreigner Stanislaus Hosius (q.v.), bishop of Ermland, was the leader and an irreconcilable antagonist of the dissidents. The Jesuits who worked by his side did perhaps nowhere else so effective and pernicious a work. While these laid their insidious plans in the houses of the nobles, Hosius knew how to make the most of the dissident polemical writings for the cause of Rome. A further aid was the papal nuncio at Cracow, Commendone, but most of all the king, Sigismund III. (1586-1632), called by contemporaries "king of the Jesuits." The Evangelicals lost their rights and liberty of conscience. The Jesuits also directed their efforts against the Eastern Church so that in 1599, at Wilna, a compact of Evangelicals and Greek adherents was made to which either side<pb n="108"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
made appeal from time to time until the final dismemberment of Poland. After a decade of warfare the Jesuits came out victorious, and the Evangelical cause and the kingdom went down together. Two centuries more, however, ensued before the victory was complete.
</p>
<h4>4. Later History.</h4>
<p>
The correspondence of Hosius reveals the return of the descendants of the illustrious fathers of the Reformation to Roman Catholicism. At an assembly in the palatinate of Cracow, in 1606, a warning call went up from the knighthood, referring to the compact, for the king to heed the senate; but the Protestant party was vanquished in that body, though at a diet in 1609, freedom from penalty and the right of legal appeal were obtained. The Jesuits continued their machinations; the king was wholly in their power, and in Cracow, Posen, Wilna, and elsewhere, they incited the populace and students to destroy the churches of the dissidents. At the close of Sigismund&#39;s reign, Poland was in rapid decline; the Jesuits had smothered the spiritual life and obtained complete possession of the schools; the people had lost a sense of their rights; and abroad the nation had fallen from its rank of influence. Wladislas IV. (1632-48), just and irenic, who called a colloquy at Thorn in 1645 looking toward the union of all churches, would not restrain the Jesuit activities. August II. (1696-1733) lent himself to their policies, having himself, as king of Saxony, apostatized to Roman Catholicism, in order to secure the throne of Poland. At the Diet of Grodno (1719) Casimir Ancuta, the Jesuit lawyer of Wilna, secured unlawfully the expulsion of the last dissident, Piotrowski. With the triumph of the Counter-Reformation is associated also the doom of the once glorious kingdom. The further history of Poland is involved in that of the countries among which its territory was divided.
</p>
<p class="author">(H. D<small>ALTON.</small>)</p>
<p class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY:</small> 
On I. as sources consult: <i>Chronica Polonorum</i>, ed. J. Szlachtowski and R. K&#246;pke, 
in <I>MGH, Script.,</i> ix (1851), pp. 423 sqq.; 
<i>Chronica Polonorum</i>, in Stenzel, 
<i>Scriptores rerum Silesiacarum</i>, vol. i., Cracow, 1872-88;
<i>Acta historica res gestas Polonim illustrantia</i>, issued by the Cracow Academy, 1878 sqq.; 
Thietmar, <I>Chronicon</i>, most convenient in the ed. of F. Kurze, Hanover, 1889; 
<I>Monumenta Poloni&#230; historica</i>, 6 vols., Lw&#243;w, 1864-93. 
Consult further: 
C. G. Friese, <I>Kirchengeschichte des K&#246;nigreichs Polen</i>, vol. i., Breslau, 1786; 
C. Meyer, <I>Geschichte des Landes Posen, </I>pp. 383 sqq., Posen, 1881; 
C. Sehiemann, <I>Geschichte Polens, </I>Berlin, 1884-85; 
W. R. Morfill, <i>Poland</i>, London, 1893; 
W. P. Angerstein. <i>Der Konftikt des . . . Boleslaus IL (1058-80) mit dem Bischof Stanislaw</i>, Thorn, 1895; 
K. S. Krotoski, <i>St. Stanislaw, Bishop Krakowski</i>, Torun, 1902; 
E. Schmidt, Geschichte des Deutschtums im Lands Posen, Bromberg. 1904; 
Hauck, <I>KD, </I>iii. 202-204, 272 sqq., 629 sqq. 
On II. consult: the literature under L<small>ASCO</small>, J<small>ONANNES A</small>; 
<i>Acta conventus Thorun.</i>, Warsaw, 1646; 
D. E. Jablonski, <i>Hist. consensus Sendom.</i>, Berlin, 1731 (cf. H. Dalton, D. E. Jablonski ib. 1903); 
C. G. Friese, ut sup., vols. ii.-iii.; 
S. Lubienski, <i>Historia reformationis Polon&#230;</i>, Antwerp, 1635; 
C. V. Krasinski, <i>Hist. of  Rise, Progress and Decline of the Polish Reformation</i>, 2 vols., London, 1838-40; 
idem, <i>Religious Hist. Of the Slavonic Nations</i>, Edinburgh, 1851; 
J. Lukasiewitsch, <i>Die Reformation in Gross-Polen</i>, Darmstadt, 1843; 
G. W. T. Fischer, <i>Versuch einer Geschichte der Reformation in Polen</i>, 2 parts, Gratz, 1855-56; 
Schnaase, <i>Die b&#246;hmischan Br&#252;der in Polen</i>, Gotha, 1866; 
J. Sembrayeki, <i>Die polnischen Refomirten and Unitarser in Preussen I648</i>, K&#246;nigsberg, 1893; 
E. Borgius, <i>Aus Posens and Polens kirchlicher Vergangenheit</i>, Berlin, 1898; 
0. Koniecki, <I>Geschichte der Reformation in Polen</i>, 2d ed., Posen, 1901; 
G. Krause, <i>Die Reformation in Polen</i>, Posen, 1901; 
Wotschke, <i>Andreas Samuel und Joh. Seklucyan</i>, Posen, 1902; 
K. V&#246;1ker, <i>Der Protestantismus in Polen</i>, Leipsic, 1910; 
and the list of important periodical literature in Richardson, <I>Encyclopaedia</i>, p 862.</small>
</p>

<br>
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Polanus, Velerandus" id="plolanus_velerandus">
<P>
<b>POLANUS, VELERANDUS:</b> Leader and pastor of Walloons in the middle of the sixteenth century. All that is known of him is that with Johannes a Lasco (q.v.) he led his congregation with two others from England, whither they had fled from the Netherlands, to settle at Frankfort. There he met the persistent opposition of Hartmann Beyer (q.v.) because of his adherence to the Reformed creed and polity, and was deprived of his church, while ultimately the right to hold service was forbidden to the congregation.
</P>

<br>
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Pole, Reginald" id="pole_reginald">
<P>
<b>POLE (POOLE), REGINALD:</b> English cardinal and statesman; b. at Stourton Castle (13 m. w. of Birmingham), Staffordshire, Mar., 1500; d. in Lambeth Palace, London, Nov. 17, 1558.
</p>
<h3>Life Previous to the Cardinalate.</h3>
<p>
On his mother&#39;s side he was of the blood royal, and, after his father&#39;s death, was educated by Henry VIII. In 1517 he obtained the benefice of Roscombe, which was supplemented by other benefices as he rose in the prelacy. In 1521 he went to Italy to complete his studies at Padua. In Paris, at the close of the third decade of the century, he was successful in obtaining an opinion  from the University of Paris favorable to the king&#39;s divorce. He then returned to England to devote himself to theological studies in the cloister of Sheen. In 1531 he declined the proffered archbishopric of York, and in the following year be returned to Italy by way of Avignon. In Italy he lived a number of years in close friendship with Bembo, Contarini, Matteo Giberti, Alvise Priuli, and Giovanni Morone.
</p>
<P>
Until 1535 Pole was regarded as neutral in the divorce question, and had received from England the incomes of his benefices. Now, however, the king demanded Pole&#39;s opinion in writing, and after considerable delay he complied in his <i>De unitate ecclesi&#230;</i>, which brought about a total change in his position, since he became a decided partizan of the opposition. The king demanded that Pole should give an explanation of his treatise in person, but at this juncture he was called to Rome by Paul III., chiefly to take part in preparing the <i>Consilium de emendanda ecclesia.</i>
</P>
<h3>Pole as Cardinal.</h3>
<p> 
Pole was created cardinal of Santa Maria in Cosmedin on Dec. 22, 1536, and now wrote an <i>Apologia ad Angli&#230;  Parlamentum</i>, firm in substance, but moderate in tone. In 1537 he was sent as by Paul III. as legate to the Netherlands, whence he was to fan the insurrection in England. The rebellion, however, was crushed, and the king declared Pole guilty of high treason. The cardinal now left the Netherlands, but neither the emperor nor Francis I. would receive him, and it was only in Italy that he felt safe. But the pope rehabilitated him by again employing him as legate, this time to the emperor; but his family in England suffered heavily, for Henry arrested the cardinal&#39;s brothers and mother, and when the younger brother gave evi-<pb n="109"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
dence against the others, they were brought to the scaffold. Meanwhile, in 1541, Pole had been appointed legate of the patrimony, i.e., governor of the Papal States, and was thus led to fix his residence at Viterbo. There certain colloquies on religious questions were held, the participants including Vittoria Colonna, Pietro Carnesecchi, and Marco Antonio Flaminio. These discussions, however, were afterward deemed heretical by the Inquisition, because both the point of departure and the mainstay of the argument lay in the doctrine of justification by faith, the merit of good works being excluded.
</P>
<P>
After the death of Edward VI., Pole, in 1554, again beheld his native land, this time as papal legate. He found Queen Mary already married to Philip II., and the reaction in full swing. He took active part in the work and urged the enforcement of the stern ancient laws against the Protestants. But all his zeal could not induce his enemy, Giovanni Pietro Caraffa, who, in 1555, ascended the papal throne as Paul IV. (q.v.), to forget that Pole himself was at one time under suspicion of heresy. The new pontiff recalled the English legation, and summoned Pole before the tribunal of the Holy Office in Rome. Only his procrastination, and then his death, delivered him from appearing there.
</P>
<p class="author">K. B<small>ENRATH.</small></p>
<P class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY:</small> Among the works of Pole the following are most significant: 
<I>Ad Henricum Octavum Brittan&#230; regem, Pro ecclesiastic&#230; unitatia defensione, </I>Rome, 1554 (extract in
English, 
<I>The seditious and blasphemous Oration of Cardinal Pole, ... Translated . . . by Fabyane Wythers, </I>London, 1500); 
<I>De concilio, </I> Venice, 1502; 
<I>De summo pontificeChristi in terris vicario, </I>Louvain, 1589; 
<I>Reformatio Anglia, </I>London, 1550; 
<i>A Treatise of Justification, </I> Louvain, 1569.
The one authoritative life was written in Italian by Beccatelli, Lat. transl. by A. Dudith, found in Ital. and Lat. in <I>Epistol&#230;&#183; Reginaldi Poli, </I>5 vols., 1744-57, an Eng. transl. is by P. Pye, London, 1700. A life still worth consulting is that in English by T. Phillips, Oxford, 1704.
Consult further: the anonymous life prefixed to <I>Christ. Longolii Orationes, Epistol&#230; et Vita, </I>Florence, 1524; 
W. F. Hook, <I>Lives of the Archbishops of Canterbury</i>, vol. viii., London, 1889; 
N. Pocock, <I>Records of the Reformation, 2 vols., </I>Oxford, 1870 (contains original documents);
N. Sander, <I>Rise and Growth of the Anglican Schism </I>London, 1877 (Roman Catholic); 
F. G. Lee, <I>Reginald Pole ... an historical Sketch, </I>London, 1888 (deals only with the beginning and end of the cardinal&#39;s career); 
A. Zimmerman, <I>Kardinal Pole, Sein Leben and seine Schriften,</I> Regensburg, 1893 (accurate); 
W. Clark, <I>The Anglican Reformation, </I> New York, 1897; 
F. A. Gasquet, <I>Henry Vlll. and the English Monasteries, </I>London, 1899; 
J. Gairdner. <I>The English Church in the Sixteenth Century,</I> London,. 1903 (many details); 
<I>Cambridge Modern History</i>, vol. ii. passim, Cambridge, 1903; 
C. M. Antony, <I>The Angelical Cardinal Reginald Pole, </I>London, 1909; 
M. Haile, <I>Life of Reginald Pole, </I>London and New York, 1910; 
J. Gillow. <I>Biographical Dictionary of English Catholics</i>, v. 330-341, London, n.d.; 
<I>DNB</i>, xlvi. 35-40.
</small>
</P>

<br>
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Polemics" id="polemics">
<p>
<b>POLEMICS.</b>
<ol>
<li>Nature, Place, and Function (&#167; 1). </li>
<li>Pre-Reformation and Roman Catholic Polemics (&#167; 2).</li>
<li>Protestant Polemics (&#167; 3).</li>
<li>The Modern Phase (&#167; 4).</li>
<li>In Great Britain and America (&#167; 5).</li>
</ol>
<h3>1. Nature, Place and Function.</h3>
<P>
Polemics is that department of theology which is concerned with the history of controversies maintained within or by the Christian Church, and with the conducting of such controversies in defense of doctrines held to be essential to Christian truth or in support of distinctive denominational tenets. It is, however, a question whether polemics belongs to the special departments of dogmatics, ethics, or practical theology, or whether it constitutes an independent branch of study. Christianity has had, from the first, to battle with scientific weapons against Jews, heathens, heretics, and sehismatics, so that a rich and varied controversial literature was early developed in all branches of theology; though the means and the methods have varied according to the nature of the subject under discussion and the persons engaged.
</p>
<P>
Theoretically there is no distinct department of theological polemics; but practically there is a very real need of an independent branch of this nature. Theological polemics, therefore, scientifically combats erroneous conceptions and mistaken attitudes toward Christianity in its various phases, with the aim of defending the position of the communion to which the controversialist belongs. As the ancient Church had to fight against the classes of opponents already named, so modern polemics must defend the spirit of Christianity against nonChristian philosophies, sectarianism, indifferentism, and separatism. The problem next arises as to what place is occupied by polemics in the general field of theology. Schleiermacher divided theology into "philosophical," "historical," and "practical," and subdivided "philosophical theology" into " polemics " and " apologetics," apologetics being directed outwardly, and polemics inwardly. This division, however, is unsatisfactory. In the first place, polemics is applied dogmatics, for the polemic starts with certain dogmatic presuppositions. Again, it is applied symbolics, since dogmatic conceptions develop best in the orderly growth of a communion fully conscious of its distinctive organization. Theologically, therefore, polemics finds a place after dogmatics and apologetics. If, in addition to questions of doctrine, it takes into consideration the conduct of life, it becomes related to ethics, and may extend to organization and law, as well as to liturgics, missions, science, and art. The limits of the subject depend upon practical circumstances, the needs of the period, and the disposition of the controversialist.
</P>
<h3>2. Pre-Reformation and Roman Catholic Polemics.</h3>
<P>
False doctrines were combated by the apostles, and the Church Fathers followed along the same lines, so that polemic literature has existed since the time of Justin Martyr (q.v.) though his work "Against all Heresies " has been lost. Extant polemic literature begins with the "Against Heresies" of Irenaeus (q.v.). The <i.Apologeticum</i> and <i>De pr&#230;scriptione h&#230;reticorum</i> of Tertullian (q.v.) followed; and Hippolytus (q.v.) continued in the third century with his work on heresies. The dogmatic theology of the Greek Church was strongly polemic from the fourth to the eighth century; and during the same period the theology of the west assumed a polemic character through its strife with Donatism, Pelagianism, Semipelagianism, and Manicheism, a large number of Augustine&#39;s writings being of this character. The polemic literature of the Middle Ages against heretics, Jews,<pb n="110"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
and philosophical freethinkers was dogmatic in character from Agobard
of Lyons to Savonarola&#39;s <I>Triumphus crucis. </I>Then came, in
the sixteenth century, the controversy between Roman Catholicism and
Protestantism. The writings of the Jesuits especially were polemic.
Alfonso de Castro wrote <I>Adversus omnes h&#230;reses libri
quatuordecim</I> (Paris, 1534), being followed by Franciscus
Coster&#39;s <I>Enchiridion controversiarum</I> (Cologne, 1585) and
Gregorius de Valentia&#39;s <I>De rebus fidei hoc tempore
controversis</I> (1591). The chief work here, however, was the
<I>Disputatianes de eontroversiis Christian&#230; fedei</I> (3 vols., Rome,
1581-91) of Bellarmine (q.v.), who was followed by Martin Becan (d.
1624) with his <I>Manuale controversiarum hujus temporis</I> (Mainz,
1623). Jesuit polemics against Protestantism have continued without
intermission, one of the most noteworthy works of this character in
recent years being the <i>Il Protestantesimo a la regola di fede</I>
(3 vols., Rome, 1853) of G. Perrone (q.v.). More popular circles had
already been reached by Bossuet&#39; <I>Exposition de la doctrine de
l&#39;&#233;glise catholique sur les mati&#232;res de controverse</I> (Paris, 1671).
</P>
<h3>3. Protestant Polemics</h3>
<P>
The Protestants, in their turn, were no less active polemically from the sixteenth to the eighteenth century. Here special mention may be made of Martin Chemnitz, <i>Examen concilii Tridentini</I> (Frankfort, 1565); Konrad Schl&#252;sselburg, 
<I>H&#230;reticorum catalogus</I> (1597-99); Nicolaus Hunnius (d..1643), <I>Diaskepsis de fundamentali dissensu
doctrin&#230; Lutheran&#230; et Calvinian&#230;</I> (Wittenberg, 1616); Abraham Calovius, <I>Synopsis controversiarum</I> (1685); and Johann Georg Walch, <I>Einleitung in die polemische Gottesgelehrtheit</I> (Jena, 1752). Interest in polemics ceased with Friedrich Samuel Bock&#39;s <I>Lehrbuch f&#252;r die neueste Polemik</I> (1782). In the Reformed wing mention should be made of Rudolf Hospinian, <I>Concordia discors </I>(Zurich, 1607); Daniel Chanier, <I>Panstratia catholica</I> (4 vols., Geneva, 1626) ; Johann Hoornbeck, <I>Summa controversiarum</I>, (Utrecht, 1653); Francesco Turretini, <I>Institutio theologise elenchtic&#230;</I> (Geneva, 1681-85); and various writings of Friedrich Spanheim, the elder and the younger (qq.v.).
</P>
<h3>4. The Modern Phase.</h3>
<P>
Polemics entered upon a new phase with Schleiermacher, whose classification of polemics among the branches of theology has already been described. He was followed by Karl Heinrich Sack, with his <I>Christliche Polemik</I> (Hamburg, 1838), who defined polemics as that branch of the ology which detects and refutes errors that endanger Christian faith and the purity of the Christian Church; and by Johann Peter Lange, whose <I>Christliche Dogmalik</I> (3 parts, Heidelberg, 1849-52) calls polemics and irenics "applied dogmatics." Theoretically, since the middle of the nineteenth century, polemics has not been regarded as a distinct department of theology. Practically, however, a new era in polemics was begun by the sharp critiques of Protestantism by Roman Catholic scholars of recent times. This movement was inaugurated by Johann Adam M&#246;hler&#39;s <I>Symbolik</I> (Mainz, 1832), essentially a polemic against Protestantism from an idealistic Roman Catholic point of view; and this work was followed by the great historical polemic of Johann Joseph Ignaz von D&#246;linger, 
<I>Die Reformation, ihre innere Entwickelung und ihre Wirkungen /I> (3 vols., Regensburg, 1846-18). The ultramontane spirit there displayed was equally manifest in Johannes Janssen&#39;s <I>Geschichte des deutschen Volkes seit dem Ausgang des Mittelalters</I> (8 vols., Freiburg, 1877-94; Eng. transl., <I>Hist. of the German People</i>, 12 vols., St. Louis, 1896-1907), and Heinrich Suso Denifle&#39;s <I>Luther und Luthertum in der ersten Entwickelung</i> (2 vols., Mainz, 1904-10).
The Protestants replied vigorously to these attacks with Ferdinand Christian Baur&#39;s <I>Gegensatz des Katholicismus and Protestantwmus nach den Prinzipien and Hauptdogmen der beiden Lehrbegrife</i> (T&#252;bingen, 1834), Carl Immanuel Nitzsch&#39;s <I>Protestantische Beantwortung der Symbolik Dr. M&#246;hlers</I> (Hamburg, 1835), and a number of other works. While the books just mentioned are necessarily limited in scope, a thoroughgoing, though purely negative, discussion of the chief points of difference between Roman Catholicism and Protestantism was supplied by Karl August von Hare&#39;s <I>Handbuch der protestantischen Polemik gegen die romisch-katholische Kirche </I>(Leipsic, 1862, 7th ed., 1900, Eng. transl., London, 1906) which discusses the Church (clergy and papacy), salvation (faith, works, sacraments), and accessories (ritual, art, science, literature, politics, nationality). Paul Tschackert followed this with his <I>Evangelische Polemik gegen die r&#246;mische Kirche </I>(Gotha, 1885; 2d ed., 1888), which not only criticizes the Roman Catholic system in detail, but also affords a substitute for each point criticized by presenting the Protestant teaching on the tenet in
question. Finally, mention should be made of the anti-Roman Catholic propaganda carried on by the <I>Schriften des Vereins fur Reformationsgeschichte </I>(Halle, 1883 sqq.) and by the Evangelischer Bund zur Wahrung der deutsch-protestantischen Interessen (founded in 1886).
</p>
<p class="author">(P<small>AUL</small> T<small>SCHACKERT</small>.)</p>
<h3>5. In great Britain and America.</h3>
<P>
In Great Britain and America polemics has taken a different course from that which it assumed on the continent. Several causes have contributed to this. Theological encyclopedia has been far less exact in its divisions, and and where polemics has not been recognized as a separate discipline, it has been in corporated into the body of theological construction. There has, moreover, been but little interest in the history of this branch of theological discussion. Again, toleration has been a
marked feature of English and American religious thought (cf. Milton, <I>Areopagitica</i>; and Jeremy Taylor, <I>Liberty of Prophesying</I>, which unfortunately he did not exemplify later). Still further, the edge of the controversial spirit has been dulled by the practical nature of the Anglo-Saxon mind, the disposition to compromise, the lack of thoroughgoing intellectual consistency, together with a rationalizing tendency which has tempered criticism of the positions of others. Polemics has appeared quite as often in apologetics as in doctrinal discussions. Only a few of the historical occasions of polemics
and names of the chief persons involved are here indicated. (1) The deistic controversy (1648-1775; see D<SMALL>EISM</SMALL>), in which among the pamphleteers and<pb n="111"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
dignified defenders of supernatural religion appear Richard Bentley (q.v.), <I>Remarks upon a Late Discourse of Free Thinking</I> (London, 1713), a reply to Anthony Collins, <I>Discourse of Free Thinking</I> (ib. 1713); Thomas Sherlock, <I>Trial of the Witnesses of the Resurrection of Jesus Christ</I> (ib. 1729), against Woolsen, <I>Discourse on Miracles </I> (ib. 1727-24); and W. Warburton, <I>Divine Legation of Moses</I> (ib., vol. i., 1737-38, vol. ii., 1741). (2) Against the Arminians--also including the Arians-of whom were Daniel Whitby, <I>Discourse concerning . . Election and Reprobation</I>
 (ib. 1710); Samuel Clarke, <I>Boyle Lectures, </I>1704-05, and <I>Scripture Doctrine of the Trinity </I>(ib. 1712); and John Taylor, <I>The Scripture Doctrine of Original Sin</I> (ib. 1740), which gave rise to many rejoinders by D. Waterland (cf. <i>Works</I>, vol. i. "Life" by Van Mildert, Oxford, 1823) and others in Great Britain, and in New England by Jonathan Edwards (q.v.), <I>Inquiry into the Freedom of the Will</I> (Boston, 1754). (3) The Unitarian controversy in New England was ushered in by the election of Henry Ware as Hollis professor of divinity in Harvard College in 1805. The principal writers
from the side of orthodoxy were Moses Stuart (q.v.), professor of sacred literature in Andover Theological Seminary, <I>Letters to Rev. William E. Channing, D.D., on the Divinity of Christ</I> (Andover, 1819); Samuel Worcester, <I>Letters to Rev. Dr. William E. Channing</I> (three pamphlets, Boston, 1815); and Leonard Woods (q.v.), also professor in Andover, <I>Letters to Unitarians</I> (Andover, 1820), <I>Reply to Dr. Ware&#39;s Letters to Trinitarians and Calvinists</I> (ib. 1821), and
<I>Remarks on Dr. Ware&#39;s Answer</I> (ib. 1822). (4) The Tractarian Movement in Great Britain (1833-41; see T<small>RACTARIANISM</small>), brought to a crisis by John Henry Newman&#39;s <I>Tract No. 90</I>, provoked a steadily
rising storm of opposition first from the <I>Christian Observer </I>(Mar., 1834), and at last from Archibald Campbell Tait (Archbishop of Canterbury, 1868-1882) who, with three other Oxford tutors, signed a protest against Newman&#39;s tract. Owing to the violent controversy which ensued the series was "discontinued." (5) The Liberal Movement in the established church centered in Frederick Denison Maurice (q.v.), whose <I>Theological Lectures</I> (ib. 1853) was vehemently opposed by R. W. Jelf, principal of King&#39;s College; and by Henry Mansel, <I>Man&#39;s Conception of Eternity</i> (ib. 1854); Maurice&#39;s <I>What is Revelation?</I> (ib. 1859) was subjected to severe criticism by Mansel&#39;s <I>Examination of the Strictures on the Bampton Lectures</i>, 1868 (ib. 1859). (6) In America the (N. W.) Taylor- (Bennet) Tyler controversy (see N<small>EW</small> E<small>NGLAND</small> T<small<HEOLOGY</small>) involved the questions of depravity, the self
determining power of the will, regeneration, and the divine permission of sin. (For Taylor, cf. <I>The Quarterly Christian Spectator</I>, New Haven, 1832-1833; also, G. P. Fisher, <I>Discussions in History and Theology, </I>New York, 1880. For Tyler, cf. <I>The Spirit of the Pilgrims, </I>Boston, 1832-33; also, <I>Letters on the New Haven Theology, </I>ib. 1837.) (7) In 1835-1837 there culminated in the Presbyterian Church a heated discussion, in which a fierce attack was made upon Albert Barnes and Lyman Beecher, occasioned by their view of the atonement and related subjects. (8) In the latter part of the last century (1882-93) the so-called "Andover heresy," originating in a chapter in <I>Progressive Orthodoxy</i> (Boston, 1886), advocated probation after death for those who had been deprived of probation in this life. The controversy focused on the policy of the A. B. C. F. M., whether those who maintained this view were eligible to appointment as missionaries of the board. It was permanently settled in 1893 by instructions to the prudential Committee to commission one who held to this
position. It is possibly significant that Andover Theological Seminary, which was founded in part to combat Unitarianism. among other heresies, celebrated its centennial, 1908, by affiliation with the Harvard Divinity School whose history had been
identified with the Unitarian body.
</P>
<p class="author">C. A. B<small>ECKWITH.</small></p>
<P class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY:</small> 
G. B. Crooks and J. F. Hurst, <i>Theological Encyclopaedia and Methodology</i>, pp. 437 eqq., New York, 1894; 
P. Schaff. Theological Prop&#230;deutic, pp. 411-412, ib. 1904; 
J. B. R&#246;hm, <i>Protestantiaehe Polemik</i>, Hildesheim, 1882; 
W. G. T. Shedd, <i>Dogmatic Theology</i>, i. 15, New York, 1891; 
S. J. Hunter, <i>Outline of Dogmatic Theology,</i> 6, 84, ib. 1894; 
A. Cave, <i>Introduction to Theology</i>, pp. 521 sqq., Edinburgh, 1896 
L. Emery, <i>Introduction a l&#39;&#233;tude de la theolopie protestante</i>, pp. 182-183, Paris, 1904; 
and the literature under T<small>HEOLOGY AS A</small> S<small>CIENCE</small>.</small>
</P>

<br>
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="George of Polenz" id="george_of_polenz">
<p>
<b>POLEHZ, GEORGE OF. </b>See G<small>EORGE OF</small> P<small>OLENZ</small>.
</p>

</div3><div3 type="Article title="Poliander, Johannes" id="poliander_johannes">
<p>
<b>POLIANDER, JOHANNES (JOHANN GRAMANNN, GRAUMANN): </b>German Reformer; b. at Neustadt
on-the-Main (42 m. s.e. of Frankfort) July 5, 1487; d. at Kbnigsberg Apr. 29, 1541. Educated at the University of Leipsic (B.A., 1506; M.A., 1516), he was first teacher and then rector at the Thomasschule in the same city. In 1519 he acted as amanuensis of Eck at his disputation with Luther and Carlstadt, and in consequence of Luther&#39;s argument he went to the University of Wittenberg in the autumn of the same year, where he was intimately associated with Luther and Melanchthon. Returning to Leipsic in the following year, he lectured on the Bible on the Wittenberg model. His success as a scholar and teacher brought Conrad, bishop of W&#252;rzburg, to cause his appointment as cathedral preacher at W&#252;rzburg in 1522, where he came into conflict, in 1524, with the monastic preachers because of his views on the veneration of the saints with the result that he was relieved of his position. He was then preacher to the Poor Clares (see C<small>LARE</small>, S<small>AINT, AND THE</small> P<small>OOR</small> C<small>LARES</small>) at Nuremberg and preacher at Mansfeld. In 1525 he accepted the call of Duke Albrecht of Prussia to K&#246;nigsberg, where he became pastor of the Altatadt, and together with his friends Paul Speratus and Johann Briesmann (qq.v.), the two other "evangelists of the Prussians," he established Protestant foundations in Prussia. Besides preaching he lectured publicly on the Bible. He also composed "Nun lob mein Seel den Herren" and probably the " Fr&#246;lich muss ich singen," thus being one of the first Protestant hymn-writers. It is probable that he took part in compiling the first two collections of Protestant hymns for K&#246;nigsberg (1527). In consequence of his pedagogical experience, Albrecht entrusted him with the organization of the
new Protestant schools; and in 1531 he was one of<pb n="112"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
the general ecclesiastical visitors who divided the country into parishes, regulated the income of the ministers and the new ecclesiastical conditions. At the same time he was active in combating the sectaries brought from Silesia by Schwenckfeld. At the colloquy of Rastenburg in 1531 Poliander was the decisive factor in the victory over the Anabaptists. Until his death he stood in intimate relations of counselor and friend with Albrecht.
</P>
<p class="author">(D<small>AVID</small> E<small>RDMANN</small>&#8224;.)</p>
<p class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY.</small> 
For sources consult: T. Kolde, in <I>Beitr&#228;ge zar bayerischen Kitchengeschiehte</i>, vol. vi., parts 2 and 5, Erlangen, 1899; 
P. Tsahackert, <I>Pubtikationen aus den k&#246;nigl. preuss. Saatsarchiven, </I>vols. aliii.-zlv., Leipsic, 1890-91. 
Consult farther: 
F. W. E. Rost, <I>Memoria Poliandri. </I>Leipsic, 1808; 
idem. <I>Was hat die Leipsiger Thomasschule f&#252;r die Reformation gethan</I> ib. 1817; 
J. C. Cossck. <i>P. Speratus Leban and Liedar</i>, pp. 77 sqq., Brunswick, 1881.</small>
</P>

<br />
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Politi, Lancelotti" id="politi_lancelotti">
<p>
<B>POLITI, LANCELOTTI</B> See C<small>ATHARINUS</small>, A<small>MBROSIUS</small>.
</p>

<br />
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Polity Ecclesiastical" id="polity_ecclesiastical">
<P>
<b>POLITY, ECCLESIASTICAL.*<note place="foot">In connection with the following treatment the reader should consult the articles on the various churches and denominational bodies of which mention is made in the course of the discussion, which articles usually contain accounts of the principles and the details of church government prevailing within the several bodies. See also such articles as C<small>HURCH, THE</small> C<small>HRISTIAN</small>; C<small>HURCH</small> G<small>OVERNMENT</small>; C<small>HURCH AND</small> S<small>TATE</small>; C<small>OLLEGIALISM</small>; T<small>ERRITORIALISM</small>; B<small>ISHOP</small>; D<small>EACON</small>; E<small>PISCOPACY</small>; and O<small>RGANIZATION OF THE</small> E<small>ARLY</small> C<small>HURCH</small>.</note></b>
<table>
<tr><td>I. Introduction.</td><td>The Prince and the Consistory (&#167; 2).</td><td>Essentials; Divine Right: Church and State (&#167; 2).</td></tr>
<tr><td>II. Monarchical Type (Roman Catholicism).</td><td>V. Episcopal Type (Church of England, Protestant Episcopal Church).</td><td>VIII. Eclectic Types (Methodist Churches).</td></tr>
<tr><td>Papal Authority Absolute (&#167; 1).</td><td>VI. Presbyterian Type.</td><td>Constituent Elements (&#167; 1)</td></tr>
<tr><td>Roman Doctrine of Church and State (&#167; 2).</td><td>Rise and Extension (&#167; 1).</td><td>Resultant Forms of Government (&#167; 2).</td></tr>
<tr><td>III. Aristocratic Type (Eastern Church).</td><td>Divine Right; Characteristics (&#167; 2).</td><td>IX. Conclusion.</td></tr>
<tr><td>IV. Consistorial Type (Lutheran).</td><td>VII. Congregational Type.</td><td></td></tr>
<tr><td>Luther&#39;s Doctrine of the Church (&#167; 1).</td><td>Distribution (&#167; 1).</td><td></td></tr>
</table>
<p>
</p>
<P>
<h3>I Introduction:</h3>
<p>
The emphasis in this discussion falls upon the developments which have occurred within the modern period, and upon the grounds of induction relative to the probable future of a church polity which are supplied by these developments.
The Roman and Greek types in their pre-Reformation form were the product of a lengthened historical evolution, and only by sweeping dogmatic assumptions can they be identified with the primitive constitution of the Church. Some germs of them
doubtless were on hand at an early date, but as they appeared at the opening of the sixteenth century they were remote from anything that was outlined by Christ or known to his immediate followers. It is to be noted that, while forms of polity
may appropriately be named after certain leading characteristics, they are not likely to be adequately described by the titles thus affixed. In a theoretical point of view it makes a great difference whether a given polity is supposed to subsist by divine right, or simply on the basis of human discretion. Practically it is of large account whether a given polity is operated independently, or in close connection with the State. Furthermore, it is of consequence in judging a given polity to observe whether it is appreciably modified by the incorporation of some element from a different type. The subject is obviously one of great complexity.
<P>
<h3>II. Monarchical Type (Roman Catholicism)</h3>
<h4>1. Papal Authority Absolute</h4>
<P>
Since the promulgation of the decrees of the Vatican Council (q.v.) and the acceptance of those decrees as having ecumenical authority, it can not be denied that the constitution of the Roman Catholic Church is emphatically monarchical.
Prior to the Vatican legislation it was permissible to assume that in the general body of the episcoIn pate there resided an authority at least coordinate with that of the pope. This assumption was widely current in the early part of the nineteenth century. But reaction from the disintegrating work of the French Revolution, powerfully seconded by pope
and Curia, prepared for the enthronement of the opposing ultramontane theory. This result was consummated at the Vatican Council. The two decrees of that council relative to the papal office the one declaring that the pope possesses the fullness of the supreme power of jurisdiction over the universal Church, together with the right of immedlate exerciseof it over all the faithful and the other asserting his indendent infallibility together constitute a formidable declaration of undivided and irresponsible rule. In the light of these decrees" one may express the outcome in the equation: In point of authority the pope plus the Church equals the pope minus the Church. As complete in itself and exempt from all lawful restriction or arrest, the authority of the pope rules out the very notion of a supplement. Roman apologists, it is true, disclaim the application of the term " absolute " to the papal monarchy. By divine ordinance, they say, bishops have a place in ecclesiastical administration. The pope is bound by this fixed element in the constitution. Furthermore, he is bound by the <i>ex cathedra </I>decrees of his predecessors on matters of faith and morals. Consequently, the papal moarchy is not of the absolutist type. But while the pope must consent to the existence of bishops, no bishop can enter upon his office without the permission of the pope, from whom, or through whom, comes all power of jurisdiction, and who has also the right either to appoint bishops or to determine the mode of their appointment. No bishop in office can go counter to the expressed will of the pope without being guilty of a misdemeanor. No bishop can remain in office against the will of the pope. No council of bishops can be assembled contrary to the will of the pope, and no assembled council can pass any authoritative decree against his judgment. As respects the <i>ex cathedra </I>decrees of predecessors the pope alone interprets them with full authority, and no one has the legal pre-
</P><pb n="113"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
rogative to gainsay his interpretation. The pope is absolute in the same sense in which the divine head would be absolute if visibly enthroned over the militant Church. Roman orthodoxy accepts in their full significance these words of Palmieri, "The  jurisdiction of the Roman pontiff  is the vicarial jurisdiction of Christ.
</p>
<h4>2. Roman Doctrine of Church and State.</h4>
<p>
Roman  Catholic deliverances in recent times on the proper relation between Church and State show a very scanty abatement from the medieval platform (see C<small>HURCH AND</small> S<small>TATE</small>, &#167;&#167; 3-8). The separation of Church and State is declared to be normal. The most that is conceded is that the scheme of separation can be condoned for the time being where the conditions are such as to make it practically necessary. " The Church," says Philipp Hergenrdther, " rejects on principle the system of the separation of Church and State "; and in saying this he but expresses the plain import of the Syllabus of Errors of Pius IX., the encyclical on the Christian Constitution of States of Leo XIII., and the encyclical, <I>Pascendi gregis</i> of Pius X. Recent teaching promulgated by pontiffs, canonists, and theologians pronounces that Church and State are not related as equals, but that the Church, as representint the supernatural order and being the infallible guardian of morals, has a preeminence of rightful authority. The authority of the Church, it should be observed in this connection, means the authority of the hierarchy. As Phillips wrote near the middle of the last century, "the clergy is the sanctifying, the teaching, the ruling Church; the laity is the Church to be sanctified, to be taught, to be ruled." Very recently Pius X. in his encyclical against Modernism (q.v.) has strongly emphasized this sentiment by classing among reprehensible errors the contention that a "share in ecclesiastical government should be given to the lower ranks of the clergy and even to the laity," and by ordaining, as a condition of the assembling of congresses of priests, " that absolutely nothing be said in them that savors of Modernism, Presbyterianism, or Laicism." Herein the pontiff undoubtedly speaks in perfect conformity to the postulates of the Roman system.
</P>
<P>
In the practical exercise of ecclesiastical sovereignty the Roman Congregations constitute an important factor. At a recent date they numbered nineteen. The scheme of reorganization put forth by Pius X. in 1908 provided for reducing them to eleven.
</P>
<h3>III. Aristocratic Type (Eastern Church):</h3>
<p>
In one point of view it is more appropriate to speak of the Orthodox Eastern Churches than of the Orthodox Eastern Church (see E<small>ASTERN</small> C<small>HURCH</small>, I.). While those who claim the title of " Orthodox " hold a common creed, make use of the same liturgy, and acknowledge bonds of intercommunion, they constitute in respect of government a number of independent bodies (in 1907, sixteen, namely, the churches of the four patriarchates of Congtantinopie, Alexandria, Antioch, and Jerusalem: the national churches of Russia, Greece, Servia, Montenegro, Roumania, and Bulgaria; the church of Cyprus; the churches of Carlowitz, Hermannstadt, Czernowitz, and Bosnia-Herzegovina within the Austro-Hungarian monarchy; the monastery of Mount Sinai). The model of church constitution which the Orthodox Eastern Church brought down to the modern period was that recognized by the ecumenical councils of the fourth and following centuries, which knows no eccelesiastcal monarch. The highest dignitaries are patriarchs set over the major provinces of the Christian world. The sole legitimate authority standing above them is the ecumenical council. Among the patriarchs of the. eastern division the one resident at Constantinople was understood to be vested by conciliar decrees, especially those of Chalcedon, with a certain primacy. Mohammedan conquests interfered not a little with the working of the patriarchal constitution, but in its general framework it survived to the modern era. The power which has wrought most effectively to modify this constitution has been the example and the influence of Russia. Since more than four-fifths of the entire membership of the Orthodox Eastern Church is included within that empire, naturally the ecclesiastical scheme espoused and supported by Russia claims the right of way. The Russian state has eliminated within its territory the jurisdiction of an outside party like the patriarch of Constantinople. In 1589 it instituted the patriarchal office at Moscow. In 1721 it did away with the patriarchate and organized the Holy Synod (made up now of eight or nine bishops with the addition of two priests) to serve as the supreme ecclesiastical authority, being entrusted with oversight of doctrine, worship, and matters of administration. Again, the policy of the Russian state was to keep a firm hand upon the managment of church affairs. And this is done through provisions which secure that the Holy Synod shall not antagonize the will of the sovereign. The czar appoints a part of the members and controls in no small degree the selection of the rest. In the meetings of the synod he is represented by a lay official styled the chief procurator. The Russian code recognizes him as the overlord in preserving good order in the Church and directing its legislation. While he is not credited with power to make dogmas, it falls within his prerogative to bring measures before the synod, and the conclusions of that body are subject to his judgment. In Greece and the other national churches in the domain of Eastern Orthodoxy both of these features-the independent relation to the patriarch at Constantinople and the prominence of State authority-the Russian model is largely followed. In all the branches of the Eastern Church the former feature is exemplified. Outside of his patriarchate proper in European Turkey and Asia Minor the patriarch of Constantinople enjoys at most some trivial tokens of an honorary primacy.
</p>
<p>
The hierarchy of the Orthodox Eastern Church is not widely distinguished as to its enumeration of ranks from the Roman Catholic, except that it stops short of monarchy. It includes patriarchs, metropolitan bishops, ordinary bishops, priests, and deacons. Below the deacon are the four minor orders of subdeacon, reader, exocist, and door keeper. A distinguishing feature is that the title "metropolitan" is in most instances simply honor-<pb n="114"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
ary. Only a few metropolitans have suffragans. Another point of contrast with the Roman system is that the diaconate is not treated as a mere stepping-stone to the priesthood. Many deacons remain such all their lives and serve as curates in the
parishes.
</p>
<h3>IV. Consistorial Type (Lutheran):</h3>
<h4>1. Luther&#39;s Doctrine of the Church.</h4>
<p>
While divine right is claimed both in Roman Catholic and in Orthodox Eastern theory for prominent features of the hierarchical system, Luther repudiated the notion of the <i>jus divinum</i> in the domain of church polity. He was disposed to regard polity as resting upon human election and having its sanction in practical demands. It was contrary to his emphasis on the universal priesthood of believers to exalt the pastor over the congregation as either a necessary medium of grace or embodiment of sovereignty. Aptness to teach he rated as the great pastoral cedential, and the ministration of Word and sacrement as the great pastoral function. Ordination meant for him simply a solemn public recognition of ministerial standing. On these points-the optional character of church polity and the non-sacerdotal standing of the Christian minister-Luther supplied a permanent standard to his followers (see C<small>HURCH, THE</small> C<small>HRISTIAN</small>, IV., &#167; 2; L<small>UTHER</small>, M<small>ARTIN</small>, &#167;1 6, 14). With his stress upon the primacy of the Evangelical message in the Church Luther could easily have reconciled himself to any form of external arrangements compatible with normal opportunity for that message. He had no objection to episcopacy as such. Had a larger proportion of the bishops been friendly to the Evangelical movement, episcopacy might have had a fair chance to survive in the Lutheran domain. As it was, it maintained only a transient existence in any part of Germany. The Scandinavian countries took an exceptional course in uniting Lutheranism with the episcopal form of administration.
</P>
<h4>2. The Prince and the Consistory.</h4>
<p>
It was not long before Luther&#39;s somewhat idealized conception of the Church as essentially a teaching institute, governing and molding men by the power of the Word, submitted to practical modification under the presure of circumstances. The disturbances wrought by the Peasants&#39; War, the ignorance and wildness of the people, and the readiness of the nobles to make spoil of church property emphasized the need of a directing and disciplining power. The one power available for the exigency seemed to be the Evangelical prince, the secular ruler who had espoused the Reformatation. So he stepped into the position of control, and theory was speedily accomodated to his actual standing by his being rated as heir, within his own territory, to the old episcopal authority. The resulting type of polity was distinctly Erastian. The government of the Church 
became very largely a matter of territorial sovereignty. The prince was not indeed expected to assume the spiritual office of administering the Word and the sacraments, but in the general ecclesiastical management he was accorded a preeminent function. The foremost organ of administration, under the temporal ruler, came at an early stage to be the consistory. Composed of theologians and jurists appointed by the State this body served as a constant tribual to pass on disputed points of administration, to supervise property and educational interests, and to render judgement in the major cases of discipline. In the next grade of official importance came the superintendents who were usually pastors, selected by the secular government to exercise a species of oversight over neighboring pastors. In the settlement of the pastors the deciding voice belonged to the State and to the local patron. The prerogative of the congregation was usually limited to the right of objecting to a presented candidate. The development, on the whole, may be described as being toward an emphatic preponderance of State, athority, it being understood that the consistory was very largely the instrument of the State. Such germs of presbyterial or synodal organization as were witnessed by the first generations of Lutherans were in no wise fostered and brought to maturity.
</p>
<p>
A serious and partially effective attempt to modify this consistorial polity was first made in the later part of the nineteenth century.  An incentive in this direction was derived from the wide-spread movement toward the principle of constitutional rule which was started in 1848. Enlarged prerogative on the part of the general body of citizens naturally suggested enlarged privilege on the part of the membership in the government of the Church. The result was an extension of the rights of the local congregation in the management of its own affairs, and the granting of more or less important functions to representative bodies or synods meeting at stated intervals.
</P>
<h3>V. Episcopal Type (Church of England, Protestant Episcopal Church)</h3>
<P>
Among the communions which emerged from the Reformation movement the Established Churrch of England was specially distinguished by the extent to which it conserved the medival polity . It retained the hierarchical constitution, only cutting off the papacy at one end of the official line and the orders below the diaconate at the other rend. Also in the scheme for the parishes, the cathedral chapters, and such aids to diocesan administration as archdeacons and rural deans much of the old system was retained. It is noticeable, however, that English Churchmeen did not in the earlier period claim divine right, or exclusive validity, for their polity as against that of other protestand communions. The statements of such eminent representatives as Jewel, Hooker, and Whitgift amount to a disclaiming of that right. The wide currency which is now accorded to the theory of a necessary episcopal organization and apostolical succession is attributable in large part to Laud and other Carolinian divines, to the Nonjurors (q.v.), and to the Tractarians (see T<small>RACTARIANISM</small>). The royal "supremacy " over the Church of England as originally asserted in the reign of Henry VIII. included a full complement of substantial prerogatives. In the succeeding period also, so long as the Court of High Commission subsisted, the sovereign was capable of interposing very efficiently in the management of the Church. For<pb n="115"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
the most part since the revolution of 1688 the royal supremacy has signified little else than a chief share in dispensing ecclesiastical dignities. As for the lay body in general, outside of the function of parliament in relation to the establishment, it has had very scanty recognition in the plan of government of the Church of England. It has been wholly shut out from the houses of convocation (q.v.), which however cannot perform any real work of ecclesiastical government without being favored with "letters of business" from the sovereign. In the view of not a few thoroughly devoted members of the Church of England the situation calls for remedy. It is urged that in order to be inspired with due interest in the Church laymen must be associated with the clergy in the management of affairs in parish councils, diocesan councils, and the houses of convocation. Only when the lay element comes to this measure of recognition, it is argued, will the nation have any disposition to grant the Church due autonomy by enlarging the prerogatives of its own proper assemblies. This feature has become well-established in the daughter communions. In the Protestant Episcopal Church of the United States the laity has been representedd from the start in the house of deputies, which, with the coordinate house of bishops, forms the General Convention, which constitutes the hihgset legislative authority in that Church (see P<small>ROTESTANT</small> E<small>PISCOPAL</small> C<small>HURCH</small>). Laymen have seats also in the diocesan conventions with equal right of voice and vote. Usually laymen help to make up the diocesan committee which serves the bishop as an advisory body; they have also a large function in the settling of pastors and in determining the period of their incumbency. Thus in the polity of this communion episcopalianism has been united with a considerable Presbyterian element. Partly owing to the influence of the American example a similar politv has gained wide curreny in, the churches afiliatated with the Church  of England. Laymen have been members of the governing assemblies of the Episcopal Church of Ireland- since 1871. The same has been true of the Scottish Episcopal Church since the revision of its constitution in 1876. The principal colonial churches--in Canada, South Africa, and Australia-as they enjoy practical autonomy have adopted in like manner the plan of governing assemblies composed Jointly of clergy and laity.
</p>
<h3>VI. Presbyterian Type:</h3>
<h4>1. Rise and Extension</h4>
<p>
This form of polity, which received its initial impulse from Calvin and the Genevan model, was represented before the end of the sixteenth century in Poland, various parts of Germany, Holland, France, and Scotland, and gained a standing later as an appreciable factor throughout the English-speaking world. The Calvinian conception of the Church from which the Presbyteriaan type proceeded has some points of distinction from the original Lutheran conception. In the former a less exclusive stress was placed upon the Church as a channel of grace through the saving ministry of the Word. Prominence was also given to the office of the Church as an ms rumen or promoting the rule of God in the world. Proceeding from this standpomt; the Calvinian communions naturally made larger account of discipline than did the Lutheran, and were somewhat more ready to carry, a militant spirit into their religion. The training of the elect to give practical effect to God&#39;s sovereign right was relatively a conspicuous feature in their ecclesiastical scheme. In the Calvinian theory State and Church were rated as coordinate powers, having  each its own province.The extent of the alliance which might be consummated be tween them was regarded as determined by the possibilities of mutual serviceableness. At Geneva Calvin thought it appropriate to give considerable scope to the prerogatives of the State in ecclesiastical management as being best suited to achieve the aim of the Church the practical rule of God over the community. In Holland also Presbyterianism made connection with the State, and in Scotland it has held the status of an "established" religion. It received legal establishment in England under the Long Parliament, but did not have opportunity to enter largely into the standing assigned in the legislation. Generally. a rather Jealous attitude toward State interference has been characteristic of Presbyterian bodies. In the American versionof the Westminster Confession the legitimate function of civil mazistrates in relation to ecclesiastical matters is defined to be the impartial protection of all denominations of Christians.
</p>
<h4>2 Divine Right; Characteristics.</h4>
<p>
The claim of divine right for their plolity has had considerable currency among Presbyterians. Its advocates, however, have never meant by this claim what is asserted for the papal constitution in the bull <I>Unam Sanctam </I>(see B<small>ONIFACE</small> VIII.) and implied in the anathemas of the Vatican Council. It has not been held at any period that the acceptance of presbyterial rule is a condition of salvation. In the Westminster Assembly there were stanch Presbyterians, and enough of them to constitute a respectable minority, who opposed the theory of the <i>jus divinum</i> In later declarations it has often been affirmed that the presbyterial form of church government is agreeable to and founded on the Word of God. But no violence is done in construing these statements in the sense of this declaration in the Book of Church Order of the Presbyterian Church South (1879): "The scriptural doctrine of presbytery is necessary to the perfection of the order of the visible Church, but is not essential to its existence." The central feature of Presbyterian church constitution is a series of governing assemblies constituted on the principle of representation in which series the decisions of a lower assembly are subject to revision by a higher, up to one vests with sureme jurisdiction though not free in its exercise from certain consitutional restrictions. A second prominent feature is the parity of ministers, or the exclusion of all hierarehirel graduations. A third feature is the union of ministers and Iaymen in the governing assemblies. According to a typical arrangement the governing assemblies are of four kinds, namely, church session, Presbytery, synod, and general assembly. The first, which is entrusted with the supervision of the spiritual interests of the local church, is composed of the pastor and the lay<pb n="116"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
officials called ruling elders. In the mode of instituting these officials, a congregational element comes into play. Both the pastor and the ruling elders, as is also the case with the board of deacons, are elected by the members of the local church. In respect of the pastor elect, however, the approbation of the presbytery must precede his installation, and the like sanction is requisite in connection with the transfer of a minister to a new pastorate. Within the group of churches, between which it serves as the immediate bond of connection, the presbytery fulfils a highly important and responsible function. It has been characterized as being the most important unit in the presbyterian system. Ministers and elders make up the presbytery as they do also the synod and general assembly.
</p>
<P>
The presbyterian type obtains in the Dutch Reformed and the German Reformed communions (see R<small>EFORMED</small> [D<small>UTCH</small>] C<small>HURCH</small>; R<small>EFORMED</small> [G<small>ERMAN</small>] C<small>HURCH</small>)  as well as in the numerous bodies bearing the Presbyterian name. The polity of Lutheran communions in this country is essentially Presbyterian. There is some distinction, however, as respects the legal authority of the highest assembly. While in the Iowa Synod it may approach the Presbyterian standard, it is very much below that standard in the Synodical Conference, and also below it in theory in the General Synod, the General Council, and the United Synod of the South. In the "Meetings" of the Friends-yearly, quarterly, and monthly-the scheme of a hierarchy of assemblies is illustrated. Still the divergence of their polity from the usual Presbyterian type is by
no means slight, since they have no general assembly, and all the meetings are democratic in composition.
</P>
<h3>VII. Congregational Type: </h3>
<h4>1. Distribution.</h4>
<p>
While the distinctive features of the Congregational polity were anticipated in some measure by the Anabaptists (q.v.) on the continent, was in England at the extreme of the Puritan reaction against prelacy that this polity began in the more positive sense its record in modern history. From the days of Robert Browne, Jeremiah Burroughes, John Greenwood, and John Robinson (qq.v.), in the latter part of the sixteenth century, it has had a continuous succession of earnest adherents. The pilggrims brought it to Plymouth in 1620, and it remained the distinctive form of church order in blew England during the entire colonial period. The Baptists in all fields have been almost universally its stanch advocates. It is represented furthermore by the Disciples of Christ , the Christian Connection, the Unitarians, and most branches of the Adventists (qq.v.). The polity of the Universalists lies between the Congregational and the Presbyterian form.
</p>
<h4>2. Essentials; Divine Right of Church and State.</h4>
<p>
The most pronounced feature of Congregationalism is the autonomy of the individual church. The various churches of a communion may- have, very appropriately, means of fellowship and interaction, such as councils associations, or conventions. But none of these are properly accorded any legislative or judicial authority over the local church. They are assemblies for conference, and their action is ever advisory rather than mandatory. Ecclesiastical sovereignty begins and ends with the local church. [Congregationalists hold as a second fundamental of their polity the fellowship of the churches as exercised in the conventions, associations, and councils referred to.] Within the individual congregation, according to the original Church New-England scheme, the proper officers were the pastor, the teacher, the
ruling elders, and the deacons. The second and third, however, were not long retained. At present, within communions of the
Congregational order, the regular officers are very commonly enumerated as simply pastors and deacons. The principle of the separation of Church and State was contained in initial Congregationalism as represented by the teaching of Robert Browne (q.v.). Baptists have always been earnest advocates of that principle. The peculiar conditions, however, in New England, where at first the company of citizens and that of church members were substantially identical, led to a somewhat intimate connection between Church and State. While in important respects the churches continued to exercise the functions of self-governing societies, State patronage and control ran through no insignificant range (cf. W. Walker, in 
<I>American Church History Series</i>, iii. 249, New York, 1894). The last remnant of this scheme of Congregational "establishments" disappeared in 1833.
</P>
<P>
In recent years there has been relaxation in the advocacy of the divine right of Congregational polity. Representative writers of the Congregationalists repudiate the notion that an exclusive right can be asserted for any given form of church constitution, and affirm that their own polity is happily conformed to New-Testament principles. Among Baptists the teaching is not uniform. The question occurs whether communions which adhere to the Congregational polity have been able to maintain the scheme of direct democracy, or autonomous local churches, without substantial modification. One indisputable fact is that within the last century instrumentalities for giving expression to the collective sentiment and enterprise of the whole group of churches of like name have been greatly multiplied. Very frequently the advocates of the Congregational polity declare that the style of collectivism which has thus been evolved works no detriment to the -Congregational principle, since the councils or associations which have been instituted are engaged to respect the autonomy of the local church. On the other hand, some admit that the introduction of these bodies and the enlargement in various respects of their functions amount to the intrusion of a Presbyterian element into the actual administration.
</P>
<h3>VIII. Ecelectic Types (Methodist Churches)</h3>
<h4>1. Constituent Elements.</h4>
<p>
Among commnunions which illustrate a union of Presbyterian and Episcopalian elements a prominent place is occupied by the Methodist Episcopal Churches (see M<small>ETHODISTS</small>).  There is also a union of Presbyterian and Episcopalian elements in the church order of the -United Brethren in Christ, of the Evangelical Association, and of the  Unity of <pb n="117"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
the Brethren (qq.v.). The Congregational element (in certain features of local self-government) discoverable in the churches mentioned is relatively inconspicuous. Recent developments in these comumnions have been largely in the direction of enlarging the sphere of popular government. By the last part of the nineteenth century all had come to include laymen in the higher governing assemblies. The same kind of development has been illustrated in non-episcopal Methodism, as, for instance, among the English Wesleyans (see M<small>ETHODISTS</small>, I., 1, &#167;&#167; 6, 8). In the Methodist Protestant Church lay delegation has been a feature from the start (see M<small>ETHODISTS</small>, IV., 3).
</p>
<h4>2. Resultant Forms of Government</h4>
<p>
Within the principal Methodist churches the list of assemblies includes quarterly, annual, and general conferences. Between the first and the seconcd the district conference is often interposed. Where existing it assumes various functions which otherwise would fall to the quarterly conferences. The latter are made up of the officials of the individual church--its resident ministers, local preachers, trustees, stewards, class leaders, Sunday-school superintendent, etc. The district conference consists of Ministerial and lay delegates. The annual conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church is (1910) a ministerial body; that of the Methodist Episcopal Church South includes, besides the ministers, four laymen from each presiding elder&#39;s district. The general conferences of both churches are made up of ministers and laymen in equal numbers. Among the United Brethren in Christ (q.v.) laymen are accorded a place in all the governing assemblies. The general conference is the supreme trbunal in the entire group of communions under consideration. Within certain constitutional limitations it exercises full legislative and judicial authority. A special feature in the constitution of the Methodist Episcopal Church South is the provision that the board of bishops may challenge the constitutionality of a rule or regulation passed by the general conference, and hold it suspended until it has been approved in the use of the regular method for amending a "restrictive rule" (that is, one of the cardinal limitations imposed by the constitution). As a Presbyterian element finds illustration in the governing assemblies of the Methodist economy, so an Episcopalian element is exemplified in its ministerial ranks. In that economy deacon and elder (or presbyter) are related much as they are in the Church of England and in the Protestant Episcopal Church (q.v.). Methodist episcopacy, on the other hand, has a special character as being non-diocesan. It is also free from the aristocratic assumptions often connected with the episcopal form of organization. Methodist bishops are simply the formost executives in their respective communions. In the Book of Discpline of the Methodist Episcopal Church a note prefixed to the form of episcopal consecration implies that bishops represent a distinct office rather than a distinct order. It remains true, nevertheless, that in the larger Methodist bodies very weighty official (executive, not legislative) responsibilities are devolved upon the bishops. The legal prerogative is with them to station all the ministers (outside the limited circle of general conference appointees), though the advice of the presiding elders and the preferences of the individual churches are practically of great moment. Methodist communions generally which have an episcopal organization, as also the United Brethren in Christ and the Evangelical Association (qq.v.), make use of a kind of subepiscopate embodied in presiding elders or district superintendents, who are placed over divisions of the territory of the annual conferences. Among the Unity of the Brethren the Presbyterian feature is prominent, the bishops, aside from the function of ordaining, having <i>ex offcio</i> no administrative significance, and coming in practise to possess such significance only as being customarily elected to the governing boards and conferences.
</P>
<P>
Connection with the State has been foreign to Methodist history, and the same is true of the doctrine of the divine right of a specific form of ecclesiastical polity. On this theme Methodists stand with Lutherans, and only insist that in its spirit ecclesiastical administration is obligated to be conformable to the demands of the New-Testament conception of Christian citizenship.
</P>
<h3>IX. Conclusion:</h4>
<p>
In view of the enthronement of an extreme dogma as respects ecclesiastical monarchy in the Roman Catholic Church, and the propagation of a radical type of sacerdotalism through a considerable section of the Church of England, it can not be said that recent movements in the field of church polity have been uniformly in a single direction. There has been an undeniable advance in the line of the most pronounced Highchurch assumptions. But some rather significant tokens of reaction are already apparent. The universal movement toward constitutional rule in the secular sphere tends to make men restive under the demands of a pretentious sacerdotalism. In the ecclesiastical sphere generally, outside of the specified domains--not to mention the comparatively stationary Orthodox Eastern Church--the development in recent times has been almost uniformly in favor of popular government. Whether it has been in the interest of the specifically democratic form of ecclesiastical polity, with its emphasis on the autonomy of the local church, is a question which is likely to elicit different answers. Probably the balance is not on that side, but rather on the side of some form of representative government, though in constructing this form it may not be out of place to give a larger scope to the proper Congregational element than is done ordinarily in Presbyterian communions or in those which combine Presbyterian with Episcopalian characteristics.
</P>
<P>
On a couple of points the development has been quite pronounced. The doctrine of divine right, in anything like a stringent form, has been consigned to a diminishing constituency. A close union of Church and State, or one which makes either essentially a dependency of the other, has become through a widening circle a matter of distinct opposition.
</p>
<p class="author">H<small>ENRY</small> C. S<small>HELDON</small>.</P>
<p class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY:</small> 
Richard Hooker, <i>Eclesiasical Polity</i>, London, 1594-1982, best ed. by J. Keble, 3d ed., 3 vols.,<pb n="118"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
1845 (frequently republished); 
Bingham, <I>Origines </I>(these two books are standard and with their constant citation of historical sources may not be overlooked). Consult further the works on church law 
<I>(Kirchenrecht) </I>by P. Hergenr&#246;ther, Freiburg, 1905; 
G. Phillips, Regensburg, 1845-89; 
J. Winkler, Lucerne, 1878; 
R. Sohm Leipsic, 1892;  
J. B. Sllgmtiller, Freiburg, 1904; and 
E. Friedberg. 8th ed., ib. 1909 (contains an extensive and classified list of works, pp. 5-12) Also: 
S. Davidson, <I>Ecclesiastical Polity of the N. T. Unfolded and its Points of Coincidence or Disagreement with Prevailing Systems Indicated,</I> London, 1850; 
F. Wayland, <I>Notes on the Principles and Practices of Baptist Churches, </I>New York 1857; 
T. Harnack, <I>Die Kirche, ihr Amt, ihr Regiment, </I>Nuremberg, 1882;
W. Cunningham; <I>Discussions on Church Principles, </I>Edinburgh, 1883; 
O. Meier <I>Die Grundlagen des lutherischen Kirchenregiments, </I>Rostock, 1864; 
W. L. Clay, <I>Essays on Church Polity, </I>London, 1868; 
T. Witherow, <I>The Apostolic Church, which is it? An Inquiry . . . whether any existing Form of Church Government is of Divine Right,</I> new ed., Belfast, 1869; 
G. A. Jacob, <I>Ecclesiastical Polity of the N T., </I>London, 1871; 
W. Pierce, <I>Ecclesiastical Principles and Polity of the Wesleyan Methodist.</i>, ib. 1873;
E. M. Goulburn, <I>The Holy Catholic Church; its divine Ideal, Ministry, and Institutions, </I>New York, 1875; 
C. Hodge, <I>Discussions in Church Polity, </I>ib. 1878; 
E. Hatch, <I>Organisation of the Early Christian Churches, </I>London, 1881; 
G. T. Ladd, <i>The Principles of Church Polity, </I>New York, 1882; 
A. A. Pelliocia, <I>The Polity of the Christian Church of Early, Mideval, and Modern Times, </I>London, 1883; 
E. D. Morris, <I>Ecclesiology, </I>ib. 1885; 
W. D. Killen, <I>The Framework of the Church; a Treatise on Church Government, </I>Edinburgh, 1890; 
D. Palmieri, <I>Tractatus, de Romano pontifce, </I>Rome, 1891; 
F. Markower <I>Die Ver assung der Kirche von England, </I>Berlin, 1894; 
W. J. Seabury, <I>An Introduction to the Study of Ecclesiastical Polity,</I> New York 1894; 
A. Leroy-Beaulieu, <I>The Empire of the Tsars and Russians </I>part 3 ib. 1896; 
C. Gore, <I>Essays in Aid of the Reform of the Church </I>London, 1898; 
K. Ricker, <I>Grunds&#228;tse reformierter Kirchenverfassung, </I>Leipsic, 1899;
E. L. Cutts, <I>A Handy Book of the Church of Enqland, </I>London, 1900; 
G. M. Boynton , <i>The Congregational Way, </I>New York, 1903; 
H. Gallwitz, <I>Die Grundlaqen der Kirche, </I>Eisenach, 1904; 
J. J. Tigert, <I>A Constitutional Hist. of American Episcopal Methodism, </I>Nashville, 1904; 
E. C. Dargan, <i>Ecclesiology, Louisville</i>, 1905; 
H. H. Henson. <I>Moral Discipline in the Christian Church, </I>London, 1905; 
A. Fortesque, <I>The Orthodox Eastern Church, </I>ib. 1907; 
W. F. Adeney, <I>The Greek and Eastern Churches</i>, pp. 132-146, 325-354, 404-433 New York, 1908; 
H. C. Sheldon, <I>Sacerdotalism in the 18th Century, </I>ib 1909. For the details of polity the reader is referred to the Books of Discipline and Church Order issued by the various ecclesiastical bodies, and to the literature under the articles
to which reference is made in the text, especially the bibliographies attached to the various denominational articles.
</small>
</P>

<br>
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Pollock, Bertram" id="pollock_bertram">
<P>
<b>POLLOCK, BERTRAM:</b> Church of England bishop; b. at Wimbledon (7 m. s. of St. Paul&#39;s, London) Dec. 6, 1863. He received his education at Trinity College, Cambridge (B.A., 1885; M.A., 1889; B.D., 1902; D.D., 1903); was made deacon
in 1890 and priest in 1891; was assistant master at Marlborough College, 1886-93; master of Wellington College, 1893-1910; and became bishop of Norwich in 1910. He served also as select preacher at Cambridge in 1895, and at Oxford in 1907-08; examining chaplain to the bishop of Litchfield, 1900-10; and chaplain in ordinary to the king, 1904-10.
</P>

<br>
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Pollok, Allan" id="pollok_allan">
<P>
<b>POLLOK, ALLAN:</b> Presbyterian; b. at Buckhaven (15,} m. s.w. of St. Andrews), Fifeshire, Scotland, Oct. 19, 1829. He was educated at the University of Glasgow (M.A., 1852), was sent by the Colonial Committee of the Church of Scotland to Nova Scotia, where he was minister of St. Andrew&#39;s, New Glasgow (1852-75), professor of church history and practical theology in the Presbyterian College, Halifax (1875-1904), acting also as principal (1886-1904). He still lectures occasionally in the college, and in theology is a " moderate Calvinist, holding the doctrines of the Westminster Confession in all essentials." He has written <I>Lectures on the Book of Common Order </I>(New York, 1897), and <I>Studies in Practical Theology </I> (Edinburgh, 1907).
</P>

<br>
</div3><div3type="Article" title="Pollok, Robert" id="pollok_robert">
<P>
<b>POLLOK, ROBERT:</b> Scotch poet; b. at North Moorhouse, Eaglesham Parish (8 m. s. of Glasgow), Renfrewahire, Oct. 19, 1798; d. at Shirley Common, near Southampton, Sept. 18, 1827. He graduated at Glasgow University (M.A., 1822); and studied theology at Union Secession Hall and Glasgow University (1822-27). He is famous for <I>The Course of Time, </I>a religious poem, projected on a stupendous scale, in ten books, on the destiny of man (London, 1827; seventy-eighth thousand, 1868; many editions in the United States). He was the author, also, of <I>Helen of the Glen </I>(Glasgow, 1830), <I>The Persecuted Family </I>(3d ed., Edinburgh, 1829), and <I>Ralph Gemmell </I>(1829); the three republished separately and together under the title,  <I>Tales of the Covenanters</I> (Edinburgh, 1833; later ed., 1895).
</P>
<P class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY:</small> D. Pollok, <I>The Life of Robert Pollok, with Selections from his Correspondence, </I>Edinburgh, 1843; a <I>Memoir </I>prefixed to later issues of <I>The Course of Time&#183;</I>and <I>DNB</i>, xlvi. 89-70.</small>
</P>

<br>

<P>
<b>POLYCARP:</b> Bishop of Smyrna and martyr; b. in the second half of the first century; d. at Smyrna Feb. 23, 155. He is first mentioned in the letters of Ignatius to the Ephesians (xxi. 1; Eng. transl., <I>ANF</i>, i. 58) and to the Magnesians (xv.; Eng. transl., <I>ANF</i>, i. 65) and to Polycarp. The Epistle of Polycarp to the Philippians, however, is a letter written to accompany the transmission of the letters of Ignatius and was requested by the Philippians (xiii.; Eng. transl., <I>ANF</i>, i.  36). Those who dispute the letters of Ignatius as genuine would have to reject this also as an interpolation; yet it should not be overlooked that Ireneeus had this letter in mind as a witness of Polycarp&#39;s faith and his preaching of the truth <I>(H&#230;r.</i>, iii. </I>3-4, Eng. transl., <I>ANF</i>, i. 416). The charge that it was falsified together with the letters of Ignatius is excluded by the peculiar character of the epistle and the charge of interpolation is contradicted by the use of I Clement, equally distributed throughout all the parts. The desire of Ignatius expressed in " To the Smyrneans," xi. (Eng transl., <I>ANF</i>, i. 91) and "To Polycarp," viii. (Erg. trans]., <I>ANF</i>, i. 100) throws light on the letter or letters of the Philippians to be transmitted to the Syrians mentioned in xiii. of Polycarp&#39;s letter. This letter of Polycarp was therefore written at the time of the martyrdom of Ignatius in the reign of Trajan (98-117). It is preserved in Greek only together with the Epistle of Barnabas as far as ix. 2; the remainder, in an inaccurate Latin translation (ix. and xiii. also in Eusebius, <I>Hist. eccl</i>, III., xxxvi. 13-15; Eng. transl., <I>NPNF</I>, 2 ser., i. 168-169). The points of recognition of the letter through Ireneeus are substantiated by the contents: Christ, who has suffered for us and as the risen one is exalted, will also raise us if we do the will of God. Its admonitions deal plainly with the Christian walk in life, in reli-<pb n="119"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
ance upon the New-Testament Scriptures, especially I Peter. The apostasy of a presbyter Valens is deplored (xi.). He writes of the Smyrnean congregation, whose representative he and the presbyters in whose name he writes are, that (in contrast 
with the Philippians) in the time of Paul they knew not yet God (xi.; Eng. transl., <I>ANF</i>, i. 35). This does not show that he and the presbyters lived at that time, but that the Philippians turned to him, and Ignatius considers his intercourse with him as worthy of mention and writes to him personally, inasmuch as Polycarp must have been by 110-115 a widely known personage.
</P>
<P>
This is corroborated by the letter which the Smyrnean congregation directed to the congregation at Philomelium and all the congregations of the Catholic Church concerning the martyrdom of Polycarp, less than a year later (xviii. 2; Eng. transl., 
<I>ANF</i>, i. 43), which points not only to the esteem in which he was held in his own congregation but to his fame also outside of the Church (xvi., xii.; Eng. transl., i. 43; cf. Eusebius, <I>Hist. eccl., </I>Eng. transl., <I>NPNF, </I>2 ser., i. 188-193). The accounts of his martyrdom have received confirmation from inscriptions discovered since 1880 (cf. J. B. Lightfoot, <I>Apostolic Fathers</i>, i. 613 sqq.) which also prove the reliability of the additional chapter xxi. not known to Eusebius; for they prove Philip the asiarch (xii.) and high-priest of Tralles (xxi.) to have been asiarch in 149-153, and highpriest and agonothete at Tralles since 137 for life. From this additional chapter, the Acts of Pionius, and the ancient martyrology it is seen that Polycarp was martyred Feb. 23, on a greater Jewish Sabbath (viii. 1, xxi.; perhaps feast of Purim; cf. Lightfoot, ut sup. 692 sqq.) during the proconsulship of Statius Quadratus, fixed by Waddington, using the representations of the rhetorician Aristides, at 154-156, during which the 23d of February occurred as a Sabbath only in 155. W. Schmid attempts to show that the Quadratus of Aristides, evidently Avillius Urinatius Quadratus the <I>consul suffectus </I>of 156, was proconsul in 165-166 under Marcus Aurelius, in accordance with the chronicle of Eusebius delivered by Jerome, Feb. 23, 166, being also on a Sabbath. In all probability, however, the <i>Statius Quadratus</i> of the time of Polycarp&#39;s martyrdom is identical with the consul of that name in 142, who, in the course of advancement, must have been the proconsul in 155. The Asiarch Philip also would have been too aged to be high-priest and asiarch in the time of Marcus Aurelius. At the time of his martyrdom Polycarp had been a Christian for eighty-six years (ix.; Eng. transl., ut sup., i. 41). Iren&#230;us relates how and when he became a Christian and in his letter to Florinus (Eusebius, V., xx.; Eng. transl., i. 238-239) stated that he saw and heard him personally in lower Asia; in particular he heard the account of Polycarp&#39;s intercourse with John and with others who had seen the Lord. Iren&#230;us also testifies <I>(H&#230;r.,</i> iii.  3-4; Eng. transl., <I>ANF</i>, i. 415-417)
that Polycarp was converted to Christianity by apostles, made a bishop, and had intercourse with many who had seen the Lord. He repeatedly emphasizes the very old age of Polycarp (ut sup.). If the supreme recognition of Polycarp was due to his old age and former intercourse with the apostles, so were likewise his presence in Rome under Anicetus and his success in the conversion of heretics (154). In the disagreement with Anicetus, Polycarp appealed for authority to his intercourse with John and other disciples (Eusebius, V., xxiv. 16, Eng. transl., i. 415-116). Iren&#230;us makes mention of several epistles to neighboring churches and individual Christians which are not extant (Eusebius, V., xx. 8, Eng. transl., i. 239). The <I>Vita Polycarpi</I> <I>auctore Pionio, </I>knowing chapter xii. and many letters and homilies of Polycarp, is corrupted with so many fables that to extract the historical is impossible. Feuardentius, in his notes to Irenaus, <I>Hmr, iii. </I>3 (Cologne, 1596), gives several fragments ascribed to Polycarp which were preserved in a catena of Victor of Capua in his <I>Liber responsorum,</I> to which T. Zahn <I>(Forschungen</i>, vi. 103, Leipsic, 1900) admits the possibility of a partial genuineness. The statements of the learned Armenian Ananias of Shirak (600-650) in his " Epiphany of our Lord " also must speak for themselves. See P<small>APIAS</small>.  
</p>
<p class="author">(N. B<small>ONWETSCH</small>.)</p>
<P class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY:</small> 
The editions of Polyearp best worth noting are those of T. Zahn in Gebhwdt, Harnack, and Zahn&#39;s <i>Patrum apostolicorum opera, ii. 109-133, Leipsic, 1878; F. X. Funk, <i>ra patrum apostolicorum</i> ed., T&#252;bingen, 1901; J. B. Lightfoot, <i>Apostolic Fathers</i>, 1885, 2d ed., 1889, with Eng. transl.; and A. Hilgenfeld, Berlin, 1902. The Eng. transl. most available after that of Lightfoot, is in <I>ANF</i>, i. 33-38. For eds. of the Martyrium consult <I>ASB, </I>Jan., ii. 705 sqq.; E. Amblineau in <I>PSBA, </I>x (1888), 391-417; the eds. of Zahn, Funk, and Lightfoot ut sup.; R. Knopf, Augsew&#228;hlten Martyracten</i>, T&#252;bingen, 1901; and O. von Gebhardt, <i>Acta martyrum selecta</i>, Berlin, 1902. Eng. transls. are by Lightfoot, ii. 1057-67, ed. of 1885; and in <I>ANF</i>, i. 39-44. The Vita Polycarpi of the 4th or 5th century by Pioniw (said by Funk to be "worthless") has been edited by L. Duchesne, Paris, 1881; J. B. Lightfoot, ut sup., ii. 1005 sqq., 1088 sqq.; and F. %. Funk, ut sup., ii. 291 sqq.; and is in <I>ASB, </I>Jan., ii. 695 sqq. A detailed list of literature is in <I>ANF, </I>Bibliography, pp. 7-10. Discussions of the first importance are in the editions and translations noted above, either as preface, prolegomena, or notes. Consult further: Iren&#230;us, <i>H&#230;r</i>, III., iii., Eng. transl. <I>ANF, </I>1. 416; Eusebius, <i>Hist. eccl.</i>, IV., xv., Eng. transl., <I>NPNF, </I>2 ser., i. 188-193; Jerome, <i>De vir. ill.</i>, xvii., Eng. transl., <I>NPNF, </I>2 ser., iii. 367; A. Riteehl, <i>Entstehung der altkatholischen Kirche</i>, pp. 284 sqq., 584 sqq., Bonn, 1857; J. Donaldson, <i>Hist. of Christian Literature</i>, i. 154-200, iii. 306-310, Oxford, 1864-66&#183; idem, <i>Apostolical Fathers</i>, pp. 191-247, ib 1874; T. Zahn, <i>Ignatius von Antiochen</i>, pp. 494 sqq., Gotha, 1873; idem, <i>Forsehungen zur Geschichte des neutestamentlichen Kanons</i>, iv. 249 sqq., vi. 72 sqq., 94 sqq., Leipsic, 1891-1900; [Cassels], Supernatural Religion, i. 274-282, ii. 267-271, iii. 13-15 London, 1875; B. F. Westcott. <i>General Survey of the Hist. of the Canon of the N. T.</i>, pp. 36-40, ib. 1875; T. Keim, <i>Aus dem Urchriatenthum</i>, pp. 90-133, Zurich, 1878; G. A. Jackson, <i>Apostolic Fathers,</I> pp. 7787, New York, 1879&#183; F. Piper, <I>Lives of the Leaders of Our Church Universal</i>, ed. H. M. MacCracken, pp. 1422, Philadelphia, 1879; A. H. Charteris, <i>Canonicity</i>, passim, London, 1880 (references are very numerous); J. Nirsehl, <I>Lehrbuch der Patrologie und Patristik</i>, i. 121-131, Mainz, 1881; W. F. Adeney, in <I>British Quarterly, </I>lxxxii (1886), 31-67; O. Bardenhewer, <I>Geschichte der altchriatlichen Literatur</i>, i. 146 sqq., u. 615-616, Freiburg, 19021903; E. Schwartz, <i>De Pionio et Polycarpo</i>, G&#246;ttingen. 1905; O. Pfleiderer, Dos Urchristentum, ii. 256 sqq., Berlin, 1902, Eng. transl., Christian Origins, London, 1906: H. Muller, Aus der UeberlieferunpspeschichtedesPolykarpMartyrium, Paderbom, 1908; Harnack, <i>Geschichte</i>, i. 69-74, 817, ii. 1, pp. 325 sqq., 334-356, 381-4118, ii. 2, pp. 303, 466 467; Kr&#252;ger, <i>History</i>, pp. 25 sqq, 380; Ceillier, <i>Auteurs Sacr&#233;s, i. 392-398, 406 sqq., <I>DNB</i>, iv 423-431; the literature under I<small>GNATIUS OF</small> A<small>NTIOCH</small>, and the church historians on the Post-apostolic period, e.g.,<pb n="120"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
Schaff, <I>Christian Church</i> i. 109-111, 299, 335, 465, 661, 677, 680. On the date of the martyrdom consult: R. A. Lipsius, in <I>JPT</i>, 1878, pp. 751-768; K. Wieseler, <I>Christenverfolgungen</i>. pp. 3487, G&#252;tersloh, 1878; idem in <I>TSK</i>, liii (1880), 141-165; T. Randell, in <I>Studia Biblica</i>, pp. 175-207, Oxford, 1885; W. M. Ramsay in <I>Expository Times, </I>Jan., 1907. pp. 188-189.
</P>

<br>
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Polychrome Bible" id="polychrome_bible">
<P>
<b>POLYCHROME BIBLE</b>. See B<small>IBLE</small> T<small>EXT</small>, I., 3, &#167; 4.
</P>

<br>
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Polychronius" id="polychronius">
<P>
<b>POLYCHRONIUS:</b> Bishop of Apamea; flourished in the first half of the fifth century. Of his life nothing is known except that he was the brother of Theodore of Mopsuestia (q.v.), that he was bishop after 428, and that he was one of the most distinguished exegetes of the Antiochian school. Though never expressly anathematized, Polychronius was regarded as a heretic in later times, so of his exegetical works only fragments have been preserved in various catenas. It may be regarded as certain that Polychronius wrote exhaustive commentaries on Job, Daniel, and Ezekiel. The greater part of the fragments preserved are from Daniel, which he interpreted as referring to Antiochus Epiphanes instead of Antichrist, and saw in the fourth monarchy of the world the Macedonian empire, and in the ten heads the Diadochi. He sought always to establish the historical meaning and polemized against allegorical exegesis, as well as against the theory of a twofold sense. As a critic, however, he seems to have been more conservative than his brother. His knowledge of philology, antiquities, and history was considerable, but he shows a comparatively slight acquaintance with the Semitic languages. . His Christology was apparently that of his brother, though probably less pronounced.
</P>
<p class="author">(A. H<small>ARNACK.</small>)</p>
<p class="bibliography"><small>B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY: </small>
Theodoret, <I>Hist. eccl., v. 39, </I>Eng. transl. <I>NPNF</i>, 2 ser., iii. 159; 
O. Bardenhewer, <I>Polychronius Bruder Theodors, </I>Freiburg, 1879; 
Fabricius-Harles, <I>Bibliotheca Gr&#230;ca</i>, viii. 638-669, x. 362-363, Hamburg, 1802-1807; 
<i.DNB</i>, iv. 434-436; </I>
Ceillier, <I>Auteurs sacr&#233;s</i>, x. 60.</small>
</p>

<br>
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Polycates" id="polycates">
<P>
<b>POLYCRATES</b>, pe-lic&#39;ra-t&#238;z: Bishop of Ephesus; flourished in the second century. He is known only bration of Easter (about 190) [to whom he wrote a letter, given in Eusebius, <i>Hist. eccl.</i>, V., xxiv., Eng, transl. in <I>NPNF, </I>2 ser., i. 242-244]. The controversy, according to Eusebius, took place under Commodus (d. Dec. 31, 192), and to Maximin of Antioch (whom Serapion succeeded in 190-191) letters are said to have been directed. At this time he had been a Christian sixty-five years, coming of a Christian family which had already furnished seven bishops. Victor had requested him to can a synod to decide the Easter problem (see E<small>ASTER</small>); but this synod, led by Polycrates appealing to the usage of Asia Minor, decided in favor of Nisan 14th, whereupon the pope made an unsuccessful attempt to excommunicate the church of Asia Minor.
</P>
<p class="author">(N. B<small>ONWETSCH.</small>)</p>
<p class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY:</small> 
Eusebius, <I>Hist. eccl</I>., V., xxii., xxiv., Eng. transl., <I>NPNF</i> 2 ser., i. 240-244 (cf. note 9 on V xxiil,); 
Harnack, <I>Litteratur</i>, i. 260 ii. 1 p. 323; 
T. Zahn , <i>Forschungen zur Geschichte der neutestamentlichen Kanons</i>, iii. 187 vi. 162-163, 169 sqq., 208 sqq., Leipsic, 1890-1900; 
O. Bardenhewer, <I>Geschicte der altkirchlichen Literatur</i>, i. 580 Frelburg, 1902; 
<i>DNB</i>, iv. 436-437; 
Ceillier, <I>Auteurs sacr&#233;s</i>, i. 535, ii. 542-543.</small>
</P>

<br>
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Polyglot Bibles" id="polyglot_bibles">
<p>
<b>POLYGLOT BIBLES.</b> See B<small>IBLES</small>, P<small>OLYGLOT.</small>
</p>

<br>
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Polytheism" id="polytheism">
<h2>POLYTHEISM.</h2>
<ul>
<li>I. Scope and Definition. 
<ol>
<li>Meaning in Scripture (&#167; 1).
<li>Lapse from Monotheism (&#167; 2).
</ol>
<li>II. Classification.
<ol>
<li>Fetishism (&#167; 1).
<li>Animism (&#167; 2).
<li>Sabaism (&#167; 3).
</ol>
<li>III. Development.
<ol>
<li>A Corruption of Monotheism (&#167; 1).
</ol>
<li>IV. Ethical Estimation.
</ul>
<P>
<h3>I Scope and Definition:</h3>
<h4>1. Meaning in Scripture.</h4>
<p>Polytheism or the doctrine and belief that there are more gods than one is the more scientific term for what is otherwise
known as idolatry and heathenism, and refers to those religions which are in contradistinction to the monotheism of Judaism, Christianity, and Mohammedanism. It is based on the natural tendency of man to seek religious relations with deity in the light of the revelation of natural religion alone. In the evolutionary process nature proceeds from plurality to unity, and even pantheism appears as a philosophical elaboration and inspiration of primitive polytheism. The verdict of both the Old atld the New Testament on the nature and value of polytheism is essentially the same. Polytheism is the lapse from the living God to the worship of vain idols and the perversion of divinely revealed truth in order to smuggle in falsehood, darkness of spirit, and association with demons. The gods of the heathen are powerless (<scripRef>Jer. ii. 28; Isa. xli. 29, xlii. 17, xlvi. 1</scripRef> sqq.), and made by man from perishable material (especially <scripRef>Isa. xli., xliv.; Ps. cxv. 4 sqq., cxxxv. 15-18</scripRef>). So far as they really exist, they are demons (<scripRef>Deut. xxxii. 17; cf. Deut. x. 1.7, xxxii. 17; Ps. xcvi. 15, cvi. 27</scripRef>). In the New Testament idols are vain, and are not really gods (<scripRef>Acts xiv. 15, xix. 26; I Cor. viii. 5; Gal. iv. 8</scripRef>), and he who eats of their offerings eats the meat of demons (<scripRef>I Cor. x. 19-21; Rev. ix. 20<scripRef>).
</P>
<h4>2 Lapse from Monotheism.</h4>
<P>
In considering the origin of polytheism, the usual development of pantheism from an earlier polytheism, illustrated in India by Brahmanism and in Greece by the Eleatic and Stoic systems, would naturally lead one to consider the primitive form of all religion to consist in the worship of a plurality of gods from which even Biblical monotheism was developed. Never theless, neither the Pentateuch nor the prophetic writings contain any traces whatsoever of an earlier polytheism, and the Old Testament very definitely regards the polytheism of the heathen as caused by a fall from primitive monotheism in the account of the tower of Babel (<scripRef>Gen. xi. 1 sqq.</scripRef>). The gradual development of polytheism from an original monotheism is supported by the history of Abraham (<scripRef>Gen. xiv. 18-20; Josh. xxiv. 2</scripRef. sqq.); of Jacob, who saw the introduction of Teraphim (q.v.) into his household (<scripRef>Gen. xxxi. 19-20, xxxv. 2-3</scripRef>); of Joseph, who married the daughter of an Egyptian priest of the sun (<scripRef>Gen. xli. 50</scripRef>), and of Moses who was able to keep his people true to the God of the covenant only by bitter struggle against the paganism of Egypt and Midian (cf. <scripRef>Num. xii. 1 sqq.; Deut. xxxii. 15 sqq.; Amos v. 25-26</scripRef>). Similar views are presented in the New Testament, as in <scripRef>Rom. i. 21 sqq.; Acts xiv. 16, xvii. 29.</scripRef><pb n="121"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
<h3>II. Classification:</h3>
<p>
Granted that the theory of evolution is legitimate in the domain of natural science, the question arises whether it applies as 
well to this sphere in view of the facts of religious history. From the time of David Hume (q.v.) and the English deists and of the German G. L. Bauer, the theory of the origin of monotheism from polytheism has passed through three definite stages: gods were derived either from fetishes, dead ancestors or other spirits, or from the heavenly bodies. These three theories may conveniently be termed fetishism, animism (with its varieties of spiritism, Shamanism, q.v., ancestor worship, hero cult), and Sabaism.
</P>
<h4>1. Fetishism.</h4>
<P>
The theory of Fetishism (q.v.), dating from the period of Voltaire and Hume, was essentially established by Charles De Brosses in his <I>Du cults des dieux f&#233;tiches </I>(Paris, 1780), and was further developed by Auguste Comte (especially in the fifth volume of his <i>Cours de philosophie positive </I>(Paris, 1830-42), who assumed that from the worship of rude objects of a childlike superstition in magic, or fetishes, was developed first the polytheism of more civilized 
pagan nations, while from the latter was evolved monotheism as the highest ethical form of religion. This has become a favorite dogma of positivists in France, England, and North America as well as Germany, as illustrated by Lord Avebury&#39;s <I>Origin of Civilization</i> (London, 1870); S. Baring Gould&#39;s <I>Origin and Development of Religious Belief</i> (1889); C. Meiners, who held, in his <I>Allgemeane kritiache Geschichte der Religionen</i> (Hanover, 1808), that fetishism was not only the oldest but also the most general form of worship; G. P. C. Kaiser in his <I>Biblische Theologie </I>(Erlangen, 1813-21); Hegel in his <I>Vorlesungen fiber Philosophie der Religion</i> (Berlin, 1832) maintaining that magic, constantly changing its objects of worship in the form of fetishism, creates the first and lowest type of religion; and T. Waitz, in his <I>Anthropologie der Naturvolker </I>(Leipsic, 1859-85). The fetishistic theory was developed into a formal system by F. Schultze in <I>Der Fetischismus, ein Beitrag zur Anthropologie and Religionsgeschichte </I>(Leipsic, 1871), in which an interpretation of the individual tendencies of fetishism is attempted, on the assumption that the rudest fetishism of modern aborigines is necessarily the closest in approximation to the primitive type of all religions. This theory of fetishism has exercised more or less influence on historians of civilization like K. Twesten and F. von HellwaId, natural philosophers like C. Sterns, E. Haeckel, and investigators of religions like A. Wuttke, whose <I>Geachiehte des Heidentums </I>(Breslau, 1852-53), while proceeding from a rigidly monotheistic basis, regards fetishism as the oldest and most primitive type of religion known to history; and G. Roskoff in <I>Geschichte des Teufels </I>(Leipsic, 1889) and <i>Religionswessen der rohesten Natur&#246;lker </I>(1880). In opposition to the frequent assumption after Darwin that there are numerous primitive peoples 
without any trace of religion, so that absolute atheism is alleged to be the real basis and starting period of the entire religious and ethical development of mankind, Roskoff, in the latter work, marshaled an array of facts confirmed by a company of scholars; but he falls in also with the naturalistic view, regarding magic as the prototype of all religious activity. The theory of fetishism is scientifically false. The fetish is not, according to De Brosses and the other naturalists, an enchanted and therefore prophetic object (as if from <I>fari, fanum, </I>or <I>fatum), </I>but is something artificially
made (Portuguese, <i>feiti&#231;o</i>-Latin <I>facere</i>) especially for religious purposes, such as an amulet, cross, or
idol. Properly speaking, fetishes are devotional or cultic objects which imply a relatively developed stage of religion, and are even typical of an incipient decay of religious life. They are invariably relics of an older and more perfect concept of the
deity; for some sort of an idea of a higher being to be invoked must have been present before steps could be taken to make a fetish. The atone, block, bone, or rag, which forms such a magic idol for the African, was never anything but an idol capriciously adapted to a long developed, even though rough and vague, concept of God. The worship of fetishes forms a rude parallel to the veneration of relics and objects of superstition like the tooth of Buddha in Ceylon, Mohammedan talismans, GrecoRoman amulets, or the teraphim or earthern serpents of the peoples with whom the Israelities came
in contact. Far from belonging to the childhood of religion, as Meiners, Hegel, Lord Avesbury, and others have held, on the ground of the puppet shape of the fetishes and the childish homage of dances and drummings in their honor, fetishism is
decadent, even as senility frequently assumes an appearance of childishness. Neither fetishism nor the primitive atheism assumed by Avesbury can rationally be made the foundation of religious development either of mankind as a whole or of individual stocks or peoples (cf. J. Happel, <I>Die Anlage des Menschen zur Religion</i>, pp. 112, 134 sqq., Leyden,
1877; O. Pfleiderer, <I>Religionephilosophie</i>, pp. 318-319, 742-743, Berlin, 1878; F. M. M&#252;ller, <I>Lectures on the Origin and Growth of Religion, </I>especially vol. ii., London, 1878; P. Schanz, <I>Apologie des Christentums, </I>2d ed., 
ii. 37, 297, and passim, Freiburg, 1887-88; and C. von Orelli, <I>Allgemeine Religionsgeschichte</i>, pp. 15, 285-288, 841842, Bonn, 1899). [For another view of the subject, see F<small>ETISHISM.</small>]
</P>
<h4>2. Animism.</h4>
<P>
The animistic hypothesis, or soul-cult, as the source of all religious development is considerably later than that of fetishism. As introduced into comparative religion by E. B. Tylor in his <I>Primitive Culture </I>(London, 1871; new ed., 1903) and <I>Anthropology </I>(1881) animism denotes a belief, wide-spread among the primitive peoples throughout the world, in more or less powerful souls or spirits dwelling in material objects, in a word, " spirit worship " (cf. J. Lippert, <I>Der Seelenkult nach seinen Beziehungen zur hebraischen Religion, </I>Berlin, 1881; O. Seeck, Geschichte des Untergangs der antiken Welt</i>, pp. 339-377, Berlin, 1901). Logically, this form of religion is a grade higher than fetishism, regarding its cultic objects as filled with, or possessed of, certain spiritual beings, which human magic can cause to appear and become operative. At the same time, cruder fetishistic views and usages are found in animism, especially in the magic character of 
the <pb n="122"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
priests of both types. Three forms of animism may be distinguished: physiolatric, anthropolatric, and patriarcholatric. Physiolatric animism is the worship of certain nature spirits residing in wells or rivers (nymphs, nixies), in hills or rocks (cobalds), in trees (hamadryads), or in animals, and the like, the two chief subdivisions being the two last, phytolatry and zoolatry, the latter comprising ophiolatry. Anthropolatric animism is the worship of the dead, whether regarded as being in some inanimate medium or in some living animal from simple inhabitation to metempsychosis; this type is the darkest of spiritism issuing in necromancy and fanatical Shamanism. Patriarcholatry, or ancestor worship, is the worship of
the ancestors of special families or entire stocks, this frequently passing over among wild tribes into totemism, in which the ancestors are held to have been certain beasts or birds, which thus become fixed emblems of the families or stocks in question. All attempts to make any or all of these types of animism the source of the development of religion
have failed. Ancestor worship in particular, defended by H. Spencer in his <I>Principles of Sociology</I> (London, 1876,82), J. Lippert (ut sup.), and others, is rendered nugatory because the pious regard of ancestors presupposes too long a development and too ripe a civilization to be regarded as the primitive source of religion; as, for instance, the Chinese
cult and the Pitris and Rishis of India and the Greeks. See C<small>OMPARATIVE</small> R<small>ELIGION</small>, VI., 1, a, &#167;J 1-6; H<small>EATHENISM</small>, &#167;&#167; 2-4, 6.
</P>
<h4>3. Sabaism.</h4>
<P>
The Sabaistic theory, or the assumption that the cult of the heavenly bodies is the source of religion, seems to go back, strictly speaking, to such Church Fathers as Clement of Alexandria, and Firmicius Maternus, who held that, while monotheism was the original religion, the stages of decline had begun with the worship of the heavenly bodies. They were closely followed by Moses Maimonides (q.v.), and, among more recent students, by those who investigate mainly religions possessing an astronomical basis, as the Egyptian, Babylonian, and Phenician. A chief exponent of this theory was the French astronomer C. F. Dupuis, who, in his  <I>Origine de tous les cultes ou religion </I>(12 vols., Paris, 1795), sought to prove that worship first of the sun and then of the other heavenly bodies was the point of departure for all religious evolution. Similar attempts were made by J. A. Kanne in <I>Neue Darstellung der Mythologie der Griechen </I>(Leipsic, 1805), J. G. Rohde in <I>Versuch &#252;ber das Alter des Tierkreises and den Alter der Sternbilder </I>(Breslau, 1809), E. von Bunsen in his <I>Einheit der Religion </I>(Berlin, 1870) and <I>Die Plejaden and der Tierkreis </I>(1879), and C. Ploix in <I>La Nature des dieuz </I>(Paris, 1888), in which he blended Sabaism and fetishism. If, however, a stellar cult developed into adoration of the zodiac, the planets, and other celestial objects, it presupposes a degree of culture which is incompatible with the primitive period of mankind. The truly primitive forms of worship of the heavenly bodies seem rather to be monotheistic, the divine element being regarded not so much as the sun, moon, or " host of heaven," as the heaven itself as the symbol or manifestation of the highest beneficent power, in comparison with which the, individual stars constituted mere subdeities. A number of adherents of primitive monotheism have accordingly regarded Sabaism as the mediate stage through which man passed in his decline from monotheism to the baser forms of polytheism. Criticism of Sabaism leads necessarily to the positing of a primitive monotheism though not in its absolute form.
</P>
<h3>III. Development:</h3>
<h4>1. A Corruption of Monotheism.</h4>
<p>
A relative monotheism, consisting of a theistic basis with pantheistic elements, was assumed as the basis of all religious development by Schelling in <I>Philosophie der Metologie and Ofenbarung </I>(Stuttgart, 1856-59), and he was followed by 
many others. This relative monotheism of the earliest historic period was termed kathenotheism or henotheism by Max M&#252;ller; and though restricted by him only to certain characteristics of the Vedic religion, yet it may well be applied, <i>mutatis mutandis</i>, to the earliest periods of the religion of various other peoples of similar antiquity. This henotheism is defined by M&#252;ller as a naive faith in individual powers of nature which alternately appear as supreme. The religion of the Chinese seems to be an unfolding of the cult of heaven, and early Iranian religious records show similar traces of a relatively pure primitive monotheism, since between the supreme creator of the universe, Ormazd, and his subordinate deities, the six Amshaspands, a considerable interval is held to exist. The oldest religious concepts of the other Indo-Germanic peoples were richer in polytheistic elements, though even in them the aky god was dominant. Among the religions of south western Asia, the ancient Arabs and the Phenicians had a basis of primitive monotheism, consisting in the worship of a supreme god of the light or of the sun (Ilhh or Shamah in North Arabia, Bel among the Sabeans of South Arabia, and Baal Hamman among the Phenicians), though even in the earliest records this basis had received many accretions of stellar polytheism. The same statements hold good of the religion of ancient Babylonia. The most ancient supreme sky-god Anu must early have received by his side a Bel and an Ea, their number later being increased by various younger nature deities, such as the moon-god Sin and&#39;the sun-god Shamash, as well as the five planetary deities Marduk, Ishtar, Adar, Nergal, and Nebo. Many of the most competent Egyptologists agree in placing at the head of the development of the Nilotic religion a creative celestial " king " or " father " of the gods, who was called Amon-Ra by the Thebans and Ptah at Memphis; and Le Page Renouf, in his <I>Lectures on the Origin and Growth of Religion</i>, p. 119 (London, 1880), declares: " The sublimer portions [of the Egyptian religion] are not the comparatively late results of a process of development or elimination from the grosser. The sublimer portions are demonstrably ancient; and the last stage of the Egyptian religion, that known to the Greek
and Latin writers, was by far the grossest and most corrupt."
</p>
<p>
It must not be supposed, however, that this process of degeneration from monotheism everywhere <pb n="123"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
took the same course or passed through the same phases. In like manner, various motives entered into the creation of early myths; and neither the one-sided interpretation of myths as personifications of meteorological phenomena nor the one sided anthropology of the euhemerists nor the operation of diabolical forces as held by early orthodoxy is in accord with the actual state of affairs.
</p>
<h3>IV. Ethical Estimation:</h3>
<p>
Regarding the relation of polytheism to morality, the stern judgment must hold which the Old and the New Testament alike
pronounce upon idolatry without distinction of its various forms or grades. Idolaters are evildoers punished by the law with the severest penalties, and upbraided by the prophets for their enormities. In the New Testament sinners and heathen
are parallel (<scripRef>Matt. xviii. 17; Gal. ii. 15; I Cor. v. 1</scripRef>), while idolatry is classed among the "works of the flesh," being placed between lasciviousness and sorcery (<scripRef>Gal. v. 20</scripRef>), and repeatedly designated as belonging to the worst abominations (<scripRef>Romans ii. 22; Rev. ii. 15, 20, ix. 21, xvii. 4-5, xviii. 22</scripRef>) and as
leading to the gravest sensuality (<scripRef>Rom. i. 24-28</scripRef>). And this judgment not only holds true of classical
antiquity, but of modern primitive peoples as well. 
<p class="author">(O. Z<small>&#214;CKLER</small> &#8224;.)</p>
<p>
The conclusions reached by the author of the preceding article are not those of the modern school of comparative religionists. Every line of evidence exhaustively examined by these students leads to results that are in complete accord with the science of anthropology, which regards man himself as a development. Religion appears distinctly and unmistakably as a growth, in which monotheism is the choicest fruit, not the root. Wherever the history of religion can be traced for long periods, as in Babylonia and China, and now in Greece, the farther back one searches the more diffused is the worship, until the gods are lost in spirits or demons. This is confirmed by the study of primitive religion, where the objects of worship are spirits, not gods, with rare exceptions, and these exceptions afford no support to the theory of monotheism as original. Similarly in the organized religions, the irrational and animistic elements, for instance of ritual (in which are always preserved longest the traces of origin), are clearly derivable from the earlier stages and point to polytheism or animism, never to monotheism. While there may be reversion of a people from monotheism to polytheism (as in the decadent period of Jewish history), the case can always be shown to be reversion and not degeneration. The background of Hebrew religion is now recognized by the entire critical school as not only polytheistic but animistic. A case of this is the action of Jacob in anointing the stone (an act of worship) on which he slept while he saw his vision (<scripRef>Gen. xxviii. 18</scripRef>), which action was precisely that which Arab tribes directed to the stone deities which they worshiped (Smith, Red. of Sem., passim). The first commandment is an explicit recognition of the existence of other deities.
</p>
<p>
The conclusions of comparative religionists as to the order of development in religion are briefly indicated in C<small>OMPARATIVE</small> R<small>ELIGION</small> (q.v., especially VI., 2, d). 
<p class="author">G<small>EO.</small> W. G<small>ILMORE.</small></p>
<P class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY:</small> Much of the best literature is named in the text, and many of the works given under C<small>OMPARITIVE</small> R<small>ELIGION</small> and F<small>ETISHISM</small> are of first importance: use also the literature under separate lands, as Africa, China, Japan, etc. Consult further: 
A. Wuttke, <I>Geschichte des Heidentums</i>, 2 vols., Breslau, 1852-53; 
K. Werner, <I>Die Religionen und Kultur den vorchristlichen Heidentums,</I> Schaffhausen, 1871; 
E. L. Fischer, <I>Heidentum and Offenbarung, </I>Mainz, 1878; 
J. Legge, <I>Religions of China, </I>London, 1881; 
E. G. Steude, <I>Ein Problem der allgemeinen Religionswiesenschaft, </I>Leipsic, 1881; 
G. Rawlinson, <I>The Religions of the Ancient World, </I>London, 1882; 
C. F. Heman, <I>Der Ursprung der Religion, </I>Basel, 1888; 
W. Schneider, <I>Die Naturv&#246;lker,</i> 3 vols., Monster, 1885-91;
idem, <I>Geachichte der Religion im Altertum</i>, 2 parts, Gotha. <I>1895-98; 
K. von Orelli, <I>Allgemeine Religionsgeschichte,</I> Bonn, 1899; 
G. Stoeeh, <I>Das Heidentum als religi&#246;ses Problem, </I>G&#252;ttersloh, 1903; 
W. Mundt, <I>V&#246;lkerpsychologie, </I>Leipsic, 1904 sqq.; 
W. Bouaset, <I>What is Religion? </I>New York, 1907; 
A. Bros, <I>La Religion des peuplea non civilis&#233;s, </I>Paris, 1907; 
F. X. , Kortleitner, <I>De polytheismo universo et quibusdam eias formis apud Hebr&#230;os finitimasque 
gentes usitatis, </I>Innsbruck, 1908; 
G. Foucart, <I>La Methode comparative dans l&#39;histoire des religions, </I>Paris, 1909; 
L. Frobenius, <I>The Childhood of Man, </I>London, 1909; 
A. Le Roy, <i>La Religion des primitifs</i>, Paris, 1909; 
J. H. Leuba, Psychological Origin and Nature of Religion</i>, London, 1909; 
S. Reinaeh, <I>Orpheus. Hist. g&#233;n&#233;ale des religions, </I>Paris, 1909, Eng, transl., <i>Orpheus</i>, London, 1909; 
W. St. C. Tisdall, <I>Mythic Christs and the True: a Criticism of some modern Theories, </I>London, 1909; 
H. G. Underwood, <i>Religions of Eastern Asia, </I>New York, 1910.</small>
</p>

<br>
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Pomerius, Julianus" id="pomerius_julianus">
<P>
<b>POMERIUS, JULIANUS:</b> Galilean presbyter of Moorish descent; d. about 490. He is said by Cyprian to have been the teacher of famous Caesarius of Arles (q.v.), and according to the spurious addition to Gennadius&#39; <I>De vir. ill. </I>(xcviii.) and Isidore&#39;s <I>De scriptaribus eccleaiasticis (xv.), </I>he wrote a dialogue <I>De anim&#230; nature </I>(or <I>De nature animie et qualitate eras) </I>in eight books and a treatise <I>De vita contemplative </I>(or <I>De contemptu mundi)  </I>in three books. The first book of the latter work <I>(MPL</i>, lix. 415-520) treats of the value of the contemplative
life, the second of the active life of the Christian, and the third of vices and virtues. The entire works are full of the spirit of Augustine. The similarity of the latter treatise to the.eschatological meditations of St. Julian, bishop of Toledo, early led to
Julian&#39;s identification with Pomerius, who flourished fully two centuries before him. Julian, a convert from Judaism, was archbishop from Jan. 29, 680, to Mar. 8, 690, and was zealous in defending and extending the faith and reformation of the clergy, at the same time maintaining a firm attitude toward Benedict II. when the pope criticized his creed. His apology addressed to Benedict, together with some of his other works, has been lost; but his <I>Prognosticorum futuri seculi libre tres </I>(Leipsic, 1535); <I>De demonstratione sext&#230; &#230;tatis </I>(Heidelberg, 1532); and <I>Historia Wamb&#230; regis Toletani</i> (<i>MPL, </I>xcvi.) are extant. He probably took part in the final redaction of the old Spanish liturgy and of the Visigothic canon law.
</p>
<p class="author">(O. Z<small>&#214;CKLER</small> &#8224;.)</p>
<P class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY:</small> 
Histoire litteraire de la France</i>, ii. 885-875;
J. Niraehl, <I>Lehrbuch der Patrologie and Patristik</i>, iii. 285 sqq&#183;, Maine, 1881; 
F. Arnold, <i>C&#228;sarius -von Arelate</i>, pp. 80-84, 124-129, Leipsic, 1894; 
O. Bardenhewer, <i>Patrologie</i>, p. 540, Freiburg, 1901, Eng transl. St. Louis 1908;
O. Z&#246;ckler, <i>Die Tugendlehre den Christentums</i>, pp. 93-95, G&#252;tersloh, 1904.
On Julian of Toledo Consult: 
<I>Patrum Tolelanorum . .Opera, </I>ed. F. Lorenzano, pp. 3-385, Madrid, 1785; 
J. de Mariana, <i>Histori&#230; de rebus Hispania</i>, vi. 248-249, Mainz, 1805, Eng. transl., <I>The General Hist. of Spain, </I>2 parts, London, 1899; 
P. B. Gams, <I>Kirchengeschichte von Spanien,</I><pb n="124"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
ii. 2, pp. 178-238, 3 vols., Regensburg, 1882-79; 
F. Dahn, <I>Verfasung der Westgoten</i>, pp. 473-490. W&#252;rzburg, 1870;
A. Ebert, <I>Geschichte der Litteratur des Mittelalters</i>, i. 750-751, Leipsic, 1874; 
P. von Wengen, <I>Julian, Erzbischof von Toledo, </I>St. Gall, 1891; 
R. Hanow, <I>De Juliano Toletano, </I>Jena. 1891; 
<I>DNB</i>, iii. 477-481 (exhaustive).
</P>

<br />
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Ponce de Leon" id="ponce_de_leon">
<p>
<b>PONCE DE LEON, LUIS DE.</b> See L<small>EON</small>, L<small>UIS DE</small>.
</P>

<br />
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Pond, Enoch" id="pond_enoch">
<p>
<b>POND, ENOCH:</b> Congregationalist; b. at
Wrentham, Mass., July 29, 1791; d. at Bangor,
Me., Jan. 21, 1882. He was graduated from Brown
University (1813), studied theology under Nathaniel Emmons (q.v.), was licensed (1814), and ordained pastor of the Congregational Church in Ward
(now Auburn), Mass. (1815). He was editor of 
<I>The Spirit of the Pilgrims </I>(Boston), an orthodox religious monthly which played an important part in
the Unitarian controversy (1828-32); professor of
systematic theology in the Bangor Theological Seminary (1832-58); professor of ecclesiastical history,
lecturer on pastoral theology, and president from
1858 till his death. He was active in the building
up of the institution and was a voluminous writer.
Among his works are: <I>Christian Baptism </I>(Boston,1817); 
<I>Morning of the Reformation </I>(1842); 
<I>The Mather Family </I>(1844); <I>Swedenborgianism Examined</i> (New York, 1861); 
<I>The Ancient Church </I>(1851); <I>Lectures on Pastoral Theology </I>(Andover, 1866); 
<I>Lectures on Christian Theology </I>(Boston, 1868); and <I>A History of God&#39;s Church from its Origin to the
Present Times </I>(Hartford, 1871).
</P>

<br />
</div3><div3type="Article" title="Pontianus" id="pontianus">
<P>
<b>PONTIANUS:</b> Pope probably from July 21, 230,
to Sept. 28, 235. During his pontificate the circular letter of Demetrius, <I>bishop </I>of Alexandria, condemning Origen, was approved by a synod at Rome (see O<small>RIGEN</small>; and O<small>RIGENISTIC</small> C<small>ONTROVERSIES</small>). Pontianus, together with the antipope Hippolytus, was exiled to Sardinia under the persecution of Maximmus Thrax, where he resigned.
</P>
<p class="author">(A. H<small>ARNACK</small>.)</p>
<P class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY:</small> 
<I>Liber pontificalis, </I>ed. L. Duchesne, vol. i., Paris, 1888, ed. T. Monamsen, in <I>MGH, Gest. pont. Rom..
</I> i (1898), 24-25; Harnack, <I>Geschichte</i>, i. 848, ii. 1, pp. 107 sqq.; 
Bower, <i>Popes</i>, i. 22-23; 
Plating, <i>Popes</i>, i. 43-45;
Milman, <i>Latin Christianity</i>, i. 80.</small>
</p>

<br />
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Pontifical" id="pontifical">
<P>
<b>PONTIFICAL:</b> In the literal sense of the term, all that pertains to the bishop, especially his vestments and those functions that he alone may perform; more specifically, the term applied by the Roman Catholic Church to the book containing the ritual of those rites which may be celebrated only by bishops or by priests especially delegated by them to act as their representatives. At an early period the Roman Catholic Church took particular pains to prevent any deviations in specifically episcopal functions from the forms usual at Rome; and on Feb. 10, 1596, the new <I>Pontificale Romanum </I>
was approved, while at the same time all previous pontificals were declared to be superseded. Since, however, this edition was not free from errors, Urban VIII. ordered a new official edition (June 17, 1644) which should be the definitive model for all subsequent copies. The Pontifical was enlarged by Benedict XIV. in 1752. The standard edition authorised by Leo XIII. is entitled <I>Pontificale Romanum a Benedicto XIV. et Leone XIII. recognitum et castigatam </I>(Regensburg, 1898). The Pontifical consists of two parts, the first part containing those rites which relate to persons, and the second those
which relate to things.</p>
<p class="author">E. S<small>EHLING</small>.</p>

<br />
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Pontoppidan" id="pontoppidan">
<P>
<b>PONTOPPIDAN</b>, pon-top&#39;p&#238;-d&#228;n, <b>ERIK:</b> Danish bishop; b. at Aarhus (on the eastern shore of Jutland) Aug. 24, 1898; d. at Copenhagen Dec. 20, 1764. He was educated at Fredericia (171(3-18), after which he was a private tutor in Norway, and then studied in Holland, and at London and Oxford, England. In 1721 he became <I>informator</i> of Frederick Carl of Carlstein (later duke of Pl&#246;n), and two years later morning preacher in the castle
and afternoon preacher at Nordborg. From 1726 to 1734 he was pastor at Hagenberg, where he so protected the pietists as to find it advisable to defend his course against the Lutherans with <I>Dialogus; oder Untterredung Severi, Sinceri, und Simplicis von der Religion and Reinheit der Lehre </I>(1726) and <I>Heller Glattbensspiegel </I>(1727). During this same period he laid the foundation of his later topographical and historical works in <I>Memories Hafni&#230; </I>(1729); 
<I>Theatrum Danice </I>(1736); and <I>Kurzgefasste Rejormationshistorie der d&#228;nischen Kirche. </I>Pontoppidan became successively pastor at Hiller&#246;d and castle preacher at Frederiksborg (1734), Danish court preacher at Copenhagen (1735), professor extraordinary of theology at the University (1738), and a member of the mission board (1740), meanwhile writing his <I>Everriculum fermenti: veteris </I>(1736) and <i>B&#246;se Sprichw&#246;rter </I>(1739).
</P>
<p> 
In 1736 Pontoppidan was directed by royal rescript to prepare an explanation of the catechism and a new hymnal, and through these two works <I>Wahrheit zur Gottesfurcht </I>(1737) and the hymn book (1740)-the pietistic cause in Denmark received powerful assistance. He likewise continued his historical investigations in his <I>Marmora Danica</I> (3 vols., 1739-41; a collection of noteworthy epitaphs and ecclesiastical monuments) and his uncritical <I>Annales ecclesi&#230;; Danica: </I>(4 vols., 1741-52); and also wrote a novel, <I>Menoza </I>(3 vols., 1742-43), a critique of the religious conditions of Denmark and other countries. In 1747&#39; he was appointed bishop at Bergen, where he introduced many educational reforms, and wrote <I>Glossarium Norvagicum</I> (1749) and <I>Versuch einer nat&#252;rlichen Geschichte Norwegens </I>
(Copenhagen, 1752-53), while his pastoral letters formed in part the basis of his later <I>Collegium pastorale practicum </I>
(1757). The antagonism which Pontoppidan roused at Bergen, however, obliged him to go in 1754 to Copenhagen, where he
became prochancellor at the university in the following year. But all his plans in this capacity were thwarted by his opponents, and he sought consolation in writing, the results being his <I>Origines Hafnienses </I>(1760) and the first two parts of his <i>Den danske Atlas </I>(1763-67), of which the last five volumes were edited posthumously. He was also
active as a political economist, being the editor of <I>Danmarks og Norges &#246;konomiske Magozin </I>(8 vols., 1757-64).
</p>
<p class="author">(F. N<small>IELSEN</small> &#8224;.)</p>
<P class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY:</small> The literature (in Danish) is indicated in Hauck-Herzog, <I>RE</i>, xv. 551.
</small>
</P>

<br />
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Poole, Matthew" id="poole_matthew">
<p>
<b>POOLE, MATTHEW:</b> B. at York, Eng., 1624; educated at Emmanuel College, in Cambridge; he<pb n="125"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
became minister of St. Michael-le-Quernes, London, in 1648, and devoted himself to the Presbyterian cause. In 1654 he published <I>The Blasphemer Slain with the Sword of the Spirit, </I>against John Biddle, the chief Unitarian of that time. In 1658 he published a <I>Model for the Maintaining of Students, </I>and raised a fund for their support at the universities. In the same year he published Quo warranto; or, a moderate Enquiry into the Warrantableness of the Preaching of unordained Persons. </I>In 1662 he was ejected from his charge, for nonconformity, and devoted himself to Biblical studies. The fruit of these was produced, in 1669, in the <I>Synopsis Criticorum </I>(5 vols., folio), a monument of Biblical learning which has served many generations of students, and will maintain its value forever. Many subsequent editions have been published at Frankfort, Utrecht, and elsewhere. He was engaged, at his death, on <I>English Annotations on the Holy Bible, </I>and proceeded as far as Isa. lviii. His friends completed the work; and it was published (London, 1685, 2 vols., folio), and passed
through many editions. Poole also took part in the Romish controversy, and published two very effective works: <I>The Nullity of the Romish Faith, or, A Blow at the Root, etc.</i> (London, 1666), and <I>Dialogues between a Popish Priest and an English Protestant </I>(1667). On this account he was greatly hated by the Papists, and his name was on the list
of those condemned to death in the Popish Plot. He retired to Amsterdam, and died in Oct., 1679. Few names will stand so high as Poole&#39;s in the Biblical scholarship of Great Britain.
</P>
<p class="author">C. A. B<small>RIGGS</small>.</p>
<P class="bibliography"><small>B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY:</small> 
A. I. Wood, <I>Athena Oxonienses, </I>ed. P. Bliss, ii. 205, 4 vols., London, 1813-20. 
A sketch of his life and writings appears in the <I>English Annotations</i>, ut sup., vol. iv., Edinburgh, 1801; 
S. Palmer, <I>Nonconformist&#39;s Memorial</i>, i. 167, London, 1802; 
<I>DNB</i>, xlvi. 99-100.</small>
</P>

<br />
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Poor Clares" id="poor_clares">
<p>
<b>POOR CLARES.</b> See C<small>LARE</small> (C<small>LARA</small>), S<small>AINT</small>.
</P>

<br />
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Poor Laws, Hebrew" id="poor_laws_hebrew">
<p>
<b>POOR LAWS HEBREW:</b> Poverty was unknown in the earliest Hebraic age. The nomad has few needs, and those are provided for by the tribe, since pasture-land is common property. Even after the conquest of Canaan there was at first no necessity for legal provision in behalf of the poor. But as soon as the people settled in the cities, the usual results of urban development followed. As the old simplicity disappeared, especially after Saul and David, national independence came in, politics began to have force, property became private, social distinctions arose, and with them the need of protecting the weak from those having the advantage in wealth.
</P>
<P>
The first efforts in that direction are found in the ancient law known as the Book of the Covenant (<scripRef>Ex. xx.-xxiii.</scripRef>). Very significant are the injunctions regulating the relation between debtor and creditor. To take usury from any of the people was forbidden (<scripRef>Ex. xxii. 25</scripRef>). A garment taken as pledge was to be returned before the sun set for the debtor to use as a covering (<scripRef>Ex. xxii. 26-27<scripRef>). The Hebrew slave was to be set free in the seventh year together with his wife and children (<scripRef>Ex. xxi. 2 sqq.</scripRef>). Field, vineyard, and olive-grove were to lie fallow the seventh year, and all that grew of itself during that year belonged to the poor (<scripRef>Ex. xxiii. 10-12</scripRef>). These enactments were no doubt observed by the right-minded in Israel, but there are reasons for believing that selfishness knew how to evade them. But even where they were observed, they did not suffice to check poverty. Under Solomon Israel began to engage in commerce. The riches which came into the country influenced all conditions of life. Prophets like Hoses, Amos, and Isaiah complained of the luxury of the rich, of their greediness, and of their usurious oppression of the poor. The rich land-owners joined house to house and field to field, till there was no place for the poor (<scripRef>Isa. v. 8, 22 sqq.</scripRef>; <scripRef>Mic. ii. 1 sqq.</scripRef>), and the usurer was not afraid to sell the poor for a trifle (<scripRef>Amos ii. 6-7, cf. iv. 1 sqq., v. 11, viii. 4</scripRef>). Naturally under these circumstances the well-meaning in Israel sought to find new means for the protection of the poor. So the law-book known as Deuteronomy came into existence during the later regal period and its author belonged to the prophetic school of thought. The legislation of Deuteronomy is in part social. Humaneness to the weak, consideration for widows, orphans, Levites, and strangers, are fundamental in the book. Former protective enact, merits are repealed, new ones are added (cf. <scripRef>Deut. xiv. 28 sqq., xv. 2 sqq., 12 sqq., xxiii. 20, 25-26, xxiv. 6, 10</scripRef>). The great priest-code, which obtained canonical authority after the exile, continued this effort to give protection and relief to the poor (<scripRef>Lev. xix. 9, xxiii. 22, xxv.</scripRef>). But with the decline of the monarchy, the executive authority to carry out these and like regulations vanished, and it is no wonder that they became a dead letter. Aside from laws which were impracticable (<scripRef>Deut. xv. 2 sqq., Lev. xxv. 2 sqq.</scripRef>) other laws were ignored. Such a law was the prohibition of usury, probably often kept, but just as often neglected. Though the immediate result of this legislation was not great, it must not be overlooked that the ideals which it expressed were not in vain. They produced their effects and promoted the knowledge that poverty and riches are differences which do not prevail before God but which as realities afford a field of labor for the highest ethical forces. The declaration of Jesus that the poor (in spirit) are blessed had its root in this legislation, which propounded the principle that the poor in spite of his poverty is a member of the people of God, and on account of it enjoys God&#39;s special protection.
</P>
<p class="author">(R. K<small>ITTEL.</small>)</P>
<p class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY:</small> 
D. Cassel, <i>Die Armenverwaltung in alten lsrael,</i> Berlin, 1887; 
F. E. Kobel, <i>Die sociale . . . Gesettpebunp des A. T.,</i> Stuttgart, 1891; 
W. Nowaek, <i>Die socialen Problems in Israel</i>, Strasburg, 1892; 
idem, <i>Arch&#228;ologie</i>, i. 350 sqq.; 
C. H. Comill, <i>Das A. T. and die Humanit&#228;t</i>, Leipsic, 1895; 
E. Schall, <i>Die Staatsverfassung der Judea auf Grund des A. T.</i>, ib. 1898; 
E. Day, <i>Social Life of the Hebrews</i>, New -York, 1901; 
C. F. Kent, <i>Students&#39; O. T.</i>, iv. 129-133, ib. 1907; 
<i>DB</i>, i. 579-880, iv. 19-20, 27-29, 323-326, Extra volume, pp. 357-359; 
<i>EB</i>, iii. 3808-11; 
<i>DCG</i>, ii. 385-386; 
<i>JE</i>, iii. 667-671.</I>
</small>
</P>

<br />
</div3><div3 type=Article" title="Poor Men of Christ" id="poor_men_of_christ">
<P>
<b>POOR MEN OF CHRIST:</b> Name assumed by the followers of Norbert (see P<small>REMONSTRATENSIANS</small>) and by the Waldenses (q.v.)
</P>

<br />
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Poor Men of Lyons" id="poor_men_of_lyons">
<p>
<b>POOR MEN OF LYONS.</b> See W<small>ALDENSES.</small>
</p>

<br /><pb n="126"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Poor Relief" id="poor_relief">
<p>
<b>POOR RELIEF.</b> See S<small>OCIAL</small> S<small>ERVICE OF THE</small> C<small>HURCH.</small>
</p>

<br />
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Pope, Papacy, Papal System" id="pope_papacy_papal_system">
<p>
<b>POPE, PAPACY, PAPAL SYSTEM.</b>
<p>
<ul>
<li>I. Development of the Papacy.
<ol>
<li>Roman Catholic Theory of the Papacy (&#167; 1).
<li>Papacy in Pre-Carolingian Times (&#167; 2)
<li>In Merovingian and Carolingian Periods (&#167; 3).
<li>Tendency to Absolutism Checked (&#167; 4)
<li>Spiritual and Temporal Supremacy Claimed (&#167; 5).
<li>Primacy of Jurisdiction (&#167; 8).
<li>Primacy of Honor (&#167; 7).
</ol>
<li>II. Election of the Pope
<ol>
<li>Development of Present Method ($ 1).
<li>The Conclave (&#167; 2).
<li>The Election (&#167; 3).
<li>Procedure after Election (&#167; 4).
</ol>
</ul>
</p>
<h3>I. Development of the Papacy:</h3>
<h4>1. Roman Catholic Theory of the Papacy.</h4>
<p>Pope (Gk., pappas, " father ") designates the bishop of Rome in his position as supreme head of the Roman Catholic 
Church. According to the doctrine of that church, when Christ founded the Church as a visible institution, he assigned to the Apostle Peter the precedency over the other apostles-making Peter his vicar, and constituting him center of the Church in that he conveyed to him alike the supreme priestly authority (see K<small>EYS</small>, P<small>OWER OF THE</small>), the supreme doctrinal authority, and the supreme direction of the Church (<scripRef>Matt. xvi. 18, 19</scripRef>; <scripRef>Luke xxii. 32</scripRef>; <scripRef>John xxi. 15-17</scripRef>). But since the Church is a perpetual institution, Peter must needs have a successor, and the ecclesiastical succession is to be secured in that position for all futurity. On account of Peter&#39;s connection with the bishopric of Rome, which he is held to have established, this succession, with its derivative rights and titular primacy, is permanently attached to the Roman see; though not, perforce, to its local site in the city of Rome. The succession devolves upon the actual bishop of Rome; and so Peter as vicar of Christ lives on in the Roman bishops, the popes. The doctrines thus outlined are dogmas of the Roman Catholic Church; and therefore they become immutable and fundamental principles of its formal constitution.
</p>
<h4>2. Papacy in PreCarolingian Times.</h4>
<P>
But in the light of objective historical contemplation, the pope&#39;s primacy appears to be solely the product of evolutionary centuries. It is not to be denied that even from the second century and in the third century the Roman congregation and the Roman episcopal see enjoyed a significant and positive esteem in the West. The Roman church not only stood accepted as founded by the Apostle Peter, but was also the sole church in the West which could boast of apostolic establishment, let alone the fact that its site was the pivot of the ancient world, and thus facilitated a vast range of communication with the other churches and congregations. Yet though even so early as in the third century the peculiar distinction and the precedency of the Roman church were based in Rome upon succession to the rights of Peter; nevertheless, not even the Council of Nic&#230;a knows of a Roman primacy over the whole Church. But what really proved of decisive influence in winning legal prerogatives for the Roman bishop were the issues of the dogmatic controversies that agitated the Church from the fourth century forward; since in these controversies the position of the bishop of Rome was of determining weight for the very reason of the high respect enjoyed by his church, because Rome supported the due maintenance of orthodox doctrine. The Synod of Sardica (343) permitted a bishop who had been deposed by the metropolitan synod to appeal to the bishop of Rome. Just as this implied a right of supreme jurisdiction on the part of that dignitary to uphold which appeal could soon be made to the Council of Nicma, because the decrees of Sardica became consolidated with the canons of that council, so did Innocent I. (404) lay claim to a supreme right of adjudication in all "the more grave and momentous cases"; and about the same time, he claimed the right of issuing obligatory regulations for the several districts of the Church. At the outset, however, these were mere assumptions; nor could the bishops of Rome bring them to practical effect beyond Italy or in such countries as Illyria and southern Gaul, where the local situation happened to be favorable, and where there happened to be voluntary overtures in behalf of close connection with Rome. As a matter of fact, in the year 445, Leo I. obtained of Valentinian III. by an imperial law (<I>Novell&#230; Valentiniani</i>, iii.. <i>tit.</I> 16), recognition of primacy, in particular that of the supreme judicial and legislative right of the Roman see. However, this law was binding only on the West; and it involved neither a renunciation of the emperor&#39;s right of exercising the imperial prerogative to legislate in ecclesiastical affairs, nor any abolishment of the rights of councils convened under imperial authority. It was not by legislation, but principally by interfering in this or that special, important concern that, both before and after this law, the Roman bishop was able to substantiate his assumed supreme control of the Church, and even in the fifth century to play a deciding hand in affairs of the Fast. Still more significant becomes the status of the Roman bishop from the close of that century, when the Germans found separate kingdoms in Italy. But, at the same time, his local sphere of power became narrowed by the establishment of the Germans in Gaul, Spain, and England; a condition that arrested the progress of the centralizing process already started in those countries.
</P>
<h4>3. In Merovingian and Carolingian Periods.</h4>
<P>
Especially in the most notable of these new states, in Merovingian "France," the direct control of ecclesiastical affairs through the Roman bishop was legally debarred. Anything of that kind could come about only subject to royal approbation, and though the pope was acknowledged to be the first bishop in Christendom, and the preservation of communion in the faith with him was accounted in dispensable. But the king alone possessed the deciding authority respecting the law of the Church, jointly with the royal or national synod by him convened, the decrees of which could become bind ing on the state only by the king&#39;s approbation. A change in this respect did not set in till in course of the eighth century; when the Carolingian major-<pb n="127"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
domos, closely allied as they were with Boniface, endeavored to cooperate in his project of reorganizing and effectually reforming the secularized Frankish church. The same situation persisted under Charlemagne. In the universal Christian commonwealth, such as his empire came to be regarded, he exercised not only the chief temporal sovereignty but also the control of ecclesiastical affairs, though he evinced even greater zeal than his predecessors in assimilating the order of the Frankish church to the Roman canons and praxis. For Charlemagne, the pope ranks merely as the first bishop of Christendom and of the emperor&#39;s dominion, who possesses certain prerogatives above the other bishops, and is especially called, in view of his station, to watch over the spiritual side of the Church and over the proper maintenance of its canons and doctrine; yet who may not assume, independently of the emperor, any right of control over the church of the Frankish realm. Several things conspired to bring about a transformation of the earlier situation. These were the weakness of Charlemagne&#39;s successors; the political complications provoked through the struggles in the family of Louis the Frank; and the strifes among the Frankish bishops. The imperial and royal power was no longer in a position to preserve intact its ecclesiastical leadership, while the essentially moral influence exercised hitherto by the pope, merged into an encroachment upon ecclesiastical and political ground in proportion as he became repeatedly invoked by the wrangling parties themselves to decide the issue, while they sought to strengthen themselves through his authority. Above all, it was Nicholas I. (858-88&#39;) who contrived to employ all these conditions to the furtherance of his policy of subordinating princely and temporal power to the Church, of quashing autonomy of the ecclesiastical primary courts in the various countries, and of vesting deciding control in the bishop of Rome.Pope Nicholas I. found material support for his efforts in the opportunely originated Pseudo-Isidorian Decretals (q.v.) just then coming to the front.
</p>
<h4>4. Tendency to Absolutism Checked.</h4>
<p>
But the dissolution of the Carolingian empire and the resulting confusion which involved even Italy, together with the comparative decline of the papacy, soon hindered the prosecution of that policy. To raise the papacy out of its degradation, there needed nothing less than to the renovation of the German empire under Otto I. Indeed, the empire, even as late as the eleventh century, did wield its own sovereignty over the pope and the Church, and at the same time endeavored to reform the Church internally, being supported in this by the bishops whom it had independently invested, who were therefore subservient to the imperial will. The dynasty of Otto did not, indeed, reassert the maxim of the Carolingian civil code, that the supreme authority or power in ecclesiastical matters, especially in legislation, belonged exclusively to the emperor. On the contrary, the house of Otto took practical cognizance of the theory then already established, that just as the universal State had its apex in the German emperor, so the universal Church had its center in the pope. In fine, the emperors disposed of momentous measures in Church administration, such as the creation of new. bishoprics, the revival of earlier canon laws, and the execution of reforms in accord with the pope, largely through synods that were held with the pope conjointly. By this policy the emperors cooperated in speeding the way to the general recognition of the pope&#39;s primacy in the Church, and to that course of events -which began to prevail shortly after the middle of the eleventh century.
</P>
<h4>5. Spiritual and Temporal Supremacy Claimed.</h4>
<P>
About that time there loomed up in Rome the domination of a party in the Church which sought to free it from the influence hitherto exercised by the temporal power; not only to place the guidance of the Church in the and hands of the pope, but also to subject the temporal rulers, above all, the German emperor, to the papacy as being the directive secular force, the definitive world power. This party&#39;s principal exponent, Hildebrand (see G<small>REGORY</small> VII.), assumed as a privilege of the pope to be subject to no judge, and even claimed the right to depose emperors, to bear the imperial insignia, to decree new laws, to hold general councils, to erect new bishoprics, to divide and combine the same, to depose bishops, translate them, consecrate clerics of all churches, receive appeals in all cases, and to have sole decision in all weighty matters of every Church. Under Gregory&#39;s leadership of the Curia, and his subsequent pontificate, the influence of the Roman nobility and people upon the papal election became debarred; the imperial right of nomination, with attendant right of confirmation, was abolished; while ecclesiastical, reform was accomplished through successive synods convened by the pope alone, and composed of his own loyal supporters. These synods acted as a papal senate, and did away with the imperial synods. Gregory also repeatedly decreed the deposition of bishops, and ultimately annulled the emperor&#39;s antecedent right of appointment or investiture to the episcopal sees, over which the conflict issued between the German empire and the papacy (See I<small>NVESTITURE</small>), and this terminated in the emancipation of the papacy from the imperial overlordahip. So the papacy became the court of last resort in the concerns of the Church, and also strove to win authoritative and leading power in the contemporary civil fabric of Europe. This was achieved under Innocent III.; though at the same time and by the same process the independence or autonomy of the local church tribunals, in particular the episcopal, was broken. Yet the bishops themselves had, for the most part, promoted the policy inaugurated by the Curia in the middle of the eleventh century, although with the undermining of the imperial and princely power they forfeited the essential support of their own freedom in relation to the papacy. The pope, who thereafter was regarded as the vicar of God, or of Christ, and from the time of Innocent III. designates himself as Such, laid claim to the supreme sovereignty over the Church and the world alike, though the temporal rule is committed for practical execu-<pb n="128"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
tion to the emperor and other princes subject to the pope&#39;s control. In the Church the pope alone commands the supreme and summary power which exalts him above all accountability before any human judge and above and before a general council. This was claimed not in virtue of the ancient canons, but solely through the dogma of divine right. The pope claimed a general right of dispensation and absolution; he alone could translate and remove bishops; whereas the archbishops and such titular bishops as he consecrated were required to render an oath of obedience patterned after the vassal&#39;s oath of allegiance. He heard cases of appeal from all quarters of the Church, and even decided primary cases. He reserved benefices for his own disposal; he assessed particular churches and the clergy for general ecclesiastical objects; and he sent abroad his delegates to all parts of the contemporary Roman Catholic world to carry out his rightful behest, overruling the ordinary local church tribunals. These theories reach their high tide at the beginning of the fourteenth century, are collectively termed the " papal system, and found their classic expression in the much-quoted bull of Bonifacius VIII., Unam sanotam ecdesiam (q.v.; text in Reich, <i>Documents</i>, pp. 193-195; Eng. transl. in Thatcher and McNeal, <i>Source Book</i>, pp. 314-317). At the same period, and primarily in France, the temporal power began to react against the excessive stretch of papal power, and its encroachments upon the temporal jurisdiction, while toward the close of the same century, evoked by the great schism (see S<small>CHISM</small>) which began in 1378, there cropped out a new trend, the so-called "episcopal" system, canceling or denying the " papal," which was dogmatically rejected by the Vatican Council of 1869-70, and that deliverance has been accepted by the Roman Catholic Church as complete and final.
</P>
<h4>6. Primacy of Jurisdiction.</h4>
<P>
The present canon law doctrine distinguishes the pope&#39;s rights under two heads,"primacy of jurisdiction" and "primacy of hoor." In virtue of the primacy of jurisdiction, there acrues to him the supreme power over the Church in government and leadership; and in the execution of his charge he is bound only by dogma and the divine right. As touching any other law that has force in the Church, he is to respect the same so long as it exists. The most important rights in volved in the primacy arc the supreme right of legislation; the supreme direction and final decision of matters affecting ecclesiastical offices; the supreme judicial competency in cases of dispute, correction, discipline; regulation of the various religious institutions, particularly the orders and congregations; the supreme control of the ecclesiastical exchequer and assets of property; the right to uphold unity in the liturgy, as also in the administration of the sacraments and use of sacramentals;
to direct the festivals in the Church at large; the right of beatification and canonization; the right of according indulgences and regulating fasts; and that of reserving for himself the absolution from sins pertaining to the sphere of conscience. Fur
thermore, the primacy carries with it the supreme doctrinal authority. And when the pope voices his decisions in this respect, speaking or publishing <i>ex cathedra</i>; when in virtue of his apostolic authority as pastor and teacher of all Christians he defines a proposition affecting faith or morals in the interests of the whole Church, his pronouncements are then informed with infallibility by reason of divine assistance, without need of any further assent on the part of the Church, as in a general council (in the <i>Constitutio Vaticana</i> of July 18, 1870, the bull <i>Pastor &#230;ternus</i>, iv.). It is in virtue of this doctrinal authority that he can issue, spiritual decrees in the cause of enlarging the dogma, and of defining questionable dogmatic subjects; that he can condemn errors of doctrine, institute and direct missions, found educational establishments, and watch over the instruction therein dispensed. According to this " Vatican Constitution " the pope is not only empowered to exercise all these rights which his primacy conveys, in the manner of a supreme court, but he is also, by virtue of the same primacy, the universal bishop in all the Church. That is, he has an immediate, complete and cknonical episcopal power over all churches, dioceses, and believers. For although it is an exaggerated statement to say, as do the Old Catholics, that under this Vatican dogma the bishops have become legally dwarfed into mere vicars or attorneys of the pope, yet the Ultramontanists may deny that any change whatever has been brought about in the status of the bishops by force of the Vaticanum. While the Vatican Council by no means put aside the episcopal office as a distinct, or "independent" office, yet the bishops are in fact reduced to the same position as the vicars dependent on the pope directly. Owing to his supreme directive authority over the Church, the pope also represents the Church abroad, particularly in relation to civil governments, and this with a standing recognized in international law. But this is not to imply that, even in the states where Roman Catholics are in the majority, he enjoys a sovereignty over Roman Catholic citizens on like terms with the civil power; nor that his position in respect to civil governments is to be deemed equivalent to that between two independent sovereigns and states.
</P>
<h4>7. Primacy of Honor.</h4>
<P>
The pope&#39;s " primacy of honor " finds expression as follows: (1) In certain specified designations, titles, and forms of address appertaining to him alone: such as <i>papa, pontifex maximus</i>, or <i.summus pontifex; vicarius Petri, vicartus Dei</i> or <i.Christi; servos servorum Dei</i>; and in the forms of address, <i>Sanctitas tua</i>, or <i>vestra</i>, or <i>sanctissime pater</i>. (2) In the insignia of the papal dignity: the tiara, a headdress evolved from the combination of miter and crown, with three golden bands about the miter; the <i>pedum rectum</i> (straight pastoral staff); and the pallium, which, in distinction from the archbishops, he wears at all times and places, when officiating at mass. (3) The pope is entitled to the so-called adoratio, the homage due to him by the faithful in genuflection and kissing the papal foot. now restricted solely to ceremonious audiences antiformal acts of homage; while with ruling princes, it consists merely in kissing his hand. Apart from<pb n="129"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
his position as leader of all the Church, the pope is coincidently bishop of Rome, also archbishop of the church province of Rome, primate of Italy, and patriarch of the West. Finally, the pope was also temporal sovereign of the Papal States (q.v.), while they existed, and as such he occupied, in view of international law, the highest rank among Roman Catholic princes.
</P>
<h3>II. Election of the Pope:</h3>
<h4>1. Development of Present Method.</h4>
<P>
In early times the bishop of Rome, like the diocesan of any other see, was chosen by the local clergy and people, assisted by neighboring bishops. Later the Roman emperors and the Ostrogothic kings exercised an influence, particularly in deciding disputed elections. After the fall of the Ostrogothic kingsdom in Italy, vacancy of the see of Rome was formally announced to the exarch at Ravenna, and a new pope was elected, usually on the third day after the burial of the former pontiff, by the clergy, the nobles, and the people of Rome. The exarch, after receiving the official report of the election, secured the approbation of the emperor, whereupon the newly elected pope was duly consecrated. During the decline of Lombard power in Italy, secular rulers exercised no supervision over papal elections, and at the Lateran synod of 769 the laity were restricted to mere acclamation of an election made by the clergy and to confirming-the protocol. While the story that Adrian I. conferred on Charlemagne the privilege of filling the papal throne is now acknowledged to be untrue, it is still a moot question whether the Frankish kings and emperors were merely informed by a new pontiff of his election and consecration, or could confirm the election and require an oath of fealty. It is certain, however, that after 824 a new pope was usually consecrated only after taking the oath of allegiance to the emperor, while the Roman council of 898 enacted that a pontiff should be consecrated only in the presence of imperial envoys.
</P>
<P>
With the restoration of the Holy Roman Empire (q.v.) by Otto I. the Romans were obliged to promise that no pope should be elected or consecrated without the approval of himself or his son, thus giving the emperors an influence on papal elections which was hitherto unprecedented. Though the old forms were preserved, the election became a mere form of choosing the candidate designated by the emperor, this power being held, despite all efforts of the Roman nobility, until the death of Henry III. in 1056. At the Roman Synod of 1059, however, Nicholas II. issued a decree which placed the election in the hands of the cardinal bishops, aided by the other cardinals, while the remaining clergy and the laity were allowed only the privilege of acclamation. The king, on the other hand, received from Nicholas the right of confirming subsequent elections, or at least of vetoing undesirable candidates before election. This arrangement proved impracticable, however, and at the third Lateran council, in 1179, Alexander III., tacitly presupposing in the abrogation of imperial prerogatives the absence of any share of clergy and laity in papal elections, enacted that the vote of two-thirds of all the college of cardinals was necessary for the lawful election of a pope. This forms the basis of the present laws governing papal elections, the principal supplements and modifications being enactments of the second council of Lyons (1274) and Clement V. (1311?), and the constitutions of Clement VI. (1351), Julius II. (1505), Pius IV. (1562), Gregory XV.  <I>(&#198;terni patris </I>of 1621, and the <I>C&#230;remoniale in electione Romani pontificis obseruandum </I>of the same year), Urban VIII. (1626), and Clement XII. (1732).
</P>
<h4>2. The conclave.</h4>
<P>
Until the most recent regulations under Pius X. (q.v.), after the pope&#39;s death, the next ten days are devoted to preparations for the funeral ceremony and to preliminaries of the election; especially to the institution of the conclave. This interim serves at the same time to enable cardinals at a distance to reach Rome for participation in the election. The conclave, an apartment in which the cardinals must proceed with the election guarded and excluded from the outer world (which they are not allowed to leave before the election is completed), is made ready in the Vatican, and comprises a chapel (for the elective transaction), together with a suite of halls in which cells are fitted up for the cardinals&#39; and the conclavists&#39; lodgings. The conclavists are persons who have to attend the cardinals in the conclave; such as their servants, two physicians, a
sacrist, two masons and carpenters, and others. The cardinals and conclavists occupy this apartment on the eleventh day, after a solemn high office. Hereupon the constitutions on papal election are read forth, and sworn to by the cardinals, and the
conclavists are sworn in. At evening, all unauthorized persons must leave the conclave; and now the entrances are all walled shut except one, through which food for the persons in the conclave is daily introduced; and this one entrance is strictly
guarded.
</p>
<h4>3. The Election.</h4>
<P>
For participation in the election, only those cardinals are of qualified authority who have received consecration to the diaconate. Neither is such a one debarred by excommunication, suspension, or interdict. Absentees can deliver their vote neither by letter nor by substitute. Theoretically every Catholic male Christian, even a layman, who has not lapsed into heresy, is eligible. But since Urban VI. (1378-89), previously archbishop of Bari, none but a cardinal has been elected (cf. G. Berthelet, <i>Muss der Papst ein Italiener sein?</I> Leipsic, 1894). The states of Austria, France, and Spain have the right,
for each state as affecting one candidate, of declaring a cardinal passively ineligible; but the election of an " excluded " candidate can not be challenged. In regard to the election itself, it is forbidden, under penalty of forfeited vote, to engage in " electioneering." Every cardinal present is bound, under pain of excommunication, to take part in the business
of election,, which is in order twice a day, forenoon and afternoon, till the result be achieved. Where voters are sick and unable to leave their cells, their vote is of necessity sent for, and this by the hand of cardinals expressly selected for the purpose by lot. The only admissible kinds of election are (a), the <i>electio quasi per inspirationem,</I> election by ac-<pb n="130"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
clamation; (b) the <i>electio per compromissum</i>, in which the cardinals, instead of electing the pope in a body, unanimously transfer the elective prerogative to a specified quorum of their colleagues (two at least), and then instruct them in detail as to the steps next to be observed in the matter: for instance, whether unanimity or simply majority shall be required save that no unlawful forms, e.g., election by lot, are allowed to be adopted; (c) the <i>electio per scrutinium</i> or by ballot. In this case all the electors must write the name of their candidate on one of the specially prepared voting tickets, containing printed directions and to be folded; which ballots they must deposit in order in a chalice upon the altar, within view of the three appointed scrutineers. Next follows the counting of the ballots. Should their number fail to tally with that of the cardinals present, the balloting must be stopped, and the votes are burned. Otherwise the result of the voting is reckoned up, and the election is ended -provided a candidate has received more than the requisite two-thirds majority. Should it so happen, however, that he has received only just that majority, it is ascertained by opening his ballot whether
he has not cast his vote for himself; which is against the rules and nullifies the election. Ballots containing the names of several candidates are void. Where the balloting fails to yield the prescribed majority for some one of the candidates, a special procedure is still in order, the so-called <i>accessus</i>, with the object of testing whether a contingent of
the voters will not surrender their candidates and declare themselves for one of the others. This amounts to a supplementary balloting to the first ballot: in other words, the votes already cast stand effectual, and the <i>accessit</i> votes are counted with them. In order that a result may be reached by this process, and yet that the vote of the individual voter shall not be twice counted for his candidate. the following regulations are in force with the ,i>accessit</i> balloting. No one is allowed to repeat his vote in the <i>accessit</i>, in favor of the candidate whom he has already named in the ballot, but he can retain his choice by writing on his ticket, <i>Accedo nemini</i>. Nor can any one receive a vote of <i>accessit</i> who has not yet been nominated in the original balloting. If the <i>accessit</i> yields no result, the whole act of election stops, and the balloting must be begun anew at the next elective session. More than one <i>accessit</i> is inadmissible.
</P>
<P>
Pius X., who was elected in consequence of employment of the <i>exclusiva</i> (see E<small>XCLUSION</small>, R<small>IGHT OF</small>), through the constitution <i>Commissum nobis</i> of Jan. 20, 1904, prohibited the cardinals, under penalty of excommunication, to allow in the future the veto of any government, even though expressed merely in the form of a wish. Thus the <i>exclusiva</i> is abolished. It is not yet known what attitude the affected states will take in the matter. Through the constitution <i>Vacante sede, apostolica</i> of Dec. 25, 1904, this pope regulated the entire course of
papal election and at the same time introduced the following innovations: the funeral rites for a deceased pope are to last nine days, after which the cardinals shall enter the conclave. But on the day after the death of the pope the first session of the Holy College is to be held, the rules for papal election in the conclave are to be read, and the oath of the cardinals and conclavists is taken. If the balloting leads to no result, there takes place no accessory meeting, but a second balloting, under the came conditions as the first. Simony no longer nullifies election. Directions concerning the feeding of conclavists are wanting, hence the rule of Leo XIII. concerning the erection of kitchens within the conclave chambers remains  unchanged. Secrecy after the end of the conclave in respect to official affairs is specially enjoined.
</P>
<h4>4. Procedure after Election.</h4>
<P>
The elected candidate, upon confirmation of the result of the election, is solemnly asked by the subdean whether he accepts the election. With the acceptance, he receives the papal office. At the same time, and in accordance with a custom constantly in effect since the eleventh century, he an anounces what name he will bear as pope. Thereupon the elected candidate is robed with the papal vestments, and now begins their first adoration on the part of the cardinals. Meanwhile the
sealing of the conclave has been canceled, and the first cardinal deacon forthwith proclaims to the people the proper name and papal name of the new pope. In the afternoon of the same day there ensues first in the Sistine Chapel and then in Saint
Peter&#39;s the second and third adoration on the cardinals&#39; part, this time in public. If the pope elect is not as yet dignified with the episcopal consecration, but only with one of the lower grades of consecration, he receives the orders which are still owing to him inclusive of the priestly consecration, by the office of one of the cardinal bishops. The episcopal consecration, which in former times was performed coincidently with the coronation, is now usually appointed on a Sunday or festival preceding. It is consummated by the dean of the college of cardinals. If the pope elect was of episcopal rank already, then a benediction takes the place of consecration. After the consecration or benediction, there follows the coronation by the dean of the cardinal deacons with the triple crown in Saint Peter&#39;s, and on some subsequent day the formal occupancy of the Vatican. Incumbency of the papal chair by any other process than that of election by the cardinals is not recognized by the present positive canon of the Roman Catholic Church; and in particular it is held to be unlawful for the ruling pope to appoint his own successor; although attempts of that kind repeatedly came about in former centuries, and although the competency of the pope to alter the prevalent law in this respect can hardly be doubted.
</p>
<p class="author">F.S<small>EHLING.</small></p>
<p>
<h4>COMPLETE LIST OF THE POPES.</h4>
<P>
<small>According to the claim of the Roman Catholic Church the Apostle Peter was the first pope and reigned from 41 to 67.
<ul>
<li>(67-79?) ...............Linus
<li>(79-91?) ...............Cletus, or Anacletus
<li>(91-100?) .............Clemens I.
<li>(101-109?)............Evarestus
<li>(109-119)..............Alexander I.
<li>119-128................Sixtus I.
<li>? 128-137.............Telesphorus
<li>? 138-142 ............Hyginus
<li>? 142-156 ............Pius I.<pb n="131"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
<p>? 157-187 ............ Anicetus
<p>? 188-178............. Soter
<p>? 177-189............. Eleutherus
<p>?190-202.............. Victor I.
<p>202-217................ Zephyrinus
<p>218-222................ Calixtus or Callistus I. (Hippolytus, Antipope)
<p>? 222-230............. Urbanus I.
<p>? 230-235............. Pontianus (resigned in exile)
<p>235-238................ Anterus
<p>238-250................ Fabianus, Martyr
<p>? 251-252............. Cornelius (in exile)
<p>? 251................... (Novatianus, Antipope)
<p>252-253................ Lucius I.
<p>? 253-257............. Stephen I.
<p>? 257-258............. Sixtus II.
<p>259-289................ Dionysius
<p>289-274................ Felix I.
<p>275-283................ Eutychianus
<p>283-298................ Caius
<p>298-304................ Marcellinus
<p>307-309................ Marcellus
<p>? 309................... Eusebius, d. Sept. 28 (?). 309
<p>310-314................ Miltiades (Melchiades)
<p>314-335................ Silvester I.
<p>338...................... Marcus
<p>337-352................ Julius I.
<p>352-355................ Liberius
<p>355-366................ Felix II, Antipope 
<p>366...................... Ursinus. Antipope 
<p>366-384................ Damasus  
<p>384-398................ Siricius 
<p>398-402................ Anastasius 
<p>402-417................ Innocent I. 
<p>417-118................ Zosimus
<p>418, Dec. 27......... [Eulalius, Antipope]
<p>418-422................ Boniface I.,
<p>422-432................ Celestine I.
<p>432-440................ Sixtus III.
<p>440-461................ Leo I.
<p>461-468................ Hilary 
<p>468-483................ Simplicius 
<p>483-492................ Felix III. 
<p>492-496................ Gelasius I.
<p>496-498................ Ansatasius II.
<p>498-514................ Symmachus
<p>498, Nov............... Laurentius,  Antipope
<p>514-523................ Hormisdas
<p>523-526................ John I.
<p>526-530................ Felix IV.
<p>530-532................ Boniface II.
<p>530, Sept. 17........ Dioscorus. Antipope
<p>532-535................ John II. Mercurius
<p>535-538................ Agapetus I.
<p>538-538................ Silverius (exiled)
<p>537-555................ Vigilius
<p>555-560................ Pelagius I.
<p>560-573................ John III.
<p>574-578................ Benedict I.
<p>578-590................ Pelegius II. 
<p>590-604................ St. Gregory I. (the Great) 
<p>604-606................ Sabinianus
<p>607.....................  Boniface III.
<p>608-615................ Boniface IV. 
<p>615 618................ Deusdedit
<p>619-625...............  Boniface V.
<p>625-638................ Honorius I. 
<p>640...................... Severinus 
<p>640-642................ John IV.
<p>642-649................ Theodorus I.
<p>649-655................ St. Martin I. (exiled in 654)
<p>654-657...............  Eugenius I.
<p>657-672................ Vitalianus
<p>672-678................ Adeodatus
<p>676-678................ Donus or Dommus I.
<p>678-681................ Agatho
<p>682-683................ Leo II.
<p>684-685...............  Benedict II.
<p>685-686................ John V. 
<p>686-687................ Conon 
<p>687-692................ Paschal, Antipope
<p>687...................... Theodorus, Antipope
<p>687-701................ Sergius I.
<p>701-705................ John VI.
<p>705-707................ John VII.
<p>708...................... Sisinnius
<p>708-715................ Constantine I.
<p>715-731................ Gregory II.
<p>731-741................ Gregory III.
<p>741-752................ Zacharias
<p>752 (3 days) ........ Stephen II.
<p>752-757................ Stephen III.
<p>757-767................ Paul I.
<p>767-788................ Constantine II.
<p>768-772................ Stephen IV.
<p>772-795 ............... Adrian I.
<p>795-816................ Leo III.
<p>816-817................ Stephen V.
<p>817-824................ Paschal I.
<p>824-827................ Eugenius II.
<p>827 (40 days) ....... Valentinus
<p>827-844................ Gregory IV.
<p>844-847................ Sergius II.
<p>847-855................ Leo IV.
<p>855-858................ Benedict Ill.
<p>855...................... Anastasius
<p>858-867................ Nicholas I.
<p>867-872................ Adrian II.
<p>872-882................ John VIII.
<p>882-884................ Marinus 
<p>884-885................ Adrian III.
<p>885-891................ Stephen VI.
<p>891-896................ Formosus
<p>896 (15 days)........ Boniface VI.
<p>896--897............... Stephen VII.
<p>897 (4 months)...... Romanus
<p>897...................... Theodorus II.
<p>898-900................ John IX.
<p>900-903................ Benedict IV
<p>903 (1 month)........ Leo V. 
<p>903-904................ Christopher
<p>904-911................ Sergius III. 
<p>911-913................ Anastasius III.
<p>913-May, 914........ Lando
<p>914-929................ John X.
<p>928-929................ Leo VI.
<p>929-931................ Stephen VIII.
<p>931-936................ John XI.
<p>936-939................ Leo VII.
<p>939-942................ Stephen IX.
<p>942-946................ Marinus II.
<p>946-955................ Agapetus
<p>955-964................ John XII t
<p>963-965................ Leo VIII.
<p>964-965................ Benedict V.
<p>965-972................ John XIII.
<p>973-974................ Benedict VI.
<p>974-983................ Benedict VII.
<p>983-984................ John XIV.
<p>984-985................ Boniface VII.
<p>985-996................ John XV.
<p>996-999................ Gregory V.
<p>997-998................ John XVI.
<p>999-1003.............. Silvester II.
<p>1003.................... John XVII.
<p>1003-1009............ John XVIII.
<p>1009-1012............ Sergius IV.
<p>1012-1024............ Benedict VIII.
<p>1012.................... Gregory VI., Antipope
<p>1024-1033............ John XIX.
<p>1033-1045............ Benedict IX. (deposed)
<p>1045-1046............ Silvester III.
<p>1044-1046............ Gregory VI.
<p>1046-1047............ Clement II.
<p>1048.................... Damasus II.
<p>1049-1054............ Leo IX.
<p>1055-1057............ Victor II.
<p>1057-1058............ Stephen X. (deposed)
<p>1058-1059............ Benedict X.
<p>1059-1081............ Nicholas II.
<p>1061-1073............ Alexander II.
<p>1061................... Cadalus (Honorius II), Antipope 
<p>1073-1085............Gregory VII. (Hildebrand) 
<p>1080-1100............Wibertus  (Clement Ill.) 
<p>1086-1087............Victor III.
<hr>
<p>* d. in prison after supersession
<p>t removed 983.

<pb n="132"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
<p>1088-1099............. Urban II.
<p>1099-1118............. Paschal II.
<p>1100..................... Theodoricus, Antipope
<p>1102..................... Albertus, Antipope
<p>1105-1111............. Silvester IV., Antipope
<p>1118-1119............. Gelasius II.
<p>1118-1121............. Gregory VIll., Antipope
<p>1119-1124............. Calistus II.
<p>1124..................... Theobaldus Buccapecus (Celestine), Antipope
<p>1124-1130.............. Honorius II.
<p>1130-1143.............. Innocent II.
<p>1130-1138.............. Anacletus II.
<p>1138...................... Victor IV., Antipope
<p>1143-1144.............. Celestine II.
<p>1144-1145.............. Lucius II.
<p>1145-1153.............. Eugeniua III.
<p>1153-1154.............. Anastasius IV.
<p>1154-1159.............. Adrian IV.
<p>1159-1181.............. Alexander III 
<p>1159-1184.............. Victor IV.. Antipope 
<p>1164-1188.............. Paschal III. Antipope 
<p>1188-1178.............. Calixtus III., Antipope
<p>1178-1150.............. Innocent III., Antipope
<p>1181-1185.............. Lucius III.
<p>1185-1187.............. Urban III.
<p>1187-1191.............. Gregory VIII.
<p>1187...................... Clement III.
<p>1191-1198.............. Celestine III.
<p>1198-1218.............. Innocent III.
<p>1218-1227.............. Honorius III.
<p>1227-1241.............. Gregory IX.
<p>1241...................... Celestine IV.
<p>1243-1254.............. Innocent IV.
<p>1254-1281.............. Alexander IV.
<p>1281-1284.............. Urban IV.
<p>1285-1288.............. Clement IV.
<p>1271-1278.............. Gregory X.
<p>1278...................... Innocent V.
<p>1278...................... Adrian V.
<p>1278-1277.............. John XXI.
<p>1277-1280.............. Nicholas III.
<p>1281-1285.............. Martin IV.
<p>1285-1287.............. Honorius IV.
<p>1288-1292.............. Nicholas IV.
<p>1294...................... St. Celistine V. (abdicated)
<p>1294-1303.............. Boniface VIII.
<p>1303-1304.............. Benedict XI.
<p>1305-1314.............. Clement V.<note location="foot">*Clement V, moved the papal see to Avignon in 1309; and his successors continued to reside there for seventy years, till Gregory XI. After that date arose a forty-years&#39; schism between the Roman popes and the Avignon popes.</note>
<p>1318-1334.............. John XXII.Clement VII.
<p>1334-1342.............. Benedict XII. 
<p>1342-1352.............. Clement VI.
<p>1352-1382.............. Innocent VI.
<p>1382-1370.............. Urban V.
<p>1370-1378.............. Gregory XI.
<p>1378-1389.............. Urban VI.
<p>1378-1394.............. Clement VII.
<p>1389-1404.............. Boniface LX.
<p>1394-1423.............. Benedict XIII.  deposed 1409)
<p>1404-1406.............. Innocent VII.
<p>1406-1415.............. Gregory XII. (deposed 1409)
<p>1409-1410.............. Alexander V.
<p>1410-1415.............. John XXIII. (deposed)
<p>1417-1431.............. Martin V.
<p>1417...................... Clement VIII
<p>1431-1447.............. Eugene IV.
<p>1439-1449.............. Felix V.
<p>1447-1455.............. Nicholas V.
<p>1455-1458.............. Calixtus III.
<p>1458-1484.............. Pius II.
<p>1484-1471.............. Paul II.
<p>1471-1484.............. Sixtus IV.
<p>1484-1492.............. Innocent VIII.
<p>1492-1503.............. Alexander VI.
<p>1503...................... Pius III.
<p>1b03-1513.............. Julius II.
<p>1513-1521.............. Leo X.
<p>1522-1523.............. Adrian VI.
<p>1534-1532 ............. Clement VII
<p>1534-1549.............. Paul III.
<p>1550-1555.............. Julius III. 
<p>1555.....................  Marcelus II.
<p>1555-1559.............. Paul IV.
<p>1559-1565.............. Pius IV.
<p>1566-1572.............. Pius V.
<p>1572-1585.............. Gregory XIII.
<p>1585-1590.............. Sixtus V.
<p>1590...................... Urban VII.
<p>1590-1591.............. Gregory XIV.
<p>1591...................... Innocent IX.
<p>1592-1605.............. Clement VIII.
<p>1605...................... Leo XI.
<p>1605-1621.............. Paul V.
<p>1621-1623.............. Gregory XV.
<p>1623-1644.............. Urban VIII.
<p>1644-1655.............. Innocent X.
<p>1655-1687.............. Alexander VII.
<p>1687-1689.............. Clement IX.
<p>1670-1678.............. Clement X.
<p>1678-1689.............. Innocent XI.
<p>1689-1691.............. Alexander VIII.
<p>1691-1700.............. Innocent XII.
<p>1700-1721.............. Clement XI.
<p>1721-1724.............. Innocent XIII.
<p>1724-1730.............. Benedict XIII.
<p>1730-1740.............. Clement XII.
<p>1740-1758.............. Benedict XIV.
<p>1758-1789.............. Clement XIII.
<p>1789-1774.............. Clement XIV.
<p>1775-1799.............. Pius VI.
<p>1823-1829.............. Pius VII.
<p>1800-1823.............. Leo XII.
<p>1829-1830.............. Pius VIII.
<p>1831-1848.............. Gregory XVI.
<p>1848-1878.............. Pius IX. (longest reign)
<p>1878-1903.............. Leo XIII.
<p>1903 ..................... Pius X.
</p>
<p class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY:</small> For the details of the development of the papacy as for a mass of literature the reader is referred to the articles on the various popes and the bibliographies attached. The chief sources are indicated, as well as the leading treatises, in vol. i., pp xxii.-xxiii, of this work, where are noted the histories of the popes by Mann, Pastor, Creighton, Von Ranks, Nielsen, Gregorovius, Bower, Milman, and Mirbt: not to be overlooked is the literature under such articles as I<small>NFALLIBILITY</small>; I<small>NVESTITURE</small>; T<small>RENT</small>, C<small>OUNCIL OF</small>; and U<small>LTRAMONTANISM</small>. The sources are in the <I>Liber pontificalia; </I>
Jaff&#233;, <I>Regesta; </I>
J. M. Watterich <I>Romanorum pontifcum vit&#230;:</i>, 2 vols., </I>Leipsic. 1882;
A. Potthast, <I>Regesta pontificum Romanorum. </I>Parts i.-xii.,Berlin, 1873-75; 
<i>Regesta Pontihcum romanwrum, </I>ed. P, F. Kehr, vols., i.-iv., Berlin, 1908-09; and the various collections of bulls, briefs, and the like. A fine lot of original documents is massed in 
Reich <I>Documents</i>, pp, 127, 245, and others are scattered in other parts of the work; translations of many of these are found in 
Thatcher and McNeal, <I>Source Book</i>, pp. 83_258, 309-340; also, in 
Hendeison, <I>Documents</i> pp, 287 sqq.; and in 
F. A. Ogg, <I>Source Book of Medieval History</i>, pp, 78 sqq., 281 sqq., 380 sqq. For the history of the papacy in its various relations consult: 
F. Maasaen, <I>Der Primat des Biachofs von Rom and die alten Patriarchalkirchen, </I>Bonn, 1853; 
T. Greenwood. <I>Cathedra Petri: a Political History of the great Latin Patriarchate</i>, 8 vols, London 1858-72; 
A. Westermayer, <I>Das Papstthum in den ersten 500 Jahren, </I>Schaffhausen, 1887-89; A, von Reumont, <I>Geschichte der Stadt Rom</i>, 3 vols., Berlin, 1887-70; 
R. Baxmann, <I>Die Polatik der Papste</i>, 2 vols., Elberfeld, 1588-89; 
E. Dumont, <I>La Popaute, les premiers empereurs chritiens et les premiers conciles generaux, </i>Paris, 1877; 
P. Lanfrey. <I>Hist. politique des papes. </I>new ed.. Paris  1850; 
B. Jungmann, <I>Diasertstiones selectas,</i>  5 vols.. Regensburg, 1880-85; 
A. R. Pennington. <I>Epochs of >the Papacy, </I>London. 1881; F. Roequain, <I>La Papaute au moyen age, </I>Paris.  1881; 
W. von Gieselbreeht, <I>Geschichte der deutschen Kaiserzeit,</i> 8 vols., Brunswick 1881 sqq.; 
J. Langen, <I>Geschichte der romischen Kirche</i>, 4 vols., Bonn 1881-93; 
F. Gregonpvius, <I>Geschichte den Stadt Rom im Mittelalter</i>, 8 vols., Stuttgart, 1888-98, Eng transl.. London 1895-1902; 
M, Souchon, <I>Die PsPatwahlea von Bon%faz VIII. bin Urban VI ., </I> Brunswick, 1858; 
H. Doplfel. <I>Kaisertum and Papstwechsel unter den Karolvngern, </I>Freiburg, 1889; 
R. F. Littledale, <I>The Petrine Claims, </i>London, 1889; 
J. J. I, von D&#246;llinger.<pb n="133"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
<I>Das Papstthum, </I>new ed., Munich, 1892; 
H. Wilfrid, <I>Die Geschichte der P&#228;pste, </I>Basel, 1894; 
G. Goyau, <I>Le Vatican, les papes et la civilisation, </I>Brussels, 1895; 
W. Bright, <I>The Roman See in the Early Church, and Other Studies, </I>London, 1896; 
C. Locke, <I>Age of the Great Western Schism, </I>New York, 1896; 
M. R. Vincent, <I>The Age of Hildebrand, </I>New York, 1896; 
L. Duchesne, <I>Lea Premiers Temps de l&#39;&#233;tat pontifical, 764-1076, </I>Paris, 1898; Eng. transl., <I>The Beginnings of the Temporal Sovereignty of the Popes</i>, 754-1075, London, 1908; 
L. Rivington, <I>The Roman Primacy, A.D. 430-451, </I>London, 1899; 
T. F. Tout, <I>The Empire and the Papacy</i>, 918-1273, </I>London, 1899, new ed., ib. 1901; 
F. Fournier, <I>Le Papaut&#233; devant l&#39;histoire, </I>2 vols,
Paris, 1899-1900; 
F. Nippold, <I>Papacy in the 18th Century,</I> New York, 1900; 
F. W. Pullen, <I>The Primitive Saints and the See of Rome,</I> London, 1900; 
K. D. Beste, <I>The Victoriesof Rome and the Temporal Monarchy of the Church, </I>London, 1901; 
H. Bouvier, <I>Le Government de l&#39;&#233;glise de Rome
de la fin du premi&#232;rs si&#232;cle jusqu&#39;au milieu du trois&#232;me,</I> Mont&#233;beliard, 1901; 
W. Miller, <I>Medi&#230;val Rome, 1078-1600,</i> London, 1901; 
F. von Bach, <I>Geschichte der Papste vom Beginne . . . bis zu Gregor XVI,</i> Bamberg, 1902;
W. Barry, <I>The Papal Monarchy from Gregory the Great to
Boniface VIII., 690-1306, </I>London. 1902; 
A. D. Greenwood, <I>Empire and Papacy in the Middle Ages, </I>London, 1902; 
J. Maitre, <I>Les Papes et la papautb d&#39;apris la prophdie attribu4e a Saint Malaehie, </I>Paris, 1902; <I>Cambridge
Modern History, vol. 1, vi. </I>536 sqq., Cambridge 1902-09;
W. Norden, <I>Das Papsttum and Byzans, </I>Berlin, 1903; 
F. von Thudiehum, <I>Papsttum and Reformation im Mittelalter,
1143-1617, </I>Leipsic, 1903; 
B. Labanca, <I>Il Papato. Sua origine, sue lotte a vicende, suo avvenire, </I>Turin, 1905; 
G. Kr&#252;ger, <I>Das Papsttum. Seine Idee and ihre Tr&#228;ger, </I>T&#252;bingen, 1907, Eng. transl., <I>The Papacy, </I>London, 1909; 
J. Turmel, <I>Histoire du dogma de la papaut&#233; des origines a la fin
du quatri&#232;ma si&#233;cle, </I>Paris, 1908; 
J. J. Walsh <I>The Popes and Science; the History of the Papal Relations to Science during the Middle Ages and down to our Time, </I>New York, 1908; 
G. Bartoli, <I>The Primitive Church and the Primacy of Rome. </I>London, 1909; 
T. S.. Dolan, <I>The Papacy and the First Councils of the Church, </I>St. Louis, 1910; 
A. C. Jennings, <I>The Mediaval Church and the Papacy, </I>London, 1909; 
W. J. Simpson, <I>Papal Infallibility and its Roman Catholic Opponents, </I>London, 1909; 
G. F. Young, <I>The Medici, </I>2 vols., New York, 1910; 
W. E. Beet, <I>The Rise of the Papacy, A.D. 386-461, </I>London, 1910; , 
H. Koch, <I>Cyprian and der r&#246;mische Primat, </I>Leipsic, 1910; 
J. Schnitzer, <I>Hat Jesus das Papsttum gastiftei, </I>Augsburg
1910; 
J. S. Vaughan, <I>The Purpose of the Papacy </I>London,
1910; and the works on church history, e.g., Schaff, <I>Chrislian Church, ii. </I>154 sqq., iii. 299 sqq., iv. 203 sqq., v. passim, vi. 252 sqq.
On elections consult: W. C. Cartwright, <I>On Papal Conclaves, </I>Edinburgh, 1868; 
R. Mpffell, <I>Die Papstwahlen und die mit ihnen im n&#228;chsten Zusammenhange stehenden Ceremonien in ihrer Entwickelung, </I>G&#246;ttingen, 1872; 
O. Lorenz, <I>Papetwahl and Kaiserthum, </I>Berlin, 1874; 
M. Heimbucher, <I>Die Papstwahlen unter den Karoiingern, </I>Augsburg, 1889;
A. R. Pennington, <I>The Papal Conclaves, </I>London, 1897;
H. J. Wurm, <I>Die Papstwahl. lhre Geschichte and Gebr&#228;uche, </I>Cologne, 1902: 
G. Berthelet, <I>Conclavi pontefici e cardinali nel secolo, </I>Turin, 1903; 
P. Here, <I>Papsttum und Papstwahle im Zeitalter Philipps II., </I>Leipsic, 1907 (important).
</P>

<br />
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Pope, William Burt" id="pope_william_burt">
<P>
<b>POPE, WILLIAM BURT:</b> Methodist; b. at Harton, N. S., Feb. 19, 1822; d. at Hendon, London, July 5, 1903. He studied theology at Richmond College, England; was a Methodist pastor (1841-67); and professor of theology in Didsbury College, Manchester, from 1867. He published <I>The Words of the Lord Jesus, </I>a translation from the German of R. E. Stier (10 vols.; Edinburgh, 1855, and later); <I>Discourses on the Kingdom and Reign of Christ </I> (London, 1869); <I>The Person of Christ </I>(Fernley Lecture, 1875; later ed., 1899); <i>A Compendium of Christian Theology </I>(3 vols.; 1875-76); <I>Discourses, chefly on the Lordship of the incarmate Redeemer (1880); Sermons, Addresses, and Charges of a Year </I>(1878); and <I>A Higher Catechism of Theology</i> (1883).
</P>

<br />
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Pordage, John" id="pordage_john">
<P>
<b>PORDAGE, JOHN:</b> English mystic; b. at London 1607; d. there Dec., 1681. He studied theology and medicine at Oxford, probably without taking a degree, at least in course. In 1644 he became curate of St. Lawrence, Reading, and in 1647 was made rector of Bradfield, Berkshire, being apparently recommended chiefly by his knowledge of astrology. He soon began to examine English translations of Jakob B&#246;hme, and on, the night of Jan. 3, 1651, received a number of visions, to the reality of which his wife testified. A band of about twenty quickly gathered around the two visionaries, and for some three weeks there was no cessation of apparitions. Under the Commonwealth, Pordage was accused of heresy, the charges involving a sort of mystical pantheism, but he was acquitted on Mar. 27, 1651. The accusations were renewed, however, by the Presbyterians John Tickel and Christopher Fowler, and on Dec. 8, 1654, Pordage was ejected as " ignorant and very insufficient for the work of the ministry." He was reinstated in 1663, but about 1670 seems to have retired to London, where he spent the remainder of his life.
</P>
<P>
About 1652 Pordage became acquainted with Jane Lead (q.v.), introducing her to B&#246;hme&#39;s mysticism, and being won in turn as her adherent by her own visions. In Dec., 1671, he received new revelations, in which his spirit, detached from sense and reason, was translated to the mountain of eternity; and this experience evidently formed the basis of his system of mysticism. Though deeply influenced by astrology and alchemy, Pordage, like B&#246;hme, sought to make room in his speculative system for everything essential in Biblical revelation. In God he recognizes the being of all beings, and the primal cause of all causes. The Father is the generator of the Son, or Word, who constitutes the center, or heart, of the Trinity. The Holy Ghost is the life and force which executes the will of the Father through the Son. Next comes the cosmic sphere of eternity &#39;with three distinct categories of space: outer court, sanctuary, and holy of holies. In the center of this sphere, God&#39;s residence proper, dwells the eye that represents God himself; in the outer court it is closed; in the sanctuary, open; in the holy of holies, revealed with full splendor. The body of God, moreover, is eternal cloud, and its outline that of Noah&#39;s ark.
</P>
<P>
An important place is assigned in Pordage&#39;s scheme to a kind of intermediate being termed Sophia, or heavenly wisdom, which he regarded as the radiance from the eye of eternity, and as the consort and attendant of the Trinity. He likewise affirmed a series of emanations or spirits possessed of the same substance as the Godhead. A lower sphere is occupied by the eternal spirits of angels and men; but while Adam&#39;s eternal spirit bore the spirits of his sons, the souls and bodies of angels and men are not immediately from God, but created from the essence of eternal nature. This eternal nature was not born of God, as was the eternal world, but was created by him from the divine chaos which concealed within itself the forces of the worlds. He also taught a coalescence of the inner man with the transfigured person of Christ, and had no sympathy with conditions in the Church of his time.
</P><pb n="134"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
<P>
The principal works of Pordage were as follows: <I>Truth appearing through the Clouds of undeserved Scandal </I>(London, 1655); <i>Innocency appearing through the dark Mists of Pretended Guilt</i> (1655); <i>A just Narrative of the Proceedings 
of the Commissioners of Berks . . . against John Pordage</i> (1655); and the posthumous <I>Theologia Mystica, or the Mystic Divinitie of the &#198;ternal Indivisible </I>(anonymous; 1683).  From his manuscripts was translated <I>Vier Tract&#228;tlein . . . Von der Aeusaeren Gebuhrt und Fleiachwerdung Jesu Christi . . . Von der Mystischen and innern Gebuhrt . . . .Vom Geiste des Glaubens ... Experimentale Entdeckungen von Vereinigungder Naturen, Essenzen, Tinduren, Leiber</I> (Amsterdam, 1704).  A number of other works never published in English are mentioned in an advertisement appended to Jane Lead&#39;s <I>Fountain of Gardens </I>(London, 1697; cf. <I>DNB</i>, xlvi. 151).
</P>
<p class="author">A. R<small>&#220;EGG</small>.</p>
<P class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY:</small> The primal sources for a biography are Pordage&#39;s own writings, ut sup., ef. C. Fowler, <I>D&#230;monium meridianum. Being a . . . Relation of the Proceedings of the Commissioners . . . against J. Pordage With some Animadversions . . . upon a Book of . . J. Pordage, </I>London, 1655. Consult further: G. Arnold, <I>Unparteyische Kirchen- and Ketzorhistorie</i> iv. 915, Frankfort, 1715; P. Poirot, <I>Btbliotheca mysticoram selecta</i>, p. 174, Amsterdam, 1708; A. &#224; Wood, <I>Athen&#230; Oxonisnsse, </I>ed. P. Bliss, iii. 1098, iv. 405, 715, 4 vols., London, 1817-20; <I>DNB</i>:, xivi. 150-151.</small>
</P>

<br />
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Porete, Margareta" id="porete_margareta">
<P>
<b>PORETE, MARGARETA. </b>  See F<small>REE</small> S<small>PIRIT</small>, B<small>RETHREN OF THE, </small>&#167;  3.
</P>

<br />
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Porphyry" id="porphyry">
<P>
<b>PORPHYRY: </b>Bishop of Gaza; b. at Thessalonica c. 347; 
d. at Gaza Feb. 26, 420. After spending five years in the Scetic desert in Egypt, he passed an equal period in Palestine under privations which impaired his health, visiting the sacred sites and living in Jerusalem, where Bishop Praylius ordained him presbyter and made him custodian of the wood of the cross. Early in 395 he was consecrated bishop of Gaza, where he increased the scanty number of Christians, but at the same time met with bitter pagan opposition, so that he twice appealed to the court to close and destroy the heathen temples first (398) through his deacon Marcus, and second (401-402) in person together with the archbishop of Caesarea. The temple of the god Marnas was especially offensive to the Christians, and on his second appeal the intervention of the Empress Eudoxia secured the destruction of the shrine. On the site
was erected a magnificent church, the Eudoxiana.
</p>
<p class="author">(E. H<small>ENNECKE.</small>)</p>
<p class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY:</small> The <I>Vita</i>, by the deaoon Marcus was edited with commentary by M. Haupt for the Berlin Academy, in the <I>Abhandlungen, </I>1874, pp. 171-215, and published separately, 1875; it is also in <I>ASB, </I>Feb., iii. 643-461; <i>MPG</i>, xxxv. 849-694; and ed. by the Bonn society for philology, Leipsic, 1895; the dissertation of A. Nuth <I>De
Marci diaconi vita Porphyrii, </I>Bonn, 1897, is important; cf. Dreaeke, in <i>ZWT</i> xxxi (1888), 352-374. Consult further: Tillemont, <I>M&#233;moires </I>x. 703-716; Ceillier, <I>Auteurs sacr&#233;s,</i> vi. 329-330; <I>DNB,</i> iv. 444-145.</small>
</P>

<br />
</div3><div3type="Article" title="Porphyry the Neoplatonist" id="porphyry_the_neoplatonist">
<P>
<b>PORPHYRY THE NEOPLATONIST. </b> See N<small>EOPLATONISM, </small>III., &#167; 1.
</P>

<br />
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Porst, Johann" id="porst_johann">
<p>
<b>PORST, JOHANN: </b>German Pietist and hymnologiat; b. at Oberkotzau (28 m. n.e. of Bayreuth), Dec. 11, 1668; d. at Berlin Jan. 
10, 1728.  After completing his education at the University of Leipsic, he became private tutor at Neustadt-on-the-Aisch in 1692.  Becoming deeply interested in the writings of Spener (q.v.), three years later he removed to Berlin, where he attended the lectures of the distinguished Pietist. In 1698 he was called to be pastor of Malchow and Hohen-Schonhauaen near Berlin, and six years later he became second preacher at the Friederich-Werdersche and Dorotheenst&#228;dtische Kirche, in both positions remaining true to the principles of Spener, and being a forerunner of certain later tendencies of the Inhere Mission. In 1709 be became the chaplain of Sophie Louise, the second wife of Frederick I, and the king invited him in 1713 to become provost of Berlin. After some hesitation, Porst accepted, and became at the same time senior of the Berlin clergy
and inspector of the Gray Friars Gymnasium.
</p>
<p>
Porst&#39;s independent literary work was inferior in value to his practical activity as preacher and pastor., Although twenty-four books of his have been enumerated, many of these were only sermons, and others excerpts from larger works written by himself. He devoted much energy to the collecting and editing of edicts and enactments is the interests of church government. At the same time, he wrote several larger works, especially the <I>Theologia practica regenitorum </I>(Halle, 1743), and <I>Theologia viatorum practica</i> (1755), both ascetic treatises conspicuously Pietistic in tendency. Porst is best known, however, for the hymnal, prepared originally for Berlin but later used throughout Brandenburg, which is one of the chief repositories of hymns breathing the Pietism of Spener and the earlier Halls school. The hymnal first appeared anonymously with the title <I>Geistliche liebliche Lieder</I> (Berlin, 1708), containing 420 hymns. A second edition, with 840 hymns, including a special rubric " on the hope of Zion," pertaining to hymns of Chiliastic import,was issued as the <i>Nun vermehrtes  geistreiches Gesangbtuch </I>(1711). The third edition, <I>Geistliche and liebliche Lieder </I>(1713), Porst issued in his own name. It contained 906 hymns. The latest revision was that of J. F. Bachmann , of the edition of 1728 (1855; last edition, 1901) from which sixty-two hymns of a false subjectivity were dropped, and as appendix containing 210 earlier or later good hymns was affixed.
</P>
<p class="author">(E. I<small>DELER.</small>)</p>
<P class="bibliography"><small>B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY:</small> A sketch of the life of Porst was furnished by Staudt to his ed. of one of Porst&#39;s smaller works, <i>G&#246;ttliche f&#252;rung der Seelen,</i> Stuttgart, 1850.  Consult further: J. F. Bachmann, <i>Zur Geschichte der Berliner Gesangb&#252;cher, Berlin, </I>1856; 
idem, Die Gesangb&#252;cher Berlins,</i> ib. 1857;
E. E. Koch, <I>Geschichte des Kirclesnlieds,</i> vol. iv., Stuttgart, 1888.</small>
</P>

<br />
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Port Royal" id="port_royal">
<p>
<b>PORT-ROYAL: </b>
<h3>Foundation: Ang&#233;lique.</h3>
One of the most famous of French nunneries, noted for the influence which it exercised in the seventeenth century on the Roman Catholic Church and society of France during the struggle against the Jesuits. It was founded for the Cistercian order in 1204 by Mathilde de Garlands in a swampy unhealthy valley of the Yvette about eight miles southwest of Versailles. Through the favor of the popes it was made exempt from the jurisdiction of the arch-<pb n="135"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" /> 
bishop of Paris, and in 1223 Honorius III. gave it the privilege of the Eucharist even if the whole country might be under the interdict, and the privilege of asylum for such of the laity as might wish, without taking the vowes, to retire from the world and practise penance. Though the nunnery early became popular and wealthy, while its abbesses included members of the most distinguished families of France, it did not become important in the history of the Church until Jacqueline Marie Arnauld was made its abbess. She was the daughter of Antoine Arnauld (adopted name, Ang&#233;lique de Ste. Madeleine) and from a distinguished family bitterly opposed to the Jesuits (see A<small>RNAULD</small>). Becoming abbess in 1602 at the age of eleven, she proceeded with a rigorous reformation and set on foot a movement of far-reaching effect on the Roman
Catholic Church of France. At Port-Royal fasting, mortification of the flesh, rigid seclusion, and renunciation of all property were required; and the practical works of love, such as the care of the sick, as well as exercises of self-sanctification and devotions, were cultivated with equal fervor. She succeeded in winning her distinguished family to her position, nineteen members of which entered Port-Royal. In 1618 Ang&#233;lique went, at the request of the abbot of Clairvaux, to Montbuisson to reform the decayed nunnery there. Five years later she returned to Port-Royal accompanied by thirty nuns. On account of the unhealthful situation Ang&#233;lique in 1625 purchased the building which is now the Hospice de la maternit&#233; near the Luxembourg, Paris, calling it Port-Royal de Paris to which she transplanted the nunnery. In 1627 the joint nunnery passed from the jurisdiction of the abbot of Citeaux to that of the archbishop of Paris, and the abbesses were now chosen only for periods of three years. In 1630 Ang&#233;:lique resigned, thus meeting the wishes of Sebastian Zamet, bishop of Langres, who (1626-33) was the spiritual director of Port Royal, giving to it an entirely different trend by substituting magnificence for simplicity.
</P>
<h3>St. Cyran and the Male Community.</h3>
<P>
In 1633 Zamet opened a nunnery near the Louvre for the perpetual adoration of the blessed sacrament, of which the archbishop of St. Cyran Paris made Ang6lique mother superior.  Shortly afterward Jean du Vergier de Hauranne became chaplain and confessor; he had been abbot of St. Cyran since 1620, and was accordingly known as St. Cyran (see D<small>U</small> V<small>ENGIER</small>, J<small>EAN</small>). A close friend of Jansen since his student days, an equally uncompromising foe of the Jesuits and admirably adapted to be a confessor, he was a man of com manding personal influence. In 1633 a small book of Agnes, the sister of Ang&#233;lique, the <i>Chapelet secret du St. Sacrement</i>, discussing eighteen virtues of Christ, was condemned by the Sorbonne. Zamet, however, approved it, as did Saint Cyraa and Jansen- In gratitude for his aid, Zamet introduced St. Cyran into the nunnery of the Blessed Sacrament, whose inmates had been much offended by the book; and through his influence the seculari zing tendencies of Zamet vanished more and more until, May 16, 1638, this nunnery was abandoned and its property and privileges were transferred to Port-Royal. In 1636 Ang&#233;lique returned to PortRoyal, where her sister Agnes was chosen abbess. St. Cyran became here, too, the spiritual guide. Under his influence not only was there a marked renewal of the deepest Roman Catholic piety in the nunnery of Port-Royal, but a community of male ascetics was formed, among whom were the three brothers, Antoine Lemaistre, Louis Isaac Lemaistre de Sacy (q.v.), and Simon de S&#233;ricourt, and also Robert Arnauld d&#39;Audilly (see A<small>RNAULD</small>). The last was the eldest brother and the three brothers were nephews of Ang&#233;lique. The community numbered only twelve in 1646, when it was at its height. These new anchorites, who did not sever themselves utterly from the world, alternated between their annual duties and diligent study of the Bible and Church Fathers (especially Augustine) together with meditations and conversations on religious themes. Great attention was devoted to the education of the young; and in 1646 regular schools were opened in Paris, and in 1653 in the country. The entire number of pupils can not have been more than 1,000. In 1660, however, the schools were suppressed, and from 1670 to 1678 only young girls could be educated. The method was characterized by individual training with moral and religioxis emphasis, leading to the happiest results. The aim was to awaken and promote the minor powers and to conquer evil propensities. The discipline was marked by vigilance, untiring patience, gentleness, and prayer. The divine image and the human fallibility of the pupil were to be constantly kept in view. Racine was the most distinguished pupil and the " Petites &#201;coles " made a famous contribution to pedagogical history.
</P>
<h3>Conflict</h3>
<P>
The prominence of Port-Royal could not fail to expose it to opposition. A book on virginity, which exhibited independence of thought, caused Richelieu to imprison St. Cyran on May 14, 1638. in
the tower of Vincennes; where, directing his followers uninterruptedly in his correspondence, he remained until his release on Feb. 6, 1643, two months after Richelieu&#39;s death. His great achievement during this period was his conversion of Ang&#233;lique&#39;s youngest brother, Antoine Arnauld (1612-94; q.v.), the greatest theologian of Port-Royal. In 1643 Arnauld&#39;s De la <I>frequents communion </I>(Paris, 1843), with its protest against careless communing, its in sistence on repentance, and its warning against the opus operntum, was a practical application of Jansenistic principles and the manifesto with which Port-Royal openly declared war on the Jesuits. Amauld was cited to appear at Rome, but he did not go, remaining for several years in concealment. The period of 1648-56 was that of the greatest prosperity for Port-Royal. During the warfare of the Fronde, the monastery was on the royal side; but when, in his bull of May 31, 1653, Innocent X. condemned five theses of Jansen (see J<small>ANSEN</small>, C<small>ORNEILIUS</small>, J<small>ANSENISM</small>) the war on Port-Royal as the French citadel of Jansenism broke out. Arnauld, expelled from the Sorbonne, Sacy, Fontaine, and Nicole sought hiding in Paris. The community obeyed the command to retire from Port-Royal, but the threatened blow was averted by Pascal&#39;s<pb n="136"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
defense of Jansenism in his <I>Lettres provinciales</I> (see P<small>ASCAL</small>, B<small>LAISE</small>) and by the miracle of the holy thorn, four days after the retirement, which was the alleged cure of an ulcer in the eye of Marguerite Perier, Pascal&#39;s niece, effected by touching the holy thorn, and which was exalted by PortRoyalists as a confirmation of their faith and by the wonder-struck Jesuits as a new divine respite for the Jansenists. The following years formed a period of peace; but upon his accession in 1660, Louis XIV. determined to annihilate both Janaenism and protestantism in France, and in April of the following year both monasteries were compelled to dismiss their pensioners, postulants, and novices. Antoine Singlin, superior of the nuns, barely escaped the Bastile and again sought hiding with Arnauld in Paris. On June 8, 1661, the first pastoral letter that by equivocations was to make subscription possible appeared; which, not without severe inner struggles, the nuns signed. On Aug. 6 Angdlique died at Paris. Port-Royal was obliged to accept the Molinist Louis Bail as superior, and neither Arnauld, Pascal, nor Singlin dared to return. Bail&#39;s rigid examination of the nuns one after another in both convents from July 11 to Sept. 2, 1661, resulted in finding no support for the allegations against them. Nevertheless, on Nov. 28, 1661, they were forced to sign the formula unreservedly. The controversies of Louis XIV. with the Curia now gave a brief respite to Port-Royal, but an attempt to reach a peaceable understanding was thwarted by the stubbornness of Arnauld. With the enthronement of H. de Pt=rtsfixe as archbishop of Paris in 1664, the persecutions were reopened, and on Aug. 21 he denied the nuns the reception of the Eucharist. Twelve of the nuns were then scattered in other nunneries and nuns were brought from these convents to PortRoyal in Paris. On Nov. 29 more nuns were removed; and a few days after the archbishop excommunicated the entire monastery of Port-Royal des Champs. Sacraments were denied; no novices could be received; the sound of bells and common worship ceased; and there was forced seclusion from outside friends, until, early in 1669, Pope Clement IX., by permitting an apparent ambiguity in the subscription, enabled most of the Jansenist party, including Arnauld, De Sacy, and Pierre Nicole (q.v.), to sign the formula. The nuns were finally persuaded to sign a petition of surrender repudiating the five theses, to the archbishop of Paris, and, Mar. 3, 1669, the interdict was formally raised. Thus ended the long controversy in the humiliation of Port-Royal, and its financial ruin soon followed. Port-Royal de Paris and PortRoyal des Champs were separated, the former securing two-thirds of the properties.
</P>
<h3> Decline.</h3>
<P>
Until 1679 Port-Royal enjoyed tolerable peace, and the polemics of the leaders of the party were now directed against Protestantism. Amauld and Nicole published their <I>La PerpetuiM de la Joi de l&#39;&#233;glise catholique touchant l&#39;Eucharistie</I> (Paris, 1669), and Arnauld also thoroughly approved the revocation of the Edict of Nantes. During this period of peace the nunnery again increased in numbers; the hermits returned; Pascal wrote his <I>Pens&#233;s,</I> and Nicole his <I>Essais de Morale</I> (25 vols., Paris, 1741, 1755). When, however, in 1677 Nicole implored Innocent XI. to condemn the lax teachings of the casuists, the king regarded his act as a violation of the truce; and in the bitter controversy over the regalia he was offended that the Janseniste aided with the pope. Arnauld and Nicole were forced again to flee from France, and on June 17, 1679, Archbishop Harlay brought the royal mandate to dismiss the pupils and the hermits and to admit no more nuns until the number had fallen to fifty. When this took place, the privilege was, however, denied; the monastery began to die out; and in 1706 the last abbess of Port.-Royal des Champs, Elisabeth de Ste. Anne Boulard, died. The bull <I>Virceom Domini </I> of Clement XI. (July 15, 1705), with its summary condemnation of Jansenism, hastened the catastrophe. The nuns signed it only with a reservation. They were forbidden to receive novices or to elect a new abbess. On Nov. 22, 1707, the convent was again excommunicated, and the king secured the issuance of a papal bull on Mar. 27, 1708, which permitted the dispersion of the nuns. On July 11 of the following year a decree of the archbishop of Paris declared the convent of Port-Royal des Champs suppressed and gave its estates to Port-Royal de Paris. On Oct. 29 the remaining twenty-two nuns, ranging in age from fifty to upward of eighty, were expelled by military force; and, being thus dispersed, all subscribed to the bull except two. The royal disapproval extended even to the buildings of Port-Royal; and by a mandate of Jan. 22, 1710, the convent and church were destroyed and even the dead were removed and interred in a neighboring cemetery.  
</p>
<p class="author">(E<small>UGEN</small> L<small>ACHENMANN.</small>)</small>
</p>
<p class="bibliography">
<small>
B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY:</small> 
C. A. Sainte-Beuve, <I>Port Royal, </I>5 vols., Paris, 1840-59, new ed., 7 vole., 1908 (the best work, though unsympathetic); 
Fontaine, <I>M&#233;moires . . . de Port Royal,</I> 2 vols, Utrecht, 1738; 
Du Foss&#233;, <I>M&#233;moires . . . de Port-Royal,</I> Utrecht, 1739; 
P. LeClerc, <I>Vies int&#233;rassantes . . . des religieuses de Port Royal,</I> 4 vols., Utrecht, 1750; 
idem, <I>Vies int&#233;rassantes  , , , des amia de Port-Royal, ib, </I>1751; 
J. Besoigne, <I>Hist. de l&#39;abbaye de Port-Royal,</I> 8 vols., Cologne, 1754-53; 
P. Guilbert,  <i>M&#233;moires historiques &#183; sur l&#39;abbaye de Port-Royal</i> vols. i., iii., Utrecht, 1752-59; 
H. Gr&#233;goire, <I>Les Ruines de PortRoyal.</I> Paris. 1809: 
H. Reuchlin, <I>Gieschichte von PortRoyal,</I> 2 vols., Hamburg, 1839; 
J. M. Neale, <I>Hist. of the so-called Jansenist Church of Holland,</I> Oxford, 1855;
Mrs. M. A. Schimmelpenninck, <I>Select Memoirs of Port Royal,</I> 5th ed., London, 1858; 
J. Stephen, <I>Essays in Ecclesiastical Biography</i>, pp 279-336, 4th ed., London, 1880; 
C. Beard, <I>Port Royal</I> 2 vols., London, 1881; 
C. Clemencet, <I>Hist. litt&#233;raire de Port-Royal</i>, vol. i., Paris, 1887; 
A. Richard. <I>Les Premiers Jans&#233;nistes et Port-Royal, </I> Paris. 1883
E. Fenot, <I>Port-Royal et Magny,</I> Paris, 1885;
L. 8&ebb <I>Les Derniers Jans&#233;nistes (1710-180)</i>, 3 vols., Paris, 1891; 
R. Allier, <I>La Cabale des d&#233;vots 1627 - 1666</I>, pp. 159-192, Paris, 1902; 
W. R. Clark, <I>Pascal and the Port Royalists</i>, London, 1902; 
A. Malvault <I>R&#233;pertoire alphab&#233;tique des peraonnes et choses de Port-Royal</i>, Paris, 1902; 
Ethel Romance <I>The Story of Port Royal</i>, London 1907; 
A. Gazer <I>Abr&#233;g&#233; de l&#39;histoire de Port Royal d&#39;apr&#232;s un manuscrit pr&#233;par&#233; pour l&#39;impresaion Par Jean-Baptiste Racine</i>, Paris, 1908; 
M. E. Lowndes, <I>The Nuns of Port Royal as seen in their own Narratives</i>, New York,1909; 
the literature under P<small>ASCAL</small>, B<small>LAISE.</small>
</small>
</P>

<br />
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Portanova, Gennaro" id="portanova_gennaro">
<P>
<b>PORTANOVA, GENNARO:</b> Cardinal. b. at Naples Oct. 11, 1845; d. at Rome Apr. 25, 1908. He was educated at the Jesuit College in his native <pb n="137"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
city, and at the archiepiscopal lyceum of Naples, where he was professor of theology, 1877-83, besides being professor of philosophy in various Neapolitan institutions 1875-83. In 1883 he was consecrated titular bishop of Rosea and appointed
bishop coadjutor of Ischia, to which see he succeeded on the death of his diocesan two years later. In 1888 he was translated to the metropolitan see of Reggio di Calabria, of which he was archbishop till his death. He was likewise apostolic administrator of the diocese of Bova from 1889 to 1895 and of Oppido in 1898-99. In 1899 he was created cardinal-priest of San Clemente in Rome. He wrote <I>Errori a deliri del Darwinismo</I> (Naples, 1872); <I>Su la distinzione della psicologia dalla; isiolofia a su le mutue loro attinenze</I> (1875); <I>Gli Evoluzionisti e la loro morale</I> (Rome, 1881); <I>Evoluzione a miraculo</I> (Naples, 1882); and <I>La Filosofia speculativa compendiata</I> (1883).
</P>

<br />
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Porter, Ebenezer" id="porter_ebenezer">
<P>
<b>PORTER, EBENEZER:</b> Congregationalist; b. at Cornwall, Conn., Oct. 5, 1772; d. at Andover Apr. 8, 1834. He was graduated at Dartmouth College, 1792; ordained 1796, pastor in Washington, Conn.; Bartlett professor of sacred rhetoric in the Andover Theological Seminary, 1812-32, and president, 1827-34. He was the author of <I>Young Preacher&#39;s Manual</I> (Boston, 1819); <I>An Analysis of the Principles of Rhetorical Delivery </I> (1827; 8th ed., by A. H. Weld, Boston, 1839); <I>Rhetorical Reader</I> (Andover, 1831; 300th ed., New York, 1858); <i>Lectures on Homiletics, Preaching, and on Public Prayer</I> (Andover, 1834) ; and <I>Lectures on Eloquence and Style</I> (Andover, 1836).
</P>
<P class="bibliography">
<small>
B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY:</small> W. B. Sprague, <i>Annals of the American Pulpit</i>, ii. 351-361, New York, 1859; 
L. Woods, <i>Hist. of the Andover Theological Seminary</i>, ib. 1884.
</small>
</P>

<br />
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Porter, Frank Chamberlain" id="porter_frank_chamberlain">
<p>
<b>PORTER, FRANK CHAMBERLAIN:</b> Congregationalist; b. at Beloit, Wis., Jan. 5, 1859. He was educated at Beloit College (A.B., 1880) and the theological seminaries at Chicago (1881-82), Hartford (1884-85), and Yale (B.D., 1886; Ph.D., 1889). He was teacher of mathematics and Greek in the Chicago High School (1882-84), and instructor in Biblical theology in Yale Divinity School (1889-91), while since 1891 he has been Winkley professor of Biblical theology in the same institution. In Biblical study he "advocates a strictly historical method (in contrast to a dogmatic)," while in theological position he is a liberal Evangelical. He has written <I>The Ye&#231;er Hara: A study in the Jewish Doctrine of Sin</i>, in the 
<I>Biblical and Semitic Studies</I> of the <I>Yale Bicentennial Series</I> (New York, 1903) and <I>The Messages bf the Apocalyptic Writers</I> (1905).
</P>

<br />
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Porter, Josias Leslie" id="porter_josias_leslie">
<P>
<b>PORTER, JOSIAS LESLIE:</b> English Presbyterian; b. at Burt, County Donegal, Ireland, Oct. 4, 1823; d. at Belfast Mar. 16, 1889. He graduated at Glasgow (B.A., 1841; M.A., 1842); was ordained, 1846; studied theology at the Free Church College and University, both Edinburgh, 1842-44; pastor at Newcastle-on-Tyne, 1846-49; missionary of the Presbyterian Church of Ireland in Damascus, 1849-59; professor of Biblical criticism in the Presbyterian College, Belfast, Ireland, 1860-77. He was especially prominent by reason of his connection with Irish educational institutions and interests. He was the author of  <I>Five Years in Damascus</i> (2 vols., London, 1855; 2d ed., 1870); <I>Hand-book for Syria and Palestine</I> (2 vols., 1858; 3d ed., 1875); <I>The Pentateuch and the Gospels</I> (1864); <I>The Giant Cities of Bashan, and Holy Places of Syria</I> (1865); <I>The Life and Times of Henry Cooke, D.D., LL.D.</I> (London, 1871); <I>The Pew and Study Bible</I> (1876); <I>Jerusalem, Bethany and Bethlehem</I> (1887); and <I>Through Samaria to Galilee and the Jordan</I> (1888). He edited J. Kitto&#39;s <I>Daily Bible Illustrations</I> (Edinburgh, 1867) and J. Brown&#39;s <I>Self-Interpreting Bible</I> (1871).
</P>
<P class="bibliography">
<small>
B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY:</small> <I>DNB</i>, xlvi. 187-188.
</small>
<p>

<br />
</div3><div3 type="Article title="Porter, Noah" id="porter_noah">
<P>
<b>PORTER, NOAH:</b> Congregationalist; b. at Farmington, Conn., Dec. 14, 1811; d. at New Haven, Conn., Mar. 4, 1892. He graduated at Yale College (1831), was master of Hopkins Grammar School, New Haven (1831-33); tutor at Yale (1833-1835); pastor at New Milford, Conn. (1836-43); at Springfield, Mass. (1843-46); Clark professor of metaphysics and moral philosophy at Yale College (1846-71); and president of Yale College (18711886). His presidency was a period of great expansion and progress, and his wide fame as a scholar was equalled by his popularity and influence at home. He was the author of  <I>Historical Discourse at Farmington, Nov-.4, 1840</i>, commemorating the two-hundredth anniversary of its settlement (Hartford, 1841); <I>The Educational Systems of the Puritans and Jesuits compared</I> (New York, 1851); <I>The Human Intellect</I> (1868, and many others); <I>Books and Reading</I> (1870; 6th ed., 1881); <I>American Colleges and the American Public</I> (1870); <I>Elements of Intellectual Science</I> (1871); <I>Sciences of Nature versus the Science of Man</I> (1871) ; <i>Evangeline: the Place, the Story, and the Poem</I> (1882); <I>The Elements of Moral Science, Theoretical and Practical</I> (1885); <I>Bishop Berkeley</I> (1885); <I>Kant&#39;s Ethics, a Critical Exposition</I> (Chicago, 1886); and <I>Fifteen Years in the Chapel of Yale College</I> (Sermons, 1871-86; New York, 1887). He was the principal editor of the revised editions of Webster&#39;s <I>Unabridged Dictionary</I> (Springfield, 1864, 1880).
</P>
<P class="bibliography">
<small>
B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY:</small> 
G. S. Merriam, <I>Noah Porter: a Memorial by
Friends, </I>New York, 1893 (contains bibliography); 
W. Walker, <I>Creeds and Platforms of Congregationalism</i>, pp. 559-581,ib. 1893.
</small>
</p>

<br />
</div3><div3 type="Article title="Porteus, Beilby" id ="porteus_beilby">
<P>
<b>PORTEUS, BEILBY:</b> Church of England bishop; b. at York May 8, 1731; d. at Fulham (6 m. s.w. of St. Paul&#39;s, London) May 8, 1808. He received his preliminary education at York and at Ripon, and then entered Christ&#39;s College, Cambridge (B.A. and fellow, 1752; D.D., 1767); he was made deacon and priest, 1757, and in 1759 won the Seatonian prize for a poem on death; he became domestic chaplain to the archbishop of Canterbury (Thomas Seeker, q.v.) in 1762, from whom in 1765 he received the livings of Rucking and Wittersham, Kent, soon after exchanging them for Hunton, of which he became rector; he received a prebend in Peterborough, 1767, in 1769 became chaplain to the king, and in 1776 bishop of Chester, being translated in 1787 to the see of London. As preacher he was noted for marked ability and directness; as bishop his excellencies were many. He encouraged <pb n="138"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
the rising evangelicalism of the times, took great interest in fostering the comfort of the poorer clergy of his dioceses by securing funds for the increase of their emoluments and also by procuring the abolishment of the evil practise of making them sign bonds to resign when requested; he was deeply interested in the question of slavery and the welfare of negroes; he promoted the cause of the British and Foreign Bible Society, acting as its vice-president; and was efficient in preventing the abuse of religious holidays. He opposed the spread of the principles of the French Revolution and equally the doctrines
of Paine&#39;s <i>Age of Reason.</I> Hie was himself possessed of ample means, and these he used generously in support of various of the interests noted above.
</P>
<P>
He was the author of many occasional sermons, as well as of volumes of sermons, e.g., <I>Sermons on Several Subjects</I> (London, 1784; 14th ed., 1813); also of <I>Review of the Life and Character of Archbishop Seeker</I> (1770; twelve editions); <I>The Beneficial Effects of Christianity on the Temporal Concerns of Mankind Proved from History and Facts</I> (1804; 9th ed., 1836); <I>Summary of the Principal Evidences for the Truth and Divine Origin of the Christian Revelation</I> (1800; 15th ed., 1835); and <I>Lectures on the Gospel of St. Matthew</i> (2 vols., 1802; 17th ed., 1823). His <I>Complete Works</I> were often published (best ed., 6 vols., 1816; really not "complete").
</P>
<P class="bibliography">
<small>
B<small>IBILIOGRAPHY:</small> His <I>Life</i>, by R. Hodgson, is prefixed to vol. i. of his Works. Consult: C. J. Abbey, <I>The English Church and its Bishops</i>, 2 vols., London, 1887; J. H.
Overton <I>English Church in the 18th Century</i>, ib. 1894; J.
H. Overton and F. Relton <I>The English Church (1714-1800)</i>, ib. 1908; <I>DNB</i>, xlvi. 195-196.</small>
</P>

<br />
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Portiuncula Indulgence" id="portiuncula_indulgence">
<P>
<b>PORTIUNCULA INDULGENCE:</b> The title of a plenary indulgence granted to all who should devoutly visit the Portiuncula Church (St Mary of the Angels; see F<small>RANCIS</small>, S<small>AINT, OF</small> A<small>SSISI</small>, I., &#167; 1), near Assisi, at the request of Saint Francis of Assisi by Honorius III. in 1223. This pope confined it to Aug. 2; Gregory XV. in 1622 made it good for all churches of the Observantist Franciscans on that day; Innocent XI. in 1678 made its benefits applicable to souls in purgatory. In 1847 the Congregation of Indulgences made it applicable to every Franciscan church.
</P>

<br />
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Porto Rico" id ="porto_rico"> 
<p>
<b>PORTO RICO.</b> See W<small>EST</small> I<small>NDIES.</small>
</p>

<br />
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Portugal" id="portugal"
<p>
<h2>PORTUGAL.</h2>
<ul>
<li>I. History and Statistics.
<li>II. Evangelical Work.
<ol>
<li>The Conditions (&#167; 1).
<li>Anti-Roman Tendencies (&#167; 2).
<li>Evangelical Activities (&#167; 3).
<li>Agencies Employed (&#167; 4).
<li>Results and Prospects (&#167; 5).
</ol>
</ul>
</p>
<h3>I. History and Statistics:</h3>
<p>Since October, 1910, Portugal has been a republic. It is situated in southwestern Europe, between Spain on the north and east and the Atlantic Ocean on the south and west; area, including the Azores and Madeira, 35,491square miles; population, 5,423,132. The present boundaries were established in 1255. At that time began the struggles between the royal sovereignty and the clergy, owing to the clergy&#39;s opposition to royal taxation, or following measures against particular bishops. The Jesuits very early gained influence at court, became a ruling force in the educational establishments of the country, and through them the Inquisition (q.v.) was introduced. This f development prevailed so that, in the first half of the eighteenth century, the aggregate of the clergy and nuns amounted to ten per cent of the population. Under John V. (1706-50), with very great pomp, the archdiocese of Lisbon was exalted to the rank of a patriarchate, and the king of Portugal obtained the title of <I>rex fidelissimus.</I> The property of the Church increased more and more through the donations of real estate, so that from the twelfth century the cathedral churches have received onethird of the parish church tithe. King Joseph Manuel (1750-77), however, indorsed his minister Pombal&#39;s demand for the expulsion of the Jesuits, 1759, and the secularization of a great part of the church estates. The clergy grew very powerful again under the next king and continued so by virtue of the repeal of the constitution of 1821. But a strong reaction set in again in the period 18341836. The Jesuits, who had been recalled, were again expelled; the tribunal of the papal nuncio was abolished; not a few bishops and cloister clergy were dismissed from their positions, and the assignment of parishes was defined to be a function of the civil government. All the monasteries for men and their educational establishments were declared abolished. This, however, was not practically enforced, and a concordat in the year 1842, failing only in receiving the final state acknowledgment, gave evidence of a new reaction. It obtained a lease of existence both by the extension of orders and congregations and by the multiplication of fraternal organizations. These brotherhoods are supported largely by gifts; because they serve to establish orphanages and the like. In 1862, indeed, most of the church estates were sold; but the proceeds were turned over to the clergy, and a considerable yearly provision for the entire spiritual body (700,000 milreis; $752,500), on the part of the
State, was fixed by statute. Though, in 1878, the civil class-list was introduced on account of the marriage of non-Roman Catholics, yet every other innovation undesired by the clergy was omitted. The hierarchy consists of the three ecclesiastical provinces of Lisbon, Brags, and Evora, under which, on the mainland, there are nine bishoprics covering twelve diocesan districts and upward of 3,800 parishes. The constitution of 1821, which long since recovered its validity, declares the Roman Catholic to be the only authorized church. No building of worship may be erected by those of another faith. [On the proclamation of the republic action was taken looking to the elimination of the religious orders.]
</p>
<P>
Education is retarded; only about one-fifth of the population can write. Of the forty-one colleges, eighteen belong to the clergy. There are German Evangelical congregations at Oporto, Lisbon, and on Fayal Island. Congregations of the Church of England and of the Free Church of Scotland are at Corunna, Oporto, Lisbon, and Ports-Legre.
</P>
<p class="author">W<small>ILHELM</small> G<small>OETZ</small></p>
<P>
<h3>II. Evangelical Work:</h3>
<h4>1. Conditions.</h4>
Of all European countries Portugal is the only one that was never touched by the Reformation. At the beginning of the six-<pb n="139"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
teenth century Portugal was enjoying the most brilliant period of her whole history, and by reason of her maritime and colonial enterprises was rapidly advancing to the front ranks of European powers. Nevertheless, in the sphere of religion, she seems to have escaped the stimulus which came to all other European countries, during this or the following centuries, from the Protestant Reformation. Several reasons may be offered in explanation: (1) The relative isolation of Portugal and her remoteness from the centers of the religious movement, together with the lack of easy means of communication in that period, precluded the possibility of the Portuguese coming in contact with the followers or the literature of the Reformers. (2) The absence of that preliminary preparation which came to other countries through the preaching of such early Reformers as Wyclif in England, Huse in Bohemia, Savonarola in Italy, and Lefevre in France, had left untilled the seed-plot in which the seeds of the  Reformation might have taken root. (3) The most important factor, perhaps, in closing Portugal against the influences of the Reformation was the political despotism, united with that of the Church, which prevailed in Portugal at that time. This union was further strengthened in 1536 by the formal establishment of the Inquisition, and still more firmly cemented in 1540 by the admission of the Jesuits, into whose hands were committed the destinies of the nation for the two centuries that followed. Whatever the reasons may be, it is to be remarked that Portugal has continued down to modern times the most exclusively, if not the most intensely, Roman Catholic of all the Latin nations; and until to-day there has been no serious effort at religious reform.
</P>
<h4>2. Anti-Roman Tendencies.</h4>
<P>
Through all the stormy history of the little kingdom, Roman Catholicism has remained the State religion, and but few crises have arisen in which the voice of the Roman Catholic Church has not determined the policy of the nation. The only considerable defection from that church so far may be traced either to educational or political movements, rather than to the desire for religious reform. Toward the close of the eighteenth century the gradual infiltration of the ideas of the French philosophers inaugurated a "liberal" tendency among the cultured classes, which has steadily grown until to-day about fifty per cent of the educated Portuguese, if not professedly infidel, are in open opposition to the clergy. This movement away from the Church has been limited somewhat by the dense ignorance of the great mass of the people and the scant attention paid to education. In 1878 the illiterates were 82 per cent of the population and in 1909 they still comprised 78.6 per cent. In 1900 there were only 240,000 pupils in the elementary schools of Portugal, though education has been declared compulsory since 1844. Likewise in the political affairs of Portugal the nineteenth century marked a persistent struggle by certain elements of the population for "liberal" principles. The pernicious interference by the Roman Catholic clergy to defeat the aims of this movement attracted a constantly increasing hatred from the working classes and has developed a strong anticlerical party among the mass themselves. Indeed, the overthrow of the monarchy in October, 1910, with the flight of young King Manuel, seems to indicate that liberal principles have now won to their support the majority of the people. And Senor Sebastiano Magalhaes Lima, one of the leaders in the new republic, has announced that "the program of reform will include the separation of Church and State." On the other hand, the most recent statistics indicate that the secular clergy in Portugal numbers 93,979 parish priests in a total population of 5,423,132, an average of one priest to every fifty-seven inhabitants.
</P>
<h4>3. Evangelical Activities.</h4>
<P>
The foregoing facts would lead to the anticipation that the history of Evangelical Protestantism in Portugal does not begin until the nineteenth century, and that it owes its origin not to any stimulus received from the Reformation of the sixteenth century, but to the missionary activity of Protestant denominations dung the last century. As far as can be learned, it was not before 1845 that the Gospel was for the first time persistently proclaimed in Portugal. Meetings were commenced almost simultaneously in Lisbon and in Oporto. In Lisbon it was Mrs. Helen Roughton, wife of an English merchant, who first, with her husband&#39;s assistance, held private meetings in her house and established a school for Protestant
instruction. The Roughtons belonged to the Church of England, and their humble efforts resulted in the establishment of the Anglican Church of the Taipas, Lisbon. Mrs. Roughton lived until 1885, but a few years before her death adopted the views of the Plymouth Brethren (q.v.). At Oporto the first Evangelical worker was Miss Frederica Smith, who began work privately in 1845. She was born of English Parents in Oporto and was subsequently married to James Cooley Fletcher, United States consul at Oporto. At Oporto there labored also about this time, Rev. A. de Mattos, one of the converts of a mission in Madeira, a naturalized American and probably the first Portuguese Protestant to preach in Portugal. Since these early beginnings several British societies have opened stations at Lisbon and Oporto, as well as at several other of the principal cities of Portugal. The Plymouth Brethren have considerable strength, especially in Lisbon. The Scotch Presbyterians also have a mission there. The Wesleyan Methodists have an important work in Oporto, under charge of Robert H. Moreton) who has spent thirty-seven years at this post. The strongest Evangelical church in Portugal is the Anglican. It has several stations in both Lisbon and Oporto. Besides this there are independent Protestant churches at Oporto and Ports-Legre, supporting their own pastors, while all over Portugal there are little bands of believers, without or ganization or a pastor, which are centers of influence thoroughly Protestant in spirit.
</P>
<h4>4. Agencies Employed</h4>
<p>
It has been remarked that the first Evangelical work in Portugal was done in connection with the school. It is hardly necessary to state that this method has been largely adhered to by the foreign <pb n="140"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
societies. In connection with almost every station schools have been organized as the basis of operation, there being at least a dozen Protestant schools in the two cities Lisbon and Oporto. Scarcely less important than the work of the missions and schools has been that of the great Bible and Tract societies. Says a writer from the field: "Representatives of the union of Protestantism, the British and Foreign Bible Society, and the Religious Tract Society have done and are doing the widest and deepest, though the least apparent, Gospel work. Their general agent, Rev. Robert Stewart, with headquarters in Lisbon, keeps constantly employed six or eight colporteurs, canvassing the different provinces in Portugal and distributing Scriptures, tracts, and Christian literature." Of the Portuguese versions of the Scriptures, only two have become generally known: a Roman Catholic version by Antonio Pereira de Figueiredo in twenty-three volumes (1778; see B<small>IBLE</small> V<small>ERSIONS</small>, B, XIV.; reedited in seven volumes and greatly improved in 1804), and
a Protestant version by Joao Ferreira d&#39;Almeida (1693, for use in the Portuguese colonies; revised and republished in Lisbon in 1874, and again in 1877). Besides, the American Bible Society published a version of the New Testament in 1859, and more recently the committee representing the Episcopalian, Presbyterian, Baptist, and Wesleyan churches, has prepared, under the superintendence of Rev. Robert Stewart, a complete new version of the Bible. In connection with the mission and Bible agencies there have been established at Lisbon and Oporto several Protestant papers, which have a relatively wide circulation and have proved valuable adjuncts in spreading the word of truth.
</P>
<P>
The latest official census of Portugal credits the Protestants with something less than 500 members, including foreigners. But this is obviously inaccurate; no complete statistics are available from the several societies, but conservative estimates place the number of communicants at over 1,000, with possibly 3,000 adherents.
</P>
<h4>5. Results and Prospects</h4>
<P>
It will be seen that the record of evangelistic work in Portugal is brief, uneventful, and to the unsympathetic student uninspiring; indeed, measured in terms of adherents won, churches built, and schools or colleges opened, it must be admitted that the results have hardly justified the expenditure of money and toil and the sacrifice of life at which they have been secured. Nevertheless, to the intelligent student of missions, who has an adequate grasp of conditions in Portugal, the Protestant propaganda conducted there does not appear so fruitless, nor the outlook so hopeless as the bare statistics seem to indicate. So far, the work in Portugal has been preparatory merely, and it has encountered those obstacles which are incident to pioneer efforts at evangelism in all Roman Catholic countries, namely, the ignorance, irreligion, and intolerance of the people. It may be that in Portugal these conditions have been more acute than in other Latin countries. The large percentage of illiteracy has already been noted, and when it is considered that the uneducated classes are the only portion of the population that are accessible, ordinarily, to evangelistic effort, it will be seen that the growth of Protestantism must depend almost entirely upon the educational facilities which the missions can offer. In particular the ignorance of the Portuguese concerning Protestantism is amazing. Both the peasant and the educated, the layman and ecclesiastic are wholly ignorant of its d nature. The peasant and the layman confound Protestants with Jews, Moors, and unbelievers, and; taught by their priests, they have associated with Protestantism everything that is despicable and immoral. As for skepticism, it is not confined to the educated but, as in other nominally Roman Catholic countries, practical infidelity prevails to a distressing extent among the priests and people, and gives rise to the most appalling vices and immoralities in all walks of life. The Portuguese people know nothing of tolerance as Protestants understand it. A clause providing for religious tolerance has long been in the national constitution, but it has no reference to Protestantism. To the people the only representative of Christianity is the Roman Catholic Church, and tolerance means nothing more than the right to oppose the Roman Catholic clergy. It has not infrequently happened that the people incited by the Jesuits and priests have indulged in violent persecutions of Protestants. In addition to all this the missionary sotivities of Protestants have been projected in a haphazard fashion and on a scale wholly inadequate to the measure of the need. Despite these untoward circumstances enough has already been accomplished to constitute a solid and necessary foundation for the great work that yet remains to be done. Moreover, when account is taken of what has already been done in the face of such obstacles, and of its significance in the light of the new era that is even now dawning for Portugal, there is room for the assertion that Protestantism has a great mission to this priest-ridden people. The missionaries are on the ground. They have occupied the strategic points of vantage. They have entrenched themselves in various directions, reaching out from these centers. They have established a few schools and churches and gathered at many points the nuclei of Protestant communities. They have sown the seed of truth broadcast by the printed and preached Word, and are now ready for the harvest. Meanwhile recent years have brought about a vast change in the attitude of the people toward education and the progressive ideas that have brought prosperity to other nations. There is a noticeable and increasing respect for literary attainments, and recent writers display literary ability of no mean value. There is a general desire among all classes of people to give their children the benefits of education. There is a wide-spread clamor for industrial and commercial reform; and the almost peaceful establishment of the new republic with its liberal program of reform demonstrates the unanimity with which the people are awaking to the need of radical change in national policies. Along with this there comes from the bosom of the Church itself, in a communication from the Franciscan monks to the hierarchy, an <pb n="141"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />141 
urgent demand for religious reform. In other words, Portugal is approaching her renaissance, political revolution, and Reformation all at once, and there is no reason why the Reformation should not be cast in the mold which Protestant evangelism has provided.  
</p>
<p class="author">J<small>UAN</small> O<small>RTS</small> G<small>ONZALEZ</small>.</p>
<p class="bibliography">
<small>
B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY:</small> 
H. Sehifer, <I>Geschiehte von Portugal</i>, 5 vols.</I>Hamburg, 1830-84; 
E. MacMurdo, <I>Hist. of Portugal, </I>2 vols., London, 1888-89; 
H. M. Stephens, <I>Portugal, </I>ib.1891; 
w. A. Salisbury, <I>Portugal and its People, ib. </I>1893;
H. E. Noyes, <I>Church Reform in Portugal, </I>ib. 1897; 
L. Higgin, <I>Portuguese Life in Town and Country, </I>ib. 1902;
H. C. Lea, <I>Hist. of the Inquisition of the Middle Apes, </I>new ed., 3 <I>vols., </I>New York, 1900; 
idem, <I>Hist. of the Inquisition of Spain, </I>new ed., 4 vols., ib. 1900-07; 
F. E. and H. A. Clark, <I>The Gospel in Latin Lands, </I>ib. 1909; 
J.. McCabe, <I>The Decay of the Church of Rome, </I>ib. 1909.
</small>
</p>

<br />
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Positivism" id="positivism">
<P>
<b>POSITIVISM:</b> The name applied to the teachings of Auguste Comte (q.v.), which, since the middle of the nineteenth century, have been accepted in the stricter sense by what is practically a sect, and more loosely by a large school of admirers of his "Positive Philosophy." The latter, by far the more numerous, have usually regaled his later political teaching, if not as the product of distinct mental aberration, at best as a sentimental illusion, or as analogous to Plato&#39;s " Republic " and " Laws," to be admired theoretically but incapable of practical realization. The system taught by Comte in his first great book was essentially atheistic and anti-theological; the only sciences there considered as the main branches of human knowledge were mathematics, mechanics (including astronomy), physics, chemistry, physiology, and sociology. Even psychology, the connecting link between physiology and sociology, was omitted-a defect which the English adherents of Comte, under John Stuart Mill&#39;s leadership, felt obliged to supply. This fundamentally non-religious attitude was based in one aspect on the English and French sensualist philosophy of the eighteenth century, especially on Etienne de Condillac, Thomas Reid, and Dugald Stewart; in its socialistic speculation it was largely dependent on Marie Jean Caritat de Condorcet, and in the leading ideas of its philosophy of history on the Italians Giovanni Battista Vico and Tommaso Campanella. In fact, what has frequently been regarded as Comte&#39;s principal achievement-the definition of the law of human progress through the three stages of theology, metaphysics, and positivism, or pure empiricism in the exact sciences is really found in both the last-named, as well as in the French physiocrat Anne Robert Jacques Turgot. In like manner his doctrine of the transition of the process leading to social perfection from belligerent conquest to defense by force, and from that again to peaceful labor, is nothing more than a simple development of what Condorcet had taught in 1793; and his theory of Fetishism (q.v.) as the primal form of religion goes back in its essence to Charles de Brosses (1760).
</P>
<P>
In spite, however, of this lack of originality, and in spite of the transformation which the system has received at the hands of John Stuart Mill, Herbert Spencer, John Fiske, and others, the " hierarchy of the sciences " and Comte&#39;s general line of thought have maintained a considerable degree of popularity among English-speaking and French philosophers. Among the latter it influenced especially mile Littrd, Hippolyte Taine, Ernest Renan, and Th_odule Ribot, while Henry Thomas Buckle, George Henry Lewes, Leslie Stephen, John Tyndall, and Thomas Henry Huxley took their stand on the same " positive " ground, and the modern Scottish sensualism of such thinkers as Alexander Bain shows no slight traces of its influence. In America John William Draper followed practically the same path as Comte in his <i>History of the Conflict between Religion and Science </I>(New York, 1874), and more recently Paul Carus (q.v.), editor of  <I>The Monist </I>and author of several works of like tendency, has conducted a propaganda which has much in common with Comte&#39;s. Italy has its thinkers of the same school in Tito Vignoli, Roberto Ardigb, Pietro Siciliani, and Andrea Angiulli, and not a few chairs of philosophy in Spain and Portugal are occupied by adherents of Comte. Among German positivists in the narrower sense may be named Ernst Laas, Adolf Steudel, Friedrich Jodl, Alois Riehl, and Georg von Gizycki; and as less thorough-going adherents of Comte mention may be made of such philosophers as Wilhelm Wundt, Theobald Ziegler, and Julius Baumann.
</P>
<P>
There has been, however, much misconception in the attempt to connect certain modern nonreligious systems directly with Comte. The evolutionism of Darwin and Spencer has really little in common with his doctrine; he vigorously combated Darwin&#39;s forerunner, Jean Baptiste Pierre Antoine de Monet Lamarck; and Huxley and other leaders of the evolutionist school have in their turn sharply criticized him. His attitude toward religion, nevertheless, has had not a little to do with that of some of the leading opponents of religious systems in more recent times. It is now clear that Karl Marx took some of his most important and characteristic doctrines from Comte&#39;s sociology; and Friedrich Nietzsche (q.v.), after a period of almost exclusive devotion to Arthur Schopenhauer&#39;s pessimism, adopted several points of Comte&#39;s teaching.
</P>
<P>
The Positivist sect, based upon Comte&#39;s <i.Syst&#232;me de politique positive</i>, possesses popular manuals of teaching and practise in the <I>Calendrier positivists </I>(Paris, 1849) and <I>Cat&#233;chisme positivists </I>(1853). It teaches " the transformation of philosophy. into religion "; but the philosophy thus transformed is  he positivist philosophy, with no belief in God, the soul, or immortality. The cult of humanity on which it rests is a fantastic veneration of heroes, men of genius, scientists, and women. The calendar contains nine sacraments and eighty-four recurrent festivals. The thirteen months, of twenty-eight days each, take their designations from notable benefactors of the human race. Moses, Homer, Aristotle, Archimedes, Caesar, Paul, Charlemagne, Dante, Gutenberg, Shakespeare, Descartes, Frederick II., and Bichat (a famous Parisian physician and anatomist, d. 1802). Each of the days of the week is dedicated to a minor hero, as Sophooles, Horace, Copernicus, Galileo, and Cuvier. For the administration of the sacraments and the general direction of the body a sort of hierarchy is postulated. The sect in England was for a long time<pb n="142"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
under the direction of Frederic Harrison and Rich ard Congreve, and in France principally under that of Pierre Laffitte in Paris. When the latter died in 1903, it was felt by many that "orthodox" Positivism was near its end; but although the section of Comte&#39;s followers which still preserves a certain type of religious feeling is yet in existence, it can not be said that they adhere closely to his prescriptions. Their formulas vary, in fact, be tween a weakly naturalistic deism and a radical atheism. The group of positivists which grew up around Francis Ellingwood Abbot in America, about 1870 called themselves the professors of a "Free Religion," and their views, as expressed in Abbot&#39;s " Fifty Affirmations," were in many ways much more radical than Comte&#39;s. Of a similar nature are some manifestations of free thought in France and Belgium, as they appear in Eug4ne &mtrie&#39;s periodical <i>La  Politiquz positive</I> (Paris and Versailles), in Jean Fran&#231;ois Eug&#233;ne Robinet&#39;s <I>Le Radical,</I> and in Edgar Monteil&#39;s <I>Cat&#233;chisme du libre-penseur</I> (Antwerp, 1877), in which atheism is partially concealed by a few phrases which have a theistic ring, and a corresponding scheme of morality is taught which is in its essence mere Epicureanism. The German free-thinking sects founded by Eduard L&#246;wenthal and Eduard Reich are really German products, with no closely demonstrable connection with Comte, though some things about them (such as the title of the latter, the Church of Humanity) are reminiscent of his teaching. For an English analogy to Comte&#39;s Positivism under the leader ship of George Jacob Holyoake, Charles Bradlaugh, etc., see S<small>ECULARISM</small>.  
</p>
<p class="author">(O. Z<small>&#214;CKLER</small>&#8224;.)
<P class="bibliography">
<small>
B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY:</small>  Besides the literature in and under the article on Comte (q.v.), where the sources are given in
extenso, consult: 
C. de Bligniares, <I>Exposition abr&#233;r&#233;e de la
philosophie et de la religion positive</i>, Paris, 1857; 
idem, <i>Le Doctrine Positive, </I>ib. 1887; 
idem, <i>&#201;tudes de moral positive</i>, ib. 1888; 
L. Pinel. <i>Essai de philosophic positive, </I>2d ed., ib. 1857; 
C. Pellarin <i>Essai critique sur la philosophie positive</i>, ib. 1884; 
J. H. Bridges, <i>Unity of Compte&#39;s Life and Doctrine</i>, London 1888&#183; F. B. Barton, An Outline of the Positive Religion</i>, ib. 1887; J. Ladevi-Roche, <i>Le Positisme au tribunal de la science</i>, Pans 1887; 
J. Douboul, Le Positivisme: sa m&#233;thode ses ant&#233;cidentes et ses cons&#233;quences</i>, Paris, 1887; 
L. Andrft-Nuytz.<i> Le Positivime pour tous</i>, Pairis, 1868; 
A. Angiulli, <i>La Filosofia a la Ricerca positiva</i>, Naples 1868;
R. Ardig&#242;, <i>Opere fllosofihche</i>, 7 vols., Padua, 1889-94;  A. d&#39;Assier, <i>Essai de philosophie positive au xix.sei&#232;cle</i>, Paris, 1870; 
T. H. Huxley, <i>Lay Sermons</i>, London, 1870; 
P. Alex, <i>Du droit et du positivisme</i>, Paris, 1876; 
L. Adrian, <i>Essais sur quelques points de philosophie positive</i>, ib. 1877; 
M Chateauneuf, <i>Le Poaitivisme et to materialiame devant la loi
du progr&#232;s</i>, ib 1877; 
&#201;. Littr&#233;, <i>Aug. Comte et la philoeophie positive</i>, 3d ed., ib. 1877; 
G. Bareellotti, <i>La Morale dolls Filosofie positive</i>, New York, 1878; 
R. Flint, <i>AntiTheistic Theories</i>, Edinburgh, 1879; 
idem, <i>Philosophy of History</i>, ib. 1874: 
idem <i>Agnosticism</i>, ib. 1903; 
L. Liard, <i>La Science positive d la metaphysique</i>. Paris, 1879; 
E. Laos,<i> Idealismus and Positivismus</i>, 3 vols., Berlin, 1879-1884; 
E. H. Beesiy, <i>Comte as a Moral Type</i>, London, 1880&#183; 
J. H. Bridges, <i>Comte&#39;s General View of Positivism</i>, ib. 1880; 
J. Haines, <i>Seven Lectures on the Doctrine of Positivism</i> ib. 1880&#183; 
J. F. E. Robinet, <i>Le Positivisme</i>, Paris, 1881; 
P. de Broglie, <i>Le Positivisme et la science experimentale</i>, 2 vols., ib. 1882; 
G. Allievo, <i>Del Positivismo</i>, Turin, 1883; 
J. H. Bridges, <i>Comte, the Successor of Aristotle</i>, London, 1883: 
E. Caro, <i>Littr&#233; et la positivisme</i>, Paris. 1883&#183; 
E. Caird, <i>The Social Philosophy and Religion of Comte</i>, Glasgow, 1885; 
P. Vallet, <i>Le Kantisme et la positivisme</i>, Paris, 1887; 
A. J. Balfour, <I>Religion of Humanity</i>,  London, 1888 
W. Bender, <i>Das Weaen der Religion</i>, Bonn, 1888&#183; 
W. Cunningham, <i>The Path towards Knowledge</i>, pp. 147-183, London, 1891; 
H. D. Hutton. <i>Congo, the Man and Founder</i> London, 1891; E. &#39;de Roberty, La <I>Philosophic du si&#232;cle: criticisms, positivisme, evolvtionisme</i>. Paris, 1891; 
H. D. Hutton, <i>Comte&#39;s Life and Work Exceptional, but finaly Normal</i>, London, 1892;
E. de Roberty, <i>Aug. Comte et H. Spencer</i>, Paris, 1894; 
L. M. Billie, <i>La Crisi del Positivismo</i>, Parma, 1895; 
J. Halleux. <i>Les Principes du positivisme</i>, Paris. 1898&#183; 
C. Hillemand. <i>La vie et l&#39;&#230;uvre d&#39;Auguste Comte</i>, ib. 1898; 
J. Watson, <i>Comte, Mill and Spencer</i>, 2d ed., London, 1898&#183; 
C. Gilardoni, <i>Le Positivisme, Vitry-le-Fran&#231;ois</i> 1899; 
G. de Greef, <i>Probl&#232;mes de philosophie positive. </I>Paris, 1900; 
L. lkvy-Bruhl <I>La Philosophie d&#39;Auguste Comte</i>, ib. 1900; 
P. Batiffol <I>&#201;ttudes d&#39;histoire et la theologie positive, </I>ib. 1902; 
E. Rignano, <I>La Sociologie dans Ie cours de la Philosophie positive, </I>ib. 1902;
A. Baumann, <I>La Religion positive. </I>ib. 1903; 
E. Corra. <I>La Philosophie positive, </I>ib. 1904&#183; 
P. Grimanelli, <I>La Criss morale et Ie positivisme</i>, </I>ib. 1904&#183; 
W. Schmidt, <I>Der Kampf der Weltanschauungen, </I>Berlin, 1904: J. H. Bridges, <i>Illustrations of Positivism </I>London, 1907&#183; 
F. Harrieon. <I>The Creed of a Layman: Apologia pro fide roes, </I>London and New York, 1907; and cf. list of magazine literature in Richardson. <I>Encyclop&#230;dia</i>. pp. 888-,887.
</small>
</P>

<br />
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Possession, Demoniacal" id="possession_demoniacal">
<p><b>POSSESSION, DEMONIACAL</b>. See D<small>EMONIAC.</small></p>

<br />
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Possevino, Antonio" id="possevino_antonio">
<P>
<b>POSSEVINO</b>, pos"se vi no, <b>ANTONIO:</b> Italian
Jesuit, diplomat, and scholar; b. at Mantas 1534; d. at Ferrara Feb. 28, 1811. He was a zealous opponent of Protestantism, first in the Waldenaian valleys, and later in France, and especially at Avignon and Lyons. In 1577 Gregory XIII. commissioned him to labor in the cause of recovering the Swedish court and people to the Roman Catholic Church, and as an imperial envoy he made good use of the friendly ties that subsisted, through marriage, with the royal family of Poland. His enterprise failed, however, for the pope would have nothing to do with the ecclesiastical compromises introduced by King John III. Possevino then labored in Poland and Russia until he was recalled to Italy in 1588. Here he devoted himself to literary work, the results including <i>Apparatus sacer ad scriptores Veteris et Novi Testamenti</i> (3 vols., Venice, 1603-08); </i>Moscovia</i> 
(Wilna, 1588); and <i>Bibliotheca selecta studiorum</i> (2 vols., Rome, 1593).
</P>
<p class="author">K. B<small>ENRATH</small>.
<P>
<p class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY:</small> 
J. d&#39;Origny. <I>La Vie du P&#232;re A. Possevin,</I> Paris. 1712; Lichtenberger, x. 697-699; 
<I>KL</i> x. 235-238.
An answer to his <I>Apparatus </I>was made by T. James, <I>A
Treatise of the Corruption of Scripture . . together with
a sufficient Answer unto . . . A. Possevino, </I>London, 1811.
</small></P>

<br />

<P>
<b>POSSIDIUS, SAINT:</b> Biographer of Augustine; d. after 437. Nothing is known of his life until 390 or 391, except that he was from northern Africa and was a pupil of Augustine and his intimate friend for forty years. In 397 he seems to have been consecrated bishop o&#163; Calama in Numidia, and he continually cooperated with Augustine in the struggle against paganism and in the war upon the heretics of the period, Arians, Manicheans, Donatists, Priecillianists, and Pelagians (see A<small>UGUSTINE</small>, S<small>AINT, OF</small> H<small>IPPO</small>).  The extirpation of the heretics, especially the Pelagians, was doubtless due to the synodal activity of Augustine and Possidius. Between 394 and 424 Augustine summoned twenty synods mostly at Carthage; and while the signature of the bishop of Calama can scarcely be proved, his energy at one of the Carthaginian synods against the Pelagians won the praise of Innocent I. in his <i>Inter c&#230;teras Roman&#230;</i> of Jan. 27, 417 <I>(MPL, </I>xxsiii. 783). In 429 northern Africa<pb n="143"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
was ravaged by the vandals of Geiserich, and on the destruction of Calama Possidius fled to Hippo, where he was present at the.death of Augustine on Aug. 28, 430. According to Prosper of Aquitane, Possidius and other bishops were expelled from Africa in 437 by Geiserich. Henceforth Possidius vanishes from history, and neither the place nor the date of his death is known, though apparently he lived to an advanced age. In the Roman Catholic calendar his day is May 17.
</P>
<P>
Shortly after 430 Possidius wrote his <I>Vita Augustini</I> (ed. J. Salinas, Augsburg, 1764; <I>MPL</i>, xxxii. 33-66), a work at once enthusiastic, modest, and reliable. He also made the first collection of the numerous writings of Augustine under the title <I>Indiculus librorum, tractatuum et epistolarum sancti Augustini Hipponensis episcopi</i> (<i>MPL</i>, xlvi. 5 sqq.), thus doing a valuable service for the earliest textual transmission of his teacher&#39;s works.
</P>
<p class="author">(F<small>RANZ</small> G<small>&#214;RRES</small>.)</p>
<p class="bibliography">
<small>
B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY:</small> 
The source is his own <I>Vita Augustini</i>, ut sup. 
Consult: <I>ASH</i>, May, iv. 27-34; J. Salinas, <I>De vita
et rebus gestis sancti Possidii</i>, Rome, 1731; 
Tillemont, <I>M&#233;moires</i>, vol. xiii.; <i>KL</i>, x. 238; <I>DCB</i>, iv. 445-446;
Ceillier, <I>Auteurs sacr&#233;s</i>, vii. 187, 521-522, 562, ix. 22.
Some illustrative material will be found in 
A. Schwarze, <I>Africanische Kirche</i>, pp. 83, 145, 154, G&#246;ttingen, 1892;
F. G&#246;rres, in <I>Deutsche Zeitsehrift fur Geschichtswissenwhaft</i>, x (1893), 14-70; 
L. Schmidt, <I>Geschichte der Wandaten, </I>Leipsic, 1901 (cf. F. G&#246;rres in <I>GGA</i>, 1902, no. 10, pp. 816-826).</small>
</P>

<br />
<P></p>
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Post, George Edward" id="post_george_edward">
<p>
<b>POST, GEORGE EDWARD:</b> Presbyterian; b. in New York City Dec. 17, 1838; d. at Beirut, Syria, Oct. 1, 1909. He was educated at the New York Free Academy (now the College of the City of New York; A.B., 1854), New York University (M.D., 1860), and Union Theological Seminary (1861). He was then a chaplain in the United States Army (1861-63), after which he was a missionary at Tripoli, Syria (1863-67). After 1867 he was professor of surgery at the Syrian Protestant College, Beirut, Syria. He was also surgeon to the Johanniter Hospital, Beirut. In addition to a number of text-books and other works in Arabic, and besides many articles on natural history in leading theological encyclopedias, he wrote <I>Flora of Syria, Palestine, and Syria from the Taurus to Ras Muhammad, and from the Mediterranean Sea to the Syrian Desert</I> (Beirut, 1896).
</P>

<br />
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Postil" id="postil">
<P>
<b>POSTIL:</b> A medieval Latin term for a marginal note or a Biblical commentary affixed to a text, being an abbreviation of the phrase <I>post ills verbs textus.</I> The word first occurs in the chronicle (with reference to examples of 1228 and 1238) of Nicolas Trivetus, but later it came to mean only homiletic exposition, and thus became synonymous with homily in distinction from the thematic sermon. Finally, after the middle of the fourteenth century, it was applied to an annual cycle of homilies.  From the time of Luther, who Published the first part of his postil under the title <I>Enarrationes epistolarum et evangeliorum quas postillas vocant </I> (Wittenberg, 1521), every annual cycle of sermons on the lessons, whether consisting of homilies or formal sermons, is termed a postil. A few of the most famous Lutheran postils are those of M. Luther (<i>Kirchenpostille</i>, Wittenberg, 1527; <I>Hauspostille</i>, 1542, 1549), P. Melanchthon <I>(Evangelien-Postille,</I> Germ., Nuremberg, 1549; Lat., Hanover, 1594), M. Chemnitz <I>(EvangelienrPostille, </I>Magdeburg, 1594), L.Osiander 
<I>(Bauern-Postille, </I>T&#252;bingen,1597), and J. Arndt 
<I>(Evangelien-Postille, </I>Leipsic, 1616).
</P>
<P>
The term postil fell into disuse during the period of Pietism and the Enlightenment (qq.v.), but was revived by Claus Harms <I>(Winter-Postille, </I>Kiel, 1812; <I>Sommer-Postille, </I>1815); and has again become common through W. L&#246;he <I> Evangelien-Postille, </I>Frommel 1848; <I>Epistel-Postille, </I>1858), and M.
Stuttgart <I>(Herzpostille, </I>Bremen, 1882, 1890; <I>Hauspostille, </I>1887-88; <I>Pilgerpostille, </I>1890).
</P>
<P>
The Reformed Church, disregarding a regular series of lessons, has no postils; but in the Roman Catholic Church the term has been kept especially through L. Goffin&#233; <I>(Hand-Postill oder christ-catholische Unterrichtungen von allen Sonn- and Feyr-Tagen des gantzen Jahrs </I>(Mainz, 1690; popular, illustrated ed., reissued twenty-one times by H. Herder, Freiburg-im-Breisgau, 1875-1908; Eng. transl., T. Noethen, New York, n.d.).
</P>
<p class="author">(W. H<small>OLSCHER</small>.)</p>

</br />
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Postmillenarianism" id="postmillenarianism">
<P>
<b>POSTMILLENARIANISM.</b> See M<small>ILLENNIUM</small>, M<small>ILLENARIANISM</small>, &#167; 10.
</P>

<br />
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Postredemptionism" id="postredemptionism">
<p>
<b>POSTREDEMPTIONISM.</b> See CALVINISM, &#167; 9.
</p>

<br />
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Postulation" id ="postulation">
<P>
<b>POSTULATION:</b> In canon law a legalized procedure of choosing a higher ecclesiastical official where the candidate may be debarred by lacking some of the canonical qualifications or by holding another office which would hinder the legal acceptance of the one to be filled. Through postulation (postulo), petition is made for the availability of the person in question for election. Postulation may be simple where it refers to dismission on account of some official impediment; or it may be ceremonial and more real where it refers to canonical defects (of which only minor ones are admissible) or when, for instance, the candidate is the confirmed bishop of a diocese. The proceeding in the case of the simple postulation is like that of election. In the case of the ceremonial an absolute majority is necessary, unless there is competition with a wholly qualified candidate, in which case there is required a majority of two-thirds. After the ceremonial postulation, the candidate made eligible must seek admissio just as confirmatio after an election. In the case of the rejection of the postulation the power of appointment reverts to the pope. With reference to the P^assian bishoprics as circumscribed in 1821 the distinction between postulation and election was removed.
</P>

<br />
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Potami&#230;na" id="potami&#230;na">
<P>
<b>POTAMI&#198;NA:</b> Christian slave and martyr at
Alexandria. The only two sources of value concerning her, Eusebius (Hist. eccl., VI,, v.; Eng. transl., <I>NPNF</i>, 2 ser., i. 253) and Palladius (<i>Historia Lausiaca</i>, iii.; <i>MPG</i>; xxxiv. 1009, 1014), report that Potamisena belonged to the metropolitan district of Egypt and was a martyr to modesty and chastity rather than to religion. According to Eusebius, she was plunged into a kettle filled with boiling pitch during the reign of Septimius Severus (202-211), a certain Aquila then being president of Alexandria, or according to Palladius in the reign <pb n="144"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
of Maximinus II. (about 306-310). The account of Eusebius has been subjected to sharp criticism, partly on account of a general resemblance of his description to many forged acts of martyrs. It should be noted, moreover, that, according to Eusebius himself, legend early clustered round Potarmi&#230;na&#39;s name. It seems probable that Potami&#230;na was really martyred, as Palladius states, during the persecution of Maximinus, especially as particularly barbarous modes of execution were employed by him; Palladius adds that he heard of her martyrdom, at least indirectly, from St. Anthony, the father of hermits.
<p class="author">(F<small>RANZ</small> G<small>&#214;RRES.</small>)</p>
<P class="bibliography">
<small>
B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY:</small> 
The sources are indicated in the text; discussions of these are: B. Aub&#233;, <I>Les Chrtiens dans l&#39;empire romain</i> pp, 132-137, Paris 1881; 
P. Allard, <I>Hist. des pers&#233;cutions</i> ii. 75, 78 ib. 1886;  
Tillemont, <I>M&#233;moires</i>, iii. 287-273, 511-512; 
<i>DCB</i>, iv. 447.
</small>
</P>

<br />
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Potamius" id ="potamius">
<P>
<b>POTAMIUS:</b> Bishop of Olisipo (Lisbon), c. 357.
According to Hilary, <I>De synodis</i>, xi., the so-called second Sirmian formula of 357 was drawn up by Hosius and Potamius, while Ph&#339;cebadius (<i>Contra Arianos</i>, iii.) attributes it to Ursacius, Valens, and Potamius. The Luciferian (of San Lucar de Barrameda, Spain) presbyters Faustinus and Marcellinus <I>(Libellus precum</i>) report that Potamius merely signed the formula. This latter work implies, moreover, that Hosius was cited to appear at Sirmium by Potamius, whom Hosius had denounced to the churches of Spain as a heretic. The Luciferian presbyters just mentioned also say that Potamius originally held the Catholic faith but denied it through-greed for a piece of land, and that he died while on his way to this property. Catholic orthodoxy is shown in a letter of Potamius to Athanasius (written before 357), and he is mentioned, together with Epictetus of Centumcellm, as an opponent of Liberius at Rimini in 359 (<i>MPL</i>, x. 681). In the previous year Pb&oelig:badius had seen in him an opponent who would endeavor to Barry through the formula, and records a letter by him of Patripassian tendency. Potamius was the author of two brief treatises in barbarous Latin, preserved by Zeno of Verona (<i>MPL</i>, viii. 1411-15), <I>De Lazaro</I> and <I>De martyrio Isai&#230; prophets.</I>
</P>
<p class="author">(EDGAR HENNECKE.)</p>
<P class="bibliography">
<small>
B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY:</small> 
H. Flares, <I>Espa&#241;a Sagrada</i>, xiv. 178 sqq., Madrid, 1754 sqq.; 
P. B. Game, <I>Kirchengeschichte van Spanien</i>, ii. 1, pp. 224-225 231 sqq., 315 sqq., Regensburg, 1864; 
Ceillier, <I>Auteurs sacr&#233;s</i>, iv. 549, v. 152, vi 274; <i>DCB</i>, i&#183;&#183;. 448.
</small>
</P>

<br />
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Pothinus" id="pothinus">
<P>
<b>POTHINUS (PHOTINUS):</b> Bishop of Lyons; b. 87; d. 177. According to Gallic tradition, he was the first bishop of the see, predecessor of Iren&#230;us, and he may well have been consecrated before 150. The account of his martyrdom, as given in the letter of the church at Lyons on the persecution under Marcus Aurelius (Eusebius, <I>Hist. eccl.</i>, V., i. 29-31), reveals the intensity of feeling which prevailed among both Christians and pagans.
</P>
<p class="author">(A. H<small>AUCK</small>.)</p>
<P class="bibliography">
<small>
B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY:</small> The " Gallic tradition " appears in Gregory of Tours, <i>Historia Francorum</i>, i. 29, <i>In gloria martyrum</i>, xlviii.-xlix. Consult: Nennder, <I>Christian Church</i>, i. 112, 677; <i>DCB</i>, iv. 449; 
Schaff, <I>Christian Church</i>, Ii. 55.
</small>
</p>

<br />
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Potter, Alonzo" id="potter_alonzo">
<P>
<b>POTTER, ALONZO:</b> Protestant Episcopal bishop; b. at La Grange, Dutchess County, N. Y., July 6, 1800; d. at San Francisco July 4, 1865. He graduated at Union College, Schenectady, 1818; studied theology in Philadelphia; was chosen professor of mathematics and natural philosophy in Union College, about 1821; ordained in 1822; was rector of St. Paul&#39;s, Boston, 1826-31; was recalled to the professorship of moral and intellectual philosophy and political economy at Union College in 1832, and was vice-president, 1838-45; and bishop of Pennsylvania, 1845-65. He possessed remarkable executive ability and genius for administration, and by his command of men and means established the Episcopal hospital at Philadelphia, reorganized the Episcopal academy and founded the Philadelphia Divinity School, as well as young men&#39;s lyceums and working-men&#39;s institutes. Thirty-five new churches in Philadelphia alone during his bishopric attest his energy: He delivered a course of lectures before the Lowell institute in Boston, 1845-49, on Natural Theology and Christian Evidences, without notes, which attracted much attention. He was author of <I>Discourses, Charges, Addresses, Pastoral Letters</I> (Philadelphia, 1858); and <I>Religious Philosophy</I> (1872).
</P>
<p class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY:</small> 
M. A. de W. Howe, <i>Memoirs of the Life and Services of Alonzo Potter</i>, Philadelphia, 1871.</small>
</P>

<br />
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Potter, Henry Codman" id="potter_henry_codman">
<p>
<b>POTTER, HENRY CODMAN:</b> Protestant Episcopal bishop of New York; b. at Schenectady, N. Y., May, 25, 1835; d. at Cooperstown, N. Y., July 21, 1908. He was the son of the preceding, and was educated at the Episcopal Academy, Philadelphia, and the Theological Seminary in Virginia, from which he was graduated in 1857. He was ordered deacon in the same year and priested in 1858. After being curate of Christ Church, Greensburg, Pa. (1857--58), he was rector of St. John&#39;s, Troy, N. Y. (1858-66), when he became assistant at Trinity, Boston. Two years later (1868), he accepted a call to New York City as rector of Grace Church, a position which he held until 1883, being also secretary to the House of Bishops from 1863 to 1883, when he was consecrated bishop-coadjutor of New York, assisting his uncle, Bishop Horatio Potter. In 1887 he succeeded to the full administration of the diocese, over which he presided unaided until 1903, when D. H. Greer (q.v.) was consecrated bishop-coadjutor. He was a  broadminded man and cultivated the friendliest relations with those outside of his own church. He also had a prominent part in movements for civic reform. He was justly honored and beloved, and will be enrolled among the foremost of American citizens. Among his numerous writings, special mention may be made of his <I>Sisterhoods and Deaeonesses at Home arid Abroad </I>(New York 1871); <I>The Gates of the East, a Winter in Egypt and Syria </I>(1877); <I>Sermons of the City</i> (1881); <I>Waymarks </I>(1892); <I>The Scholar and the State </I>(1897); <I>Addresses to Women engaged in Church Work </I>(1888); <I>The East of To-day and To-Morrow </I>(1902); <I>The Citizen in his Relation to Industrial Situation </I>(1902); <I>Law and Loyalty</i> (1903); <i>Modern Man and his Fellow Man</I> (1903); and <I>Reminiscences of Bishops and Archbishops</i> (1906).
</p>
<p class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY:</small> Harriette A. Keyser, <I>Bishop Potter, the People&#39;s Friend, </I>New York, 1910; W. S. Perry, <i>The Episcopate in America</i>, p. 277, ib. 1895.</I></small>
</p>

<br /><pb n="145"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Potter, Horatio" id="potter_horatio">
<p>
<b>POTTER, HORATIO:</b> Protestant Episcopal bishop of New York; b. at Beekman, N. Y., Feb. 9, 1802; d. at New York City Jan. 2, 1887. He was educated at Union College (B.A., 1826); became deacon 1827, and priest 1828; was pastor at Saco, Me., 1827-28; professor of mathematics and natural philosophy at Washington (now Trinity) College, 1828-33; rector of St. Peter&#39;s, Albany, 1833-54; provisional bishop of New York, 18541861, and diocesan bishop after 1861. His administration as rector and as bishop was marked by energy and success, while literary activity took largely the form of sermons.
</P>

<br />
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Potts, George" id="potts_george">
<P>
<b>POTTS, GEORGE:</b> Presbyterian; b. in Philadelphia Mar. 15, 1802; d. in New York Sept. 15, 1864. He was graduated from the University of Pennsylvania, 1819; and studied at Princeton
Theological Seminary, 1819-21; was pastor in Natchez, Miss., 1823-36; of Duane Street Church, New York, 1836-44; and of University Place Church, same city, 1845-64. He was an eminent preacher, a leader in religion and philanthropy, a beloved pastor and friend. He had a memorable controversy with Bishop Jonathan Mayhew Wainwright on the claims of the episcopacy upon which he published 
<I>No Church without a Bishop </I> (New York, 1844).
</P>

<br />
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Poulsen, Alfred Sveistrup" id="poulsen_alfred_sveistrup">
<P>
<b>POULSEN, ALFRED SVEISTRUP:</b> Danish bishop; b. in Roskilde (18 m. w. of Copenhagen) Jan. 14, 1854. , He was educated at Roskilde School (B.A., 1871) and at the University of Copenhagen (candidate in theology, 1878); after traveling abroad he was appointed minister at St. Hans Hospital and assistant to the provost of the cathedral of Roskilde; was made court preacher in Copenhagen (1883); provost of the cathedral of Roskilde (1896); bishop in Viborg (1901). For several years he was privat-docent in the university of Copenhagen; was made secretary of the Danish Bible Society (1885); president of the Danish mission to the Jews (1890). In collaboration with Professor Ussing he published a revised translation of the New Testament (1895; 2d ed., 1897). Some of his works are <I>Fra Gethsemane til Emmaus, Faste- og estpr&#228;dikener </I>(1889); <I>Fra Kampen om Mosebog&#246;rne </I>(1890); Philip Melanchthon i Aaret 1521</I>(1897); <I>Det nye Testaments Opfattelse af den christelige  Fuldkommenhed </I>(1899); <I>Pr&#228;dikener holdte i Roskilde Domkirke </I>(1901); <I>Pr&#228;dikener hoidte i Christiansborg Slotskirke </I>(1896); <I>Moses. Udl&#228;gningsbetragtninger </I>(1903). 
</p>
<p class="author">J<small>OHN</small> O. E<small>VJEN.</small></p>

<br />
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Pouring" id="pouring">
<p>
<b>POURING.</b> See B<small>APTISM</small>, IV., 1, 3,
</P>

<br />
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Suffering" id="suffering">
<p>
<b>POVERTY, SUFFERING, AND THE CHURCH.</b> See 
S<small>OCIAL</small> S<small>ERVICE OF THE</small> C<small>HURCH.</small>
</P>

<br />
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Powell, Baden" id="powell_baden">
<P>
<b>POWELL, BADEN:</b> English mathematician and theological writer; b. at Stamford Hill, London, Aug. 22, 1796; d. in London June 11, 1860. He studied at Oriel College, Oxford (B.A., 1817; M.A., 1820); was curate of Midhurst, 1820, and vicar of Plumstead, Kent, 1821-27. From 1827 till his death he was Savllian professor of geometry at Oxford. He opposed the Tractarians, worked for university reform, and was a member of the committee of 1851. In 1860 he contributed to the famous <I>Essays and Reviews</i> (q.v.) an essay <I>On the Study of the Evidences of Christianity. </I>His position was, in the main, rationalistic. He rejected miracles as being out of harmony with the methods of God&#39;s government. His works of theological interest are, <I>The Connexion of Natural and Divine Truth </I>(London, 1838); <I>Tradition Unveiled </I>(1839; 
<I>Supplement, </I>1840); <I>Essays on the Spirit of the Inductive Philosophy, the Unity of Worlds, and the Philosophy of Creation</I> (1855; 2d ed., 1856); <I>The Study of the Evidences of Natural Theology </I>(in <I>Oxford Essays,</I> 1856); <I>Christianity without Judaism </I>(1857); and <I>The Order of Nature Considered in Reference to the Claims of Revelation </I>(1859).
</P>
<P class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY:</small> <i>DNB</i>, xlvi. 237-238, where other literature is cited. Consult also works cited under Essays and Reviews, and of. the list of works called out by Powell&#39;s essay in that volume, given in British Museum Catalogue under " Powell, Baden."</small>
</P>

<br />
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Powell, Lyman Pierson" id="powell_lyman_pierson">
<P>
<b>POWELL, LYMAN PIERSON:</b> Protestant Episcopalian; b. at Farmington, Del., Sept. 21, 1866. He was educated at Dickinson College, Carlisle, Pa., Johns Hopkins University (A.B., 1890), University of Pennsylvania (fellow in history, 1893-95), and the Protestant Episcopal Divinity School, Philadelphia (1897). He was staff lecturer in history in the extension department of the University of Wisconsin (1892-93) and in the American University Extension Society (1893-95). Since ordination he has been rector of Trinity, Ambler, Pa. (1897-98), St. John&#39;s, Lansdowne, Pa. (1898-1903), and St. John&#39;s, Northampton, Mass. (since 1903). Theologically he is a liberal conservative, and has written: <I>History of Education in Delaware</I> (Washington, 1893) ; <i>Six Sermons on Sin</I> (Lansdowne, Pa., 1903); <i>Family Prayers</I> (Philadelphia, 1905); <i>The Anarchy of Christian Science</I> (Northampton, Mass., 1906) ; <i>Christian Science: The Faith and its Founder</I> (New York, 1907); and <I>Heavenly Heretics</i> (1909); besides editing the series <I>American Historic Towns</I> (4 vols., New York, 1898-1901).</P>

<br />
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Powell, Vavasor" id="powell_vavasor">
<P>
<b>POWELL, VAVASOR</b> See F<small>IFTH</small> M<small>ONARCHY</small> M<small>EN.</small>
</P>

<br />
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Power, Frederick Dunglison" id="power_frederick_dunglison">
<P>
<b>POWER, FREDERICK DUNGLISON:</b> Disciple of Christ; b. at Yorktown, Va., Jan. 23,  1851. He was educated at Bethany College, Bethany, W. Va. (A.B., 1871), where he was adjunct professor of ancient languages in 1874-75, after having held various pastorates in his denomination from 1871 to 1874. Since 1875 he has been pastor of the Vermont Avenue Christian Church, Washington, D.C., and in this capacity was pastor of President James A. Garfield. He was also chaplain of Congress from 1881 to 1883, and since 1898 has been president of the American Christian Missionary Society. He was assistant editor of the <I>Christian Evangelist</I>, St. Louis, from 1902 to 1906. Among his writings, special mention may be made of his <I>Sketches of our Pioneers</I> (New York, 1898); <i>Bible Doctrine for Young People</i> (1899); <i>The Story of a Twenty-Three Years Pastorate </I>(Cincinnati, 1899); <i>Life of President W. K. Pendleton of Bethany College </I>(St. Louis, 1902); <i>The Spirit of our Movement</i> (1902); <i>History and Doctrine of the Disciples of Christ</i> (1904); and <I>Thoughts of Thirty Years </I>(Boston, 1906).
</P>

<br /><pb n="146"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
<h2>PRACTICAL THEOLOGY.</h2>
<table>
<tr><td>I. History of the Development of the Science.</td><td>Protestant Development (&#167; 4).</td><td>Bouleutics (&#167; 3).</td></tr>
<tr><td>Biblical Indications (&#167; 1).</td><td>II. Theoretical Discussion.</td><td>Classification (&#167; 4).</td></tr>
<tr><td>Early and Medieval Church (&#167; 2).</td><td>Basal Concepts (&#167; 1).</td><td>Relation to Non-theological Sciences and Arts (&#167; 5).</td></tr>
<tr><td>In the Reformation and After (&#167; 3).</td><td>Subdivisions (&#167; 2).</td><td>Final Tests (&#167; 8).</td></tr>
</table>
<P>
<h3>I. History of the Development of the Science:</h3>
<h4>1. Biblical Indications.</h4>
The Christian Church engages in multifarious activities connected with its belief in Christ and characteristic of its life, these including missions, the edification of its members, the performance of public worship, and the care of the poor and needy. All this, as at present discharged, is but a continuation of what the Church has done from the first. Immediately after the ascension, the disciples began to preach in order to win new believers (<scripRef>Acts ii. 36</scripRef> sqq.); and those so won were baptized (<scripRef>Acts ii. 41</scripRef>) and "continued steadfastly in the apostles&#39; doctrine and fellowship, and in breaking of bread, and in prayers" (<scripRef>Acts ii. 42</scripRef>). Similar development took place elsewhere (<scripRef>Rom. vi. 3</scripRef>; <scripRef>I Cor. xi. 20, xii. 13, 28</scripRef>; <scripRef>Gal. iii. 27</scripRef>); the gentile Christians received specific rules of conduct (<scripRef> Acts xv. 20</scripRef>); the sick were the objects of special religious rites (<scripRef>James v. 14-15</scripRef>); and the imposition of hands was used in ordination (<scripRef>Acts vi. 6, xiii. 3</scripRef>; <scripRef>I Tim. iv. 14, v. 22</scripRef>). The discharge of all these duties led to the emergence of special persons to perform them. Christ himself had chosen certain ones to continue his work (<scripRef>Matt. xxviii. 18-20</scripRef>), and the title of apostle, which he had given them (<scripRef>Luke vi. 13</scripRef>), could be conferred by the Christian community (<scripRef>Gal. i. 1</scripRef>), and might even be assumed falsely (<scripRef>II Cor. xi. 13</scripRef>; <scripRef>Rev. ii. 2</scripRef>). Other designations were also used; ruler (cf. <scripRef>Rom. xii. 8<scripRef>; <scripRef>Heb. xiii. 7, 17, 24</scripRef>), elder (<scripRef>Acts xi. 30, xiv. 23</scripRef>; <scripRef>James v. 14</scripRef>), bishop (<scripRef>Phil. i. 1</scripRef>), prophet (<scripRef>Acts xi. 27</scripRef>), teacher (<scripRef>Acts xiii. 1</scripRef>), evangelist (<scripRef>Acts xxi. 8</scripRef>), servant (<scripRef>Phil. i. 1</scripRef>). See O<small>RGANIZATION OF THE</small> E<small>ARLY</small> C<small>HURCH.</small>
</P>
<P>
<h4>2. Early and Medieval Church.</h4>
Before long, as may be seen from the Didache (q.v.), a system of regulation was evolved, both in ritual and legislation, although preaching, in particular, could not so strictly be outlined. The germs of practical theology lay in all these things. From this came Liturgics, Symbolics (qq.v.), Catechetics (see C<small>ATECHESlS</small>, C<small>ATECHETICS</small>), Homiletics (q.v.), and the rules governing the various orders of clergy, as well as ecclesiastical functions themselves; and to this same early period belong such efforts at practical theology as Chrysostom&#39;s <I>De sacerdotio</I>, Augustine&#39;s <I>De Doctrina Christiana</I>, Ambrose&#39;s <I>De oficiis</I>, and Gregory&#39;s <I>Regula pastoralis</I>. Medieval theology devoted most attention to liturgics, next to canon law, of those branches now considered parts of practical theology. This fact was due to problems arising in the life of the Church. Thus the need of instructing the clergy in their duties gave rise to the <I>De ecclesiastieia oficiis</I> of Isidore of Seville, the <I>De exordiis</I> of Walafrid Strabo, and the <I>De institutions clericorum</I> of Rabanus Maurus. These and similar writings discussed, from the medieval point of view, themes which would now be regarded as parts of liturgics and pastoral theology, with an attempt to gain a historical foundation and explanation for the subjects treated. Homiletics, on the other hand, received comparatively scant attention, as contrasted with the discussions of liturgics by Rupert of Deutz, Honorius of Autun, Sicardus, and Durand; while the development of catechetics was prevented by the fact that medieval catechizing was restricted to the hearing of texts and the reading of authorized interpretations.
</P>
<P>
<h4>3. In the Reformation and After.</h4>
The fathers of the Reformation churches sought to establish and regulate, so far as possible, worship, feasts, administration, and the duties of clergy and congregation, this being exemplified in such agenda as those of Bugenhagen, Brandenburg-Nuremberg, Pomerania, and Electoral Palatinate (see A<small>GENDA</small>).  While the pastor, though
not the only person concerned in the church, was yet the chief figure, his activity in its various aspects was the main theme of the agenda, and pastoral activity accordingly formed the center of practical theology. But it was not enough merely to lay down rules; the pastor must know what he did and why. Directions and theoretical bases must, therefore, be included, and these are found in the Brandenburg-Nuremberg agenda and similar early Reformation documents, which commingle subjects belonging to dogmatic, exegetical, historical, and practical theology, though all intended was to subserve correct ecclesiastical procedure. One side required still more profound discussion-preaching; and the agendas accordingly gave models for the preacher or referred him to recognized authorities. Side by side with the official agendas arose compends of all that the pastor must know, do, and claim, these being Protestant analogues to the Roman <I>Institutio</I> of Rabanus and the <I>Manuals curatorum</I> of Surgantius. Since in Luther the Lutherans saw the model of a pastor, and since he had devoted no special treatise to this matter, Porta, shortly after the Reformer&#39;s death, compiled from his writings a <I>Pastorale Lutheri</I>, similar productions being the <I>Hirtenbuch</I> of E. Sarcerius (1559), the <I>Pastor</I> of N. Hemming (1566), the <I>Hirt</I> of Zwingli (1525), the <I>Pastorale</I> of Lorich (1537), and the 
<I>De curs animarum </I>of Butzer (1538). All these authors seek their basis in the Bible, and a similar course was pursued with rigidity by Andreas Hyperius (q.v.), who held that before practical theology can be put in force, it must be made a part of scientific theological study, and must be taught systematically, not fragmentarily. Demanding an immense amount of preliminary reading on the part of the student, covering all practical theology except missions, he held that such reading would in-<pb n="147"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
volve preparation for the practical work of the ministry. All must be squared with the Bible, or, where the Bible did not contain specific data, with the commandments of love for God and one&#39;s neighbor. In addition, he urged the preparation of a work on church government, including the data of the New Testament, relevant portions of church history, excerpts from the councils, papal decrees, Church Fathers, and works on dogmatics, liturgics, and the like. Both Reformed and Lutheran theologians were influenced by Hyperius, but they limited themselves to parts of practical theology, declining to erect the massive structure he desired. Protestant tenets required that the clergyman be above all things primarily a preacher, while medieval writers had deemed him rather a liturgist. Practical theology, though not under that name and not in all its parts, gained its place in the methodology of theological study mainly as a system of homiletics.
</P>
<h4>4. Protestant Development.</h4>
<P>
All theology being, either immediately or mediately, practical, the name practical theology must be deemed a restriction of the designation of the whole to a part. The wide extensibility of the word "practical" led to its application to Christian ethics and to church activities, for which the study of theology both in general and in its parts, as homiletics or ethics, formed the preparation. It is remarkable that in all early discussions of practical theology, as by Alsted, Gisbert Voetius, and J. Forster, catechetics is lacking, though the second-named divides the theme into moral (or casuistic), ascetic, politico-ecclesiastical, and homiletic theology. There was, indeed, a catechetic theology, but this was construed as the knowledge of the chief tenets of Christianity which the theologian must have for himself, not as a theory of church instruction. It was not until the rise of Pietism that catechetics became an integral part of practical theology. It was in the transition from the eighteenth to the nineteenth century that the several parts of practical theology were recognized as an organic whole, which was designated "practical theology." J. E. C. Schmid, in his <I>Theologische Encyklop&#228;die</i> (1810), and G. J. Planck (q.v.) in his <i>Grundriss</i> (1813), adopted this terminology, both speaking of it as the one customarily used. It is thus impossible to regard Schleiermacher as the founder of practical theology, even in the sense that it owed to him its scientific existence. At the same time, he essentially furthered it by his <I>Kurze Darstellung</I> (1811, 1830) and by his lectures, and gave it systematic development. While positing the mutual interdependence of scientific and practical theology, the latter is regarded as the crown of theological study, since it presupposes all the other branches and prepares for their realization. Schleiermacher&#39;s construction of the subdivisions of practical theology was conditioned by his theory of the Church, which he held to be the community of Christian life for the independent exercise of Christianity. Since this presupposes organization, church administration rests on a distinct formulation of the original antithesis between leaders and led. Thus administration is in the hands of the leaders, or theologians, and Christian theology is the content of knowledge and regulation without which the harmonious administration of the Church is impossible. The community may connote either individual congregation or denomination, and from the religious life of the former Schleiermacher constructed homiletics, liturgics, catechetics, missions, and pastoral care. From this point of view, practical theology includes the traditional subdivisions with the addition of missions. The administration of the denomination as a whole Schleiermacher sought in ecclesiastical authority and in the free power of the spirit, both having ultimately the same end, but the former enacting or restraining, while the latter inspires and admonishes, so that the excellence of religious condition is directly proportionate to the living interaction of these two factors. The interest of the nexus between the individual congregation and the denomination is subserved by church legislation, which affects liturgy and usage, the membership of individuals in the Church, and discipline and the building of churches. It thus preserves both free development and unity, besides guarding the relations of Church and State, and to it is also assigned, especially to the theological teacher and author, the task of pointing out the norm which be must follow if his activity is to benefit the entire body of his communion. In all this Schleiermacher&#39;s importance lies in the fact that he gave these elements systematic discussion on the basis of church government. The historical treatment, on the other hand, was less emphasized, and both this side and the systematic aspect received elaboration and development from Schleiermacher&#39;s successors, the most important being Karl Immanuel Nitzsch (q.v.).
</P>
<h3>II. Theoretical Discussion:</h3>
<h4>1. Basal Concepts.</h4>
<P>
The derivation of practical theology from the essence of the Church and the concept of the Church itself as the subject and object of that theology have been maintained, with various modifications, from the time of Schleiermacher. Mention may be made of such theologians as P. K. Marheineke, A. Schweizer, Nitzsch, and F. A. E. Ehrenfeuchter (qq.v.). Ehrenfeuchter however, seems to exclude missions from practical theology. But this difficulty is solved when it is remembered that in its missionary activity the Church follows the impulse to recover what really appertains to it. The problem recurs more cogently in the case of home missions, and in so far as such missions depart from their original character and are devoted to charitable and humanitarian ends, they come under the category of ethics rather than of practical theology. The means for accomplishing that church activity with which practical theology is concerned are generally agreed to be prayer, preaching, and the sacraments, the congregation being the agent in the first, and God in the two latter. Since the object of this activity is the congregation itself, practical theology must distinguish between the congregation as united with the risen Christ in faith and as living in this world. A distinction is accordingly drawn between the congregation as existent (in possession of the means of communion and of the spirit necessary to such com-<pb n="148"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
munion) and as nascent (subject to the influences of earthly life); and all this church activity ultimately leads to the great distinction between persons who act and persons who are acted upon.
 </P>
<h4>2. Subdivisions.</h4>
<p>
Turning to the traditional and generally recognized subdivisions of practical theology, it is clear that homiletics and catechetics belong together in so far as both are concerned with the Word for the congregation, the difference being that homiletics deals with the trained and catechetics with the untrained. The object of liturgics is less clear, but some light may be gained by reckoning under it the theory of the prayer of the congregation. It may then include hymnology and music, as well as confirmation, confession, marriage, and burial. It is true that all these belong in part to the theory of the Word, but their specific content appertains to the theory of the prayer of the congregation. Here, too, belong the dedication of objects, which God is besought to give to the right people, and to endow with his spirit. The theory of the administration of the sacraments is meager if only the ceremonies be described; but this administration depends upon other problems, such as the justification of infant baptism. The position of pastoral theology is peculiar. Formerly, as still among Roman Catholic theologians, it included all practical theology; and traces of this excess still survive even among Protestants, so that it involves both pastoral duties in general and individual pastoral care. It is best, however, to restrict pastoral duties in general to the functions of the personage entrusted with the discharge of the major part of that with which practical theology is concerned, and to confine pastoral care to the special needs of individual cases (see P<small>ASTORAL</small>  T<small>HEOLOGY</small>). If this be done, the two subdivisions can not be combined, a fact which is to the advantage of both. Home missions are a special extension of individual pastoral care, so that it is unnecessary for practical theology to treat it as a special subdivision. Since, however, home missions do not employ pastors, pastoral theology should no longer be restricted to pastors, but should be extended to deacons and deaconesses. It must, accordingly, be transformed into a theory of the officials of the congregation, and thus of the entire organization of the Church. In this way pastoral theology becomes the last of the subdivisions of practical theology; after the activities of the Church have been set forth, the theory of the persons performing them forms the conclusion. The theory of the church year and of the Pericopes (q.v.) forms part of Homiletics (q.v.), shading over into Liturgics (q.v.). The position of foreign missions (see M<small>ISSIONS TO THE</small> H<small>EATHEN</small>) in practical theology is uncertain, but E. C. Aehelis is probably right in placing them immediately before the theory of church government, for activity directed toward an already existing Church must first be treated, and then that directed toward the non-Christian world. The missionary theory of practical theology must not invade church history or the training of missionaries, but must be restricted to the position to be maintained by the Church in missionary activity and to the means for rousing missionary enthusiasm within the congregation,
</P>
<h4>3. Bouletics.</h4>
<P>
J. C. K. von Hoffmann (q.v,) has added to the functions of theological and ecclesiastical activity the learned representation and counsel of the Church, these being discharged by the theologian in his ex-officio capacity as a member of the religious community. From this point of view apologetics and polemics would fall within the scope of practical theology, though these would still have to be furnished by the exegete, historian, and dogmatician, practical theology requiring them simply in the interests of the present-day Church. For this learned counsel von Hoffmann coins the word " bouleutics," which, though without theoretical development, is furthered not only by theological thought, but also by periodicals and pamphlets.  Such voluntary counsel, however, can be beneficial only when based on a solid foundation, and while practical theology must indeed afford counsel, this must be accomplished through the theoretical development of the duties of the Church, not through a special system of bouleutica. Practical theology itself must perform the office of bouleutics for all ecclesiastical tasks and duties, and from its concentration on the present life and activity of the community it follows that it must be denominational in character.
</P>
<h4>4. Classification</h4>
<P>
In the light of the foregoing, the means of the life of the religious community may be classified as follows: the theory of the prayer of the congregation (liturgies), of the Word for the trained and untrained (homiletics and catechetics), the administration of the sacraments, care for those members of the congregation who are cut off from its life (pastoral care) and for the, non-Christian world (foreign missions), and the theory of the officiauts and their duties (theory of the officials of the congregation). More important than this classification is the problem whether practical theology has its own field, whether it is separate from exegetical, systematic, and historical theology, or whether it is to be referred to them. In the first place, practical theology is concerned with the establishment of an actual state of things, all other theology with the knowledge of such a state. Again, practical theology is the theory of the technic of the right administration of the ecclesiastical means of community, prayer, preaching, and the sacraments. It is undeniable that practices theology needs the aid of other departments of theology, but since these are often inadequate for its requirements, it is obliged to supplement them in all their capacities. But it remains throughout essentially " applied theology," and it accordingly treats all the material supplied by the other departments of theology in a distinctly characteristic fashion, developing the practical application of such material in church life and the theoretical basis of such application. Between the theory of the nature of any theological activity (e.g., baptism) and the performance of such activity lies the theory of its performance, and this theory is the specialty of practical theology.
</p>
<h4>5. Relationship to non-Theological Sciences and Arts.</h4>
<p>
 Practical theology also sustains a close relation to <pb n="149"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
certain non-theological sciences and arts in consequence of the training of theologians and the peculiar nature of Christian worship, and modern conditions demand that the theologian engaged in practical work have more than has been included in his professional education. It is not, however, Sciences the function of practical theology to and Arts. supply this need, any more than it is the duty of exegesis or church history to do so. Despite the fortuitous combination (for example) of homiletics with rhetoric, or of catechetics with pedagogics, practical theology can and should, in reality, supply its own needs in these respects from within itself. This division of theology also bears a relation to the fine arts, for though these sustain no essential connection with practical theology, yet the construction and adornment of a church edifice appertains to architecture, sculpture, and painting, sacramental vessels may be artistically embellished, and parts of the service may be rendered in poetic or musical setting. In so far as art furthers religious ends, it may be employed by practical theology; when it passes beyond these limits, it must be rejected.
</P>
<h4>6. Final Tests.</h4>
<p>
A far more difficult problem is the proof of the correctness of the theory of practical theology. On Protestant principles this must be accomplished by the Bible, a task which is not easy. While many details can not be proved from indisputable Bible passages, the attempt must be made to gain from the New Testament such a general view of church life as shall include all the vital functions of the congregation, all the powers conferred upon it, all its activities and experiences, all its personages, all its relations to the non-Christian world, and the consequent position of its Lord and the leaders of its life. This reconstruction must run through the entire New Testament, and from it will be gained a picture of the Christian Church in all its aspects, as well as a survey of the agencies to serve for its guidance and a basis for the procedure to be adopted by it at the present day. For all this a thorough knowledge of church history is essential, and modern practical theology is, fortunately, seeking to gain this knowledge. Since, moreover, church activity is always directed toward the Church at the present time, a complete knowledge of that present is essential to practical theology, and it must also furnish the ways and means whereby those engaged in practical church work can acquire this knowledge. This can not be attained, however, by mere references to books. Practical theology must concern itself, besides all else, with the relations be tween congregations, the correct questioning of the laity, and the proper mode of pastoral visiting. In this way it aids in finding the way for the correct performance of what has been ascertained to be the right mode of church activity.
</p>
<p class="author">(W. CASPARI.)</p>
<p class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY:</small> 
G. J. Planck <I>Rinleitunul in die theologische wissenschaft</I>, G&#246;ttingen, 1794; 
F. Schleierroacher, <I>Kurze Darstellung dea theolgischen Studiums</i>, pp. 257-338, Berlin, 1830; 
idem, <I>Die Praktische Theologie</I>, ed. Frerichs, ib. 1850; 
A. Schweizer, <I>Ueber Begrif and Eintheilung der Praktischen Theologie</I>, Leipsic, 1830; 
C. Schmidt, <I>De l&#39;objet de la th&#233;olopie pratique</I>, Strasburg, 1844; 
C. B. Moll, <I>Das System der praktischen Theologie</I>, Halle, 1853; 
A. Vinet, <I>Th&#233;ologie pastorale</I>, Paris, 1854, Eng. transl., Edinburgh, 1855; 
F. A. E. Ehrenfeuehter, <I>Die praktische Theologie</I>, G&#246;ttingen, 1859; C. I. Nitzseh, <I>Praktisehe Theologie, </I>3 vols., Bonn, 1859-88; J. H. Blunt, <I>Directorium Pastorale</I>, London, 1864; 
W. Otto, <I>Evanpelische praktische Theologie</i>, 2 vols., Gotha, 1889-70; 
F. L. Steinmeyer, <I>Beitrage zur praktischen Theologie</I>, 5 vols., Berlin, 1874-79; 
T. Harnack, <I>Praktische Theologie</i>, 2 vols., Erlangen, 1877-78;  
K. Harms, <I>Pastoral theologie</i>, 3 vols., Kiel, 1878; 
J. J. van Oosterzee, <I>Practical Theology</I>, New York, 1878; 
G. von Zezschwitz, <I>System der praktischen Theologie</I>, Leipsic, 1879 (orderly and complete); 
W. G. Blaikie, <I>For the Work of the Ministry; a Manual of homiletical and pastoral Theology</I>, London, 1878; 
E. Vaucher, <I>De la th&#233;ologie pratique</I>, Paris, 1893 (clear and able);
G. R. Crooks and J. F. Hurst, <I>Theological Encyclopadia and Methodology</i>, pp. </I>500 sqq., New York 1894; 
A. Cave, <I>Introduction to Theology</i>, pp. 565 sqq., Edinburgh, 1898; 
K. Knoke, <I>Grundriss der praktischen Theologie</I>, G&#246;ttingen, 1896; 
E. C. Achelis, <I>Lehrbuch der praktischen Theologie</I>, Leipsic, 1898 (satisfactory); 1899); 
F. Chapel <I>Biblical and Practical Theology</I>, Philadelphia, 1901; 
F. S. Schenck, <I>Modern Practical Theology</I>, New York, 1903; 
L. Emery, <I>Introduction d l&#39;&#233;tude de la th&#233;ologie protestante</i>, pp. 185-222, Paris, 1904; 
F. C. Monfort, <I>Applied Theology</I>, Cincinnati, 1905; 
J. Haase, <I>Der praktische Geistliche, </I>Hamburg, 1905; 
W. Faber, in <I>Kultur der Gegenwart</i> I., 4, Berlin, 1906; 
D. D. Cullen, <I>Problems of Pulpit and Platform</I>, Elgin, Ill., 1907; 
A. Pollok, <I>Studies in Practical Theology</i>, London, 1907; 
J. C. Wright, <I>Thoughts on Modern Church Life and Work</I>, New York, 1909; 
C. Clemen, <I>Quellenbuch zur praktischen Theologie</i>, 1, <i>Quellen zur Lehre vom Gottesdienst (Liturgik), 2, </I>Quellen zur Lehre vom Religionsunterricht</i>, Giessen, 1910; 
H. Jeffs, <I>Modern Minor Prophets. With a Chapter on Lay-Preaching and its ByProducts</I>, London, 1910. Series of works are: <I>Mandbibliothek der praktischen Theologie</I>, ed. F. Zimmer, 17 vols, Gotha, 1890--93; and <I>Sammlung van Lehrb&#252;chern der praktischen Theolopie</I>, ed. H. Hering Berlin, 1895 sqq. (still in progress). Consult also the literature under P<small>ASTORAL</small> T<small>HEOLOGY.</small>
</small>
</P>

<br />
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Pr&#230;destinatus, Liber" id="pr&#230;destinatus_liber">
<P>
<b>PR&#198;DESTINATUS, LIBER:</b> A work of the first half of the fifth century by an unknown author; so called because the list of heresies in the first book closes with the <I>h&#230;resis pr&#230;destinatorum. </I>The treatise is in three parts: the first being a brief description of ninety heresies, plagiarized from the similar list by Augustine, the notes by the author being without value. The second and third books contain a detailed refutation of the heresy stigmatized as predestinational, this being presented in the second book as a treatise of the opponents, and assailed section by section in the third book. The second book is alleged by the author of the <I>Liber pr&#230;destinatus </I>to be a forged work of Augustine, designed to propagate dangerous errors concerning predestination and to lead to moral laxity. While this portion might have been written by some adherent of Augustine, it seems rather a figment of the author of the <I>Pr&#230;destinatus, </I>who skilfully availed himself of Augustinian concepts and methods to present those points of the doctrine of predestination which Were most vulnerable to the Pelagians. Whether, or to what extent, the author made use of earlier Pelagian compositions of Similar tendency can not be determined. In the third book the Auzustinian doctrines are boldly assailed. Free will precedes grace, got is the greater power of the latter effectual without the antecedence of the former. The fall did not destroy the freedom of the will, but first revealed it; and the end of man is voluntary obedience to God after the pattern of<pb n="150"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
Christ. The book, though ostensibly orthodox, is Pelagian; and the formal condemnation of Pelagianism is probably a clever effort to blind the simple reader. The <I>Liber pr&#230;:destinatus</I> can not have been written by Arnobius the Younger (q.v.), and it may be the work of several hands, its purpose perhaps being to induce the pope to intervene in favor of the Pelagians. Such a proceeding would not have been at variance with the methods of Julian of Eclanum (q.v.).  
</p>
<p class="author">(E<small>RWIN</small> P<small>REUSCHEN.</small>)</p>
<P class="bibliography">
<small>
B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY:</small> The editio princeps, ed. J. Sirmond, appeared Paris 1643, reprint with a <I>Censura . . . </i>, 1645; best ed. by La Baum in <I>Opera varia J. Sirmondi</i>, i. 449 sqq., ib. 1696; it is in <I>MPL</i>, liii. 583 sqq.; and in <I>CSEL.</I> The earlier literature is antiquated by H. von Schubert, in <i>TU</i>, xxiv (1903), part 4; cf. A. Faure, <I>Die Widerlepung der Horetiker im 1. Buch des Pr&#230;destinatus, </I>G&#246;ttingen, 1903.
</small>
</P>

<br />
</div3></div2><div2 title="Pr&#230;dinius">
<div3 type="Article" title="Pr&#230;dinius, Regnerus" id="pr&#230;dinius_regnerus">
<p>
<b>PR&#198;DINIUS, REGNERUS:</b> Dutch Roman Catholic; b. at Winsum, province of Groningen, in 1510; d. at Groningen Apr. 18, 1559. At an early age he went to Groningen, where he studied in the house of the Brethren of the Common Life, where he was the room-mate of Albert Hardenberg (q.v.), who, with other liberal-minded men, formed the sphere of Prmdinius&#39; development. He studied theology of the Erasmian type at Louvain until about 1529, and was appointed rector of St. Martin&#39;s school, Groningen, some time before 1546, and held this position until his death. He lectured on theology, appealing constantly to the authority of the Bible and predicting that the Church would be reformed under the guidance of learning. Though in sympathy with the two principles of the Reformation, the free study of the Bible and justification by faith alone, and though studying the writings of the Reformers, he was, under the spiritual influence of his masters Wessel and Erasmus, less drawn to the frequently violent Luther and, being a prudent and impassionate spirit, preferred to remain in the background and teach quietly. Many of his pupils, however, who came from Germany, Italy, Spain, France, and Poland, actively promoted the cause of the Reformation, among them David Chytrwus (q.v.), and Joannes Acronius, who edited his <I>Opera</I> (Basel, 1563). As an outcome of his influence, some of his pupils in the ministry dispensed the Eucharist in both kinds, preached in the vernacular, and laid no value on processions and ceremonies.
</P>
 <p>
Though long permitted to spread his views un molested, Prsedinius was at last accused of heresy and condemned to banishment, but died before the sentence could be carried into effect. Soon after his death his writings were placed on the Index. In one of these, "The Invocation of the Saints," he rejects the practise as inefficacious and contrary to Scripture.</p>
<p class="author"> (S. D. VAN VEEN.)</p>
<P class="bibliography">
<small>
B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY:</small> 
J. J. Diest Lorgion, <I>Regnerus Pr&#230;dinius,
</I>Groningen, 1862; <I>Effigies et vit&#230; professorum Academi&#230;
Groning&#230;</i>, pp. 36 sqq., Groningen, 1654; 
Suffridus Petrus, <I>De acriptoribus Frisi&#230;</i>, pp. 164 sqq., Franeker, 1669;
D. Gerdes, <I>Historia Reformationis</i>, vol. iii., Groningen, 1742.
</small>
</P>

<br />
</div3><div3 typ="Article" title="Pr&#230;munire" id="pr&#230;munire">
<P>
<b>PR&#198;MUNIRE:</b> A term of English canon and common law including in its signification a certain offense, the writ granted upon it, and its punishment. The term is the first word of the writ, and means "to protect, secure, warn." This writ was originally used by Edward III. in 1353 to check the arrogant encroachments of the papal power. He forbade (27 St. 1, c. 1), under certain penalties, any of his subjects, particularly the clergy, to go to Rome there to answer to things properly within the king&#39;s jurisdiction; and also the reception from the pope of English ecclesiastical preferments. By these statutes Edward endeavored in vain to remove a crying evil. Richard II. issued similar statutes in 1393, particularly one called thenceforth the "Statute of Praemunire," assigning as the punishment for the  offense that the offenders be imprisoned during life, and lose their lands and other property. Henry IV. and later sovereigns have given the same name and penalty (known as a Prxmunire) to different offenses which have only this in common, that they involve more or less insubordination to royal authority.
</P>
<P class="bibliography">
<small>
B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY:</small> The first statute is given in English Laws, 27 Edward III., Stat. 1. Eng. transl., Gee and Hardy,
<I>Documents</i>, pp. 103-104; cf. <I>KL</i>, vi. 48-50.
</small>
</P>

<br />
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Pr&#230;torius, Abdias (Gottschalk Schulze)" id="pr&#230;torius_abdias">
<b>PRETORIUS, ABDIAS (GOTTSCHALK SCHULZE):</b> German Lutheran; b. at Salzwedel (54 m. n.n.w. of Magdeburg) Mar. 28, 1524; d. at Wittenberg Jan. 9, 1573. He was educated at Frankfort-on-the-Oder and Wittenberg, coming under the influence of Melanchthon and remaining an ardent Philippist (see P<small>HILIPPISTS</small>) throughout his life. After being teacher (1544-48) and rector (1548-53) in his native city, he was called to be rector of the Altstadtisches Gymnasium at Magdeburg, teaching Greek and Hebrew, preparing a new system of government for the school (1553), and holding public disputations, especially on theological topics; until, in 1558 or 1557, he went to Frankfort-on-the-Oder as professor of Hebrew. Here he soon became the theological protagonist of the Melanchthonian faction in the controversy between the Lutherans and Philippists (q.v.; and see M<small>USCULUS</small>, A<small>NDREAS</small>), but with the triumph of Luther anism over Philippism in 1563, Praetorius&#39; position in the university became untenable. Previous to this, however, he had been repeatedly employed by the elector, Joachim II., in affairs of Church and State, attending the three disputations held in Joachim&#39;s presence at Berlin with the papal legate Commendone and a Jesuit in Feb., 1561, as well as disputing on the Eucharist at Frankfort in November of the same year with envoys of the king of Hungary. In June of the following year he was sent to Warsaw as the elector&#39;s ambassador, and early in September, in a like capacity, signed the protocol of the convention held at Fulda, while in October Joachim took him and his opponent Agricola to the Diet of Frankfort. In 1563, with the fall of Philippism in Frankfort, Pr&#230;torius removed to Wittenberg, though he still remained on terms of personal friendship with the elector. He was a member of the philosophical faculty, and became dean in 1571.
</p>
<p class="author">(P. WOLFF&#8224;.)</p>
<P class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY:</small> References to early literature are given in
Hauck-Herzog, <I>RE</i>, xv. 612. Consult 
<I>ADB</i>, xxvi. 513-514; 
<i>KL</i>, x. 276; 
G. Holstein, <i>Das altst&#228;dtiashe Gymnasium zu Magdeburg</I>, in <I>Jahrbuch f&#252;r Philologie and Padapogik</I>, cxxx (1884), 68 sqq.
</small>
</p>

<br /><pb n="151"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Pr&#230;torius, Stephan" id="pr&#230;torious_stephan">
<P>
<b>PR&#198;TORIUS, STEPHAN:</b> German Lutheran; b. at Salzwedel (54 m. n.n.w. of Magdeburg), probably May 3, 1536; d. at Neustadt May 5, 1603. He was educated at the University of Rostock, where he also taught in the local schools; was ordained by Agricola at Berlin in 1565; became preacher in the same year at the monastery of the Holy Ghost at Salzwedel, and soon after deacon of the Church of St. Mary&#39;s; and from 1569 until his death pastor at Neustadt. A great admirer of Luther, and an opponent of Jesuitism and Calvinism alike, Praetorius laid great stress on the sacraments, though not in the Roman Catholic sense, and held to justification by faith, though he also insisted on purity of life. He was a precursor of J. Arndt and P. Spener (qq.v.), though not Pietist in the narrow sense. His lack of caution brought upon him the charges of antinomianism and perfectionism, the latter theory later even being called Praetorianism. Through his tracts, which he or his friends published after 1570, Praetorius exercised an influence far beyond his own congregation; these were collected and published by J. Arndt under the title <I>Acht-und-f&#252;nfzig sch&#246;ne, auserlesne, geist- und trostreiche Trakt&#228;tlein</I> (L&#252;neburg, 1622), containing also fourteen hymns with their melodies, one of them being " Was hat gethan der heilige Christ?"
</P>
<p> 
Praetorius&#39; tracts were later arranged in the form of dialogues, with certain moderations, by M. Statius in his <I>Geistliche Schatzkammer der Gl&#228;ubigen</I> (L&#252;neburg, 1636, and often). There arose over his writings the Praetorian controversy, Abraham Calovius (q.v.) assailing the view of Praetorius and Statius that the faithful possess salvation not only in prospect but in reality. Spener&#39;s antagonist, G. C. Dilfeld, considered Praetorius akin to Esaias Stiefel (q.v.), and the general superintendent of Greifswald, Tiburtius Rango, secured the prohibition of the <I>Schatzkammer</I> in Swedish Pomerania. Despite all this, Praetorius&#39; writings were continually read, and in the second quarter of the seventeenth century they influenced a circle of converts in Kottbus and vicinity. Spener frequently alludes to him admiringly, and the <I>Schatzkammer</I> has been revised by the Kornthal pastor J. H. Stoudt (Stuttgart, 1869).  
<p class="author">(P. WOLFF&#8224;.)</p>
<P class="bibliography">
<small>
B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY:</small> J. F. Danneil, <I>Kirchengeschichte der Stadt Saltzwedel, </I>Halle, 1842; 
C. J. Cosack, <I>Zur Geschichte der evangelischen asketischen Litteratur in Deutschland</i>, pp. 1 sqq., Basel, 1875; 
H. Beck, <I>Die Erbauungslitteratur der evangelischen Kirche Deutschlands</i>, pp. 222 sqq., Erlangen, 1883; 
C. Grosse, <I>Die alten Tr&#246;ster</i>, p. 97, Hermannsburg,
1900. Earlier and less accessible literature is named in Hauck-Herzog, <I>RE</i>, xv. 615.
</small>
</P>

<br />
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Pragmatic Sanction" id="pragmatic_sanction">
<p>
<b>PRAGMATIC SANCTION:</b In the period of the later Roman Empire, a solemn rescript of the emperor, especially one issued on matters of public law upon motion of a city, province, or church. It is called " pragmatic " because issued after consultation and negotiation concerning the matter <I>(pragma).</I> Of enactments affecting the Church three are to be mentioned:
</P>
<P>
I. The <I>sanctio pragmatica</I> referred to Louis the Pious of France, of 1268 (1269), if genuine, would be one of the earliest edicts of the thirteenth century to check the excessive extension of the papal power and the abuses of the Curia; particularly with reference to the inordinate demand for revenue and the enlargement of the papal reservation with reference to appointments. Of the six articles included, the first guarantees to all prelates, patrons, and ordinary collators of benefices their plenary rights and the unrestricted maintenance of their jurisdiction; and art. 4 complements the former by providing that all promotions, bestowals, fiefs, and dispositions must conform with the provisions of the common law and of the earlier councils, and the early institution of the Fathers. Art. 3 secures to cathedrals and other churches freedom of elections, promotions, and collatures, without, however, infringing upon the privileges of the king with reference to the appointment of prelates, the granting of the permission for an election, the right of the Regale (q.v.), and the royal investiture. Art. 4 also prohibits simony. Art. 5 permits papal revenues and other obligations only on justifiable, pious, and urgent grounds and only with the approval of the king, Art. 6 guarantees the liberties, prerogatives, and privileges granted by the French kings to churches, monasteries, and sacred institutions as well as to the clergy of the realms. The opponents of Gallicanism (q.v.), however, have earnestly disputed the genuineness of the law, so that in France there remains scarcely a doubt of its forgery. In Germany opinion was divided until P. Scheffer-Boiehorst (<i>Gesammelte Schriften</i>, i. 255, Berlin, 1904) established the forgery beyond a doubt. He placed its origin in the year 1438; others, in 1452.
</P>
<P>
II. The pragmatic sanction of Bourges by Charles VII. of France was issued July 7, 1438, in consequence of a national synod at Bourges (May, 1438), which indorsed the greater number of the reform edicts of the Council of Basel (q.v.) but proposed certain modifications as affecting the French Church. The edict consisted of twenty-three articles. The decrees which were accepted were incorporated bodily. Above all, the French church and the law of the State affecting the Church thereby adopted unchanged the decrees of the superiority of the council to the pope, the regular convening of ecumenical councils, and the restrictions of papal reservations and revenues. The modifications covered the maintenance of the right of nomination for the king and princes of fit candidates, the extension of the rights of the qualified in the awarding of benefices, the preservation of ordinary jurisdiction over against the conduct of processes by general councils; compensation to the pope for the abolition of annats and the preservation of special customs, observances, and statutes of the French Church. Internal ecclesiastical affairs thus became subject for secular enactment. The modifications intended for the acceptance of the Council of Basel were put in power by the royal edict, though the council could no longer resolve upon their acceptance or rejection. The sanction was naturally opposed by the popes in their effort to regain prestige. PiusII, in 1453, pronounced it to be an infringement upon the papal prerogatives and ordered the French bishops to effect its repeal. When Louis IX. repealed the sanction in 1461, the parliament of Paris, under the protection of which it had been placed, refused; and it has remained essentially<pb n="152"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
unchanged. See C<small>ONCORDATS AND</small> D<small>ELIMITING</small> B<small>ULLS</small>, III., 2.
</P>
<P>
III. The so-called German pragmatic sanction of Mar. 26, 1439, never became a law and the term is misleading. At the Diet of Mainz the electoral princes and the representatives of the Roman king and of the absent princes, after the example of the French, adopted a series of the decrees of the Council of Basel, and demanded certain modifications, and considered certain other proposed alterations to be submitted to the council. The act was, however, never approved or proclaimed by royal rescript and has been pointed out as merely a provisional union of the individual German princes concerning their attitude toward the conflict between the pope and the council.
</P>
<P class="author">(E. F<small>RIEDBERG</small>.)</p>
</P>
<P>
Pragmatic sanction is the name given also to the document by which Emperor Charles VI. attempted to secure his Austrian possessions to his daughter Maria Theresa (cf. J. H. Robinson and C. A. Beard, <I>Development of Modern Europe</I>, i. 61 sqq., 68, Boston, 1907; <I>Cambridge Modern History</I>, vi. 201, New York, 1909).
</P>
<P class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY:</small>
I. The document is printed in Mansi, <I>Concilia</I>, xxiii. 1259;
M. de Lauriere, <I>Ordonnances des roys de France,</I> i. 97, Paris, 1723;
and Durand de Maillane, <I>Dictionnaire du droit canonique,</I> iv. 767, Lyons, 1770.
Consult: R. Thomasay, <I>De la pragmatique sanction attribu&#233;e &#224; Saint Louis,</I> Paris, 1844;
C. G&#233;rin, <I>La Pragmatique Sanction de Saint Louis,</I> ib. 1870;
J. Haller, <I>Papsttum und Kirchenreform,</I> i. 202, Berlin, 1903.
II. Reprints are in
Durand de Maillane, ut sup., p. 768;
M. de Vilevault, <I>Ordonnances des rois de France,</I> xiii. 267 sqq.;
a reprint with notes is dated Paris, 1514,
and another, 1666.
Consult:
H. Dansin, <I>Hist. du gouvernement de la r&#232;gne de Charles VII.,</I> pp. 216 sqq., Paris, 1858;
Hefele, <I>Conciliengeschichte,</I> vii. 762;
W. Sch&#228;ffner, <I>Geschichte der Rechtsverfassung Frankreichs,</I> ii. 630 sqq., 4 vols., Frankfort, 1845-50;
E. Friedberg, <I>Grenzen zwischen Staat und Kirche,</I> pp. 488 sqq., T&#252;bingen, 1872.
III. J. Horix, <I>Concordata nationis Germanicae integra,</I> Frankfort, 1765 sqq.;
G. Koch, <I>Sanctio pragmatica Germanorum illustrata,</I> Strasburg, 1789.</small>
</P>

<br>
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Pragmatism" id="pragmatism">
<P>
<b>PRAGMATISM:</b> The word in its technical use originated with C. S. Pierce in 1878 ("How to Make Our Ideas Clear," in <I>Popular Science Monthly,</I> xii. 286-302), who defines the meaning of an idea or an object in terms of its practical bearings. An object is known so far as it is conceived in its effects. In 1898 Prof. William James broadened the term to include particular future consequences in experience whether active or passive (<I>Journal of Philosophy</I>, i. 674). Hence the truth or meaning of a conception is exhausted in the results of it in an experience which is either recommended or expected. If the consequences of one idea are not conceivably different from those of another idea, the two ideas are essentially the same. Pragmatism deals neither with the abstract nor with the pure metaphysical absolute but wholly with the concrete. It turns away from first causes to contemplate final results. It is a theory for unifying experience through its consequences, and so arriving at truth. The chief representatives of this doctrine, while in general agreement emphasize somewhat different aspects of the subject. Professor James, e.g., keeps close to everyday experience - pragmatism; Ferdinand Canning Scott Schiller accentuates the place of feeling in relation to religious faith - humanism, personalism; Professor John Dewey is interested more in the scientific inductive approach to knowledge - instrumentalism or immediate empiricalism, i.e., theories are instrumental as derived from and leading to conduct in which we can rest - things are what they are experienced to be and are valid so far as they are workable. Truth is some claim which has been tested and confirmed by the worth of its consequences or at least by the verifiability of these. It is, therefore, not static but progressive, not absolute but a continuous compromise in which warring interests are held in check until wider values emerge in experience wherein they are adjusted and harmonized. Accordingly, authority is not fixed and final but developmental and transitive, in which external coercion gives place to rational self-direction. The bearings of this doctrine on ethics and religion are of great significance. If the entire world is what we make it, human life itself must share this potentiality. That becomes real which we realize and so far as we realize it; our willing is the condition of its existence. Both our ideals and our character are created by us. Monotheism is not the inevitable and exclusive postulate of religion, but so far as this hypothesis works satisfactorily, it may be held as true. Thus is indicated a place for the "will to believe." The Absolute if accepted at all must be conceived not as static and changeless perfection, but as functional, with infinite potentialities of change, real not beyond but in experience. Pluralism as an interpretation of the universe may not be excluded. If there is anything personal at the heart of things, our bearing toward it will naturally condition its effect upon us. To act as if there were a God may therefore be the sole path to the knowledge and realization of God in the consciousness. The future life may likewise be conditioned on our behavior toward it as a possibility. At the very least meliorism may be the creed and endeavor of the individual. The relation of pragmatism to the movement introduced by Kant (q.v.) is not to be overlooked.</p>
<p class="author"> C. A. B<small>ECKWITH</small>.</p>
<P class="bibliography">
<small>
B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY:</small> 
W. James, <I>Pragmatism: a new Name for some old Ways of Thinking,</I> London and New York, 1907;
idem, in <I>Philosophical Review,</I> xvii (1908), 1-17;
F. C. S. Schiller, <I>Humanism,</I> New York, 1903; 
idem, <I>Studies in Humanism,</I> ib. 1907;
H. H. Bawden, <I>The Principles of Pragmatism,</I> ib. 1910;
E. W&#183; Lyman, <I>Theology and Human Problems; a comparative Study of absolute Idealism and Pragmatism as Interpreters of Religion,</I> ib. 1910. 
For list of the numerous magazine and review articles on the subject 
the reader should consult W. I. Fletcher&#39;s <I>Annual Library Index,</I> New York.
</small>
</P>

<br />
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Prague, Archbishopric of" id="prague_archbishopric_of">
<P>
<b>PRAGUE, ARCHBISHOPRIC OF:</b> The city of Prague, situated in the central part of Bohemia, was founded in the eighth century near the site of the ancient ducal castle; and first gained a position of importance in history with the establishment of Christianity in the interior of Bohemia. The Christianization of this was accomplished in connection with that of Moravia under the Eastern missionary brothers Cyril and Methodius (see C<small>YRIL AND</small> M<small>ETHODIUS</small>), but after Bohemia had withdrawn from the Moravian kingdom and placed itself under German protection Bohemia became a part of the diocese of Regensburg in 895. Boleslaw II., the Pious, sent his sister Milada to the pope to appeal for the establishment of a separate bishopric, and<pb n="153"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
in 971 this was granted by John XIII. Half a century earlier Duke Wenzel had erected the Church of St. Veit, and this, as the church of the martyrs St. Veit and St. Wenzel, the pope designated as the cathedral. However, the step was opposed by the bishop of Regensburg and his chapter and not until 973, upon a compact with the Emperor Otto I., was the bishopric of Prague established. The act of creation was ratified by Benedict VI. and the emperor, and the new bishopric was attached to the archdiocese of Mainz. The new diocese was an extensive one, embracing Bohemia, Moravia, Silesia, southern Poland, Galicia as far as Lemberg, and Slavic Hungary. The first bishop, proposed by the duke and unanimously chosen by the clergy and the people, was the Benedictine Dietmar (973-982); he was a Saxon who had lived in Bohemia, for many years and was familiar with the Slavic language. His successor was Adalbert (see A<small>DALBERT OF</small> P<small>RAGUE</small>), the first native bishop, who introduced the Benedictine order and became the apostle of the Prussians, suffering martyrdom in 997. After 999 the erection of the dioceses of Cracow and Breslau diminished the area of that of Prague. In 1063 Moravia was separated. In 1212, after the elevation of the dukes to the kingship, the investiture of the bishop was conferred from the emperor upon. the king of Bohemia. In 1344, through the efforts of Emperor Charles IV., Prague was made an archbishopric by Clement VI., and the bishopric of Olmiitz and the recently formed bishopric of Leitomischl were subordinated to it. The first archbishop, Ernest of Pardubitz (1343-64), won great fame by his character and his wisdom and zeal in organization and administration. He proceeded to build the archcathedral and under him the university was founded in 1348. With the apostasy of Conrad and the rise of the Hussites the jurisdiction was inhibited and the foundations were destroyed and there followed a period (1431-1561) during which the archbishopric was in charge of administrators elected by the chapter. Emperor Ferdinand introduced the Jesuits to replace the orders whose foundations had been destroyed or taken, and for the privilege of naming the archbishop undertook the restoration of the despoiled archbishopric. With the " compacts " of the Council of Basel (1434) granting the use of the cup in the communion, a privilege not conceded until 1564 by Pope Pius IV., the return and ordination of the Utraquists (see H<small>USS</small>, J<small>OHN</small>, H<small>USSITES</small>, II., &#167;&#167; 4-7) were provided, on the conditions later of accepting the articles of Trent; and thus under the legate of the council, Philibert (1433-39), who performed the episcopal functions, and his successors, and, with the restoration of Ferdinand I., under Archbishop Antonio Brus (1561-80), Martin Medek (1581-90), and Zbynek (1592-1606), progress was made in the rehabilitation of the archbishopric, the reestablishment of a Roman Catholic clergy, and the return of the orders, so that by 1603 the laws of Trent were publicly proclaimed at a provincial synod and Zbynek resumed the rank of a prince of the realm. Ferdinand ordered a restoration of Roman Catholicism under penalty of confiscation of land property and by military coercion, the result of which was that Protestantism was stamped out. Adalbert now reorganized the archdiocese and established the bishopric of Leitmeritz in 1655 and of Koniggrii,tz in 1664. In 1777 Olmiitz was made an archbishopric, in 1785 the new bishopric of Budweis was withdrawn and the bishoprics of Leitmeritz and Koniggriitz were enlarged, so that the archbishopric of Prague was reduced to one-third of its former extent. At present the ecclesiastical province is composed of the archdiocese of Prague and the suffragan bishoprics of Leitmeritz, Koniggrfitz, and Budweis. Leitonlischl became extinct after 1474.
</P>
<P class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY:</small> Sources are: 
<I>Regesta . . . Bohemia; et Moravia, </I>ed. K. J. Erben and J. Emler, 5 parts, Prague,1855-92; 
G. Dobner, <I>Monumenta historica Boemia, </I>6 vols., Prague, 1764-85; 
<I>Seriptores rerum Bohemicarum,</I> ed. F. M. Pelsal, J. Dobrowsky, and F. Palacky, 3 vols., Prague, 1783-1829; 
<I>Fontes rerum Bohemicarum, </I>5 vols., Prague, 1873-82. Consult: C. A. Pescheck, <I>Geschichte der Gegenrejformation in B&#246;men, </I>2 vols., Dresden, 1844;
W. W. Tomsk, <I>Geschichte der Stadt Prag, </I>Prague, 1856;
C. Eckhardt, <I>Geschichte der deutschen evangelischen Gerneinde in Prag, </I>Prague, 1891; 
J. Neuwirth, <I>Prag, </I>Leipsic, 1901; 
F. Liitsow, <I>The Story of Prague, </I>London, 1902;
S. Binder, <i>Die Hegemonie der Prager im Husitenkriege, </I>Prague, 1903; <i>HL</i>, x. 280-303.</small>
</P>

</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Prague, Compactata of" id="prague_compactata_of">
<P>
<b>PRAGUE, COMPACTATA OF: FOUR ARTICLES OF.</b> See H<small>USS</small>, J<small>OHN</small>, H<small>USSITES</small>
</P>

<br />
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Prarthana Samaj of Bombay" id="prarthana_samaj_of_bombay">
<P>
<b>PRARTHANA SAMAJ OF BOMBAY.</b> See INDIA, III., 2.
</P>

<br />
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Pratt", waldo selden" id="pratt_waldo_selden">
<P>
<b>PRATT, WALDO SELDEN:</b> Congregational layman; b. at Philadelphia Nov. 10, 1857. He was educated at William College (A.B., 1878) and Johns Hopkins University (1878-80). He was assistant director of the Metropolitan Museum of Art (1880-82), and since 1882 has been professor of music and hymnology at Hartford Theological Seminary, where he was also registrar in 1888-95. He was instructor in elocution in Trinity College, Hartford, in 1891-1905, and has been lecturer in musical history and science at Smith College since 1895 and at Mount Holyoke College in 1896-99, while since 1905 he has held a similar position at the Institute of Musical Art, New York City. From 1882 to 1891 he was organist of Asylum Hill Congregational Church, Hartford, and conductor of the Hosmer Hall Choral Union in the same city, and in 18841888 he was conductor df the St. Cecilia Club. He has written Musical Ministries in the Church (Chicago, 1901) and edited St. Nicholas Songs (New York, 1885) and Songs of Worship (1887), besides being musical editor of Aids to Common Worship (New York, 1887) and of the Century <I>Dictionary.</I>
</P>

<br />
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Praxeas" id ="praxeas">
<b>PRAXEAS.</b> See M<small>ONARCHIANISM</small>, V., 2.

</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Prayer" id="prayer">
<h2>PRAYER</h2>
<ol>
<li>I. In the Old Testament. 
<li>II. In the New Testament. 
<ul>
<li>Source and Characteristics  (&#167; 1). 
<li>James and Paul (&#167; 2).
<li>Christocentric (&#167; 3). 
</ul>
<li>III. In the Church.
<ul>
<li>Definition (&#167; 1).
<li>The Element of Experience (&#167; 2).
<li>Self-seeking Excluded  (&#167; 3).
<li>Modern Difficulties (&#167; 4).
<li>Solution (&#167; 5).
</ul>
</ol>
<P>
<h3>I. In the Old Testament:</h3>
<p>
The Old Testament places prayer in connection with other religious acts, such as sacrifices, vows, fasts, and mourning ceremonies. "To pray" is expressed in Hebrew by &#39;athar or he&#39;ethir, a verb which in Arabic means <pb n="154"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
" to sacrifice," and thus had a cultic meaning from the beginning. This word is found in the older sources of the Pentateuch and in Judges xiii. 8; Job xxii. 27, xxxiii. 26. More frequently <I>hith pallel</i> is used, from a root <I>palal </I>to which Wellhausen, with reference to I Kings xviii. 28, assigns the original meaning " to make incisions." Like the corresponding noun <I>tephillah, </I>it is found in older and later books of the Old Testament.
</P>
<P>
The Old Testament prescribes no such external ceremonies or postures in prayer as occur among the later Jews and the Mohammedans. The petitioner stood or rostrated himself as did the subject before the king. The hands were extended to express purity, and were lifted up to heaven or toward the sanctuary in intercession. Prayer as the freest expression of religious life could be performed in any place, although the sanctuary was considered the most appropriate. In early times prayer accompanied the offer of sacrifice; later it is mentioned expressly as an integral part of daily service, partly as a function of the Levites in which the people joined.
</P>
<p> 
It is nowhere directed in the Old Testament be cause it was regarded as the natural expression of religious life. No definite form is prescribed; the mode of expression was left to the inspiration of the moment; but the prayers contained in the Psalter naturally gained lasting importance as hymns of the congregation. Prayer was called forth by the most varying sentiments; it was an expression of gratitude for gifts, but more frequently it expressed supplication for external well-being, for deliverance from distress, for forgiveness of sins, or for wisdom. It had reference at times to the salvation of the whole people, at other times to purely personal relations. Great importance was attached to the prayer of a prophet if it had reference to the fulfilment of the divine word and the manifestations of the true God. In this respect, Jeremiah was the great example and was imitated by the psalmists; for the Psalms are mostly entreaties for a decisive self-manifestation of God. There occurs frequently in the Old Testament also the intercessory prayer of men who stood in nearer relation to God and were especially heard. It was only in post Exilic times that prayer was regarded as a meritorious service and practise, a conception which further developed under Pharisaism (see P<small>HARISEES AND</small> S<small>ADDUCEES</small>).</p>
<p class="author">(F. B<small>UHL</small>.)</p>
<P>
<h3>II. In the New Testament:</h3>
<h4>1. Sources and Characteristics.</h4> 
The reader of the New Testament, in the course of a rapid reading, might receive a very strong impression that as compared with other sacred books, including the Old Testament, there is an almost complete absence of the sacerdotal sacrificial elements. The main cause is the revival of prophetism, begun by John the Baptist, embodied in Christ and giving distinctive quality to the Christianity of the Apostolic Age. A secondary cause is found in the history of Judaism. The bankruptcy of the Jewish state, the development of the Jewish Church, the shifting of the center of gravity from the nation to the individual, the irresistible though unconscious forces whereby the synagogal system ousted the Temple from the center of consciousness, -it was along this road that prayer came to take the place of sacrifice. The immense outflow of spiritual power and moral energy that founded the Christian Church made prayer its spring and soul. Necessarily Christian prayer was strongly corporate. Such was the tendency in Jewish prayer. Even stronger was the tendency in Christian prayer. And this because of the psychology of prayer. For prayer is yearning and desire fed on hope and grounded in faith. The reason for the Apostolic Church&#39;s existence was her belief in the kingdom of God. The power that grouped chosen individuals together and built them into congregational units was an impassioned confidence in the reality and immanence of that divine order. Consequently, prayer was the soul of the Christian community, and this prayer, by its constitution, was intensely corporate. The Lord&#39;s Prayer clearly shows this. Jesus put it forth not to serve as a specific prayer but to manifest the perspective and the proportion of prayer. It gives the framework and the constitution of prayer as Christians learned it from their master. The heart of it is a profound sense of solidarity between the followers of Jesus. Its fundamental quality is a corporate desire and will bent upon the kingdom of God.
</P>
<h4>2. James and Paul.</h4>
<P>
Healing in the Apostolic Church was inseparable from prayer. The only deliberate testimony on this point is found in the epistle of James (v. 14-15). But the necessity of the connection is everywhere taken for granted. The personal practise of the Savior is clear. The incidental allusions of the New Testament are conclusive. There is no present need of arguing for the healing value of prayer when prayer, rightly framed, has control of consciousness both personal and corporate. Its therapeutic power can not be doubted; the question is
how to use it wisely. The deep consciousness of salvation that pervades the New Testament makes joy the keynote of prayer as of life. In Paul, the supreme individual of the Apostolic Age; and at the
same time its master-worker, this is strikingly true. Prayer is the atmosphere of life. It should be unceasing (I Thess. v. 17). It is the voice of the creative spirit in the soul of redeemed people (Rom.
viii. 15). And because it is the deepest reach of experience, it is the final mystery. The redeemed man learns that his prayers by themselves are incompetent (Rom. viii. 26-27), but within the spirit
of prayer in his breast he finds the Holy Spirit yearning. It is this discovery that gives him indestructible confidence.
</P>
<h4>3. Christocentric.</h4>
<P>
The nature of prayer in the New Testament accounts for and explains the relation of prayer to the person of Christ. The fact that prayer is essentially corporate being clearly in mind, it follows forthwith that prayer must be in the name of the Savior. The new community was inseparable from its founder and head. Baptism, the rite of entrance into Christian fellowship, was in his name (Acts ii. 38). The working creed was the conviction that he was master of the world&#39;s fortunes, this conviction taking the form of an impassioned be-<pb n="155"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
lief in his speedy second coming. The deepening thought of the Church was Christologic (e.g., <scripRef>II Cor.</scripRef>, as a model of pastoral theology). The miracles of healing were wrought in his name (<scripRef>Acts iii. 6</scripRef>). His name was taken to be the only name given under heaven among men whereby they must be saved (<scripRef>Acts iv. 12</scripRef>). Hence the person of Christ becomes inseparable from the idea of God (<scripRef>John xiv. 9</scripRef>). Consequently prayer is necessarily related to Christ. In Paul this is particularly clear. The mystical immanence of the risen Savior is the center of the inner life (<scripRef>Gal. ii. 20</scripRef>); all things which it becomes a Christian to do must be done in his name (<scripRef>Col. iii. 17</scripRef>). Therefore it follows that thanksgiving and prayer, the upgoing and outgoing of the soul to the source of life, while it goes direct to God, may, without detriment to the vital strength of monotheism, pass through the mind and person of Christ. In the ripest form of New-Testament thought, the Johannine theology, this becomes even clearer than in Paul. The mature Christian is to ask all things of God in his son&#39;s name (<scripRef>John xv. 16, xvi. 23</scripRef>).
</P>
<p> 
The necessary recasting of trinitarian doctrine in the light of historical knowledge of the New Testament, the more vital pressure of the divine unity upon Christian consciousness brought about by the social problem, the deepening sense of the divine immanence-these forces in course of time will enable Christians to put aside those imperfect conceptions of the mediatorhood of Christ which led the Church to underweigh the humanity of the Savior. While praying to Jesus they will not forget that Jesus prayed.  
</p>
<p class="author">H<small>ENRY</small> S. N<small>ASH</small>.</p>
<P>
<h3>III. In the Church:</h3>
<h4>1. Definition.</h4> 
Prayer purports to be communication with God. Friends as well as opponents of prayer regard it as an attempt to gain in time of need the aid of a power supramundane. On this ground prayer might be defended as an expression of human impotence. Prayer in its essence, however, is quite other than a cry of distress to an indefinite power or object; it is communion with God. Necessity is a stimulus to prayer, but the capacity for real prayer does not originate in need.
</p>
<h4>2. The Element of Experience.</h4>
<P>
Prayer, as an address to God, implies that God is near to man, it involves certainty of the reality of God. One who had received no revelation of God would not be able to pray, while consciousness of such an experience brings ability to pray aright and inspires  devotion. Such devotion expands spiritual power, and at the same time continues the experience through which is realized consciousness of God&#39;s interposition in life. Absorption in such consciousness affords confidence that God is present to us. None can pray if by his own fault the recollection that God once called him is obscured. However urgently Jesus enjoined prayer, he surely did not believe that man should pray without regard to his present condition; he did not desire prayer in which the heart is removed from God. Each individual must feel the revelation of God to be his personal experience. God is found in that life in which he reveals himself as personal life in Jesus Christ, so that in addressing him man addresses the Father. The ability to commune with God is for man an introduction into a new reality and a foreglimpse of an infinite future. Nothing can give deeper joy than these drafts of breath in a new life. Consequently Luther asserted correctly that the Lord&#39;s Prayer, and indeed every right Christian prayer, begins with thanksgiving and praise. But after the address to God has unfolded as an invocation of the Father in heaven, prayer becomes necessarily an entreaty. With the Christian supplication originates in God&#39;s revelation of himself. To possess God means to seek God. He who does not find the desire for God repressing every other desire has not found the God who reveals himself in Christ. This desire should be the starting-point of the Christian&#39;s unceasing prayer. This thought is expressed in the opening petitions of the Lord&#39;s Prayer. They are not a declaration that the Christian wishes to consider God&#39;s affairs more important than his own; they express rather the most urgent concern of the Christian himself. Those men are not children of God who do not desire above all to be near the Father; and for this knowledge of God is necessary.
</P>
<h4>3. Self-Seeking Excluded.</h4>
<P>
While Jesus directed to urgent and trustful prayer, without reservation and limitation, his directions presupposed that independence which was to grow up under his influence; they imply a disposition consciously ready to utter such petitions. They might be interpreted as though God would grant every self-indulgent Seeking and selfish wish of his children. Indeed, they must be so understood if followed by one who knows no desire for God. One whose heart is filled with earthly care can utter only this in his prayer. Such a man, therefore, dares not pray as others pray, but is intent upon his own needs. This was doubtless the meaning of Jesus. He must have hated supremely insincere prayer. But is that prayer sincere which expresses only burning desire for some worldly concern under the idea, upheld by an energetic will, that a power exists which by continual supplication may be moved to grant some definite petition? It is evident that such a prayer is only seeming; for while the petitioner pretends to address God, his representation of God is only an amplification of his wish. That prayer is not real in which effort is needed to follow the words of Jesus in which he limits the confidence of supplication. One not in the proper inner condition can not understand how a man can pray in earnest realizing that the Father in heaven knows and considers his needs without his asking or expressing with his supplication the willingness to renounce it. He who takes these words of Jesus as precepts that may be followed, is left without a motive; he can not realize that they are the expression of experiences gained in the exercise of prayer. All these difficulties disappear for those to whom Jesus spoke these words. If the eye has been opened to the fact that the efficient cause in all reality is a personal life that surrounds man with fatherly love, longing for God results. This longing is real life, and to develop it is the one in exhaustible task. Only when God is known from personal experience will it be possible to discern <pb n="156"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
the relation of other forms of prayer. It can then be understood how a petition for external things, permeated by full assurance of being heard, may harmonize with a willingness to renounce it.
</P>
<h4>4. Modern Difficulties</h4>
<P>
In modern times the question has been raised whether God for the sake of prayer causes to occur what otherwise would not have come to pass. In the last three centuries a clearer consciousness of the demonstrable reality in which men exist has severely shaken faith in the possibility of such a prayer receiving its answer. The two men who in the nineteenth century in their sermons represented Christian life in its fullest content, Schleiermacher and F. W. Robertson (qq.v.), always clung to the belief that reality was conditioned by the laws of nature, and that the course of the world could not be changed simply because a man was not resigned to his lot. What they say concerning the possibility of answer to prayer shows how difficult it has become for Christian faith to hold its own in the spiritual conditions produced by the progress of science. If it is held that prayer might change the petitioner while all else continues its course, the energy of faith in prayer must necessarily be paralyzed. Faith has the power to elevate to a higher stage of life only when it develops the confidence that communication with the God of the other world is a power over against that reality which is to be experienced. If a personal life which has revealed itself has brought about a trust and confidence that it possesses power over all, there has been produced a personal conviction of a reality distinct from nature. Expectation is raised of finding an entrance to this reality. Access is had to it in a moral activity and a spirit of prayer which seeks God himself. But this very idea in which the life of faith progresses, the conception that God opens to those who knock, is destroyed if it is considered impossible for God to grant a prayer that will change a situation in order to remove a barrier between man and God; in that case God is no more the personal spirit who answers, but the unchangeable power of order. . Many believe that God shows himself as personal life only in the inner development while the course of life is the unchangeable result of natural law. But. it is not right to place psychical events in such contrast with nature, and that result of prayer which is limited to the inner life will not appear as a work of God through which he answers supplication, but as the direct effect of prayer in connection with inner conditions.
</P>
<h4>5. Solution.</h4>
<P>
The conception of nature will always be able to shake confidence in that petition which is a mere expression of human desires; but it can have no power over prayer which is the outgrowth of personal acquaintance with God and of longing for him. For in such prayer there is always room for the thought of cause and effect in empirical nature. It must be emphasized that this thought does not represent the whole reality, but only that part of it grasped by the senses. Moreover, nature as unlimited in space and time, is the creation of a God whose reality can not be proved but is experienced by those to whom he reveals himself. It need not be proved that he who stands on such a basis can believe in answer to prayer, and that in full recognition of the conception of nature. Such faith is possible since man, on the basis of the revelation which he. has personally experienced, may he convinced that God is inclined toward him in fatherly love; for then he must say to himself that the environment in which he exists is for him a stepping-atone to a more intimate union with God, whom yet it lies within his power to deny. Then the thought becomes possible for him that events in the world of sense may happen in virtue of his supplication, as God&#39;s answer of his prayer. In this confidence disturbance need not follow the recollection of the limitless conditionality of all empirical events, since that points rather to the fact that God as the Almighty performs each of his miracles through the world which for him is a totality while to man it is a limitless entity. Science can therefore not restrain from prayer. Man can pray when the God of heaven has revealed himself in individual experience. He really prays who addresses God in order to come nearer to him. To this real prayer, in which is expressed the tendency of all moral striving, God has given the power to shape the future for man and the world. The prayer of power is never the desire to accomplish material changes, but is a longing after God. If such longing is sincere, supplications concerning earthly matters will always be interwoven with it; for the more man becomes self-conscious in the thought of God, the more evident will it be that many cares so claim him that he feels momentarily separated from God.
</P>
</p><p class="author">(W. HERRMANN.)
<P class="bibliograhy">
<small>
B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY:</small> 
On prayer in the Bible consult: 
C. A. Goodrich, <I>Bible History of Prayer, </I>Andover, 1881; 
P. Watters, <I>The Prayers of the Bible, </I>New York, 1883; 
P. Christ, <I>Die Lehre vom Gebet nach dem Neuen Testament</I>, Leyden, 1888; 
R. Emend, <I>Lehrbuch der alltestamentliche Religionageschichte</i>, p. 351, Freiburg, 1893; 
A. Juneker, <I>Das Gebet bei Paulus</I>, Berlin, 1905; 
J. E. MeFadyen, <I>The Prayers of the Bible</I>, London, 1908; 
M. Kegel, <I>Dae Gebet im Allen Testament</I>, G&#252;tersloh, 1908; 
Nowack, <I>Arch&#228;ologie</i>, pp, ii., 259 sqq.; 
Benzinger  <I>Arch&#228;ologie, pp, </I>338 sqq,; 
<I>DB</i> iv. 38-45; 
<I>EB</i>, iii, 3828-32; 
<i>DCG</i>, ii. 390-393; 
<i>JE</i>, x. 184-171
On prayer in the Church consult: 
S. I. Prime <I>The Power of Prayer Illustrated . . . at the Fulton . . . Street Meetings</I>, New York 1873; 
J. F. Clarks <I>The Christian Doctrine of Prayer</I>, Boston, 1874; 
I. S. Hartley, <I>Prayer and its Relation to Modern Thought and Criticism</I>, New York, 1875; 
<I>The Prayer-Gauge Debate, </I>by. Prof. Tyndal, Francis Gallon, and others against Dr. Littledale, President McCosh, . . . , Boston 1878; 
H, R, Reynolds, <I>The Philosophy of Prayer</I>, London, 1881; 
H. L. Hastings, <I>Ebenezer: or Records of Prevailing Prayer</I>, London. 1882;
J. C. Ryle, <I>Thoughts on Prayer, </I>London, 1888; 
D. W. Faunce, <I>Prayer as a Theory and as a Fact, </I>New York, 1890; 
H. C. G. Moule, <I>Secret Prayer, </I>London, 1890; 
R. Leroy, <I>La Pri&#232;re chr&#233;tienne, </I>Lausanne 1894; 
A. Murray, <I>The Ministry of Intercession; a Plea for more Prayer</I>, London, 1898; 
F. Cabrol <I>Le Livre de la pri&#232;re antique,</I> Paris, 1900; 
P. L. P. Gudranger, <I>The Spiritual Life and Prayer according to Holy Scriptures and Monastic Tradition. </I>London 1900; 
R. A. Torrey, <I>How to Pray, </I>London, 1900; 
A. F. Douglas, <I>Prayer. A Practical Treatise, </I>Edinburgh, 1901; 
E. F&#183; von der Golst, <I>Das Gebet der &#228;ltesten Christenheit </I>Leipsic 1901 (comprehensive. contains collection of early Christian Prayers); 
W. H. M. H. Aitken, <I>The Divine Ordinance of Prayer. </I>London 1902; 
A. W. Robinson, <I>Prayer in Relation to the Idea of Law, </I>in H. B. Swete, <I>Essays on some Theological Questions</I>, London, 1905; 
M. P. Tailing, <I>Extempore prayer., </I>Manchester, 1905; 
W. E. Biederwolf, <I>How can God answer Prayer:..Nature. Conditions and Difficulties of Prayer</I>, Chicago, 1907; 
F. R. M. Hitchcock, <I>The Present Controversy in <pb n="157"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
Prayer</i>, London, 1909; 
Ann Louise Strong, <i>The Psychology of Prayer</i>, Chicago, 1909; 
Dora Greenwell and P. T. Forsyth, <i>The Power of Prayer</i>, London, 1910; 
W. A. Cornaby, <i>Let us Pray! Home Circle Papers on the Science and Art of Supplication</i>, ib. 1910; 
Vigouroux, <i>Dictionnaire</i>, fascs. xxxii. 663-xxxiii. 
Among anthologies may be named: C. H. von Bogatzky,
<i>Golden Treasury of Prayer</i> (a classic, latest ed., London, 1904); 
C. Wolfsgruber, <i>Hortutus anim&#230;</i> ,Augsburg, 1884; 
J. F. France, <i>Preces veterum ez operibus sanctorum excerpt&#230;</I>, London, 1887; 
E. Hodder, <i>A Book of Uncommon Prayers,</I> London, 1898; 
M. W. Tilleston, <i>Great Souls at Prayer; fourteen Centuries of Prayer</i>, London, 1898; 
Annie de P&#232;ne, <I>Les Belles Pri&#233;res</i>, Paris, 1909 (anthology of prayers from Christian, Moslem, Jewish, Buddhist, Hindu, and Shinto sources).</small>
</P>

<br />
</div3><div3 typ="Article" title="Prayer Book, English" id="prayer_book,_english">
<P>
<b>PRAYER BOOK, ENGLISH. </b>See C<small>OMMON</small> P<small>RAYER</small>, B<small>OOK OF.</small>
</P>

<br />
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Prayer for the Dead" id="prayer_for_the_dead"><p>
<b>PRAYER FOR THE DEAD:</b> 
A custom which, springing from natural and laudable affection, is found among very diverse peoples. It has a connection, in thought at least and often in fact, with that variety of sacrifice called vicarious, in which intercession is believed to be potential for the release of another from the consequences of that other&#39;s misdeeds. Its existence among the Jews in the second century before Christ is proved by II Mace. xii. 43-45, in which passage it is stated that not only prayer but sacrifice for the dead was offered by Judas, and the manner of statement shows that the deed was not unusual and was reckoned praiseworthy. But no Old-Testament passage can be quoted in favor of the custom.
</P>
<P>
There can be little question that from Judaism the practise passed over to the Christian Church. Attempts have been made to justify the custom by reference to the teaching of Jesus in such passages as <scripRef>Matt. xii. 32<scripRef>, but such inferences are regarded as strained. A more secure scriptural basis is afforded by the famous passage <scripRef>I Pet. iii. 19-20</scripRef>, cf. iv. 6, which is, however, sometimes brought into a forced connection with <scripRef>Zach. ix. 11</scripRef>. Combined with the vogue given by Jewish custom and the affection and hope which reached beyond the grave, this passage gave sanction to the practise in the early Christian Church. Tertullian is the earliest Christian writer who makes reference to prayers for the dead as customary (<i>De exhortatione castitatis</i>, xi.; <i>De anima</i>, Iviii.; <i>De monogamia</i>, x.; <i>De corona</i>, iii.;</I> Eng. transls. in <I>ANF, </I>vols. iii. iv.). Similar testimony is given by Amobius (<I>Adv. gentes</I>, iv. 36), Cyprian (<i>Ep</i>. i. of Oxford ed., 1xv. in <i>ANF</i>, v. 367), Cyril of Jerusalem (<I>Mystagogikai catecheseis</i>, v. &#167; 7), Augustine ("City of God," xxi. 13; <I>De cura pro mortuis</i>, i.  and iv.), Chrysostom (Commentary on <scripRef>Phil</scripRef>., hom. 3), Dionysius the Areopagite <I>(Hierarchia ecclesiastics, </I>last chap.), and Apostolic Constitutions, VIII., ii. 12, iv. 41 (where the liturgical form is given). By some of these Fathers the custom was regarded as of apostolic institution. That the practise was strengthened by the idea of the solidarity of the Church as including the living and the dead is not unlikely, and a lingering influence of the classical Hades (q.v.) as a sort of middle state may have had its influence. The general practise of the early Church is further evinced by mortuary inscriptions. In view of all this it is not surprising that the prayer for the dead entered the liturgies, appearing in those of St. Mark, St. James, the Nestorian, Ambrosian, and Gregorian, and the Gallican. The development of the doctrine of Purgatory (q.v.), which in order of time followed the custom, fixed more firmly, if possible, the custom, and there developed in the West the Office (or Mass) for the Dead and the <I>Missa de sanctis, </I>the former at least as early as the sixth century. The offering of these prayers was from the earliest times particularly connected with the Eucharist. At the Reformation the practise fell into disrepute among Protestants, largely on the initiative of Calvin, and practically the entire Protestant Church rejects the custom. The Book of Common Prayer retains traces of the practise, which has not been expressly prohibited in the Anglican Church, and is indeed followed in certain parts.
</p> 
<p class="author">G<small>EO.</small> W. G<small>ILMORE.</small></P>
<p class="bibliography">
<small>B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY:</small> 
<I>Hierurgia Anglicana</i>, pp. 320-324, London,
1848 (gives examples of mortuary inscriptions containing prayers for the dead); 
J. H. Blunt, <i>Dictionary of Doctrinal and Historical Theology</i>, pp. 585-586, ib. 1870; 
F. G. Lee, The Christian Doctrine of Prayer for the Departed</i>, ib. 1875; 
H. M. Luckock, <i>After Death</i>, ib. 1881;
E. H. Plumptre, <I>Spirits in Prison</i>, New York, 1885; 
A. J. Anderson, Is <I>it Right to Pray for the Dead?</I> London, 1889;
H. T. D., <I>The Faithful Dead. Shall we pray for them?</I> ib. 1896; 
E. T. d&#39;E. Jesse, <I>Prayers for the Departed, </I>ib. 1900;
C. H. H. Wright, <I>The Intermediate State and Prayers for the Dead</i>, ib. 1900; 
H. Falloon, <I>The Blessed Dead: do they need our Prayers?</i> ib. 1905; 
D. Stone, <I>The Invocation o Saints, </I>new ed., ib. 1910 (favors the practise); 
<I>DCA</I>, f. 267-274, ii. 1202-03, 1437-38.</small>
</P>

<br />
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Prayer-Gage Debate, The" id="prayer-gage_debate_the">
<P>
<b>PRAYER-GAGE DEBATE, THE: </b>A controversy evoked by an unsigned communication by Prof. John Tyndall in the <I>Contemporary Review,</I> July, 1872 (" The `Prayer for the Sick.&#39; Hints toward a Serious Attempt to Estimate its Value," vol. xx. 205-210). The article proposed that " one single ward or hospital, under the care of first-rate physicians and surgeons, containing certain numbers of patients afflicted with diseases which have been best studied, and of which the mortality rates are the best known, whether the diseases are those which are treated by medical or surgical remedies, should be, during a period of not less, say, than three or five years, made the object of special prayers by the whole body of the faithful, and that, at the end of this time, the mortality rates should be compared with those of other leading hospitals, similarly well managed, during the same period. Granting that time is given and numbers are sufficiently large, so as to insure a minimum of error from accidental disturbing causes the experiment will be exhaustive and complete." This was replied to by Richard Frederick Littledale (ib., pp. 430-454) who, while acknowledging the probability that prayer belongs to a region of law which permits inquiry concerning its practical operations, objected to the scheme, that it was impracticable, and that we can not quantify prayer. Professor Tyndall (ib., pp. 763-766), in a rejoinder, asks for restoration of prayer to its rightful domain and for verification. The author of the proposal (ib., pp. 760-777) cites as reasons why his suggestion was not complied with, inadequate conceptions  respecting prayer and God&#39;s relations with his creatures. The discussion was continued by James McCosh, William Knight, the duke of Argyll (ib., pp. 777-782, vol. XXI., pp. 183-198,<pb n="158"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
464-473), and Canon Liddon. Francis Galton (" Statistical Inquiry into the Efficacy of Prayer," <I>Fortnightly Review, </I>new series, vol. xii., 1872, pp.125-135) drew attention to the longevity of sovereigns and clergymen, suggested inquiries concerning missionaries and comparison of the death rate at birth of children of praying and non-praying parents, and maintained that insurance companies take no account of prayer as an asset in assuming risks. The interest quickened by this proposal bore fruit in many sermons and in many articles in periodicals in Great Britain and America, some of which were gathered and published in <I>The Prayer Gauge Debate </I>(Boston, 1876). </p>
<p class="author">C. A. B<small>ECKWITH.</small></p>
<p class="bibliography">
<small>
B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY:</small> 
The more important articles educed in the discussion are indexed under "Prayer," "prayer Cure," and Prayer Test " in <i>Pools&#39;s Index to periodical Literature</i>, i. 2, pp. 1041-42, Boston 1893. Note should be taken of John Tyndall&#39;s <I>Address Delivered before the British Association Assembled at Belfast, </I>London, 1874, New York, 1875, and of Mark Hopkins&#39; <I>Prayer and the Prayer Gauge,
</I>New York, 1874.
</small>
</P>

<br />
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Prayer, Hours of" id="prayer_hours_of">
<p>
<b>PRAYER, HOURS OF.</b> See B<small>REVIARY</small>; C<small>ANONICAL</small> H<small>OURS</small>; V<small>ESPER.</small>
</p>

<br />
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Prayer, week of" id="prayer_week_of">
<P>
<b>PRAYER, WEEK OF.</b> See E<small>VANGELICAL</small> A<small>LLIANCE</small>, &#167; 3.
</P>

<br />
</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Preaching Friars" id="preaching_friars">
<P>
<b>PREACHING FRIARS.</b> See D<small>OMINIC</small>, S<small>AINT</small>, <small>AND THE</small> D<small>OMINICAN</small> O<small>RDER.</small>
</P>

<br />

<hr>
</div3><div3 typ="Article" title="Preaching, History of" id="preaching_history_of">
<h2>PREACHING, HISTORY OF.</h2>
<table>
<tr><td>I. In the Early Church.</td><td>Style and Content of the Sermon (&#167; 2).</td><td>In Scandinavia (&#167; 1).</td></tr>
<tr><td>Apostolic and Post-Apostolic Preaching (&#167; 1).</td><td>Individual Names (&#167; 3).</td><td>The German-Swiss pulpit (&#167; 2).</td></tr>
<tr><td>The Period 200-300 A.D. (&#167; 2),</td><td>The Reformed Pulpit (&#167; 4).</td><td>In France and Holland (&#167; 3).</td></tr>
<tr><td>Greco-Syrian Preaching, 300-450 (&#167; 3).</td><td>The Roman Catholic Pulpit (&#167; 5).</td><td>The Roman Catholic Pulpit.</td></tr>
<tr><td>Individual Preachers (&#167; 4).</td><td>Transformation of the Protestant Pulpit, 1700-1810.</td><td>Early Characteristics (&#167; 1).</td></tr>
<tr><td>Zeno, Ambrose, Augustine (&#167; 5).</td><td>Pietism (&#167; 1).</td><td>Later Tendencies (&#167; 2).</td></tr>
<tr><td>The Greek Church, Continued (&#167; 6).</td><td>Spener and His Followers (&#167; 2).</td><td>IV. Preaching in the English Tongue.</td></tr>
<tr><td>The Post-Augustinian Latin Church (&#167; 7).</td><td>Various Schools (&#167; 3).</td><td>Before the Reformation.</td></tr>
<tr><td>II. In the Middle Ages.</td><td>Moravian Pulpit (&#167; 4).</td><td>The Anglo-Saxon Period (&#167; 1).</td></tr>
<tr><td>To the Twelfth Century.</td><td>Reform of the German Pulpit and the Preaching of Rationalism.</td><td>The Norman Period (&#167; 2).</td></tr>
<tr><td>Characteristics of the Sermon (&#167; 1).</td><td>The Conflicting Influences (&#167; 1).</td><td>The Pre-Reformation Period (&#167; 3).</td></tr>
<tr><td>Individual Preachers (&#167; 2).</td><td>Mosheim and His School (&#167; 2).</td><td>The Reformation.</td></tr>
<tr><td>German and French Pulpit (&#167; 3).</td><td>Entrance of Rationalism (&#167; 3).</td><td>General Account (&#167; 1).</td></tr>
<tr><td>Twelfth to the Fifteenth Century.</td><td>The Reaction (&#167; 4).</td><td>English Preachers (&#167; 2).</td></tr>
<tr><td>Influences Leading to Improvement (&#167; 1).</td><td>The Mediating Pulpit (&#167; 5).</td><td>The Scotch Preachers (&#167; 3).</td></tr>
<tr><td>Characteristics of the Sermon (&#167; 2).</td><td>Preaching Outside Germany (&#167; 6).</td><td>The Seventeenth Century.</td></tr>
<tr><td>Preaching of the Mystics (&#167; 3).</td><td>The Evangelical Pulpit of the Nineteenth Century.</td><td>Character of Preaching (&#167; 1).</td></tr>
<tr><td>Reformers Before the Reformation (&#167; 4.).</td><td>Basal Influences (&#167; 1).</td><td>Leading Preachers (&#167; 2).</td></tr>
<tr><td>Close of the Middle Ages.</td><td>Schleiermacher (&#167; 2).</td><td>The Eighteenth Century in the British Islands.</td></tr>
<tr><td>Frequency and Worth of the Sermon (&#167; 1).</td><td>His School (&#167; 3).</td><td>Survey (&#167; 1).</td></tr>
<tr><td>Individual Preachers (&#167; 2).</td><td>Reminders of Rationalism (&#167; 4).</td><td>Leading Preachers (&#167; 2).</td></tr>
<tr><td>III. The Continental Pulpit in Modern Times.</td><td>A New Trend (&#167; 5).</td><td>The Eighteenth Century in North America.</td></tr>
<tr><td>The Period of the Reformation.</td><td>The Confessional Type (&#167; 6).</td><td>The Nineteenth Century in the British Islands.</td></tr>
<tr><td>The Controlling Factors (&#167; 1).</td><td>Emphasis on the Practical (&#167; 7).</td><td>The First Third of the Century, 1801-1833 (&#167; 1).</td></tr>
<tr><td>Luther (&#167; 2).</td><td>Pietistic Antirationalistic Preaching (&#167; 8).</td><td>Middle of the Century, 1833-1389 (&#167; 2).</td></tr>
<tr><td>His Sermons Characterised (&#167; 3).</td><td>Individualism Dominant (&#167; 9).</td><td>Close of the Century, 1889-1900 (&#167; 3).</td></tr>
<tr><td>Other Lutheran Reformers (&#167; 4).</td><td>Modernistic Group (&#167; 10).</td><td>The Nineteenth Century in Greater Britain.</td></tr>
<tr><td>Zwingli and the Early Reformed Preachers (&#167; 5).</td><td>The Recent German Pulpit.</td><td>The Nineteenth Century in the United States.</td></tr>
<tr><td>The Roman Catholic Pulpit (&#167; 6).</td><td>Emphasis on the Practical (&#167; 1).</td><td>Before the Civil War (&#167; 1).</td></tr>
<tr><td>Protestant Orthodox Pulpit, 1580-1700:</td><td>A Composite Group (&#167; 2).</td><td>The Civil War and After (&#167; 2).</td></tr>
<tr><td>The New Scholasticism (&#167; 1).</td><td>The Continental Pulpit Outside Germany.</td><td>Twentieth-Century Outlook.</td></tr>
</table>
<h3>I. In the Early Church:</h3>
<h4>1. Apostolic and Post-Apostolic Preaching.</h3>
<p>
It has occurred not  infrequently that those who would give a history of preaching point to the apostolic letters in the New Testament as examples of apostolic homiletics. While these epistles undoubtedly give the form in which the apostles set forth the foundations and of Christian faith, it can not be too strongly emphasized that they are Preaching, not sermons. The epistolary style governs throughout. This position must be maintained in spite of the newest hypothesis advanced by Wrede and others to the effect that, particularly in the epistle to the Hebrews, and also in other New-Testament writings original addresses to Christian congregations are to be suspected. While this hypothesis has mach in its favor, the proof of the existence of oral discourses therein has not been conclusively advanced. While, then, this idea has largely been given up, the more strongly do expounders of the history of preaching rest upon the discourses of Peter and Paul as reported in the Acts of the Apostles. Yet here difficulties arise some maintaining that the speeches there reported are to a greater or less degree the product of the author of that book while others decide that they are a working over of the actual discourses. Even conservative critics, however, agree with the others that the discourses were not exactly taken from the mouth of the speaker and are not exact reproductions of the speeches actually delivered, related as they are in style to other parts of the same book. On the other hand it is to he noted that the discourses have the character of sermons in that they have a direct relation to the concrete situation in <pb n="159"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
which they are given. Peter&#39;s discourses in <scripRef>Acts ii. 14 sqq., and iii. 12</scripRef> sqq., deal with Pentecost and the healing of the lame man, while that in x. 34 sqq. is controlled by the vision of the context regarding clean and unclean. Paul&#39;s discourse in xiii. 16 sqq. has the character of a missionary address, the speech at Athens is exactly suited to a disputatious body of philosophers; but the address reported in xx. 17 sqq. is almost entirely personal, and is therefore not strictly a sermon. In all these examples, whatever partakes of the general character of the sermon is missionary in type. At any rate, these discourses afford little or nothing bearing on the history of preaching. Yet they may suggest the direction which preaching took in those times in the conflict with heathenism, the use of resources supplied by heathenism itself, the exposition of what had come through Christ, and the appeal to the ethical consciousness of the hearer. <scripRef>Acts ii. 42-43</scripRef> indicates further the practise of the apostles in giving instruction to the community (cf. <scripRef>I Cor. xii.-xiv.</scripRef>; <scripRef>Rom. xii. 6-8</scripRef>; <scripRef>I Pet. iv. 10</scripRef>); but neither rules nor settled custom limited the brotherly communications. If a general term be needed to apply to the religious speeches of that period, it can take only the form of " free brotherly utterance." For the post-apostoHc period the testimony of Justin Martyr is of special value (1 <I>Apol. </I>lxvii.; Eng. transl., <I>ANF, </I>i. 186), showing the reading of Scripture and exhortation of a practical character based on the passage read. Tertullian (Apol. xxxix; Eng. transl., <I>ANF</I>, ii. 46) further illustrates the character of the discourses of that period (cf. <I>De animo</i>, ix.; <i>ANF</i>, iii. 188) when he says: "With the sacred words we nourish our faith, animate our hope, make our confidence more steadfast, and by inculcations of God&#39;s precepts confirm good habits." The one sermon from those times, the so-called II Epistle of Clement, is practical in character: it shows the reading of Scripture, the address only loosely connected therewith, read not spoken (chap. xix.), inculcating service of Christ with works and not with the mouth, and urging to repentance and charity and with pure heart to the service of God. A. Harnack has called attention <I>(Der Presbyter-Prediger des Iren&#230;us,</I> in <I>Philotesia, Paul Kleinert gewidmet</I>, Berlin, 1907) to the fact that in the received remains of the literary work of Irenieus fragments from sermons of a "Presbyter-preacher" are extant which furnish examples of the earliest Christian exegetical-polemic homilies in existence.
</P>
<h4>2. The Period 200 - 300 A. D.</h4>
<P>
Origen (q.v.), the great thinker and scholar of the Greek Church, is the father of the sermon as a fixed ecclesiastical custom, to whom can be traced the theological-practical exposition of a definite text as well as the homily. It is noteworthy that, at that period of the separation of divine service into a homiletical-didactic part and a mystical part, the sermon was missionary and apologetic in type and suited to instruct the catechumens. It took the form of explication and application of the text, using particularly the method of allegory, which from that time on became prevalent and controlled the homiletical use of Scripture until the Reformation. Origen in his preaching followed the passage verse by verse, expounding it grammatically and historically, but dwelt most upon the deeper mystical or allegorical meaning, but he never forgot that the true purpose of the sermon is to develop the moral sense. Equipped with fine memory, marvellous knowledge of Scripture, and great learning, he knew how to apply the little things spiritually, practically, and often in a broad and general sense. He usually closed with the doxology. His appeal was rather to the perception than to the will. Of further development of the sermon in the school of Origen little is known. The homilies ascribed to Gregory Thaumaturgus (q.v.) are probably of later origin and recall the style of the Persian sage Aphraates (q.v.). The celebration of saints&#39; days influenced the homily through the practise of pronouncing panegyrics, and this goes back into the third century. From the West there are remains of the sermons of the schismatic Roman bishop, Hippolytus (q.v.), but these are too fragmentary to guide to a decision regarding his style of preaching, and the longer addresses ascribed to him are probably not genuine. The sermon thus ascribed, which is entitled "On the Holy Theophany" and deals with the baptism of Jesus (Matt. iii.), follows closely the scriptural basis, yet has not the form of the exegetical homily; it appears more like a vibrating, picturesque hymn, and is the transition from the simple homily to the artistic synthetic sermon to the congregation. Since the writing <I>Adversus aleatores</I>, ascribed by Harnack to the second century (see C<small>YPRIAN</small>, &#167; 5), is probably of later date, examples of Latin eloquence are to be sought first in Tertullian. Yet even from him no samples of the sermon have come down, though his primitive, fresh, spiritual, granulous, and always sententious style long remained the pattern for the eloquence of the Latin Church. Gyprian took Tertullian as his model in the devel opment of dialectical yet practical, warm, and piercing persuasiveness. Lactantius mentions the celebrity of Cyprian&#39;s sermons, of which none are certainly extant.
</p>
<h4>3. Greco-Syrian Preaching 300-450 A. D.</h4>
<P>
With the victory of Christianity and the development of the service came a soaring of the sermon. Preaching became more frequent, being employed even during the week and during fast seasons in some places daily. As the Church during that period assimilated more and more Greco-Roman culture, the sermon developed <i>pari passu</i>. The most noted Christian preachers had not seldom been educated in the rhetorical schools of the heathen, and employed in their sermons the rules of rhetoric and the artistic effects taught there, and polish became almost an end, often giving more brilliancy than warmth. The hearers came to look for esthetic satisfaction rather than for edification, leaving after the sermon and before the Eucharist. Especially did the eulogy lead to a strained ostentation which showed no middle way between the purpose of the sermon and classical oratory. The homily retained its method of analytical explanation and application. The modern structural sermon had not yet been born. The sermon began with a rhetorical statement of the object and continued with salutation or invocation<pb n="160"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
of blessing. The different currents of the life of the Church are exhibited in the discourses. Alongside of the Alexandrian allegorical method was the Antiochian grammatical-historical plan; doctrinal controversy was reflected; as were the tendencies toward sacrificialism and ceremonialism and the increasing practise of veneration of the saints and of the Virgin and toward asceticism. Polemics were not absent. In the East the sermon was often imaginative, poetic, even bombastic and wordy; in the West the rhetoric was more sober, and the sermon practical, simple, and clear. The function came to be confined to the bishops and the presbyters, the deacon requiring the authorization of the bishop before he could officiate. The bishop preached sitting; the audience stood in North Africa but sat in Italy and the East. The sermon came in the first part of the service after singing and reading of Scripture its length varied, and in the Greek Church all the audience did not always await the conclusion.
</P>
<h4>4. Individual Preachers.</h4>
<P>
The Greco-Syrian sermon divides into the Practical-rhetorical, the dogmatic-didactic, and the ascetic-mystical. Eusebius of Caesarea (q.v.) forms the transition to this period, and already shows the style of the Byzantine court in a tendency to bombast and flattery after the pattern furnished in the Greek schools of rhetoric. But the leader in establishing the practical-rhetorical school of preaching was Basil the Great (q.v.), who gained his title by his preaching. He was bold, brilliant without aiming at brilliance, looking rather for force than elegance of diction, earnest, possessing a lively imagination, clearness, orderliness, and solidity of thought. All this made him, next to Chrysostom, the pattern of the Greek Church. Gregory of Nyasa (q.v.) stood near Basil in eminence in power of exposition and fluency, and excelled him as a thinker. His skill was less the product of nature than of art, and his turn of mind was speculative, philosophical, theological, with a strong trend to the allegorical. He was at his best in addresses commemorating persons of high estate, martyrs, and saints. Gregory Nazianzen possessed a solicitous soul with a tender spirit, in whom the wish for seclusion fought with the desire to use his splendid gifts for the community. A born orator of great versatility, he had, as compared with Basil, a feminine and receptive nature. His theological ideas were clear, his dialectic nimble, his imagination lively; his diction was elegant and his style deeply affected with irony often tempered with pathos, while he could flash out with invective. A defender of the doctrine of the Trinity and fond of dogmatic discussion, especially of the problems then alive in the Church, he did not lose sight of practical needs. His sermon followed a single thought and purpose, yet not without digressions. Greek preaching reached its eminence in the Antiochian school, which employed classical norms, alongside of exegetical, rhetorical, and popularly practical elements. Of this school Chryaoatom (q.v.) was the chief exponent, combining in himself the exegete and the grammarian. Among those who employed the dogmatic-didactic style Eusebias of Emesa (q.v.) is probably to be numbered, though his homilies are lost. The name is to be said of Cyril of Jerusalem (q.v.). The homilies of Cyril of Alexandria (q.v.) have a dogmatic-polemic cast. The Antiochian Theodoret, bishop of Cyrrhus (q.v.), was peculiarly a homilist, as is shown in his ten addresses on divine providence, in which he preaches a sort of natural religion. Keen insight, orderly exposition, concise and luminous diction characterize his work. Examples of ascetic-mystical sermonizing come from the recluses of the desert. The twenty-nine addresses of the Egyptian monk Isaiah partake of the character of primitive Christianity, dealing partly with practical and common Christianity, in part with matter for the monks. Fifty homilies of the elder Macarius (see M<small>ACARIUS</small>, 1) survive; they are textless, answer questions put by the monks, are full of noble pictures, deeply ethical, and emphasize the corruption of soul and body and the mystical union with Christ. Ephraem Syrus (q.v.), while belonging with this group, was eminently original. His was a native, not an acquired, homiletical genius, and his inspiration was a holy zeal for the orthodox faith and for the monastic ideal. Poetic brilliancy and the might of his exposition make of him one of the great preachers of the early Church. The swing of his thought is united with a metrical ailveriness of diction, while the stream of his emotions combining with a fulness of imagination compel him to the use of exclamation, question, apostrophe, and other varieties of rhetorical expression. He is a mighty preacher of repentance.
</P>
<h4>5. Zeno, Ambrose, Augustine.</h4>
<P>
The sermon bloomed out near the end of this period in independent form through Augustine and Leo (q.v), who were long the best fruits of homiletic study in the West. During the fourth century the West did not simply imitate the East, it copied it. Bishop Zeno of Verona (q.v.) has left ninety-three genuine sermons or tracts. His best examples deal with patience, humility, modesty, covetousness, and he was largely dependent upon Basil. In strong contrast with these earlier preachers of the West stood Augustine (q.v.), who was distinguished for his energy and tirelessness as a preacher. The sermons of Augustine are strong in the elements of experience, witness-bearing, dialectic, and practical application; they are less affected by secular training and more infused with the Gospel; they give the impression of being by a man who had triumphed over the flesh, false philosophy, heathendom, and heresy, who spoke from the depths of his own living experience. They show the gifts of keen understanding, a power of deep speculation, precise expression, wide powers of illustration, and a deep sense of what salvation means. Augustine employs allegory less than the Greeks, stresses more the historical narratives of the Old Testament, and suppresses polemics more. His speeches show unity, coordination, and plan; the ethical elements are deeply Christian, the dialectic is keen, the antitheses are pregnant, and the thought is spiritual. His sermons on festal days, in rimed prose, deserve especial mention.
</p>
<h4>6. The Greek Church Continued.</h4>
<p>
 In the Greek Church of the period from the fifth <pb n="161"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
century the decadence of preaching is visible in the excessive pomposity of verbiage in pulpit oratory, which concerned itself largely with the cultus of the saints and of Mary, with dogmatic hair-splitting, with asceticism, and with the value of works of piety. The development of the ritual in the brilliant unfolding of liturgy made the place of the sermon ever narrower and lessened its importance. After the great figures of the fourth century, Greek preaching seems to have exhausted itself, while to the people the sermon was purely secondary as compared with the liturgy. Its contents, dealing with legends of the saints, veneration of Mary, polemics against heresy, and with declamatory exposition of the cultus, justify this estimate. The three sermons of Proclus on the <I>theotokos</I> and twenty homilies on festal days are dogmatic-polemic in character. For Basil of Seleucia, Jacob of Sarug, and Andrew of Crete see the articles. Of the later sermonizing in the Greek Church little need be said. The genuineness of the sermons ascribed to John of Damascus (q.v.) is still under discussion. These exemplify the failings of the period-search of the Old Testament for types, allegorizing, mystical juggling with numbers, legendary handling of the Gospel history, and the like. A lesser star is Theodore the Studite (q.v.), whose 135 <I>Sermones paraenetici</I> are extempore addresses to monks, often containing fiery exhortations and well-rounded figures. His other sermons exhibit the taste of the times for the pompous and the superstitious. Where the sermon continues in the Greek Church, it occurs either before or after the mass. Of preachers of a later time may be noted Theophanes Kerameus, archbishop of Taormina (c. 1050), sixty-two homilies on the Gospel for the day, simple, popular, expository; Eustathius, archbishop of Thessalonica (c. 1194), who declaimed against hypocrisy, monkish love of ostentation, ascetic externalism, superstition, and frivolity; Germanus, patriarch of  Constantinople (c. 1240); John Caleca (1330); Gregory Palamas, archbishop of Thessalonica; Gennadius II., of Constantinople (q.v.); and from the modern Russian Church Malow, archpriest in St. Petersburg, Philaretus, metropolitan in Moscow, and especially Innokenti, bishop of Charkow.
</P>
<h4>7. The Post-Augustinian Latin Church.</h4>
<P>
In the West the post-Augustinian sermon stood on a lower plane than that of Augustine himself. The chief sign of decadence is found in the lack of originality; Augustine remains the model, though adornment and elaboration have their part. The use of pericopes had its influence upon the sermon, which was employed to explain the Scripture selections. Preaching was also centered about the particular occasion and less bound to the text. For Gaudentius of Brescia, Peter Chrysologus, and Maximus of Turin see the articles. Leo I. (q.v.) is the first Roman bishop to leave behind Latin sermons (ninety-six on feast and fast days, etc.). While he is inferior to Augustine in fulness and depth of thought, he excels him in elegance, in piquant pregnancy of style, and in the rhythm of his sentences. While he employs sermons on festal occasions for dealing with the controversies of the period, he preaches no monkish morality, though there is little of exposition of Scripture in his preaching. It is greatly to the honor of Gregory the Great (q.v.) that he used the sermon to good effect and stimulated others; yet his sermons are best characterized by the word" practical." They are intelligible, simple, suited to the capacity of his hearers. Fulgentius of Ruape in North Africa (q.v.) imitates in speech and method Augustine and Leo, employing antithesis and pregnant brevity without polish yet with success. Among the preachers of Gaul mention may be made of Hilary of Arles; and Faustus of Riez (qq.v.). CEesarius of Arles (q.v.) is of high importance in the history of preaching. He did not disdain the application of the finest art, but to gain polish did not sacrifice contents. To enchain his hearers be used especially parable and dialogue, and was not altogether free from allegorizing. Yet through all there was the background of a strong religious personality, employing forceful ethical truths.
</P>
<h3>II In the Middle Ages</h3>
<h4>1. To the Twelfth Century:</h4>
<h5>1. Character of the Sermon.</h5>
<P>
The Christianizing of the lands to which the Latin tongue was foreign furnished new occasion for the sermon of the Western Church. While the service was in Latin, the sermon required the use of the vernacular of the region. Iren&#230;us at Lyons preached to the Celtic natives in their own language, though with the Latinizing of Gaul, the Latin sermon came in. So in Germany, Gallus knew the speech of the Allemanni, Boniface preached to the Frieslanders in their own tongue, and in Carolingian times there were directions so to preach that the people might understand. In spite of these facts, from the early part of the Middle Ages there are few remains of sermons in the vernacular, yet numerous works of the kind in Latin. But behind German vernacular lurked Latin conceptions and thinking. Before the clergy, Latin retained its rights. The sermons of this period show little originality; many of them were either translations or imitations of the homilies of the Fathers, especially of Augustine, Leo, or Gregory. The collections of sermons fostered this, e.g., the <i>Homiliarium</i> of Paul the Deacon (q.v.), and they became the resource of preachers, smothering independent work. The duty of preaching was principally assigned to the bishops; the priests in the rural parishes shared in this work, though but little of the product of the latter has survived (the period 900-1100 has been called "the period of the bishop&#39;s sermon"). The "rule" of Chrodegang (q.v.) required preaching once a fortnight at least; the Carolingian synods provided for preaching every Sunday and feast day. The sermon generally centered about the Gospel for the day, which it immediately followed; though sermons were also built on the Epistle. The extent of the sermons meant for the people is generally small; those meant for use in the cloisters were longer. The former show a fondness for legendary material, the latter are, allegorical-mystical. The foregoing pictures the condition of things for a long period, though ecclesiastical fostering of the sermon is abundantly evident. Thus Bishop Theodolf of Orl&#233;ans, in his<pb n="162"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
capitular of 797, may be quoted: "We exhort you (the priests) to be ready to teach the people; whoever knows the Scripture, let him preach Scripture; and whoever knows not Scripture, let him teach, at least, that which is surely known, so that the people may refuse the evil and do what is good, inquire after peace and follow it." In a capitular of 801 the same prelate ordered that: "the priests are to be urged on the Lord&#39;s Days, each in accord with his ability, to preach to the people." To like effect might be quoted the <i>Capitulare episcoporum</i> of 801, the Synod of Tours (canon 17; 813), the Council of Reims (canon 15; 813), the capitular of CharIemagne of the year 789 (chap. lxxxii. deals with "the preaching of bishops and presbyters"). This last goes further and prescribes the subjects to be dealt with in the sermon, covering the great topics of theological consideration and the Christian virtues.
</P>
<h5>2. Individual Preachers.</h5>
<P>
From what has already been said it may be inferred that what has come down is not the actual sermon as delivered, but in part the preparatory notes or later reports written down, and in part collections of model sermons. Most noted of these is the Homiliarium of Paul the Deacon (q,v.; and see H<small>OMILIARIUM</small>), These collections make much use of patristic homiletic literature, few bearing the marks of individuality. Thus Rabanus Maurus (q.v.) used C&#230;sarius of Arles, though he impressed upon his collection a distinct moralizing characteristic. The personality of Haimo of Halberstadt (q.v.) is also recognizable in his collection; the homilies are longer and deal with geographical, historical, and exegetical questions, and stick closely to the text. There is a series of Latin sermons which, though ascribed to well-known men, are not surely genuine. Thus thirteen Instructiones, which appear to have been delivered before monks, go under the name of St. Columban (q.v.); a Latin sermon ascribed to Gallus, a pupil of Columban, belongs to a later date. If the homilies ascribed to St. Elegius (q.v.) be genuine, they show him to have been a man who aimed at the principal matters. The sermons ascribed to Boniface (q.v.) are not genuine. Similarly from the twelfth century collections of sermons have come down. Thus a homiletical help known as the <i>Speculum ecclesi&#230;</i>, which used to be ascribed to Honorius of Autun (q.v.) but probably came from the hermit Honorius, is of Latin origin, is practically identical with the Deflorationes of which Abbot Werner was the reputed author. It is of great significance for the history of preaching in Germany. Another book of the kind is the socalled Physiologus, which goes back to Greek preaching, but brings legends of animals into allegorical connection with Christian verities. It appears in various forms, both Latin and German. Of Latin origin are the sermons of Abbot Gottfried of Admont; meant for instruction in the monastery, exegetical in character. The twenty-nine. homilies of the monk Boto are instructive, while the five sermons of Berengoz (q.v.) were intended for monks, and have at their basis a Biblical passage. The thirteen sermons of Eckbert of Schonau are controversial and directed against the Cathari (see N<small>EW</small> M<small>ANICHEANS,</small> II.).
</P>
<h5>3. German and French Pulpit.</h5>
<P>
The oldest remains of early German sermons are in manuscripts at Munich and Vienna dating from the eleventh century. These sermons are the result of the working over of deliverances of Augustine and Gregory. From the twelfth century a greater number of sermon collections have come down. The most important of these is that containing the sermons of the Priest Conrad. The absence of a name from most of these collections would lead one rightly to infer that they display little originality; and this dependence upon earlier work continues, for the later German collections use those which preceded them. In method these German sermons are not to be differentiated from the Latin. The Biblical passage is briefly explained at the beginning, then the passage is followed in the order of its verses, while allegory is employed and all sorts of meanings are discovered. Introduction, discussion, and exordium are all brief. The book of sermons of Conrad gives sufficient for a full year. For Sundays the epistle is first briefly discussed, and then the Gospel, somewhat more at length. For the festivals a number of selections are given, and a series of sermons on the saints completes the whole. Preachers among the bishops of this period who deserve mention are Solomon of Constance (d. 930), who often preached to the people; Archbishop Bruno of Cologne (q.v.); Conrad of Constance (d. 9i6); Wolfgang of Regensburg (d. 994); Archbishop Heribert of Cologne (998-1011), whose preaching is described by Rupert of Deutz; Archbishop Anno of Cologne (q.v.); Archbishop Bardo of Mainz (d. 1051), the Chrysostom of his times; Gotthard of IIildesheim (q.v.); and the preaching hermit Guenther. The German sermon of the period prior to 1200 exhibits a popular and practical character. The preaching in France of this period ran parallel with that in Germany. Homiliaria existed there as well as in Germany, and from the twelfth century there are rich remains in manuscript form. Maurice de Sully, archbishop of Paris (d. 1196), was greatly celebrated as a preacher.
</P>
<h4>2. Twelfth to the Fifteenth Century;</h4> 
<h5>1. Leading Influences to Improvement</h5>
<p>
A complete change came over the spirit of the sermon in the period from the twelfth to the fifteenth century. The development of theology in France, the influence of Scholasticism and Mysticism, of the crusades and the begging friars, reformatory movements, and the development of a higher culture gave a new impulse to preaching and in part a new content, and affected even the form in favor of a more artistic and finished product. In the sermon of the eleventh and twelfth centuries there were signs of betterment. Fulbert of Chartres (q.v.) exhibits the beginnings of scholastic preaching in a learned, dogmatic-polemic, allegorical, dialectic, and demonstrative style. The sermons of Peter Damian (q.v.) exhibit an extravagant bent for the cult of the Virgin, as do those of Bishop Amadeus of Lausanne (d. 1158); Anaelm (q.v.) is not to be overlooked. -Other preachers of note were Gottfried of Vendome, Hildebert of Tours, and Abelard (qq.v.). The beginnings of popular Preaching appear in the predecessors of the begging<pb n="163"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
monks, and a fresh, stirring spirit marks the age of the crusades as the champions mingle with the high and low and urge the freeing of the Holy Land. The monk Radulph preached the crusade and also hatred of the Jews; Norbert of Xante, archbishop of Magdeburg, was a Second John the Baptist in his preaching of repentance, while in France were Robert of Arbrissel and Fulco of Neuilly (q.v.). The preaching of the mystics took deep hold of the people, especially that of Hugo of St. Victor, Bernhard of Clairvaux, the greatest preacher of his age, and Hildegard of Bingen. The Latin and German preaching of the scholastics reflects the characteristics of their philosophical discussions-definitions, distinctions, questions, arguments, and the like. The style varies, but a definite unity now begins to rule, whether the sermon is textual or thematic. Noted names are C&#230;sarius of Heisterbach and Anthony of Padua (qq.v). Albertus Magnus (q.v.) was known for his series of sermons on a single text (<scripRef>Prov. ix. 5</scripRef>), the first of the kind, while the sermons of his pupil Thomas Aquinas (q.v.) show a dry formalism and dialectic arrangement, as do those of Hugo of St. Cher (q.v.), and Petrus de Palude, patriarch of Jerusalem. German sermons scholastic in character were those of Nicholas of Landau (e. 1340), and Henry of Frimar (d. about 1340), of whose work little but skeleton appears. Jordan of Quedlinburg (middle of the fourteenth century) preached against the sects and against mysticism. Henry of Langenstein (q.v.), in his <I>Sermones de tempore per annum, </I>handles the Gospel pericopes in scholastic fashion. In this period belong the sermons wrongly ascribed to Albertus Magnus, which, while Evangelical and practical in interest, are yet scholastic in type.
</P>
<h5>2. Characteristics of the Sermon.</h5>
<P>
The popular preaching of the begging friars in the thirteenth century was a reaction against the stiff dogmatism.of scholasticism. The members of the orders were allowed to preach without special permission from the bishops, and the results were important, going as they did to the masses in a fresh, natural, concrete, and often dramatic style. While sometimes the addresses bordered on the grotesque, yet a deep and broad comprehension of the essentials of the Gospel was present, and the sermons were ethical in content and urged to repentance. Distinguished names are the Dominican John of Vicenza, the noted preacher of crusades and prosecutor of heretics Conrad of Marburg (q.v.), the Augustinian Eberhard (c. 1285), and especially the Franciscan Berthold of Regensburg (q.v.). In a strain not concordant with Berthold was the anonymous "Schwarzwald preacher," the author of a series of sermons preached to laymen and then collected as a homiletical volume. His sermons for Sundays give a Latin introduction, a German exordium which covers the entire Gospel for the day, discusses the theme in a popular, naive, and often striking manner, with incisive application and suggestion of the dogmatic in content. During the tenth and eleventh centuries there had been little ecclesiastical official concern about preaching. But a synod of Treves (1227) directed the clergy to instruct the people in faith and morals, forbade the ignorant to preach, but laid it as a duty upon the preaching friars. From the fourteenth century on bishops urged this duty on the parish clergy. Homiletical material was found in the "Legends of the Saints" of Jacob of Voragine (q.v.). Other homiletic sources were the <I>Gesta,Rommnorum, </I>the Apiarus of Thomas of Brabant, the <I>Summa preedicatorum </I>of Bromyard of Oxford, the <I>Biblia pauperum </I>(q.v.), the <I>Repertarium aureum </I>of Anthony Rampigollis, and the <I>Semmim amid. </I>Toward the end of this period short addresses without exordiums became common. A special variety of sermons were the <I>Collationes, </I>used in cloisters and other places of communal life at midday, somewhat free in form and based on the Gospel for the day. Of historical value are the German " Plenaries," collections of house sermons, short, based on Gospel or epistle for the day, with summary of parts of the mass. Mention may be made of the sermons of German Alsatia, which partake of the qualities of the Schwarzwald preacher; they belong to the end of the thirteenth century. They are picturesque and instructive, simple, earnest, and edifying.
</P>
<h5>3. Preaching of the Mystics.</h5>
<P>
As the entire theology of the mystics seeks to obtain subjective certainty in religious matters through personal experience, so their preaching appeals to the inner perception. So completely was this method in controling of the that the events of Biblical history were used allegorically and applied to the purpose of edification. One effect was emphasis upon Christ., and the scholastic preaching was changed to a deeper, warmer, more searching and edifying appeal. The sermons of Cardinal Bonaventura (q.v.) display a mingling of the scholastic and mystical. Mysticism controls the sermons of Eckhart (q.v.). Since the doubt has once more been raised by the Teutonic scholar 0. Behaghel <I>(Beitrtige zur Geschichte der deutsthen Sprache and Literatur</i>, xxxiv. 530 sqq.) whether there are extant any considerable numbers of Eckhart&#39;s discourses, the decision respecting his position as a preacher must be reserved. John Tauler (q.v.), the most edifying preacher of the Middle Ages, surpassed Eckhart as a preacher, though not as a thinker, combining lucidity with religious strength. Henry Suso (q.v.) excelled as an exponent of emotional mysticism. Other names of note among the mystics are Eckhart the younger (see M<small>YSTICISM</small>), Henry of Nordlingen, Herrmann of Fritzlar, Henry Ruysbroek, the canonist Geert Groote, and Johann Charlier Gerson 
(qq.v.).
</P>
<h5>4. Reformers before the Reformation.</h5>
<P>
Constituting a class by themselves were the " Reformers before the Reformation." The influence of John Wyclif (q.v.) was not confined to England, since through John Huss (q.v.) his activities affected the Continent. Wyclif preached both in Latin and English, but the style in each is different. The Latin sermons the Reformation. were delivered before young theologians; Scripture is the unvarying basis, and the character is expository, but in a thoroughly Catholic-scholastic sense, and not without the use of allegory. Conrad of Waldhausen (d. 1369) preached in Prague against the sins of the period, and also against the begging friars. His own<pb n="164"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
preaching was correctly ecclesiastical. His sermons in German have perished, and there is extant only a collection of Latin sermons, the <i>Postilla studentium</I> homilies upon the pericopes from the Gospels, allegorical and scholastic in character. Like Conrad, devoted to ethical reform, was Militsch of Kremsier (q.v.); his pupil Mathias of Janow (d. 1394) left a collection of homilies. John Huss is in a not unworthy sense dependent upon Wyclif. He was noted for his activities as preacher before synods as for his popular sermons in the fields and woods, in the large centers of population and in the little villages. His synodal sermons in Latin are extant, preached before the clergy. What is striking is the courage with which he attacked the vices of the pastoral clergy. His sermons to the people often contain patristic citations, and the Biblical exegesis is not free from arbitrariness. To be named with Huss is his friend Jerome of Prague (q.v.). In this class must be placed Savonarola (q.v.), whose work was done chiefly through preaching, at first outside and then in Florence. He himself issued only his sermons on <scripRef>Ps. lxxiii.</scripRef>; but others in Italian exist in the reports of his friends, those on I John in the Latin. These sermons differ both in occasion and method. Those on I John are exegetical with practical application, while others have little relation to the text and are more exactly practical. Formally his sermons are based on the Bible, really they are made the basis of the expression of his weighty thought. He was a mighty preacher of repentance, a scourge of the vices of the times especially of the priests, possessed of a warmth of sentiment, keen perceptions, command of his mother speech, dramatic gestures, and a melodious voice.
</P>
<h4>3. Close of the Middle Ages:</h4>
<h5>1.Frequency and Worth of the Sermon.</h5>
<p>
It is not easy to pronounce upon the preaching at the end of the Middle Ages. Its practise was often enjoined, and it appears to have been frequent in the cities, but the villages were almost bereft of it. In 1511 in the diocese of Mainz many priests were pronounced completely disqualified for preaching, while to ward the end of the fifteenth century in the South German states it cost a considerable sum to secure a preacher for certain festivals. In Breslau the bishop limited the preaching on Sundays to a single sermon, during the rest of the year only on Friday except in the fasting and advent seasons, when there was preaching also on Wednesday. In some parts the secular clergy had only a small part in the function of preaching; thus in Halle there were preachers from the Augustinians, Dominicans, Franciscans, and Semites, but only one secular preacher is named; in Nuremberg the preachers were all monks. Yet the general practise was to have preaching on Sundays and festivals, and on many other occasions, such as New Year&#39;s day. In the cloisters sermons from abroad were read at mealtimes; in the churches such sermons were practically worked over; there is a varying degree of independence shown in different cases. The general worth of these sermons was small. A special class of addresses were the indulgence-sermons. The preachers of these spared no pains to make them attractive and effectual. The assailants of the indulgence were pictured as sent by Satan; and the indulgence was urged by reference to the sufferings of Jesus Christ, by praise of Mary, by appeals to the hearers&#39; affection and sympathy. The structure of the sermon was still under the influence of scholasticism; a formula of greeting, the text or theme, the exordium and divisions, the Lord&#39;s prayer or <I>Ave Maria</i> , the discussion, a short conclusion, and the Amen or dixi (&#176;I have spoken") or both, was the usual order. The whole period is one of decline in homiletical power. This opinion has been controverted by Pfleger <I>(Zur Geschichte des Predigtwesens in Strassburg vor Geiler von Kaysersberg, </I> Strasburg, 1907), who has in mind the orthodoxy and religious earnestness of a series of less prominent preachers of Strasburg in the first half of the fifteenth century. But his own work affords no data for the second half of that century, and does not require a withdrawing of the statement.
</P>
<h5>2. Individual Preachers.</h5>
<p>
Preachers of this period who belong to the Brothers of the Common Life (see C<small>OMMON</small> L<small>IFE</small>, 
B<small>RETHREN OF THE</small>) were Johann Veghe (q.v.) and Thomas a Kempis (q.v.)- Notable too were the festival sermons (<I>Quadragesimale</I>) of the Franciscan Johann Gritsch of Basel, delivered in German and then translated into Latin with learned scholastic discussions and many citations from the classics, fables, anecdotes, and moral applications; the <I>Sermones aurei</I> of the Dominican Johann Nider; the sermons of Johann Herolt, popular because of their practicality and concreteness; the <I>Dormi secure</i> ("sleep in safety") of Johann von Werden (c. 1450); the
<I>Hortulus regim&#230; </I>of the beloved Meffreth of Meissen, all which passed through many editions. The sermons of Jakob Juterbock (d. 1465) reveal the vanishing of the hope for a general reformation of the Church. The sermons of Nicholas of Cusa (q.v.) are humanistic, logical, rhetorical, and rational; Gabriel Biel (q.v.) was diligent and keen, but had a clumsy, detailed style. A type of the preacher of indulgences is found in Johann Jenser von Paltz (q.v.), whose <I>Himmliche Fundgrube </I>includes a number of sermons published in response to the desires of several princes. He published also a Latin collection, <I>C&#230;lifodina, </I>and in 1502 a <I>Supplementum C&#230;lifodince </I>as a pattern for indulgence sermons. The Hungarian Franciscan Pelbart of Temesvar (c. 1500) shows how to dissect a text into its minutest parts in his <I>Sermones pomarii de tempore et sanctis. </I>Ulrich Krafft of Ulm (d. 1516) was instructive, earnest, thorough, and popular; Johann Meder of Basel (1494) used extensively the dialogue; Johann Trithemius (q.v.) was simple, practical, and Biblical in his <I>Sermones et exhortationes ad monachos; </I>Johannes Hegelin de Lapide was an earnest wisher of reform in the Church; Silvester Prierias (q.v.) exhibited a lingering scholasticism in his <I>Rosa aurea </I>(1503). Danish preachers were Martin Petri (d. 1515) and Christiern Pedersen; in Spain there was Vincent Ferrar (q.v-), the Franciscan Bernhardin of Sienna with his <I>Sermones de evangelio &#230;terno</I>, Giovanni di Capistrano (see C<small>APISTRANO</small> G<small>IOVANNI DI</small>); in Italy there were Leonhard of <pb n="165"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
Utino (d. 1400), Bernhardin of Busti (d. after 1500), and Roberto Caracciolo, who was celebrated as a second Paul. In Germany the decline of preaching showed&#39; itself in the serene Augustinian Gottschalk Hollen in 0snabrilck (d. after 1481). In France the Minorite Olivier Maillard exhibited the declension in style which included the profane and the burlesque as characteristics, while his fellow Minorite Michel Menot presents what partakes of the comic and laughable. The sermons of the period contain much that is foreign to Christian edification, and indicate a demand for the renewing of Christian
life.
</p>
<h3>III. The Continental Pulpit in Modern Times</h3
<h4>1. The Period of the Reformation:</h4>
<h5>1. The Controlling Factors.</h5>
<p>
The age of the Reformation marks a new stage in the history of preaching. The central truths of salvation being drawn anew from Scripture, the sermon engendered a new Church with a service the central point of which was the sermon, and this was again the means of a new activity in pulpit oratory. Yet this new development was confined almost entirely to the Protestant Church. In this period various streams of ecclesiastical life make their contribution to the river of sermons. The age of the Reformation forms the first period in this new age, the sermon developing in the Lutheran and then in the Reformed Church; the period of Spener and the coming of Pietism marked a new stage. A second period is noted by the sermon of Protestant orthodoxy, in Germany especially by polemic and confessional dogmatism. There is to be considered the Roman Catholic preaching of the period from the beginning of the seventeenth to the middle of the eighteenth century, especially the brilliant French product. Pietism, orthodoxy, and supernaturalism fought with rationalism on this ground during the eighteenth and part of the nineteenth century. The nineteenth century makes in itself a period of note. The new start of pulpit oratory took its rise in the deep thirst of the soul for a certainty in the experience of grace and of righteousness. There was a general demand for the bettering of ecclesiastical conditions, but leaders of impressive personality were needed to bring about the change, men who drew inspiration from the Scriptures and from their own experience of salvation. When these came forward, the Reformation could owe its success largely to preaching. The keynote of this was the Bible, by which the Reformers satisfied the longing of their own hearts, and its message of salvation in Christ. The preachers broke through the scholastic method and returned to the Biblical homily. The protest against Rome led to a development of the vernacular as against the Latin ecclesiastical tongue, and this played a great part in the unfolding of the sermon. From the work of Luther&#39;s Bible the vernacular sprang from the position of a dialect to that of a great speech, and became indeed the speech of the Protestants. The new constitution and basis of the clergy had also its effect, combined with the new order of service, which was no more prevailingly liturgical, while the sermon became indispensable.</p>
<h5>2. Luther</h5>
<p>
Luther probably preached to the monks in the Erfurt period before 1508, and by 1509 he had preached in the monastery churches at Wittenberg and at Erfurt. After 1514 he assumed also the duty of preaching in the Wittenberg parish church; about 1517 he was preaching twice a day regularly on Sundays and feast days; after 1522 he preached to the monks early and afterward in the parish church, and after Bugenhagen became city pastor in 1523, Luther often took his place. There are extant Latin sermons going back to 1515 or perhaps 1514; a series of sermons in Latin dating from 1514-17, preached in the parish church, the former and some of the latter still scholastic in type, though the public sermons are practical. His sermons of 1516-17 on the Commandments are in his "Latin Remains"; those on the Lord&#39;s Prayer (1517) he worked over and published in 1519. Steady progress toward practicality is discernible as the time goes on. After 1516 he shows the influence of Mysticism, which came to mean much for him, and grace and faith are already signifimnt for him. In 1521 appeared at the direction of the elector the first part of a collection; and the same year he wrote at the Wartburg a series in German on the pericopes, and these with the first part just mentioned, worked over (1522), make the first beginning of German collections, intended for the use of preachers as yet unfitted or inexperienced. Their form is simple, and the aim is to bring out the truth of the Word. From 1522 till 1543 there appeared, either issued by himself or by others (Aurifaber, Andreas Poach, and others), various collections on different subjects and preached on different occasions. The sermons of 1528 on the Catechism formed the basis for the <I>Deutsche Katechismus </I>which appeared April, 1529, which served as a pattern for catechetical preaching. His sermons on the Sermon on the Mount appeared 1532. From his sermons at home in the bosom of his family was made up the so-called <I>Hauspostille, </I>in which polemics retreats and simple practical exposition controls. The Weimar edition of his works reproduces many other of Luther&#39;s sermons than those here noted.
</P>
<h5>3. His Sermons Characterized.</h5>
<P>
Surely if the preaching of any Reformer deserves the title of heroic, Luther&#39;s does, being the work of a man who was an orator by nature. As in ordinary life so in the pulpit he was unshakably convinced of the verity and righteousness of his cause, while his talents, tempered in the fire of God&#39;s word, enabled him to be a fearless path-breaker in his preaching. He had a firm faith in the Gospel which makes free, a hold upon his own certainty of salvation and joy in testifying to it, aptness in reaching the popular heart, an eye open to the facts of life, command of dialectic and oratorical means, and a union of life and doctrine which made an array of force not equalled since apostolic times. He dealt little with history, much with doctrine. In his exposition he freed himself gradually from the use of allegory, choosing the literal sense. Withal, he gave an ethical turn to his preaching, having in mind not the learned but the common people. The form of his sermons is simple, and they contained ever a fundamental and governing ground thought. For dec-<pb n="166"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
ades his spirit ruled the German pulpit, his preaching furnishing the model for that of many others. His published sermons served also for the private edification of many who were not reached through the pulpit. Not less valuable were the catechetical sermons, while the sermons to children served especially a need of the times. Yet Luther&#39;s method did not become the only one in use. A middle path was struck out between Luther&#39;s homily and the thematic sermon. Preachers selected in their discussion of the pericopes a single main thought and discussed the context seriatim, while orderly structure 
was rare. Scripture as such was central in the Protestant pulpit. 
</p>
<h5>4. Other Lutheran Reformers.</h5>
<p>
After Luther preachers to be named are Melancthon, Justus Jonas, Bugenhagen (qq.v.), whose <I>Indices in evangelicas dominacas</I> was a handbook for inexperienced preachers; his cachetical sermons of 1525 and 1535 were first published in Leipsic in 1909, being edited, with introduction by G. Bucwald; note further Veit Dietrich (q.v.), mild, Simple, clear, warm, and unpolemical, Urbanus Rhegius (q.v.), whose sermons were long, carefully composed, restful, clear in dogmatics, and forceful. Wenceslaus Linck is to be named; so Kaspar Aquila (q.v.), a mighty opponent of the pope; while Johan Spangenberg (d. 1550) had a childlike spirit, full of ripe Evangelical experience. Johann Brenz (q.v.) was one of those who preached whole books through, delivering also many short sermons with theme and subdivisions; Erhard Schnepf (d. 1558) was celebrated for a native eloquence; Anton Corvinus (q.v.) preached briefly on the Gospel and epistle for the day; Michael C&#246;lius (d. 1559) was remarkable for clear arrangement; Andreas Osiander (q.v.) was doctrinal, warm, edifying, and not excessively polemic; Sebastian Froschel (q.v.) left some catechetical sermons; Nikolaus Amsdorf (q.v.) left some exceedingly polemic yet much admired pulpit addresses; Georg Major (q.v.) in his long but well articulated sermons showed no polemic bitterness, but a marked clarity and mildness. Johann Mathesius (q.v.) was uncommonly fruitful in his pulpit work and Erasmus Sarcerius (d. 1559) issued a number of collections which were noted . for their catechetical value as well as for their exposition of the Lutheran doctrine. Joachim Moerlin (q.v.) left sermons on the Psalms and another collection; he was somewhat marked for polemical ability. Belonging to the Lutheran pulpit was Hans Tausen (d. 1561 as bishop of Ripen), who left a noteworthy collection which, while less polemic than Luther&#39;s sermons, yet smacks of the controversy over the Lords Supper and Peter Palladius, bishop of Zealand (d. 1560), was a celebrated preacher in the vernacular of his country. From Sweden (see S<small>WEDEN</small>, R<small>EFORMATION IN</small>) are to be noted Olaf and Lars Petri, whose style was that of the simple homily, M. Elof, and A. A. Angermanus, who was the champion of the Protestants against the Roman Catholic movement under John III. Hungary produced the noted M&#225;ty&#225;s Bir&#246; D&#233;vay (q.v.), and Austria, Primus Truber (q.v.) and the later Hans Steinberger (c. 1580).
</P>
<h5>5. Zwingli and the Early Reformed Preachers.</h5>
<p>
As preachers neither Zwingli nor Calvin was so significant for the Reformed Church as was Luther  for the Lutheran. Zwingli (q.v.) began as early  as 1516 in Einsiedeln to explain the mass Biblically.  His celebrated sermons against Mariolatry and the like date from 1523. In Zurich he preached from 1519 series of sermons on the New Testament and expounded the Psalms for the country people. Evangelical teaching concerning Christ and his salvation, attempts at a bettering of the ethical conditions, uncovering of the causes of national demoralization, the duty of protecting the confederation, and the social needs of the times were treated by him. His preaching was marked by great clearness, and he took seriously his office as a preacher. While he lacked the mystical depth, the creative imagination, the geniality of discussion and control of language shown by Luther, he was endowed with a power of testifying to the truth and of popular exposition with a unity of  thought by no means inferior to the German leader&#39;s. He set himself free from the traditional use of the pericopea as the basin for his preaching, and the preachers of Switzerland and of Upper Germany  followed him. There is a fundamental difference a between the preaching of the Reformed and the Lutheran Churches; the former took to expounding whole books of the Bible, and there was leas distinction made between the Old and the New Testament; in the Lutheran Church use was prevailingly made of the pericopes, and only secondarily was exposition of whole books given. The Lutheran a Church was more conservative in the observance of church festivals, through which the church year ran its round. Belonging to this school are Kaspar Megander, Heinrich Bullinger (qq.v.), Louis Lavater of Zurich (d. 1586), who handled well the Old Testament, Rudolf Gualther (d. 1586), pastor in Zurich, who also preached on the Old Testament, and Johann Wolf (d. 1571), pastor and professor in Zurich. &#338;colampadiua and Calvin encouraged by their habit preaching on entire books of Scripture. Thus Calvin dealt with I Samuel, Job, the twelve Minor Prophets, and with detached chapters, while over 2,000 sermons, mostly unprinted, show his extreme diligence. He appealed rather to the cultivated than to the masses. His method was exegetical, topological (not allegorical), doctrinal, somewhat lengthy, and without reference to the church year. The reformatory activity of Guillaume Farel (q.v.) was much helped by his preaching, though none of his sermons are extant. Theodore Beza (q.v.) is not particularly noted for his pulpit oratory, but his sermons were directed during his public life in Geneva to efficient purpose. Still to be mentioned are Berthold Haller, Martin Butzer, and Wolfgang Capito (qq,v,). Of significance as a preacher is Ambrosius Blaurer (q.v.), whose earlier sermons were richly allegorical, while those of a later period were illustrated from practical life; they are, however, simple, earnest, and deeply religious. His contemporary in Constants, Jean Zwick (q.v.), was a keen but kindly preacher. Of the sermons of Johannes a Lasco (q.v.) no examples have come down. In the Netherlands worked Petrus Dathenus (q.v.); Herman Modet of Oudenard,<pb n="167"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
who after 1566 spoke to many thousands in the intrenched camps near Ghent; and Huib. Duifhuis of Utrecht (d. 1575). In France there was the Minorite Frangois Lambert (q.v.), whose sermons on repentance had a Scriptural foundation, and Augustin Marlorat du Pasquier, an exegetical preacher. For Italy it is sufficient to cite the names and refer to the articles on Ochino, Paleario, Valdez, Vergerio, and Vermigli. Spain produced Juan de Avila (q.v.).
</P>
<h5>6. Then Roman Catholic Pulpit.</h5>
<P>
The preaching of the Roman Catholic Church of  the sixteenth century was ruled by the spirit of polemic against the Reformation, so that the declamation against heresy was its prevailing motif. Yet the homiletic activity of Protestantism drove the Roman Catholic Church to renewed activity, as is shown by the pronouncement at the Council of Trent, session V., chap. 2. Without significance were the exposition of the Gospels (1532) by Johann Eck (q.v.) and the  <i>Postilla Catholica</i> of Martin Eisengrein (1576); more important were the German collections, homilies on the festivals, and repentance-sermons of the Dominican Johann Wild of Mainz (d. 1554). Georg Wicel (q.v.) holds a middle position between the two. Stanislaus Hosius (q.v.) is also to be named here, while among the prelates at Trent is Bishop Musso of Vitonto. Carlo Borromeo (q.v.) was himself a diligent preacher, and he worked for a better effect from the preaching of his clergy through his own pastoral and homiletical instructions. One of the last stars in the Spanish firmament was Luis of Granada (d. 1588), lively, even fiery, and full of psychological strength. In France the extremities of hatred of heresy found expression during the Huguenot wars. Particular instances of preachers here are Bishop Vigor of Narbonne, Edmund Angier, Jean Boucher, Aubry, Rose, and others. The rise of new orders in the Roman Catholic Church had its effect upon that church&#39;s preaching. Among these may be named the Theatines and the Capuchins (qq.v.), whose work was directed to pastoral ends as well as against the Reformation. But still more influential than these were the Jesuits, whose purpose was the spread of Catholicism throughout the earth, largely through the means of the sermon. Noteworthy here is the name of Cardinal Bellarmine (q.v.).
</P>
<h4>2. Protestant Orthodox Pulpit.1580-1700:</h4>
<h5>1. The New Scholasticism.</h5>
<P>
This was of a confessional character. In place of the fresh and spirited witness-bearing of the Reformation, an insipid dogmatism, combined with a harsh polemic engendered by the controversies of the times, characterized the sermon. A new scholasticism arose, which increasingly infected the sermon as the seventeenth century advanced. The simple analytical style disappeared; in its place came the method which developed a number of loci, " heads," which were then unfolded. Preaching attached itself rather to Melanchthon than to Luther, it took the way of formal rhetorical development, and so the freedom of movement gained in the Reformation was lost. Textual consideration was given, the aim was to make the sermon a unit; the method of development was not always that of rhetorical norms--of exordium, development, application, and peroration-yet some such arrangement as this, with permutations of placing of the different parts, governed the machinery or framework, while a scheme for the sermon was thoroughly worked out on scholastic lines. Especially favored was the fivefold division, so that the sermon was regarded as imperfect which did not treat its matter in this way. Modifications of the scheme of the sermon came to have names of their own-the Leipsic method, the Jena method, the Helmstedt method, etc., according to the place where special types of treatment were in vogue. Alongside of this formalism, great influence upon the sermon was exerted by the restraint imposed by the use of the pericopes as the basis of preaching. The way this worked out is illustrated by the case of the elder Carpzov (q.v.), who in a ministry of fifty years had to preach from the same text fifty times. There was a difference between the preaching in town and in country, though most of the examples which have survived are from the town. Upon the country pastors was urged the duty of simple paraphrastic exposition. The degeneration of the sermon shows itself at the end of the seventeenth century in the work of such men as Christian Weise of Zittau (d. 1708) and Christian Weidling (d. 1731), who developed the " emblematic " sermon and were followed by many preachers who carried the style to extremes. Thus a preacher in 1642 used Ps. exxxiv. 2, with the theme "The spiritual thankful hand," and described (1) the little ear-finger which keeps our ears clean; (2) the gold finger of faith; (3) the middle finger of many virtues; (4) the index-finger of John the Baptist; and (5) the strong thumb of sure confidence. The younger Carpzov preached for a year upon Christ as a workman; thus upon the basis of Matt. vi. 25 he dealt with Christ as the best clothmaker, and so on. Still this rage for the emblematic sermon was not universal, and a fine series of practical and edifying discourses were delivered in this period. Besides the pericopes, which were usual as texts in the sixteenth century and obligatory in the seventeenth, the catechism, here and there a confessional writing, hymns and proverbs were used as the basis of the sermon. The length of the discourse increased from three-quarters of an hour to two hours, funeral sermons were still longer in proportion to the dignity of the deceased. In most communities there were three discourses on Sunday, and sermons on the feast and fast days.
</P>
<h5>2. Style and Content of the Sermon.</h5>
<P>
A general characteristic of this period was a polemic confessional dogmatism. "Pure doctrine" was a catchword of the times, which was sought by discourses in dry scholastic form with theological learning and vexatious disputations, while Evangelical sustenance of the spirit was not furnished. Among the. names of this period are Tilemann Hesshusen (q.v.), Andreas Pancratius (d. 1576; noted for his dialectic and closely woven reasoning), Jakob Andrea (q.v.) and Nikolaus Selnecker (q.v.), a fellow worker in the field of confessional construction. Polemical in type are the sermons of Artomades in K&#246;nigsberg and Johann Pr&#228;torius (who preached on <pb n="168"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
the three-headed Antichrist-pope, Turk, and Calvinist). Lukas Osiander (q.v.) was one of the most passionate polemists of the period. The two Preachers named Johann Benedikt Carpzov (q.v.) 
were scholastic in type; Philipp Nicolai (q.v.) was reserved in polemics and better known for his hymns. Deserving of mention are Hoe von H&#246;enegg and Konrad Dannhauer (qq.v.), were Hermann Samson of Riga, who could not pass over a point of controversy, yet built up excellent illustrations and comparisons. Alongside of this dry scholastic method there was found a practical, edifying preaching with a mystical coloring; besides the merely intellectual, the polemically keen and the didactical-dogmatic there was a living, warm, and popular style of discourse, taking thought for the religious and ethical needs of life. Orthodoxy had, however, so strong a hold on the times that sermons were written, e.g., upon the greetings, the titles and signatures of the epistles. How minute were the details noticed may be seen by the fact that G. Strigenitz (d. 1603) preached in Meissen 122 sermons on the Book of Jonah!  Examples of the better style of preachers are Johann Gigas in Freystadt (d. 1581), Johann Habermann (q.v.), Hieronymus Mencel in Eisleben (d. 1690), Martin Mirus, court preacher in Dresden (d. 1593), &#198;gidius Hunnius (q.v.), Jacob Heerbrand and Martin Chemnitz (qq.v), the eloquent Georg Mylius of Wittenberg, his colleague Polykarp Leyser (q.v.), a foe of all affectation, practical and fearless in application of the truth. Zealous for the coming of the kingdom of Christ was the diligent Stephan Pratorius of Salzwedel (q.v.). Worthy of notice is the practical and Biblically based work of Lukas Osiander (q.v.; d. 1604), whose products were illumined by touches of humor. His <I>Bauzrnpostille </I>(1597 sqq.) is well known, in which he insisted that for the poor peasantry citations and disputations should be omitted, for whom short sermons were the more suitable.
</P>
<h5>3. Individual Names.</h5>
<P>
Out of the sorrowful period of the Thirty Years&#39; War, with its desolation of schools and universities, and the consequent lowering of educational tone, comes Johann Arndt (q.v.), with whom may be named the earnest and practical preachers of Danzig, Dilger (d. 1645), Blanck (d. 1637), and Rathmann (d. 1628); the earnest and strong Paul Egard of Nottorp in Holstein (c. 1620) preached without learned ostentation. Comparable to Arndt in spirituality and depth of feeling is Valerius Herberger (q.v.), while Johann Matthaus Meyfart (q.v.) opposed scholastic and errant Christianity and was particularly Biblical in his preaching. Akin in spirit to Arndt was Martin Geier of Leipsic (d. 1680). Seldom mentioned yet worthy of notice is the practical, learned, and Biblical Konrad Dieterich of Ulm (d. 1639), who left several volumes of sermons remarkable for learning, sound conclusions, fresh illustrations, and irenic spirit. Less significant was the Wittenberg Professor Balthazar Meisner (q.v.). Johann Heermann (q.v.) preached the splendor of the Gospel with lively effect and soul-saving earnestness, leaving several volumes of discourses, especially worthy of mention among which is his <I>Nuptialia</I> (Nuremberg, 1657). Johann Gerhard (q.v.) is not to be passed by. Among faithful shepherds of their flocks must be named Justus Gesenius (q.v.), whose sermons on the Gospels and epistles are thorough; but as a preacher he was excelled by Johann Valentin Andrea, (q.v.), who promoted a deeper comprehension of Scripture. A preacher full of wit and humor was Johann Balthasar Schuppius (q.v.), original, spiritual, fresh, satirical but earnest. Free from all false rhetoric was Joachim L&#252;tkemann (q.v.), whose sermons treat of the Gospels and epistles. Worthy also was Heinrich M&#252;ller (q.v.), as was Christian Scriver. The great exegete of the seventeenth century, Sebastian Schmidt (d. 1696) left over 100 sermons on Biblical and confessional topics. Others who displayed somewhat of the spirit of Arndt were: Johann Lassenius of Bernstadt and Copenhagen (d. 1692), who left numerous volumes of sermons which display Biblical learning and concise thoughtfulness; L&#252;tkens of Cologne-on-the-Spree (d. 1712), who helped transplant the spirit of Spener into Scandinavia; the Scriptural and practiced H&#228;berlin of Stuttgart (d. 1699), and the learned Caspar Neumann (q.v.), whose sermons were exegetical. Dilherr of Nuremberg, who was both a poet and an educator, left two volumes of sermons; Arnold Mengering (d. in Halle 1646) was a preacher of repentance; Joachim Schroder of Rostock (d. 1677) was especially severe against the &#39;ices of the times; Gottlob Cober (d. 1717) was the author of widely celebrated and circulated volumes of discourses. Eccentric in type were Jobst Sackmann (d. 1718), humorous, naive, yet true to life in his delineations, and the South German preacher Sp&#246;rrer of Rechenberg (c. 1720). Heterodox in style was Valentin Weigel of Zachopau (d. 1588), preaching an intellectualism and a mystical spiritualism in opposition to the scholastic dogmatism of the period. In Denmark Niels Hemmingsen (q.v.) was noted for the finished style of his discourse, while Jesper Rasmussen Broekmand (q.v.), whose <I>Sabbati sanctzfecatio </I>went through fourteen editions, was Scriptural and thorough; Dinesin Jersin (d. 1634) was a fore runner of Pietism and one of the moat influential preachers of Denmark. In Sweden the pulpit lagged a full generation behind Germany. From about 1600 the Christian faith was handled as sheer knowledge, though orthodoxism was not so much in the foreground as in Germany. Prominent and strong in the exposition of Christian verities were Bishop Rudbeck in Westerns (d. 1646), and J. Botvidi, court preacher to Gustavus Adolphus II. J. Matthia (d. 1670) appealed more to the emotions; J. E. Terser, bishop of hinkiiping (d. 1678), was a representative of syncretism. Johannes Gezelius the elder (q.v.), the eloquent Archbishop Hagain Spegel (end of the seventeenth century), and Jesper Svedberg (d. 1735) were among the greatest preach ers of Sweden uniting warmth of faith, clarity, and oratorical brilliance with artistic construction. 
</p>
<h5>4. The Reformed Pulpit.</h5>
<p>
In the Reformed Church the sermon presented much the same features as in the Lutheran, working along emblematic and allegorical lines, though the tendency was toward a simpler style with less adornment perhaps due to the influence of Andreas Hyperius (q.v.). A good representative of the<pb n="169"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
German Reformed preachers is Abraham Scultetus (q.v.), and others are Johann Muller, Felix Wyss of Zurich (d. 1666), Bernhard Meier of  Bremen (d. 1681), and Samuel Eyen of Bern (d.1700). Friedrich Adam Lampe (q.v.) led the Cocceian Biblical practical reaction against scholastic orthodoxy. Here is to be mentioned also Johannes Amos Comenius (q.v.), the most significant preacher of the Bohemian Brethren, whose discourses were characterized by quiet exposition, thoroughgoing exegesis of prophecy and fulfilment, and careful arrangement and articulation. In the Reformed Church outside Germany arose a real eloquence, responding more quickly to national conditions. This was especially the case in France, where the political conditions were favorable. The polemic was principally anti-Roman. The more forward condition of the national tongue made easy the productions of pulpit orators after classical models. A stimulus was found in the French literature of the period before and under Louis XIV. and in the brilliant oratory of the Roman Catholic Church. Pierre Du Moulin (q.v.), the most popular Protestant preacher of France, showed less of the oratorical than of a simplicity of illustration, thought, and direction expressed in frank, emphatic, terse, and lively language. Michel de Faucheur of Montpellier and Paris used little of art in his work, which was essentially exegetical and anti-Roman. Molse Amyraut (q.v.) displayed a native oratorical talent, but was dogmatic in tone and synthetic in construction. Rather didactic in type were Jean Daille (q.v.), who left twenty volumes of sermons, and Samuel Bochart (q.v.). While thus far the analytic and polemic had prevailed, the synthetic style began with Jean Claude (q.v.). But&#39; with the revocation of the Edict of Nantes began an exodus of the best French preachers. Claude, whose eloquence in controversy made even a Bossuet tremble for his hearers, by the firmness of his character, his manly earnestness, his majestic calm, his precision, and clarity earned the position of one of the foremost preachers of his time. Such preachers as Ancillon, Abbadie, Lenfant, and Beausobre (qq.v.) were surpassed by Daniel de Superville of Rotterdam (d. 1728), who in lovable disposition, speculative might, and philosophical endowment surpassed his predecessors. Jacques Saurin (q.v.) attained the high point of French Reformed preaching for the eighteenth century; of less significance were Jacob Basnage (q.v.) and Henri Chatelain (d. 1743). In Holland the pulpits echoed with the dogmatic wrangling of Remonstrants (q.v.) and Counterremonstrants. The school of Gysbert Voetius was influenced by scholasticism and the analytical method, devoted to the justification of dogma. For a year the whole church of Holland was moved by a sermon of Conrad Vorst (q.v.) on long hair (<scripRef>I Cor. xi. 14</scripRef>), and Smijtegeld (d. 1739) preached 145 sermons on the bruised reed." Of a better class were Hellenbroek of Rotterdam (d.1731) and the more practical W. a Brakel (d. 1711). When the homiletic practise through the Cocceian school broke away from its scholastic bonds, the prophetic-typical style entered, though remaining drily philological. But gradually life invigorated the dead orthodoxy of the pulpit in the discourses of David Flud van Giffen (d. 1701), Jan d&#39;Outrein (d. in Amsterdam 1722), and H. Groenewegen. Antischolastic preaching was heard from J. Uytenbogaert (q.v.) of the Remonstrants, and Philip van Limborch (q.v.) of the Arminians.
</P>
<h5>5. The Roman Catholic Pulpit.</h5>
<P>
Apart from the brilliant flight of Roman Catholic pulpit oratory in France, mission preaching and compact addresses to the peasantry ruled inside that Church. In Italy in the seventeenth century in the missions of Jesuits and other orders, sermons on penitence and confession were the order of the day. The Jesuit Paolo Segneri (q.v.) traversed Italy for twenty years preaching, and with him should be named his nephew of the same name (d. 1713). A continuator of the homely discourse to the peasantry was the Augustinian Andr&#233; of France (d. 1675); a preacher of note was the Augustinian Abraham a Sancta Clara (q.v.). The direct opposite of this folk-sermon was exhibited in the discourse of the brilliantly oratorical pulpit of France in the period of Louis XIV., the basis of which was less in the church itself than in the circumstances of the times and in the general literature of the nation; the pulpit strove for a revival of the eloquence of the early Church. The result was an oratory only for the cultured, to the embellishment of which the graces of rhetoric were skilfully lent. The substance dealt with morality, the fear of God, inculcation of virtues, meditation upon death and its meaning, lessons from history and life. And the results came, with just pride in their finished form, to be included in the classical literature of the nation, and to be regarded as models of style to be employed in the Church both in France and elsewhere. A pathbreaker was the general of the Oratorians, J. F. S&#233;nault (d. 1670); the brightest star in this constellation was Jacques B&#233;nigne Bossuet (q.v.), whose eloquence flamed; his flow of thought was full and genial, and his imagination creative. Of special celebrity were his funeral sermons, and not a few of these belong to the masterpieces of French style. Among these may be mentioned his oration over Henriette Marie, that at the death of the duke of Orl&#233;ans, and that over the bier of the Prince of Cond&#233;, from which cultured Frenchmen make quotations as from classics. One of the faults which somewhat repels, however, is the flattery directed to court circles; unworthy of the house of God are the epithets constantly applied to the king, and the unfortunate impression made is sometimes that of a man-serving courtier. But even more than was accomplished by Bossuet for the uplift of the French pulpit came about through Louis Bourdaloue (q.v.), especially by his passion sermons and those with the title <I>Dei virtutem. </I>After him is to be named Esprit Fl&#233;chier (q.v.), whose sermon on Turenne is his masterpiece, on whom J. Mascaron of Versailles (d. 1703) also delivered a celebrated discourse. Another star in this constellation was the Oratorian Jean Baptist Massillon (q.v.), among whose celebrated sermons are that on the Prodigal Son, that on Matt. v. 3 sqq., on <scripRef>Luke iv. 27</scripRef>, that on the deity of Christ&#8212;a model dog- <pb n="170"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
matic sermon-the ten little sermons of 1718 which were intended as exhortations for the young king, which were so marked by terseness yet grace of diction that they were regarded as patterns. Massillon is distinguished for high ethical earnestness, remarkable frankness, and a sympathetic tone, and the totality of excellent qualities found in his work gained for him the title of "the Racine of the pulpit." Fenelon (q.v.) is sharply distinguished from the brilliant Bossuet by the fact that his discourses owe their strength to the element of prayerfulness, meditation on the divine, instructive spirituality, and use of Christian experience. With Massillon closed the classic period of the French pulpit. The Jesuit Segaud (d. 1748), Paulle, and especially the miasioner J. Bridaine (d. 1767) are representatives of the post-classical period.
</P>
<h4>8. Transformation of the Protestant Pulpit,</h4>
<h5>1. Pietism</h5>
<p>
1700-1810. 
The next period shows the battle of Pietism and ecclesiastical orthodoxy, of supernaturalism and the Enlightenment (q.v.). With Spener began a pulpit service which had a practical aim of upbuilding upon the basis of faith and a consecrated life. The means was a faithful and diligent exposition of Scripture. Mechanical confessions of salvation in Christ alone became experienced salvation, external ecclesiasticism became a living attachment to the true body of Christ. The form of the sermon became simpler, the structure more distinct, the expression plainer. The development was gradual, the movements in theology having their influence as the relations of Pietism and orthodoxy changed, and as the new philosophy and the Enlightenment and supernaturalism contributed to the unfoldings of the period.
</P>
<h5>2. Spener and His Followers.</h5>
<P>
Philipp Jakob Spener (see P<small>IETISM</small>, I.) gave in his <i>Pia desideria,</I> chap. vi., and in his <I>Theologische Bedenken</i>, vols. iii.-iv., worthful hints for the reform of the sermon. The discourse was to have as its aim the renewing of man by faith and the production of the fruits thereof in life. Yet Spener accomplished more through his personlity than by the too learned and dry method of his preaching. Spener sought with painstaking endeavor to exhaust the dogmatic and ethical content of the text by an exact and extended exegesis. His discourses were often lacking in unity, the cause being a sort of prelude to the sermon used in order to attain comprehensiveness. Yet by his clear reference to Scripture, his simple and practical-fruitful application, and by the employment of ethical themes and a strongly ethical trend of the dogmatic material he drew crowds to his church and became the introducer of a strong stimulus for the Lutheran Church and its pulpit. His principal collections are those upon the Gospels for the year 1688, <I>Evangelische Lebensplicht&#233;n </I>(1693), <I>Evangelischer Glaubenstrost</I> (1694), sixty-six sermons on the article dealing with regeneration (1695), and a considerable number of volumes on various subjects and occasions. The Halle school of preaching soon gained great celebrity and preeminence. Its characteristic was a greater simplicity in form, while the application was a matter of more concern than the development of doctrine. August Hermann Francke (q.v.), who left several volumes of discourses, showed a simpler structure than Spener, followed the course of the text rather than a theme, though his handling of the material was somewhat mechanical, and the treatment verbose. In content his sermons were practical, and what he produced was individual in character, free in its method, and essentially quick in substance. Johann Anastasius Freylinghausen (q.v.) employed, as did Spener, a prelude, and his theme and division are inartistic. Joachim Justus Breithaupt (q.v.) was leas influential as a preacher than as an instructor and furtherer of the new tendency in learning. Joachim Lange (q.v.) was more a teacher of homiletic theology than a preacher. Gottfried Arnold (q.v.) took high rank by his pulpit work. The Goths superintendent, Georg Nitsch (d. 1729), was a man of great freshness of spirit, exact knowledge of Scripture, possessed of humor, able to appeal to the popular sax, keen in his denunciation of sin, and sturdy in his appeals for the realization of the Christian virtues in life.
</p>
<h5>3. Various Schools.</h5>
<P>
The later Halle school failed in that it too frequently spoke over the heads of the congregation in its effort for the didactic and the intellectual; it stressed emotion, producing warmth rather than light. The great teacher and exegete of this school was Johann Jakob Rambash (q.v.), a man of fine grain and irenic spirit, whose <I>Princepta Homiletica </I>aimed at a simpler, more lucid and natural, practical yet texttrue development of theme and exposition in the year&#39;s round of sermons. He united intelligible clarity with Christian heartiness and warmth, a poetic and lively imagination with a strong depth of thought. He used a short introduction, simple arrangement based on the text; logical order, a clear and living development on the basis of the best of North German Pietism. Nevertheless he exhibited that schematic stiffness in the arrangement of his sermons which was a heritage from the seventeenth century, as well as a wearying uniformity, which grew out of pietistic leanings, in the practical application of his sermons to converted and unconverted (new matter is to be found concerning him in M. Schian&#39;s J. J. <I>Rambsch sls Prediger and Predigtheoretiker, </I>in <I>Beitr&#228;ge zur hessischen Kirchengeschichte, </I>vol. iv., Darmstadt, 1909). Among his lYnitators are Johann Philipp Fresenius (q.v.), Johann F. Starck (d. 1758), author of a <I>Hausgebelsbuch </I>(new ed. by Heim, 1845), and Abbot Steinmetz of Bergen (d. 1762). Wurttemberg produced a series of preachers who developed a fresh, healthy, and many-sided method which has lasted till the present. The characteristics of this school are a firm, realistic, in part mystic Bible faith, with a broad conception of the organism of revelation, real churchmanship, a free and scientific development, and unconstrained construction of the doctrinal basis, especially on the eschatological side. The forerunners were Heinrich Haberlin, named above, Johann Andreas and Johann Friedrich Hochstetter (both d. 1720), Johann Reinhard Hedinger (q.v.), and the best preacher of them all, Georg Konrad Rieger (q.v.). Johann Albrecht Bengel (q.v.) is less famous as a preacher than as an exegete, though his sermons show a classical repose <pb n="171"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
and penetration, and a method of exposition almost catechetical in type. Friedrich Christian Oetinger (q.v.) by his singular mystic-speculative art won a special place in the history of preaching. Now he interwove great thoughts in apothegmatic method, again he dealt with daily life in naive yet popular fashion, once more soared high above the mental range of his hearers, or, again, he spoke from a lower level of thought and conception. His sermons were collected by K. C. E. Ehmann (5 vols., Reutlingen, 1852-57). The speculative branch of the school of Bengel was represented further by Philipp Matthaeus Hahn (q.v.) and J. L. Fricker of Dettingen (d. 1766). The practical branch is naturally represented by a series of preachers Biblical-Evangelical in type rather than specifically Pietistic. Among them may be named Friedrich Christoph Steinhofer and the less known Immanuel Gottlob Brastberger (qq.v.). A special gift of originality was possessed by Philipp David Burk of Kirchheim (d. 1770), in whose <I>Sammlungen zur Pastoraltheologie</I> (new ed. by Oehler, Stuttgart, 1867) are found excellent counsels on homiletic subjects. Similarly, Christian Samuel Ulber of Hamburg (d. 1776) left a rich material in his <I>Erbauliche Denkzetteln</I> (new ed., Kiel, 1847). Karl Heinrich Rieger, son of the Georg Konrad Rieger already named, surpassed his father in his appreciation of the essential points of the Gospel. In this company belong the noted exegete, apologete, and author Magnus Friedrich Roos, Jeremias Friedrich Reuss of T&#252;bingen, and the exceedingly original pedagog Johann Friedrich Flattich (qq.v.). From the Reformed Church should be reckoned here the pious mystic and poet Gerhard Tersteegen (q.v.).
</P>
<h5>4. The Moravian Pulpit.</h5> 
<P>
A sort of acme of the Halle method, though not without elements of disagreement, was achieved by the preaching of the Moravian Brethren. There were certain ideas which received such emphasis in the pulpit of the latter that other points of the Christian faith were, so to speak, lost to view. Some of these ideas were faith in the merits of Christ and his atoning blood, a childlike trust in the grace of the Lord, an assurance of confidence in the wounds of the Lamb, and the consciousness of possession of the Savior and his bride-like love. With this went a disregard of arrangement, a too frequent use of certain catchwords, together with appeals to the emotions. The founder, Count von Zinzendorf (q.v.), was the most significant and original of their pulpit orators, as well as one of the most dilligent. He had many of the qualities of a great speaker-an intense passion for Christ, an excellent education, geniality, lively emotions, rich imagination and flow of thought, and great strength of language. His discourses were largely expressions of the affections which stirred his soul, and his constant endeavor was to exalt Christ. He was especially eloquent at ordination and consecration services, in which he often carried his congregation into heights of emotion. It is fortunate that the first extravagant period of the Herrnhut community (1743-50), with its creations of religious fantasy and its insipid and effeminate trifling, was only an episode in the history of the church, with no lasting effects. Bishop August Gottlieb Spangenburg (q.v.) was an example of the clear, sober, and worthy sermonizer. One needs only to mention such names as Bartholomew Ziegenbalg, Benjamin Schultze, Christian Friedrich Schwarz, David Zeisberger, Hans Egede, and Thomas von Westen (qq.v.).
</P>
<P>
Exponents of ecclesiastical orthodoxy made their appearance especially in Saxony, where the battle with Pietism was especially sharp, and among the number were such pious and practical preachers as Johannes and Gottfried Olearius (qq.v.). Among their opponents were Johann Friedrich Mayer, Samuel Schelwig, Johannes Fecht, and Valentin Ernst Loscher (qq.v.). These diligent and gladly heard men, to whom the work of the pulpit was not a first concern, were not from the old scholasticism. Learned investigations, allegories, mystical comparisons, broke into the instructive formation, though there were present warmth and inspiration. Polemics against the court, which had become Roman Catholic, was a part of the substance. The sermons of Johann August Ernesti were full of conception and illumined by Biblical orientalism, as well as packed with thought. From South Germany mention should be made of the military chaplain Johann Friedrich Flattich, a polemist, fresh and able, against atheism and free thinking. From the Reformed Church in Germany may be named the Berlin court preacher Daniel Ernst Jablonski (q.v.), the Zurich president Johann Jakob Ulrich, and Daniel Stapfer of Bern (q.v.).
</P>
<h4>4. Reform of the German Pulpit and the Preaching of Rationalism:</h4>
<h5>1. The Conflicting Influences</h5>
<p>
In consequence of the influence of the stimulus from England and from France the Germans after Mosheim began to lay new emphasis upon pleasing form. As the Enlightenment (q.v.). made way, the striving became great to use logical arrangement and method in the pulpit. But the influence of the Enlightenment covered also the content. Dogmatic propositions, not consonant with "rational" thinking, fell into the background, and the truths of rational verities were put in the front. While the Enlightenment at first combated the ruling supernaturalism (to about 1775), there followed a period when rationalism was in the ascendency (to c. 1810), when a period of emphasis upon Evangelical truths was reached in a reaction partly esthetic and partly Biblical-Evangelical. The period of ruling supernaturalism and germinating rationalism (1740-80) reveals as the starting-point of a better pulpit style Mosheim&#39;s translation of selected sermons of Tillotson in 1728. Frederick the Great read to his soldiers his own renderings of the sermons of Bourdaloue, Fl6chier, Massillon, and Saurin. To Fl&#233;chier and Saurin Mosheim did homage. A prophecy of what was coming was furnished by the Basel preaching professor Samuel Werenfels (q.v.), who was estranged from false pathos, elegant, intelligible, and edifying. He and the sensitive Pierre Roques in Basel (d.1748) and the fiery court preacher of Berlin, Jaquelot, show how soon the better form of sermon of foreign Reformed theologians could domesticate itself in Germany. Yet the movement was not merely imitative. There was a<pb n="172"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
general attempt at the purification and development of the German tongue, as witness the establishment of a professorship of German oratory in Halle before 1730, and a search for a national literature which had its bearing upon the pulpit. This movement dealt also with the matter of the sermon. People were weary alike of the theological quarrels and of Pietistic verbosity. Interest was more and more philosophical, due in part to the influence of the foreign pulpit and the Enlightenment outside Germany, in part to the growing taste at home cultivated by the demonstrative, mathematical-philosophical work of Leibnitz and Wolff. Preachers learned the value of conception, arrangement, solidity, definition, and demonstration. Natural religion as the essential content of the Christian, and morals as the essential of natural religion were emphasized. So Mosheim found contrast not merely between Pietist and orthodox but between philosophical and Biblical. The mediation between theology and philosophy was begun by Johann Gustav Reinbeck (d. 1741), who showed careful arrangement, solid application, correct development of the conception, and union of Biblical and philosophical elements.
</P>
<h5>2. Mosheim and His School.</h5>
<p>
Johann Lorenz ion Mosheim (q.v.), the German Tillotson or Saurin, revealed an elegant style, an apologetic tendency, a convincing force of proof, strong and sure as it was fine, flowing, and pleasing. In spite of a certain breadth of view, the basis is the Evangelical fundamental doctrines; the aim is to bring to realization the working-out of the verity of Christian doctrine. To this end Mosheim uses historical illustrations, descriptions of the events of the times, all this with fine psychological solidity. His argumentation is thought through and the exposition is wrought out, revealing the divine active force of the Gospel, the divine origin of Christian ethics. The employment of the text is careful, the themes are practical, the discussion is broad and full. Peters <I>(Der Bahnbrecher der modernen Predigt J. L. Mosheim in semen homiletischen Anschavungen,</I> 1910) is undoubtedly right in seeing in Mosheim&#39;s preaching and homiletics modern traits. While Mosheim was thus influencing the Lutheran pulpit, Tillotson of England (see below) was doing the same for the German Reformed Church through August Friedrich Wilhelm Sack (q.v.) of Berlin, the religious teacher of Friedrich Wilhelm III. and IV. Johann Andreas Cramer (q.v.) was influential more upon the oratorical side, employing a fiery pathos, a wealth of rhetorical figures which sometimes seemed to overload the discourse, but a fullness of thought, clear arrangement, excellent choice of doctrinal and ethical circumstances. Related to him in style was Gottfried Less (q.v.), while Christoph Christian Sturm of Magdeburg and Hamburg (d. 1786) infused a stronger rationalistic strain together with a poetic-esthetic coloring. Among those who followed the new trend of the times were Johann Friedrich Wilhelm Jerusalem and Johann Joachim Spalding (qq.v.).
</P>
<h5>3. Entrance of Rationalism.</h5>
<P>
The period of ruling rationalism (1780-1810) had been prepared for by the constantly growing influence of the Enlightenment. There was a decided break in the preaching of this period from that of orthodoxy and Pietism. The orthodox pulpit maintained the integrity of what it held to be the confirmed verities of faith. The Enlightenment was concerned also with preaching " the pure faith of Christians," and naturally there was a connection with Evangelical church teaching. But the he content of the rationalistic preaching stressed the doctrines of God, virtue, and immortality; ethics was me distinctly in the foreground. This ethical strain was a reaction from the unfruitful and scholastic discourse of orthodoxism, and it led to a handling of the Christian virtues. This turn of work in the pulpit does not suffer when compared with the Pietistic pulpit, though it was in some respects shallower. It protested against the one-sided appeal to the emotions, it called to earnest action and practical activity. It is therefore not to be condemned out of hand, any more than the preaching of orthodoxism is to be considered a sort of bankruptcy. Of course the handling of Scripture in the pulpit of this type corresponded to the method in which the Enlightenment dealt with the Bible, which ruled the preaching of this time somewhat as it did that of orthodoxiam and Pietism, though the thought-world of the Bible retreated in favor of that of the philosophic-moralistic, while Biblical diction made way for the buoyant-poetic or ethical-learned. The chief weakness of the rationalistic pulpit lay in its content; its Christianity was diluted. Its commendation is that it advocated a fundamental and practical religion. Particulars to be noted are first the homiletic journals to which this period gave birth, such as the  <I>Journal f&#252;r Prediger </I>at Halle (1770 sqq.), Beyer&#39;s <I>Allegemeines Magazin f&#252;r Prediger </I>(1789 sqq.), and Teller&#39;s <I>Neues Magazin f&#252;rPrediger </I>(1792 sqq.). In the front rank of the individual preachers of the times stand Wilhelm Abraham Teller and Georg Joachim Zollikofer (qq.v.). A commanding personality was that of August Hermann Niemeyer (q.v.). There were also such pedants as Kindervater, Soldan, Snell, and Schuderoff, who preached on the basis of Kantian learning in a manner unintelligible to their congregations. Numerous preachers of the following of Teller turned to dry didactics; so Stolz in Bremen, Loftier in Goths, Ribbeck in Magdeburg, and the productive Klefecker in Hamburg. Others employed more of pathos; so Hanstein, and Ehrenburg in Berlin. After the French Revolution the history of the church and of the times furnished much material for sermons. This was the case with the Swiss Johann Kaspar H&#228;feli (d. 1811) of Dessau, Bremen, and Bernburg. In his early career an opponent of the Enlightenment, later he came strongly under the influence of Kant; yet his talented control of language and masterful style revealed the born orator. Stolz, named above, preached on Frederick II., the freedom of the press, Zinzendorf, and the like; the pious supernaturalist Rosenm filler in Leipsic, on the noteworthy events of the eighteenth century. When T&#246;llner proposed to preach on the revelation of God in nature, K&#246;ppen, the advocate of the Bible, protested. Such preachers abounded in city and hamlet. J. L. Ewald (d. 1822) issued sermons upon<pb n="173"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
nature (1781) and <I>Predigten &#252;ber Naturtexte</I> (without
a Biblical text; 1789 sqq.).
</P>
<h5>4. the Reaction.</h5>
<P>
The result was a reaction against the dominant tendency from either an esthetic or a more Biblical standpoint. , This reaction was the result of a deeper and stronger piety which had lived on among the people, to which were added the influences of a surviving supernaturalism. To this other factors contributed, such as the deeply grounded spiritual labors of a Johann Georg Hamann (q.v.), or the earnest piety, the dainty humor, and biting wit of Matthias Claudius (q.v.), or the power in prayer of a Johann Heinrich Jung Stilling (q.v.). Not to be overlooked in this movement were the results of the elevation and enriching due to the bloom of literature of the period, while the political conditions of the country made in the same direction: Of unusual significance, too, was Johann Gottfried Herder (q.v.), who is best compared with Baumgarten as an example of the classically instructed. The culture ideal of the humanists and the life ideal of Christianity were combined in his sermons. A large figure was that of Franz Volkmar Reinhard (q.v.); and related to him as exponent of supernaturalistic rationalism in carefully arranged and smoothly expressed sermons was Henry Gottlieb Tzschirner (q.v.), patriotic chaplain in the field, historian, and apologete. In German Switzerland this reaction was carried&#39; on from the Biblical standpoint by a series of original minds. Johann Tobler of Zurich (d. 1808) showed naivet&#233; and originality in expression, and Evangelical earnestness. Especially noteworthy is Johann Caspar Lavater (q.v.), in his sermons as in his poetry preeminently appealing to the feelings. The text and its fundamental thought came to their own in his discourses, though somewhat overladen with emotion. Another Swiss, Johann Jakob Hess (q.v.), while in warmth, liveliness, and richness of thought behind Lavater, surpassed him in keenness of understanding, possession of historical sense, knowledge of Scripture, clearness of collocation of thought, and aptness of application. David M&#252;slin of Bern (d. 1821) also strove against the tide of the Enlightenment, leaving eight volumes of sermons. A pious Evangelical sense, correct valuation of Scripture, surrender to the leading of the text, earnestness, clarity, and utility are the characteristics of his pulpit work. Karl Ulrich Stiickelberger (d. 1816) of Basel stimulated the study of the Bible in sermons which showed a clear comprehension expressed didactically and leading to a surer knowledge.
</P>
<h5>5. The Mediating Pulpit.</h5>
<P>
The effects of the earlier homiletic methods still continued to be felt throughout this period, and were followed by preachers who took a middle position between orthodoxy and Pietism. Thus in Basel worked the ardent Andreas Battier (d. 1793), who devoted himself to the Evangelical doctrine of salvation, and Nikolaus von Brunn, who labored with afresh message for twenty years. In W&#252;rttemberg preached Gottlieb Christian Storr (q.v.), Biblical but not fluent. in type. Karl Friedrich Harttmann of Neuffen and Lauffen (d. 1815) ministered out of a rich fund of Evangelical instruction and religious experience. From Nuremberg came Johann Gottfried Sch&#246;ner (d. 1822), poet and defender of the Bible, holding to the essential truths of the Gospel. His belief was that preaching would be effective if trust and salvation expressed externally the inward experience of the speaker. He was simple and clear in his arrangement of material and fluent in language. Not to be passed by is the unusually fertile work of G. E. Hartog in L&#246;hne and Herford, Westphalia, marked by great clearness, comprehensiveness and intelligibility, strong. and precise expression, intense earnestness, and rich practical application. The county of Tecklenburg produced such men as Johann Gerhard (q.v.), Friedrich Arnold, and Johann Heinrich Hasenkamp (q.v.). Original in force was the Lutheran founder of missions, Johann J&#228;nicke (d. 1827), preacher at the Brethren&#39;s Church in Berlin.
</P>
<h5>6. Preaching Outside Germany.</h5>
<P>
In this period the waves which rolled on the German sea of thought beat also throughout Continental Europe. In Denmark Pietism found no advocate of first rank in the pulpit; it was represented only by translations from the German and found a stern opponent in Bishop Hersleb in Zealand, whose mighty eloquence contemporaries could not praise too highly. The sermons of Christian Bastholm (q.v.), distinguished for clear arrangement and brilliant diction and much admired by the cultured, revealed the principle that in theory and practise eloquence was a sumptuous dress to conceal poverty of thought. The foremost representative in Denmark of the rationalistic spirit was H. G. Clausen of Copenhagen (d. 1840), whose sermons are lucid and free from trivialities. Among Norwegians to be mentioned are Johan Nordahl Brun (d. 1816), bishop in Bergen, fiery in eloquence and poetic in gifts; he was an advocate of supernatural ism against rationalism, though not profound in thought; more friendly to rationalism were the discourses of Niels Stockfleth Schultz, preacher in Drontheim; and still more rationalistic was Claus Pavels (d. 1822), bishop in Bergen. Hans Nielsen Hauge (q.v.) had the Pietistic bent with a nomistic slant. In Sweden from 1700 to 1770 the prevailing preaching was a blend of the old orthodoxy with Pietism, but with a national coloring. The strong orthodox sermons of court preacher Andreas Nohrberg (d. 1767), though in form somewhat scholastic, are still used with great satisfaction by orthodox Pietists. Erik Tollstadius was a noble representative of the more mystic Pietism, and the few sermons which were printed are still much used. Peter Murbeck of Bleking (d. 1768) introduced more of the logical element, while the spirit of Herrnhut was exemplified in Carl Blutstrom (d. 1772) and Peter Hamburg. Among the bishops of the first half of the century worthy of mention as preachers were G. A. Humble of Wexio, a high-churchman; the second archbishop of Upsala S. Troilius, and Bishop J. Seranius of Strengnas, both statesmen and men who introduced the State-Churchly idea into their sermons, as later did O. Wallqvist (d. 1800), and .1. M. Fant (d. 1813). G. Enebom (d. 1796), belonging to the Enlightenment, introduced a period of Utilitarian moralism. From<pb n="174"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
1770 to 1809 virtue as the most serviceable thing was the theme of the sermons of J. M&#246;ller, B. von Gotland (d. 1805), C. Kullberg (d. 1808), and the neologian Bishop Lehnberg of Link&#246;ping (d. 1808). P. Fredell was an advocate of Swedenborgianism in opposition to the Enlightenment. In Holland in the second quarter of the nineteenth century no names of prominence stand out, and where the French language was spoken the same state of affairs existed. F. J. Durand left <I>L&#39; Ann&#233;e evang&#233;lique</I> in seven volumes (2d ed., Bern, 1780). Jean Fr&#233;d&#233;ric Oberlin (q.v.) stands out as a true witness to the Gospel in an evil time, earnest and popular in his application of Scripture and life, illustrating his thoughts with instructing fulness. Antoine Court and Paul Rabaut (qq.v.) should be mentioned here, and J. Roget (q.v.). In Holland the sermon was influenced by the English school, and the style changed slowly from the older detailed exposition of the text to the synthetic method. The road in this country was broken by E. Hollebeek of Leyden, and P. Chevalier of Groningen followed in discourses that were ethical and rationalistic in tone, as were those of E. Kist (d. 1822) in Dort. G. Bonnet of Utrecht (d. 1805) united the methods of the old and the new schools; the pious Jakob Hinlopen (d. 1803) for half a century protested by his method against all scholasticism, while L. Egeling in Leyden (d. 1835) was fruitful in his ministry. At the end of the eighteenth century examples of bombastic rhetoric appear in the sermons of J. Bosch and J. van Loo, while the reading of sermons began to be practised after the English model by the middle of that century.
</P>
<h4>6. The Evangelical Pulpit of the Nineteenth
Century:</h4>
<h5>1. Basal Influences.</h5>
<p> 
The revival of church life which took place at the beginning of the nineteenth century found its reflection in preaching, which received new blood and quickening and in turn stimulated the common life. Among the influences which worked in this direction were the political conditions. The necessities of Germany during the Napoleonic period and its rebirth during the wars for freedom, resulting in a feeling of united life among the people, gave to the pulpit an aim and a definite direction. The two men most influential in this extended crisis were Schleiermacher and Draeseke, though they were supported by a host of preachers who with earnestness and courage and in noble spirit led the way. A further influence was the growing consciousness of a concrete Christianity in the piety of the times. While some preachers held to the old ways, the general trend was in the new direction, led by men like Draeseke and Theremin into a new form and to contents which attempted to realize a historical Christianity. Above all was the guidance of Schleiermacher, who made the person of Christ and the redemption central in his preaching. Immediately there developed a style of sermon suited to the movement of awakening, and the use of the Bible was no small part of the method employed, while a confessional interest was powerfully revived. As a whole the preaching of the first decades of the nineteenth century was essentially Christological. The general truths of reason are no longer in control, the Gospel rules. Meanwhile the text has come to its own as the constitutive element, while the dogmatic and confessional are in the foreground; the merely moral sermon has lost its reputation, the Evangelical takes its place.
</p>
<h5>2. Schleiermacher.</h5>
<P>
Special importance attaches to Daniel Friedrich Schleiermacher (q.v.), who stands in the front rank of pulpit orators, as is attested by his ten volumes of sermons. His importance rests not alone in the fact that he influenced a generation of preachers and their sermons as did no other theologian of his century; but still more fundamental was his theological and homiletical starting-point in the immediateness of the emotions, to his steady retreat to the innermost Christian consciousness against the old supernaturalism, and also against the ruling rationalism and Kantianism. For him, the living sense of community with God is the center of Christian piety, and the stimulation of this is the purpose of all Christian preaching. His idea was to speak ever as to brethren and develop their Christian consciousness. Hence the chief content of his sermons is a clear exposition of his own inner life for believing Christians. The ethical was not neglected, but its sources were found in the religious consciousness. Characteristic was the way in which sin was treated by him, emphasizing the necessity of the new birth; he believed in a lifting above the situation where the flesh ruled rather than in a continuous conflict with a sinful inclination. In his earlier period he was closely tied to his text, which was generally short; as might be expected of so sturdy a thinker, the disposition of the thought was less formal than material. His preaching was wholly free from pathos, was classically tranquil to its thought development, closely logical in its articulation. Popular in the widest sense his sermons are not, adapted as they are for the cultured; but their clarity and logicalness make easy the understanding of them. He spoke often not simply as a Protestant preacher, but as a pious, experienced sage and moral philosopher. He did not write his sermons, but prepared them by moat careful and painstaking meditation. The fact that one so learned in classical antiquity and in philosophy yet made Christ the central point and gave to ethical conceptions the cast of the New-Testament methods of viewing them was to many, tired of the old rationalistic preaching, not merely attractive but positively grateful. And long afterward the influence of his method was found among preachers who still regarded him as their model. New light has been cast in this direction by the publication by J. Bauer of Schleiermaeher&#39;s <I>Ungedruckte Predigten aus . . . 1820-28</I> (Leipsic, 1909), and Bauer&#39;s <I>Schliermacher als patriotischer Prediger </I>(Giessen, 1908).
</p>
<h5>3. His School.</h5>
<p>
His services were supported by a number of preachers of significant homiletical power. As advocates of a faith based on a Biblical revelation may be mentioned Gottfried Menken, Johann Baptist Albertini, and Johann Christian Gottlob Krafft (qq.v.), Theodore Lehmus of Anabach (d. 1837), a victorious combatant of rationalism; Christian Adam Dann (q.v.), a preacher with suggestive themes and a diction juicy and forceful; Wilhelm<pb n="175"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
Hofacker (q.v.); and J. E. F. Sander (q.v.), careful in the exegesis of his text, rather learned than forceful. Also Biblical in his basis but concentrating his thought upon sin and grace was Ludwig Hofacker (q.v.). Preachers of another type were equally Biblical in their sphere of thought, but more confessional in their development. Such a man was Claus Harms (q.v.), a man of kindly, serene, and poetic sensibilities and fresh humor which made him acceptable to all classes. His originality lay in the plasticity of his diction and in richness and weight of thought. Pathos was sometimes unpleasantly abundant. His subjects were suggestive and catchy; while his arrangement is philosophical, it is not determined always by the text. He had numerous followers, of whom may be named here Martin Stephan and A. G. Rudelbach (qq.v.). Biblical and confessional in type were the two Krummachers, Gottfried Daniel and Friedrich Wilhehn (qq.v.). Of the latter it may be said that he was an artist in the use of words, supported by a tangible realism and an uncommonly lively power of construction, by which he was able to make real the characters of the Bible story. Yet in his word pictures he did not always adhere to the historically true. The New Testament was frequently read back into the Old, while his use of the typical and allegorical was rather excessive. In this group belong also Hermann Friedrich Kohlbriigge and the Reformed preacher Friedrich Ludwig Mallet (qq.v.). While between Claus Harms and Bernhard Draeseke (q.v.) certain connections existed, in general they are of different types. The latter&#39;s sermons can not be characterized accurately as prevailingly either Biblical or confessional; they were more general in type. Related to him in style was the important Bishop Ruhlemann Friedrich Eylert (q.v.), in whom buoyancy became extravagance and freshness unction. Other preachers, while supernatural in trend, were not of the narrow supernatural school; such were the K&nigsberg preacher Ludwig August Kghler (q.v.), and Heinrich Leonhard Aeubner of Wittenberg (q.v.). Franz Theremin (q.v.) was akin to this group in the expression which he gave to his piety.
</P>
<h5>4. Remainders of Rationalism.</h5>
<p> 
Another group may be designated as the stragglers of rationalistic preaching. Belonging here is the celebrated Cbristoph Friedrich von Ammon (q.v.). In his earlier sermons he appears as a Kantian moralist; in a later period he devoted him self to the exposition of ecclesiastical doctrine. Finally, in his third period he returned to practically his first position. Gifted in the matter of form, diplomatically clever in expression of courtly fluency, and often of lofty and witty flow of thought, his sermons were especially adapted to the educated. The most important representative of the popular rationalism in these times was Johann Friedrich Rohr (q.v.). In clarity and logical coordination he follow Reinhard. In general his sermons escape many o he inherent weaknesses of the rationalistic discourse, though the basis is thoroughly rationalistic. Here belongs also Moritz Ferdinand Schmalz (d.1860), who served pastorates in Vienna, Dresden, and Hamburg; prolific and lively in thought, he recalled Reinhard in the careful and often comprehensive disposition of his material. Of like prominence were the Hamburg pastors J. K. W. Alt and C. U. A. Krause.
</P>
<h5>5. A New Trend.</h5>
<P>
The decades after the wars for freedom, in which on one side rationalism was one of the forces and on the other the influence of Schleiermacher and of the awakening was potent, constitute a period of ferment for the pulpit. Strong individuals like those already described broke away from the rationalistic, emotional-judicious, stirring-pathetic method, and a type gained the aseendency corresponding to the new influences. The result was not unlike that produced by Schleiermacher, though the resemblance was not due to dialectic trenchancy nor to depth of thought. The new preaching became often a preaching of repentance under the stimulus of the emphasis upon the significance of Christ for salvation. But the fine lines of Schleiermacher&#39;s dialectic, due to his dogmatic system, were hidden behind the grosser outlines of ecclesiastical confessions. In sum the new preaching was a return to Christ and the Bible. Hence the relation of the sermon to the text was recast. Rationalism formally allowed the authority of the Bible, but interpreted as it chose. The new understanding of Christianity caused the employment of the text in its original meaning as the guiding principle of the sermon. Of course traces of the earlier usage remained here and there, and the Word was sometimes misconstrued, especially the Old Testament, into which the New Testament was read. But the pulpit was essentially Biblical, the pericopes retained their importance, although the use of free texts was not unknown, while sometimes whole books of the Bible were the occasion of courses of sermons. The diction of the sermon was also influenced by that of the Bible, sometimes so strongly as to have an archaic sound. Similarly, the content of the sermon underwent change. Rationalism had chosen ethical themes, and these fell into discredit. Religious or religious-dogmatic themes were the rule, with a polemic against rationalism, the Friends of Light, liberalism, the new theology, and especially against the unchristian spirit of the times. Standard themes, of course with infinite variation, were repentance, grace, judgment, the person of Christ, the atonement. Consequently there was danger of the sermon becoming stereotyped. The way in which text and sermon contents were bound together was controlled by the ruling analytic-synthetic method. The text furnished the chief suggestions or themes; the thoughts furnished by the analysis of the text were united in a theme and then put in order according to the divisions, and these latter were prevailingly threefold-more than four divisions are rare. The length of the sermon gradually became shorter, from thirty to forty minutes. Here and there other than a Biblical text was chosen, while catechetical sermons were not unknown, as were those on the Apostles&#39; Creed.
</P>
<h5>6. The Confessional Type.</h5>
<P>
A considerable proportion of pulpit orators laid emphasis upon Christ and Scripture, after the forms<pb n="176"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
of the Lutheran confessions, and were at no pains disguise this spirit of confessional energy and dogmatic stress. The cardinal doctrines of the person of Christ, of sin and grace, and of the atonement ruled the sermon; and along with the positive exposition of these themes there was a polemic against errant tendencies of the period. The endeavor was to have the sermon practical with reference to center of the Gospel. Among the exponents of spirit of the pulpit may be named from South Germany Johann Konrad Wilhelm L&#246;be, Gottlieb Christian Adolf von Harlese, and Gottfried Thomasius (qq.v.); from North Germany especially Ludwig Harms (q.v.), Ludwig Adolf Petri, and K. K. M&#252;nkel (qq.v.). Petri&#39;s sermons were simple in construction, but so deep and rich in their thought that they were adapted rather for the educated. The text governed in the working-out of his -discourses, and was often exegetically treated. He emphasized doctrine without obscuring the Gospel, and revealed an earnest, keen thoroughly trained personality of the Lutheran-confessional type. M&#252;nkel, while stressing less the form, exercised a like care in the workingout of his discourses and in their clearness He preached to the church of a village, and that influenced his diction and his illustrations; the result is that his sermons may be designated popular. He avoids all that is coarse; he is learned, the church standards define his exposition, and his exegesis is unadorned. In this connection Bernhard Adolph Langbein of Saxony should be:mentioned. From Christian Ernst Luthardt&#39;a pen have come
down a number of volumes of sermons which unite a full utilization of the text with determination of its religious testimony. Simple and forceful repose combines with a great active ethical strength and rich theological content. Gerard Uhlhorn (q.v.) had a remarkable gift of exposition, and vigorous material found a corresponding form of expression, while a mighty ethical earnestness was combined with the energy of the Lutheran proclamation. Of Lutherans outside of Germany mention may be made of A. F. Huhn, preacher at Reval, prolific in production.
</P>
<h5>7. Emphasis on the Practical.</h5>
<P>
From this group of distinctively confessional preachers a second group may be distinguished by a closer grip of the confessional element and a sharper emphasis upon practical, communal, and individual matters. To be named here are Karl Heinrich Caspari of Munich and J. F. Ahlfeld (q.v.) in Leipsic. The sermons of the former in their simplicity appeal more to the ordinary man than to the educated; but they show a rich experience, a deep knowledge of men special aptitude in individualization, concrete illustrations, and a plastic exposition. Johann Friedrich Ahlfeld was too practically disposed to be a mere partizan. In the many volumes of sermons from his pen there are shown an engaging warmth, a religious-ethical earnestness, and an extraordinary power of presentation combined with popular homeliness. The Wiirttemberg Church produced Wilhelm Hoffmann (q.v.), a preacher whose discourses lead clearly and surely to into the Scriptures and their plea of salvation and illuminate the practical life. Another man of note is B. B. Br&#252;ckner (q.v.), preacher in Berlin and he professor in Leipsic, a man of gentle orthodoxy, Pleasing speech, fine employment of the text, and correct in his methods of arrangement. Of Carl Gerok (q.v.) it may be said that he possessed a great as power of pleasing, a gentle mildness, a pronounced the clarity, a poetic beauty, none of which lessened the this earnest depth of his Christian thought and comprehension of the teat. He was, however, more of a practical man than thinker, partaking of the qualities of Ahlfeld as a saver of souls. Also to be named are the brothers Max and Emil Frommel, the former of whom belonged to the group of practical sermonizers who based their work on the Bible. Max&#39;s sermons may be said to be more forceful and earnest than his brother&#39;s, and carry a tinge of Pietism with a joyous and certain faith in God. They are artistically complete. Emil , court preacher and military chaplain at Berlin, especially in his sermons on festival days took great delight in leading his congregation into the world of Biblical thought; he also was practical in type, polished to a degree. Events, history, application, interpretation, illustration, followed each other throughout his discourses. He was a preacher for all ranks of society, though the fineness of his discourse made him appreciated most by the cultured. Two preachers of recent date are Rudolph K&#246;gel and Heinrich Hoffmann (qq.v.). The former, in dogmatics stronger than Frommel, did not strive for dogmatic profundity; his forte was a rhetorical art which made all else serviceable. Hoffmann&#39;s strength lay in his fine, searching, saving, and keen psychology, in the energetic compactness with which he brought to expression his rich and deep thinking, in the forcefulness of the testimony which he brought to the Gospel, and finally in the holy earnestness with which he appealed to the conscience. T. J. R. K&#246;gel (q.v.), preacher at the cathedral in Berlin, was the foremost Evangelical clergyman in Prussia, possessed of great national and courtly opportunities, a prince in the pulpit, the rhetorician of sacred oratory, a master of style; on the other side was Heinrich Hoffmann, restricted to the narrow sphere of the Neumarktkirebe in Halle, without notoriety, yet a herald of earnest and philosophical thought, a real shepherd of souls. Both of them were preachers to the educated; for simple people the genius of K&#246;gel was too lofty, the compressed thought of Hoffmann too difficult of comprehension. Neither had the fine, light touch of Emil Frommel, the gripping power of narration of Ahlfeld, or the gentle art of Gerok. Only briefly to be mentioned here are Johann Friedrich Wilhelm Arndt (q.v.), the Berlin preacher Strauss, whose sermons are distinguished by devoutness and feeling, and Karl Biichsel (q.v.), whose rough, formless, knotty, but uncommonly earnest and practical sermons had aide influence. The sermons of F. L. Steinmeyer (q.v.) might be called essays toward the understanding of Scripture. The material for them he derived from the text, while the exegesis was almost too broad and artistic; but the thoughts were ever deep and original, the structure well thought through, the form beautiful<pb n="177"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
and connected, and the aim was to produce religion, not theology.
</P>
<h5>8. Pietistic Antirationalistic Preaching.</h5>
<P>
A third group show either Pietistic or Scripturalistic influences. They are pronouncedly antirationalistic, and reveal the sharp ecclesiastical tendency. They are preachers of repentance, or salvation, or awakening, or conscience, but never, in the pulpit, theologians. They have little to do with exegesis and offer their own witness. They seldom speak as the mouth of the congregation, though they are the more successful as Evangelists. They regard little the arrangement of the discourse, at any rate the formal carrying-out of a plan and the formulation of subject and divisions. A peculiar position in this group was gained by Johann Tobias Beck (q.v.), who was Scripturalistic. Other men of W&#252;rttemberg to be named are Sixt Karl Kapff and Johann Christoph Blumhardt(qq.v.). The latter was mighty as a preacher, and often opened wide the treasure of knowledge and experience hidden in the Scriptures. His sermons rang true, and he was smooth yet popular in his diction. Here should be named a German Swiss who belonged to the speculative division of the school of Bengel and Oetinger, the original and spirited David Spleiss of Schaffhausen (d. 1854), who traced the inner unity of nature and Scripture. In his earnestness he used mouth, hand, and foot in the pulpit in order to give expression to the press of thought, was impressive, fiery, clear, suggestive, yet always popular. His discourses were uncommonly full and connected. From the Prussian rural church came August Tholuck (q.v.), whose Pietistic coloring was toned down by his academic activity. His idea of the sermon was that it should not be a demonstration of man&#39;s intelligence but a testimony of the divine Spirit. His discourses owe their force especially to the masterful psychological development of a deep and binding apologetics, sharpening the conscience. The noble, cultured, and impressive diction is inspired with the warmest feeling and the deepest earnestness, while the exposition is lightened with the play of a lively but sanctified imagination. He was free in the matter of form, in the method of handling his text, even in the choice of a text, not restricting himself to Scripture but using, e.g., passages from the Augsburg Confession. Purely a Pietist was Gustav Knak (d. 1878), especially successful in his appeal to the heart and emotions of the congregation, and possibly the most sensitive and appealing of all the preachers of the nineteenth century.
</p>
<h5>9. Individulaism Dominant.</h5>
<p>
A fourth group is composed of those who first set forth Christian verity in an external garb drawn not so much from the Bible as from the individuality of the preacher; they also show a desire to rub off many corners and edges of Biblical pronouncements, thus to present Christian doctrine in a milder form and one Dominant. more in accord with the characteristics of the times. Preachers of this type of academical theologians are especially numerous, and particularly those who belong to the mediating theology. It is not strange that among many of these the thoughtful working-out of the verities of faith seemed more important than immediate influence upon heart and conscience, and one might even assign Tholuck to this group, though in him the pietistic-Biblical element preponderated. This last was not the case with Karl Immanuel Nitzach (q.v.), whose sermons, like Schleiermacher&#39;s, showed a complete blending of the religious and the ethical; he also laid little stress upon form and diction. The deep inner harmony of his being, grounded in a fully ripened completion of his philosophical, theological, and practical ecclesiastical views, the imperturbable peace, and the conciliatory character of his mind were mirrored forth in his preaching. Julius M&#252;ller (q.v.) showed in his preaching an argumentative exposition of Scripture and a learned and dialectic development which required sympathy of energy in the hearer or reader. The sermons of Richard Rothe (q.v.) were such as could spring only from his own singularly deep and cultured nature; what he uttered was wholly his own, in speech and in flow of thought entirely individual. Externally his sermons present a finished oratorical and artistic form. Karl Theodor Albert Liebner and Friedrich August Eduard Ehrenfeuchter (qq.v.) belong to this group, as do Albrecht Wolters, remarkable for poetically beautiful and thoughtfully fine testimony, and Willibald Beyschlag (qq.v.), a brilliant preacher of fine sensibilities, who employed a mild apologetics to the reconciliation of Christianity and modern culture. He was a witness for Evangelical Christianity with great freedom of spirit and constraint of conscience, a noted exegete, uniting the thought of the text with individual comprehension and elaboration. Here also must be placed Julius Miillensiefen (q.v.), though his sermons reproduce more faithfully than those just mentioned the Biblical coloring; he is also much more popular, deeper mentally, and richer in feeling than many of them.
</p>
<h5>10. Moderninstic Groups.</h5>
<p>
The fifth group includes within its numbers preachers with wide differences; they share with the preceding independence in the form of thought and of construction, and they speak not in the language of the Bible but in that of the times. The general attitude is that of Carl Schwarz: "Not only is the present born again through the spirit of Christianity, but Christianity itself is born again through the present." It is not the old rationalism which comes out in this group, however; all in which that form of thought failed, religion, in which lie the depths of the soul&#39;s life, is that which these preachers would supply on the basis of the incarnation of Christ, real and effective, and no less on the basis of the entire and complete humanizing of Christianity. Of this group Carl Schwarz (q.v.), cited above, is the leader and chief representative. His idea was to make use of whatever had been critically established by Lessing, Herder, Schleiermacher, and Hegel, and to make it available to the congregation. He translated Christianity, formally as well as essentially, into German in sermons which were religiousethical. Christ was not pushed into the background, though the presentation of him was of a sort other than that of the Biblically based church doctrine. His sermons might be described as highly idealistic, rhetorically forceful, warmly religious,<pb n="178"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
ethically earnest, in their conception of life free. Of another type, yet in many respects related to Schwarz, is the worthy Albert Bitzius of Switzerland, who spoke out openly and frankly, perhaps even more plainly than Schwarz, his dissent from the earlier church doctrine. Schwarz was in his homiletical art a pure idealist; Bitzius was as emphatically a realist; where Schwarz is all buoyancy and inspiration, Bitzius is reality, fact. But the latter is never dull or dry, the expression is forceful, comprehensively and yet simply beautiful. As a result the matters treated are intimately joined with his subject. He does not deal with generalities, but handles many special themes from common life and from other spheres. It follows that for him the text can not have the upper hand; his sermons are never analytical; they deal with the material furnished by his congregation in a serious, essentially religious, ethical, end vigorous manner. Ethical sermons, in the strict sense of the phrase, he never delivers; yet he feels his connection with the faith of Christians of all periods, and he urges his hearers each to have a faith which is individually his very own. If any of the preachers of the nineteenth- century is practical, then is Bitzius practical. The fresh, picturesque, and inspired sermons of the Swiss Heinrich Lang (q.v.) differ from the discourses of Bitzius in that they do not follow of purpose a set ethical-religious aim; they set relentlessly before the hearers his own free religious position and woo those hearers to adopt them. Daniel Schwenkel, Carl Weizsicker, and Alexander Schweizer (q.v.) should be in this group.
</p>
<h4>8. The Recent German Pulpit;</h4>
<h5>1. Emphasis on the Practical.</h5>
<p>
In this section only a survey can be afforded of the prolific product of the pulpit. The first and the second groups of the last period find their continuance in this period: The general tendency is to make the dogmatic retreat before the practical. Following the first group as given above are on the Wilhelm Walther of Rostock and Theodor Zahn (qq.v.) of Erlangen. Affiliated with the second group, strongly represented,are O. Pank in Leipsic, producing thoughtful and forceful discourses; Paul Kaiser of the same city, noted for smooth diction, clear construction, easy comprehensiveness, and living conceptions;
E. Quandt, who has produced several volumes of sermons; Hermann Cremer (q.v.), who stresses the grace of God in Christ to sinful man; and Adolf Schlatter, a Swiss, whose activities are displayed
in Tabingen. These all intend to preach the " old Gospel " in the sense of the doctrine of the Church; they are opposed to the modern tendency and polemize against the emptying of the Gospel by theologians of liberal spirit as against positive tendencies against Christianity. They notice little the questions and doubts urged by modern skepticism; they start with the trustworthiness of the Bible, appeal to experience for confirmation, and address wholly the flock as standing on the old faith. They are in part, therefore, masters of form; they know how to use the text practically and to apply it to the inner religious life. The fourth group described in the foregoing is also represented in the latest period, though not without characteristic deviations. Ernst Dryander (q.v.) of Berlin may be set in this group. One of his dicta is: `&#176; We are accustomed to say and to believe that the Gospel is akin to all that is great and noble in man." He is noted for his fine culture, for the eloquent though unrhetorical control of form, for religious fervor, and for depth of Biblical feeling. The school of
Nitzsch is continued by a number of preachers mostly in academic positions, though the tendency of these in their theological conceptions is conservatively mediating, not without influence. Such
are Erich Haupt of Halle (q.v.), possessing an extraordinary exegetical keenness, a thrilling force of thoughtful development, and a deep fervor; Gustav Kawerau (q.v.), who seeks to move men through the holy earnestness, the depth and strength of God&#39;s word alone; Julius Kaftan (q.v.); Ernst Christian Achelis (q.v.) of Marburg; and Wilhelm Faber of Berlin, who recalls KSgel in his rhetorical form. They preach the old Gospel for the modern comprehension and adapt it to present conditions, of which they have a deep apprehension.
</p>
<h5>2. A Composite Group.</h5>
<p>
Yet those who have been named differ widely from each other, and the line between them and those of a freer tendency or of the right wing is tenuous. To the right wing belong those preachers who in the matter of the sermon sharply separate theology and religion, assigning the debated questions of religious knowledge to theology and reserving matters of religious influence for the popular ear. Men of this tendency were particularly under the guidance of Albrecht Ritschl and include such names as Kaftan (ut sup.), B. W. Bornemann, Hermann Schultz, Paul Drews, J. Gottschick, Theodor Haring, and Friedrich Loofa (qq.v.). A somewhat freer theological position is taken by preachers like Otto Baumgarten (q.v.), Erich Forster, and H. Hackmann. Between this group and the left wing of the freer theology stands the distinction that the latter in the sermon take up expressly the contest with the traditional apprehension of Christian knowledge, but of course with individual differences of method and viewpoint. Thus there are Heinrich Holtzmann (q.v.) of Strasburg, spiritual, thoughtful, and deep-reaching in exegesis and reflection; P. Kirmas and W. Bahnaen, and Heinrich Ziegler, an idealist of the type of Carl Schwarz; and the two Bremen preachers A. Kalthoff and Moritz Schwalb. There is another strain as yet uncharacterized. The idealistic tendency of Schwarz had its counterpart in the realistic lines of Bitzius; the abstract-religious or general-ethical implies a special-concrete opposite, in which the text is less directive in the sermon than the definite situation of the congregation. As Drew puts it: "It has come forcibly to our apprehension that each community has its individuality, and that to each in its appropriate method the Gospel is to be adapted." Special circumstances are to be handled to the profit of the congregation, chief among which are problems arising in social conditions. Among preachers who take cognizance of matters social Friedrich Naumann has especial prominence by reason of his masterly grip and clear handling of the<pb n="179"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
fundamental problems of the present, including those in the ethical and religious worlds. While his solutions are perhaps never fully satisfying from a theoretical standpoint, they show a marvelously clear and practical piety. He conceives his message to be "to those who in the-midst of the life of the new age would find a personal relation to Christianity," and to these he speaks in their own tongue, starting with them as a sharer in their own conception of things, yet by reason of the strength of his faith is their leader. A preacher of the type of Naumann is Bernhard Doerries; in his concreteness and aptness of dealing with affairs of the congregation and individual he reproduces Naumann at his best. Here belong also Geyer and Rittelmeyer of Nuremberg, with their excellent modern fresh and plastic methods. Gustav Frenssen does not always preach real village sermons; but he does not take fright at any particular circumstances. Yet the thinking auditor finds something lacking in his work; he gives religious conceptions without theological insight; he is an apologete for Christianity, but above all as a preacher he is a poet. Very concrete and suited for a rural people are the discourses which H. Kaiser has collected, as well as the addresses of Erwin Gros. K. Hesselbacher, now at Carlsruhe, has established a firm reputation as village preacher. The descendants of the third group named above have experienced also great changes. The Pietistic emotional sermon suits no longer the taste of the Methodist-revivalistic hearer. The modern sermon of Evangelization has many types, from the onesided and fanatical works of Karl Idel to the more restful ones of J. Stockmeyer, the psychologically fine and many-sided ones of Elias Schrenk, and the energetic, rousing, apologetic, and modern discourses of Samuel Keller. But all these claim the right to be distinguished from those who use the stormy, impetuous, and nerve-racking methods so largely dominant, even while they receive their impulse toward the "Field-Mission" from the very decided movement manifested among the different congregations. Whether the Methodistic flavor of these sermons is great, less, or very little, whether they are prevailingly Biblical or modern and practical, their aim is conversion, their object is decision, and their method is a rousing call to repentance. The modern pulpit has certain well-marked characteristics. It appeals to the soul life of the hearer with firm grip and full understanding; it is religious and practical and ill-disposed to dogmatics, realizes the logic of necessity in requiring a solution of the problems of the times.
</p>
<h4>7. The Continental Pulpit Outside Germany:</h4>
<h5>1 In Scandinavia.</h5>
<p>
For Denmark the first name worthy of mention is that of Jakob Peter Mynster (q.v.), bishop of Zealand, simple but noble in diction and deep in thought. Not simply a preacher but also a religious author, the prophet of the inner life and the opponent of ecclesiastical Christianity was S&#246;ren Aabye Kierkegaard (q.v.). Mynstei s successor, Hans Lassen Martensen (q.v.), with all his versatility in the study of the text and its application, yet many a time misses a really enchaining style. Nikolai Frederik Severin Grundtvrig (q.v.) was a preacher of really original power. With the early strength of his polemic against rationalism, somewhat decayed, there remained the undauntedness of his living testimony, resting upon his inner experience, against a declension of faith in the Father, the fire of his temperament, and above all his popular, poetic, blazing eloquence. His great influence was seen in such men as W. Birkedal and C. Hostrup. D. G. Monrad had a keen eye for the psychological approach and great ability in delineation of character. N. G. Blaedel, R. Frimodt, H. H. Paulli (d. 1865), Wilhelm Beck (d. 1901), are names meriting mention. Living Danish preachers of eminence are T. S. Roerdam (q.v.), bishop of Zealand, a pupil of Grundtvig, J. Paulli, son of H. H. Paulli, and H. B. Ussing (q.v.). It may be said in passing that the prevailing usage in Denmark is against the use of manuscript in the pulpit. In Norway, Willem Andreas Wexels won great renown both as an eminent preacher and as a distinguished foe of rationalism. O. Andreas Berg (d. 1861) was entirely orthodox in his short, penetrating, clear and practical sermons, but after the Norwegian method which combined Lutheran orthodoxy with Pietism. Somewhat similar in character was Honoratus Hailing, and the still living G. Jensen of Christiania shows the influence of Grundtvig and Lutheran orthodoxy. In the most recent years a more "modern" spirit has invaded, closely akin to that of Germany. It has been recognized as a function of the pulpit to meet the modern educated man with a warm-hearted understanding and to win him for Christianity and the Church. A noted exponent of this tendency is T. Klaveness of Christiania. In Sweden also there set in early in the nineteenth century a current against rationalism, in the form of a strong confessional Lutheranism combined with a strong Pietistic movement among the laity. The sermons are of the synthetic type, but for the chief service of the day the pericopes furnish the text, for other services the choice of text is free; the reading of the sermon is more frequent than in Norway and Denmark, at least in the established Church, indeed many bishops expressly recommend that form. In the antirationalistic campaign a leading influence was that of Professor Samuel Oedmann of Upsala (d. 1829) and C. P. Hagberg of Lund (d. 1837), who led also in the changes in sermon form. In the following period in the Established Church three groups appeared. Those who were under the influence of  romanticism opposed rationalism as an empty religion of reason and approximated closely to Lutheran doctrine as the expression of their convictions. This class was represented by a series of poetically endowed men of very different qualities, such as the celebrated poet of the Frithiofs Saga, Esaias Tegn6r (d. 1846), the childlike and lovable Bishop Franz Mikael Franz6n (d. 1847), and Johann Olof Wallin (d. 1839), who in catchy diction, roundness of expression, beauty of rhythm, and perspicuity of arrangement was unexcelled in Sweden. In a second group are to be placed C. G. Rogberg of Upsala (d.1842), whose sermons showed great beauty of form, in the early period a liking for the Enlightenment, later a better agreement with Christian doctrine; Johan Henrik Thomander (d. 1865), called<pb n="180"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
by his friends "the new Luther," was extemporaneous in style, with an uncommon freshness of presentation; and Anton Niklas Sundberg (d. 1900), a mighty personality. All these had a broad outlook, but especially emphasized freedom in the pulpit. A third and somewhat larger group were in control in the second half of the century, and advocated a strong orthodox Lutheranism. The pathbreaker was Henrik Schartau (q.v.), with his passionate zeal for pure doctrine, who founded a homiletical school which is yet influential in the south and west of Sweden. He was full of Evangelical zeal as a saver of souls, though no Pietist, in his sermons full of thought, psychologically fruitful, with a mystical depth of content and of spiritual experience, carefully exegetical not only of the text but of the context. With him stood E. C. Bring (d. 1884), bishop in Link&#246;ping, and J. C. Bring, director of the deaconess institute in Stockholm. Revivalist in type was Levi Lastadius (d. 1861), while a Methodistic preacher was the layman Karl Olof Rosenius (d. 1868), who emphasized free grace. Of more recent preachers the bishop of Lund, G. Billing, is worthy of mention.
</p>
<h5>2. The German Swiss Pulpit.</h5>
<p>
The preachers of German Switzerland followed the lead of Bitzius and H. Lang (ut sup.); and of contributors to the literature of preaching there are Konrad W. K. Kambli, A. Hauri, A. Bolliger, and B. Riggenbach. G. Benz, in Basel, and R. Aeschbacher have sprung in recent years into wide fame as preachers. In French Switzerland men of prominence were Fran&#231;ois Samuel Robert Louis Gaussen, Paul Ami Isaac David Bost, Solomon Caesar Malan, and Jean Henri Merle d&#39;Aubign&#233; (qq.v.). These were all of the revivalistic type of pulpit orators. Of a totally different kind was the preaching of Alexander Rodolphe Vinet (q.v.), in which emotion is suppressed in favor of dialectically sharp thought which requires the close attention of the reader. While the text is in the background, definite themes are marshalled in masterly fashion, with deep comprehension of what is essential and with religious warmth. His illustrations are from history, nature, and life rather than the Bible; and he rests upon a clear comprehension of the essence and needs of the soul, of its relationship to time and the world, and of its search for freedom and God. Here should be mentioned Frank Coulin (q.v.).
</p>
<h5>3. In France and Holland.</h5>
<p>
In France, out of the circles which were in relations with the Swiss revivalistic school sprang Adolphe Monod (q.v.), possibly the first French preacher of the century; his brother Fr&#233;d&#233;ric (q.v.) is of less prominence. In the first rank stand Grandpierre and Eug&#233;ne Artur Fran&#231;ois Bersier (q.v.). While these orthodox representatives are noted, it would be unfair to omit mention of such followers of a freer method as Athanase Coquerel father and son (qq.v.). The former was guided by the earlier French liberalism, quietly moderate in tone; and the polish extended beyond the rich and full flow of thought, the clear, incisive language, to the gesture and pose, to the dignity of the very man himself. The son was a leader of the freer Protestantism in France, a genial and versatile personality. His sermons were greatly valued for their religious force and penetration, with which he united simplicity and elegance. With these men Ferdinand Fontanes should also be named. In Holland the sermons of the first half of the century were essentially practical. Meriting first plane is E. A. Borger (d. 1820), brilliant and original, still studied. The court preacher at The Hague, J. J. Dermout (d. 1867), was called the Napoleon of the pulpit because of the imperative force of his discourses. H. H. van der Palm (q.v.) was celebrated as an expounder of Scripture, and was known as "doctor mellifluus" for the elegance of his style. Among those who adorned the pulpit of the Remonstrants were Amorie van der Hoeven, father (d. 1855) and son (d. 1848), the first of whom, a polished speaker, issued a study of the eloquence of Chrysostom, while the son was even more fundamental in thought than the father. Others of eminence were J. J. van Oosterzee (q.v.), J. I. Doedes (q.v.) of Rotterdam, J. P. Hasebroek of Amsterdam, and J. J. L. ten Kate of Middleburg; while of recent date is C. E. van Koetsveld. In Holland alongside of the orthodox Calvinistic pulpit, then, goes a strong tendency toward the free and modern style.
</p>
<h4>8. The Roman Catholic Pulpit:</h4>
<h5>1. Early Characteristics.</h5>
<p>
In Germany only very slowly did the Roman Catholic pulpit work itself free from formlessness and unimportance into the respectability which it reached in the nineteenth century as illustrated, for example, by the work of Johann Michael von Sailer. The influence of the blooming German literature affected the Roman Catholic pulpit later than it did the Lutheran. Even the brilliant orators of the French Roman Catholic pulpit failed to affect their coreligionists in Germany as much as they did those of Italy. In the same way the philosophic and rationalistic stream was later in making its way into Roman Catholicism than into Protestantism; but the return to an ecclesiastical orthodoxy was achieved contemporaneously with the same movement in the Protestant pulpit. The value of the Church, the papacy, and its holy treasure, the veneration of the saints, above all of the mother of God, were the principal themes, but treated in a more modern way. This is true of the first decades of the nineteenth century, where preaching obtained. In the last half of the century three phases are to be discriminated. One was rooted in dogmatics, the second was under the influence of rationalistic philosophy and the Enlightenment, the third was a return to the ultramontanistic spirit. At the beginning of the eighteenth century many preachers mingled with their discourses quotations from the Church Fathers, so that in some cases the discourses were half Latin. Exponents of this mixed style are the Benedictine Placidus Urtlauff, the Augustinian Samuel Depfer of Vienna, and the Benedictine Sebastian Textor. Others delivered a course of sermons dealing with morals, sometimes covering a considerable period; so the Capuchin Jordan Annaniensis and the Carmelite Pacificus a Cruce. Preaching was at a low ebb, men did not learn from the great patterns; hence the flatness of the work of Xaver Dorn, Maximin Steger, Joseph<pb n="181"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
Angelus a St. Claudia, whose diction and figures belong to the seventeenth century. Still there were prophecies of better things to come as in the discourses of Hermann Schlosser, who with approach to better form united an uncommon knowledge of Scripture. Anti-Protestant polemics characterized the sermons of Franz Neumayr of Augsburg, and of Alois Merx (d. 1792); a much finer diction was employed by Ignaz Wurz of Vienna (d. 1784), as well as an excellent style and material full of substance. The influence of the Enlightenment was seen in B. Bolzano (d.1848), B. M. von Werkmeister, and the Franciscan Eulogius Schneider (d. 1794). A. Selmar represented a utilitarian tendency. One of the noblest figures of the Roman Catholic pulpit was Johann Michael von Bailer (q.v.), pious, gentle, and broad, whose theory of preaching was that it was not the duty of the preacher merely to stimulate to performance of duty, but he was to furnish sustenance, to the hungry soul. He displayed great clearness, versatile exposition, a wealth of deep and often flashing thought, a deep veneration of God, warm love for man, and a corresponding charitable peace of soul. With Sailer stood a group of men who might be called his school, in some of whom the universality of Christianity was emphasized against the Roman Catholicism of others. Of these may be mentioned Michael Nathanael Feneberg (q.v.), who preached a faith made fruitful in good works; Xavier Bayr, and the highly endowed Langenmayr of Augsburg; and the praiseworthy Christoph von Schmid (d. 1854), the writer fob young people. In the bishopric of Augsburg alone were sixty priests with this tendency. Much assailed because of his preaching of righteousness through faith was Martin Boos (q-v.); Ignaz Lindl was one of the most popular preachers of his day, and was called to St. Petersburg, where he preached long in brilliant and inspired style, sermons somewhat ecstatic in method and content, as well as chiliastic in tone, which brought finally his separation and building of an independent congregation. Johannes Evangelists Gossner (q.v.) preached in Munich the Gospel of "Christ in us and for us," a really Evangelical preacher in the fold of the Roman Catholic Church, from which he finally went out, and numerous collections of his sermons attest the real value of his pulpit work. Aloys Henhdfer and Charles Paschal Telesphore Chiniquy (qq.v.) are to be named here, as well as J. H. Wichern (q.v.).
</p>
<h5>2. Later Tendencies.</h5>
<p>
Apart from this Evangelical movement are to be remembered such pulpit orators as G. A. Dietl of Landshut (d. 1809), savory in illustration and expression; and the independent and suggestive T. A. Dereser (d. 1827), court preacher at Carlsruhe and professor in Lucerne and Breslau. Still more significant from the standpoint of the pulpit was the convert from Judaism Johann Emil Veith, author of works on medical science and in belles lettres as well as in homiletics. His sermons are rhetorical in style, natural, clear, richly illustrated from history, picturesque, with an infusion of versatile polemics, and normal in arrangement. With him are to be recalled men like Melchior Freiherr von Diepenbrock (q.v.), Johannes von Geissel (d. 1864), Joseph Othmar von Raucher (d. 1875), archbishop of Vienna, Prince-bishop Heinrich von FSrster of Breslau (d. 1881), Franz Xaver Dieringer (d. 1876), professor at Bonn. In France about the middle of the nineteenth century a brilliant figure was Jean Baptiste Henri Lacordaire (q.v.), while Ptre Hyacinthe (Loyson, q.v.) later left the Roman Catholic fold. The Roman Catholic pulpit of the present has an essentially ecclesiastical-missionary character, emphasizing not the doctrines of sin and the free grace of God, but the Church as an institution of salvation, and obedience to her commands. Scripture as furnishing the text has a much looser connection with the sermon than in the Evangelical pulpit, and the sermon itself is shallower. Of course there are not wanting sermons which fathom deeply Christian verity, but this type is rather exceptional. The general method is practical and popular, stressing the ecclesiastical, not avoiding reference to the saints and their legends. This has its advantages from the standpoint of people to whom thinking is unusual, but it reveals the general weakness of the Roman Catholic pulpit.
</p>
<p class="author">(M. S<small>CHIAN</small>.)</p>
<h3>IV. Preaching in the English Tongue.</h3>
<h4>1. Before the Reformation:</h4>
<h5>1. The Anglo-Saxon Period.</h5>
<p>
Traces of the beginnings of preaching in Anglo-Saxon are found in Bede&#39;s <i>Historia ecclesiastica</i>. Through the preaching of Paulinus in the year 625 " the nation of the North Umbrians, that is, the nation of the Angles," received Christianity. Further, Paulinus of York (q.v.) labored " to convert some of the pagans to a state of grace by his preaching." Thus it would appear that he addressed them either directly or through an interpreter in their own tongue. This work was not enduring, but later (in 633) King Oswald wished to bring the Northumbrian Angles back to the faith, and sent to the Scots for a preacher. Aidan (q.v.) was dispatched from Iona, and his ministry was highly successful. He preached through interpreters. One charming story relates that " when the bishop, who was not skillful in the English tongue, preached the gospel, it was most delightful to see the king himself interpreting the word of God to his commanders and ministers." Others of the Saxon kingdoms received the word through preaching. Among the preachers to the-common people was Saint Cuthbert (q.v.), who is described as a "skilful orator," who delighted to go to obscure places for weeks at a time and "allure that rustic people by his preaching and example to heavenly employments." Bede himself reports in Latin a number of monkish sermons, of more or less doubtful authenticity. Bede also preached to the people in their own tongue, and tradition reports that his word was with power. From the eighth century on there was much preaching by English monks in the vernacular, and there are a number of Saxon homilies dating from both before and after the Norman Conquest in 1066. One of the homilists was Wulfstan (q.v.), archbishop of York (d. 1023). Of him Professor Earle says <I>(English Prose</i>, p. 383, London, 1890), " Of all the writers before the Conquest whose names are known to us, Wulfatan is the one whose diction has the most marked physiognomy." There is also a collection of translations<pb n="182"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
from the Latin into Saxon which bears the name of Aelfric (see Alfric) and dates from early in the eleventh century.
</p>
<h5>2. The Norman Period.</h5>
<p>
After the Norman Conquest there are no traces of preaching to the invaders in their own language; though there are Latin sermons from this period. To the English people themselves, however, there was preaching in their own tongue. Many Anglo-Saxon homilies from this time are extant. From the twelfth and thirteenth centuries comes the highly valuable collection of Morris, <i>Old English Homilies</i>, which contains many interesting specimens of the English preaching of that epoch. During this period at least four notable prelates are also entitled to notice as preachers. These are: Ailred of Revesby (q.v.), Peter of Blois (q.v.), who, though a Frenchman, learned the English tongue and preached in it; Stephen Langton (q.v.), the celebrated archbishop of York, in his earlier years a preacher of distinction; and the famous bishop of Lincoln, Robert Grosseteste (q.v.), a preacher of force as well as a polemical prelate. In the early fourteenth century William of Macclesfield and Walter of Winterbourne were prominent preachers of the Dominican order in England.
</p>
<h5>3. The Pre-Reformation Period.</h5>
<p>
The leading name here is that of John Wyclif (q.v.). His great work as Bible translator and reformer does not obscure that of his preaching. Some of his homilies have come down and give good evidence of his earnestness, learning, acuteness, and popular power. He trained and sent out many preachers to instruct the common people in Bible truth and give them a purer Gospel than they received at the hands of monks or parish clergy. Among the churchly clergy of his age none appear to have reached distinction as preachers.
</p>
<h4>2. The Reformation:</h4>
<h5>1. General Account.</h5>
<p>
In Great Britain, as on the continent, the religious upheaval of the sixteenth century was vitally and powerfully related to preaching. (1) The worth of preaching as a religious force came to be more highly esteemed both by the preachers themselves and their hearers, and this naturally improved its tone. (2) Preaching was more Biblical. It now not only more clearly recognized the authority of the Bible, but it adopted a far more accurate and serious interpretation of Scripture. (3) Unavoidably the preaching was controversial and often hotly so. (4) The contents of sermons were thus quite theological and Biblical; but there was also much reasoning and illustration. (5) Preaching sought the people more than ever; less and less was it mere instruction of the clergy. Hence also the vernacular became now the rule and Latin the exception in the pulpit. This was not due solely to the Reformation, but it was accepted and fixed by that movement. (6) Preaching did not wholly escape the scholastic forms and the allegorizing methods of the Middle Ages, but there was improvement and progress toward better methods. (7) Modern preaching in the English tongue is the product of the Reformation. Before that time English preaching was comparatively undistinguished. Since then there has been none greater in history.
</p>
<h5>2. English Preachers.</h5>
<p>
John Colet (q.v.), professor at Oxford and dean of St. Paul&#39;s, though Erasmian rather than Lutheran, was a preacher of power. His striking lectures on Paul&#39;s Epistles at Oxford, and his popular preaching in London gave great impulse to the new ideas. The Bible tranalators-especially Tyndale and Coverdale (qq.v.)-were also preachers of influence. Chief among the preachers was Hugh Latimer (q.v.). His earnestness, boldness, acuteness, his knowledge of Scripture, his shrewd humor and tact, his racy English, all make Latimer one of the great preachers of history. Three other victims of the Marian reaction and persecution in 1555 are also notable as preachers: John Hooper (q.v.), bishop of Gloucester, who was diligent in and out of the pulpit, and from whom a few sermons of grasp, strength, and pungency have come down; Nicholas Ridley (q.v.), bishop of London, who was perhaps the deepest theologian of them all, but from whom no sermons are extant, though his preaching is highly praised by Foxe and others; and good John Bradford (q.v.), perhaps the most spiritual and edifying of the group, from whom remain a few excellent sermons. In the early years of Elizabeth there was something of a dearth of preachers and preaching. This was in part due to the preceding persecution, but also in part to the queen&#39;s cautious policy and her dislike or fear of the political influence of the pulpit. Worthy of mention are: Thomas Lever, whose sermons are said to have resembled Latimer&#39;s in boldness and spirit; Bernard Gilpin (q.v.), "the apostle of the north," whose eloquence and devotion are warmly praised by contemporaries; and the archbishops Edmund Grindal and Edwin Sandys (qq.v.). But the best preacher among the Elizabethan prelates was John Jewel (q.v.), bishop of Salisbury, who made his mark in the pulpit by his learning, eloquence, and devoutness.
</p>
<h5>3. The Scotch Preachers.</h5>
<p>
The Reformation in Scotland was perhaps more directly promoted by preaching than was the case anywhere else, and yet the literary remains of that preaching are very scanty. Such accounts and specimens as are extant exhibit the three essentials of reformatory eloquence: Scriptural basis, depth of conviction and corresponding fervor in appeal, and popular power. Before Knox the two preachers most often mentioned as preparing the way for him are Patrick Hamilton and George Wishart (qq.v.), both of whom were noted for earnestness and persuasiveness, and died as martyrs to their convictions. Nor must John Rough (d. 1557) be forgotten, the first minister to the reforming refugees at St. Andrews, who introduced Knox to the ministry there. Of John Knox himself (q.v.), maker and writer of history, patriot and statesman, theologian and reformer, the main thing to say is that he was all these by virtue of being in and above them all a preacher. One sermon only, with alight accounts of others, is all that remains from his pen; but the notices and results of his preaching give him a place of first rank among the great. Among his contemporaries and followers were: John Willock<pb n="183"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
(d. 1585), who ranks next to Knox in power and influence; Christopher Goodman (d. 1603), an Englishman by birth and education, but a faithful preacher of reform in Scotland; and James Lawson (d. 1584), the successor of Knox at St. Giles in Edinburgh.
</p>
<h4>3. The Seventeenth Century:</h4>
<p>
This is well called "the classic age of the English pulpit." The momentous events of the age profoundly affected its preaching; and the pulpit was no small factor in shaping thought and action in all departments of the national life. 
</p>
<h5>1. Character of Preaching.</h5>
<P>
Seventeenth-century preaching generally, but less in England than elsewhere, exhibited some reaction from the freshness and force of the Reformation, yet manifested and continued both the substantial gains and much of the spirit of that revolution. Doctrine and controversy on the basis of Scripture continued to be a large element of the sermon, but there was also much appeal to the more spiritual and devotional sides of religious life. In English preaching marked diversities appear.
The differences between Anglicans, Puritans, and Non-conformists, with a multitude of individual peculiarities, led to a rich and interesting variety in pulpit work. In Scotland, owing to the influence of Knox and the dominance of Presbyterianism,
there was a greater uniformity of type. Yet there were certain common characteristics which distinguish the great preaching of this age. The more glaring faults may be reduced to three: (a) The general prevalence-perhaps inevitable, yet carried too
far-of the dogmatic and polemical spirit; (b) the tendency to minute analysis and tedious prolixity; (c) the affectation of both pedantry and fancy, which mar much of the best pulpit work of the time. On the other hand the admirable virtues of that
" classic " preaching may also be set down under three general statements: (a) the Protestant principle of appeal to the Bible as authority led to power in the grasp and application of Scriptural truth, though with some polemical forcing and use of allegorical fancies; (b) the place and effect of preaching as a recognized and practical force in life and affairs gave to the preachers a sense of mastery and power in their work; (c) the varied and splendid use of the English language fixed its rank as one of the noblest instruments of religious utterance ever known.
</p>
<h5>1. Leading Preachers.</h5>
<p>
(1) English. These fall into the two well-defined groups of Anglican as against Puritan and Nonconformist. The Anglicans divide into an earlier and a later group. Among the earlier Preachers. may be named: Bishop Lancelot Andrewes (q.v.), somewhat heavy and pedantic, but strong with a tendency to mysticism; John Donne (q.v.), in early life courtier and poet but later a devout and earnest preacher somewhat given to poetic conceits and fancies; Joseph Hall (q.v.), bishop of Exeter and Norwich, pure and sweet of spirit, winsome in speech with a slight excess of ornament; and the eloquent defender of Protestantism, William Chil6ngworth (q.v.). The later group falls within the troublous times of the Commonwealth, Restoration, and Revolution, and chief among the mighty are: Jeremy Taylor (q.v.), marvelously gifted in fancy and diction, erudite and pious; Isaac Barrow (q.v.), mathematician, scholar, theologian, profound and exhaustive thinker, with a richness and strength of diction well suited to his mental methods; Robert South (q.v.), sharp and pugnacious in spirit and speech, but clear, forcible, and interesting; and John Tillotson (q.v.), moderate in temper and thought, strong without being powerful, clear without much beauty, a model of common sense. Of the Puritans proper there are: Thomas Adams (q.v.), weighty in thought and vigorous in style, called the "Shakespeare of the Puritans"; Thomas Goodwin (q.v.), devout, fanciful, strong; and the ever memorable pastor and earnest preacher at Kidderminster, Richard Baxter (q.v.). Among the Independents are the great theologian John Owen (q.v.) and the powerful thinker John Howe (q.v.). One English Presbyterian of first importance is Edmund Calamy (q.v.), popular preacher in London. The Baptists have the worthy names of John Bunyan (q.v.), Vavasor Powell (see F<small>IFTH</small> M<small>ONARCHY</small> M<small>EN</small>), a mighty Welsh preacher, and Benjamin Keach (q.v.), a scholarly and able pastor in London. (2) Scotch. Presbyterianism was the established religion of reformed Scotland, and among the faithful preachers of the time are: Alexander Hamilton (d. 1646), well trained, calm, able pastor at Edinburgh; David Dickson (q.v.), pastor, preacher, professor; Samuel Rutherford (q.v.), author of the well-known devotional <I>Letters, </I>a queer compound of devout preacher and sharp controversialist. (3) American. A number of Oxford and Cambridge men came over to New England, both Puritans and Independents, and brought the characteristic English preaching of the age to found that which was soon to become really American. A few of these early New England divines are: Francis Higginson, John Eliot, Thomas Hooker, John Cotton, Richard Mather, John Davenport, Roger William s (qq.v.). The son and grandson of Richard Mather-Increase (1639) and Cotton (qq.v.)-were born in Boston and are the first notable American preachers of native growth. But distinctively American preaching is of the eighteenth century and after.
</p>
<h4>4. The Eighteenth Century In the British Islands:</h4>
<h5>1. Survey.</h5>
<p>
In this period a low tone of religion prevailed, so that the time has been called "the dark night of Protestantism." The effect of the age was to produce a lower vitality in morals in the ministry, rationalism in the pulpit, and much tame and lifeless preaching even among the orthodox. But it was not all dark; there was among Christians a good leaven of faith and devotion, and in this century came the great revival under Whitefield and Wesley. Considerable diversity appeared in types of doctrine, in methods and spirit of individuals and groups. Morals received great emphasis. In theology relaxed views found expression in Unitarianism; Arminianism had a mighty uplift through Wesley; but Calvinism had able exponents among the evangelicals and the followers of Whitefield. Methods of preaching and style naturally varied with individuals. As compared with the former age there was less artificiality<pb n="184"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
and Pedantry, but some loss of life, beauty, and power. English preachers had never given as much attention to expository preaching as the Reformers on the continent, and sermons of the topical sort are more frequent in England. Some traces of the stiff and severe analysis of scholasticism remain; but the tendency is toward a more popular and simple presentation of truth. In general the eighteenth-century style is stately and solemn, sometimes heavy and pompous.
</p>
<h5>2. Leading Preachers.</h5>
<p>
(1) <b>Roman Catholic.</b> In England the Roman Church had a distinguished pulpit representative in John Milner (d. 1826). In Ireland Bishop Doyle was an admired pulpit orator, and is said to have been the first Irish Catholic preacher of distinction to use the English tongue. Walter Blake Kirwan (q.v.) began as a Roman Catholic but became Protestant. He was a man of remarkable eloquence. (2) <b>Church of England.</b> The lax and worldly group is represented in Jonathan Swift (d. 1745) of Dublin, and Lawrence Sterne (q.v.), rector of Sutton; both were more distinguished in literature than in the pulpit. The churchly orthodox include Francis Atterbury (q.v.), bishop of Rochester, who was more showy than profound; Joseph Butler (q.v.), bishop of Durham, author of the Analogy and of a series of sermons on Christian ethics; Samuel Horsley (q.v.), bishop of St. Asaph&#39;s, the powerful opponent of Unitarianism, and a vigorous preacher. The Evangelical group includes George Horns (q.v.), bishop of Norwich, a pleasing and popular preacher; William Grimshawe (d. 1763), rector at Haworth; William Romaine (q.v.), a much loved pastor chiefly in London; John Newton (q.v.), rector of Olney and later of St. Mary Woolnoth in London, friend of Cowper , writer of hymns and useful pastor and preacher. Above all were the two famous revivalists. George Whitefield (q.v.) came of humble origin but took a degree at Oxford and was ordained. He had a wondrous faculty of popular eloquence, and led thousands to Christ. John Wesley (q.v. and see M<small>ETHODISTS</small>) was of good birth and breeding, very thoroughly educated at Oxford. Calm and logical, but determined and masterful as preacher and organizer, he did work unsurpassed in the history of preaching. (3) <b>Presbyterian.</b> In England no distinguished preachers are found among the Presbyterians, but it is otherwise in Scotland where Presbyterianism was the established church. The "moderates" included John Logan (d. 1788) and Hugh Blair (q.v.), author of the <I>Rhetoric.</I> The Evangelical group contained John MacLaurin (d. 1754) and John Erskine (q.v.), both highly regarded as pastors and preachers. The "secessionists" were led out of the lax establishment by the pious Thomas Boston (q.v.) and the brothers Ebenezer and Ralph Erskine (d. 1756, 1754), three devoted and influential preachers. (4) <b>Non-conformist.</b> The famous scientist Joseph Priestley (q.v.) was also famed as a theologian of Unitarian opinions, and was a preacher of ability. Among the orthodox Independents the two best-known names are those of Isaac Watts (q.v.), better remembered as a hymnist than preacher, and Philip Doddridge (q.v.), teacher, hymnist, writer, pastor-a man of noble character and abundant usefulness. Among Baptists were the brilliant and scholarly Robert Robinson (q.v.), the judicious and solid Andrew Fuller (q.v.), theologian and missionary. leader; and the fervent William Corey (q.v.), whose historic sermon before the Northampton Association in 1792 gave mighty impulse to the modern missionary movement.
</p>
<h4>5. The Eighteenth Century is North America:</h4>
<p>
The Puritan preaching of New England, with its Biblical authority, its Calvinistic theology, its intellectual and ethical elevation, its ponderous scholasticism, and its solemn earnestness, forms the a basis of American preaching in general. But the conditions of life-social, political, and religious-- in the New World soon began to work important modifications in the developments from this original impulse, though without destroying its force. Among the more obvious distinctive qualities of American preaching may be noted: (1) Its remarkable variety-which makes any accurate general characterization impossible. The great medley of Christian denominations is reflected in the pulpit. Social life also-pioneer, rural, urban-produced different types of ministry. Nor has the intense political life of Americana been without influence upon their preaching. This suggests (2) the freedom which has characterized the American pulpit in all its history. " Liberty of prophesying " has found its goal in America. (3) An element of the first importance in American preaching has been its emphasis on evangelism. American preachers have not conceived their mission as a teaching function only, but also as proclamation of the Gospel. The labors and influence of George Whitefield (q.v.) in America entitle him to mention here also. Jonathan Edwards (q.v.) is the most eminent American preacher of this age. Philosopher and college president, he was also a preacher of admirable gifts of mind and heart. After him came his son, Jonathan Edwards, Jr. (q.v.), and his grandson, Timothy Dwight (q.v.), both of them distinguished theologians and preachers. Other Congregationalists are: Joseph Bellamy (q.v.); and Ezra Stiles (q.v.), brilliant scholar and president of Yale. The Presbyterians have the honored names of David Brainerd (q.v.), missionary to the Indians; Samuel Davies (q.v.), pastor of a rural charge in Virginia, then president of Princeton, who died at the age of thirty-six, a noble and admirable preacher, whose published sermons were long recognized as models; the remarkable Temment family, of whom Gilbert (q.v.) was the most important, a "terrible
preacher," austere but strong. Of the Baptists were such men as James Manning (q.v.), Daniel Marshall, Oliver Hart, John Gaao, John Leland (q.v.), Samuel Stillman , who did their work about the middle and end of the century. The Methodists had the high-minded, self-sacrificing Francis Asbury (q.v.), who was chief among the founders of American Methodism and a preacher of considerable power.
</p>
<h4>8. The Nineteenth Century in the British Islands:</h4>
<h5>1. The First Third of the Century 1801-1833.</h5> 
<p>
All elements of the national life responded to the vigorous movements of this great epoch. The pulpit felt the touch of the time, and there is <pb n="185"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
no greater preaching in modern history than that of the British Islands during the nineteenth century. Movements in the political, social, and literary spheres all influenced the pulpit. And there was the more direct touch of the benevolent and religious activities of the age among which missionary and philanthropic organization and effort are of special moment. In religious thought the three church parties, later distinguished as "low," "broad," and "high," began to appear in this period. The "Evangelical" view of Christianity was dominant in pulpit and pew. But under the lead of Unitarians and a few thinkers in the Church of England, aided by other influences, there was a decided trend toward "liberal" views. A few strong men in the establishment also were preparing the way for the coming sacramentarian movement. In respect of style, generally apcaking, the eighteenth-century vogue-stilted, formal, dignified-was yet prevalent. In respect of influence the pulpit was able and esteemed. The Church of England Evangelical group was led by Charles Simeon (q.v.), beloved pastor at Cambridge for fifty years; not a deep thinker, but a preacher of spiritual power and a skilled homilist. Of the churchly school was Henry John Rose (q.v.), an impressive preacher. Among the beginners of the "Broad-church" tendency were Richard Whately (q.v.), archbishop of Dublin, a notable author and man; and the famous teacher at Rugby, Thomas Arnold (q.v.), whose sermons to boys exhibit his greatness of nature and mind. The Presbyterians of various schools had some distinguished men. The Unitarian element in England was headed by Thomas Belsham (q.v.). The Moderates in Scotland had a few leaders, while the Evangelical party was well represented by Andrew Thomson (q.v.). The brilliant but erratic Edward Irving (q.v.) attracted crowded congregations during his brief career in London. But the greatest Presbyterian preacher of this period was Thomas Chalmers (q.v.) notable for thoroughness and height of thought, sweeping and grand style, elevated and commanding character. It is hard to place the eccentric Rowland Hill (q.v.), who was ordained a deacon in the Established Church, sympathized in theology with the Calvinistic Methodists, and was pastor of the famous Surrey (Independent) Chapel in London; odd, but true and sincere, a preacher of freshness and power. The Independents possessed the pious and useful William Jay (q.v.), long pastor at Bath; not profound but an excellent preacher of strong Evangelical views, and writer on devotional topics. The most important Methodist preacher of the time was the eminent theologian and secretary of missions, Richard Watson (q.v.). Among the Baptists the admirable and once popular essayist John Foster (q.v.) preached with some success, and the wonderful Welshman, Christmas Evans (q.v.), was a preacher of powerful imagination and fervor but first rank easily belongs to the gifted Robert Hall (q.v.), philosophical in intellect, highly cultured, elevated in style, commanding in eloquence, devout in spirit-one of the great masters of English pulpit discourse.
</p>
<h5>2. Middle of the Century, 1833 - 69.</h5>
<p>
Literary and scientific work of a high order is characteristic of the age, and a powerful stimulus to preaching. There was also much thought and movement in religion, and these naturally and profoundly influenced preaching. Movements toward. fuller liberty in religion must not be overlooked. The influence of philosophical, scientific, and critical speculation is strongly felt in modifying religious views. There was better exegesis of Scripture, but less regard for its authority. Social reforms encouraged and went along with evangelistic and missionary activities and found advocacy in the pulpit. There was a great variety of thought and method in groups and individuals, but the general trend of pulpit utterance was in the direction of freedom from conventionalisms, more adaptability to the people, without loss of either intellectual vigor or strength of conviction. Among Roman Catholics Cardinals Wiseman, Manning, and Newman were eminent prelates, but only Newman was specially distinguished as a preacher, and that was before he entered the Roman Catholic communion. In Ireland, however, there were not a few able preachers, such as: Thomas N. Burke, Archbishop Walsh (q.v.), Father Mathew (q.v.)-the great temperance orator, Father Boyle, Thomas J. Potter. In the Church of England the Evangelical group contains the rhetorical, popular, and earnest canon of St. Paul&#39;s, Henry Melvill (q.v.); and Hugh McNeile (d. 1879), .Irish by birth and training, moving and tender in speech, beloved as rector in Liverpool and dean of Ripon. "High-church" views were strongly advocated by the unconventional but highly esteemed Walter F. Hook (q.v.), attractive preacher in Coventry and Leeds, and dean of Chichester. Here also belong the Oxford leaders, John Keble, E. B. Pusey, and J. H. Newman (qq.v.), of whom Newman was greatest in the pulpit. As a preacher he was deep toned, intense, magnetic, with appealing personality and utterance, and a master of expression. Three quite different but influential men must be reckoned to the Broad-church party: Julius Hare (q.v.), devout, cultured, and sweet; F. D. Maurice (q.v.), thoughtful and independent in theology but a very influential mind; and the sensitive, high-strung, courageous F. W. Robertson (q.v.), whose posthumous and briefly reported sermons are choice read ing still and have had wide influence. Of the Independents there were: John Angell James (q.v.) of Birmingham, good pastor, and pleasing though not profound preacher; James Parsons of York (d. 1877), a clear and intense thinker with forceful utterance, and much in demand as preacher on occasions; Thomas Binney (q.v.), a powerful, practical leader and thinker of weight and strength in the pulpit. Two well-known men among the Methodists were Jabez Bunting (q.v.), a strong leader and preacher; and W. M. Punahon (q.v.), oratorical and popular and a widely useful man. The Presbyterians had John Cumming (q.v.) of London, whose eloquence drew crowds to hear his famous sermons on prophecy; Henry Cooke (q.v.), of Belfast, Ireland, a vigorous professor and preacher; and the several branches of Presbyteri-<pb n="186"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
anism in Scotland had such famous preachers Thomas Guthrie, R. S. Candlish, John C. Norman McLeod (qq.v), and John Ker. Of the Baptists F. A. Cox, B. W. Noel (q.v.), and Willi Brock deserve mention; but the preeminent name is that of the young but already celebrated Charles H. Spurgeon (q.v.), who sprang at one bound into a world-wide and lasting fame as a preacher of wonderful power and built up a remarkable congregation and working church in London.
</p>
<h5>3. Close of the Century, 1869-1900.</h5>
<p>
A general view of British preaching in this period reveals the continued influence of most of those forces which have already been described. If anything, the pressure of scientific and critica views was greater. Social questions and movements were more than ever characteristic of the age and the pulpit. Theological thinking was infinitely various, and no one school could claim dominance. A group of influential mystical preach ers arose in the Keswick movement (see K<small>ESWICK</small> C<small>ONVENTION</small>); and there was much evangelistic preaching with earnest endeavor to reach " the masses." In the Church of England the older Evangelical views were fairly represented by J. C. Ryle (q.v.), bishop of Liverpool. A greater preacher than he was the witty and eloquent W. C. Magee (q.v.), bishop of Peterborough and archbishop of York. To the High church group belongs the leading Anglican preacher of the age, H. P. Liddon (q.v.). Elevated in character, thought, and style, learned, fair to opponents, with pleasing presence and voice, he was a master in the pulpit. Perhaps to this school must be assigned the thoughtful and profound preacher on difficult subjects, J. B. Mozley of Oxford (q.v.). To the Broad-church group belong the cultured dean A. P. Stanley of Westminster (q.v.) and the brilliant and versatile F. W. Farrar (q.v.). The great scholars J. B. Lightfoot and B. F. Westcott (qq.v.), both bishops of Durham, are also to be enrolled among the effective preachers of the age. The Roman Catholics had several preachers of ability and influence, chief among whom are perhaps Bernard Vaughan, who severely arraigned popular society in London, and Father Harper, who preached with effect a series of rather philosophical discourses. The Baptists of this period are ably represented by William Landels (q.v.); Alexander Maclaren (q.v.), the long active and beloved pastor at Manchester, whose published discourses have been an inspiration to thousands, with their clear, accurate, and spiritual exposition and application of Bible truth; John Clifford (q.v.), of London, the still active pastor and champion of religious freedom; John Turner Marshall, Hugh Stowell Brown (qq.v.), Richard Glover, and Charles Brown. Presbyterians of note are John Watson (q.v.), of Liverpool; Alexander Whyte (q.v.), of Free St. George&#39;s, Edinburgh, devout and mystical with special success in character studies; George Matheson (q.v.), the blind poetic and philosophic preacher and devotional writer; and George Adam Smith (q.v.), who with the "advanced" views of a modern critic combines fervor and power in the pulpit. The leading Methodist was Hugh Price Hughes (q.v.), active in social reforms as well as a preacher of great acceptance and success. With him should also be named M. G. Pearse, a man of talent and vigor, and the elevated, clear-thoughted, impressive W. L. Watkinson. The Independents have not been behind others in the number and worth of their ministers, among whom were the eminent theologian and pastor R. W. Dale of Birmingham (q.v.); the world-famous Joseph Parker of London (q.v.), a man of rare personality and conviction; George Campbell Morgan, Reginald John Campbell (qq.v.), and Charles Sylvester Horns. Besides the eminent leaders who have been named, there were many others in all the churches who helped to render the closing years of the nineteenth century illustrious in the annals of the British pulpit.
</p>
<h4>7. The Nineteenth Century in Greater Britain:</h4>
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In Canada, Australia, British India, and South Africa-making necessary allowance for differences of environments and conditions-preaching in English has exhibited very much the same character as in the mother country. The different churches and opinions have had their representative men. There has not been a numerous native ministry, except in Canada: the supply has been kept up mostly from the home lands. The movements of modern thought in regard to both social and religious affairs have been keenly felt, but there has been on the whole perhaps a closer adherence to the Evangelical traditions. In India the earlier missionaries, William Carey, Alexander Duff, and Bishops Heber and Wilson (qq.v.), preached with acceptance to their fellow countrymen as well as conducted missionary operations; nor have there been wanting excellent preachers in later days, such as Bishop J. E. C. Welldon (q.v.). In Australia and New Zealand preaching has been more independent of the missionaries than in India. A few notable names are those of Dr. Gittos, Methodist, and Dr. North, Baptist, of New Zealand, whose work has counted for much in that dominion. In Australia the Roman Catholics had Cardinal Moran, and the Anglicans Bishop Moorhouse among their leading preachers. Presbyterians have taken a high stand in pulpit work, with such men as Principal Harper of Sydney, Dr. Marshall of Melbourne, and others. Of Methodists leading names are those of "Father" Watsford, a successful evangelist, and Dr. Fitchett, editor and author. Canada has naturally had the advantage of the other British possessions in the nativity, number, and independence of her preachers. Some of the better-known are Canon Cody among Episcopalians, Dr. Wilkes of Montreal among Congregationalists, Drs. McDowell, Herridge, Johnston, Milligan, and Gordon (q.v.; " Ralph Connor"), among Presbyterians; Douglas and Potts of the Methodists; and Cameron, Wallace, Trotter, McNeill, Farmer, Thomas, and others among the Baptists. Some of these-as well as others not mentioned-have published sermons and other writings, but the literature of preaching for Canada is not large.
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<h4>8. The Nineteenth Century in the United States:</h4>
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The war between the States marks a deep cleft in the national life and gives a dividing line for the history of all subjects; religion and preaching<pb n="187"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
no less than others. A general survey of preaching in the earlier period shows that the main lines of life and progress which began in the eighteenth century had their natural development. Variety, freedom, practical adaptation and directness, evangelistic power continue to characterize the American pulpit. It responded to the demands of a progressive age and kept pace with the growth of culture and religion. The traditions, history, and sermons of the period indicate that the views of Christian truth which are usually called "orthodox," and "Evangelical," were in the ascendant, though "liberal" opinions did not lack free and able utterance. Preachers as a class were held in high esteem and had a strong influence. The pulpit was conscious of power, able and efficient. It is probable that the two decades from 1840 to 1860 witnessed on the whole the highest point of American preaching. Among the Roman Catholics may be named Bishop England (d. 1842) of Charleston, Archbishop Spalding (q.v.), and Archbishop Kenrick (q.v.). The Episcopalians had such men as G. T. Bedell (d. 1854), Stephen H. Tyng (q.v.), and his sons; Bishop Alonzo Potter of Pennsylvania (q.v.), and Bishop C. P. McIlvaine of Ohio (q.v.). Foremost among the Unitarians was W. E. Charming, (q.v.), pastor in Boston, highly gifted in thought and style. Others of this body were Kirkland, Norton, H. W. Bellows (q.v.), and the agitator and reformer, rather than preacher, Theodore Parker (q.v.). The Congregationalists had many great men. Nathaniel Emmons (q.v.) had already achieved fame as a preacher and theologian in the preceding century, but his remarkable work and influence went on well into the nineteenth. Lyman Beecher (q.v.), the father of distinguished children, was himself a man of might and influence in the pulpit. Charles Grandison Finney (q.v.) with his strain of mysticism was also a cogent reasoner, a theologian and college president (Oberlin), but is best remembered as a remarkably successful evangelist. Horace Bushnell (q.v.), pastor at Hartford, was a man of powerful and independent mind, whose thoughtful sermons have had lasting influence. In the middle stage of his remarkable career Henry Ward Beecher (q.v.) was perhaps the most famous of all American preachers; a man of acute and versatile intellect, broad sympathies, splendid imagination, impressive personality, and so an orator of the first rank. To the Presbyterians likewise this was an age of pulpit excellence. Some of their best representatives are: Archibald Alexander (q.v.), and his son, James W. (q.v.), professor at Princeton and pastor in New York; Albert Barnes (q.v.), the commentator, pastor in Philadelphia; and James H. Thomwell (q.v.), of South Carolina, educator, theologian, preacher. To the Dutch Reformed Church belongs the beloved and eloquent George W. Bethune (q.v.), pastor in New York. Of notable Methodists were: the young Irishman John Summerfield (q.v.), called " seraphic " for his moving eloquence; William McKendree (d. 1835), one of the early Methodist bishops, a man of large mind and labors; Stephen Olin (q.v.), a strong and logical preacher; John P. Durbin (q.v.), original and striking; and the exuberant and rhetorical Henry B. Bascom (q.v.), one of  the first bishops of the Southern Methodist Church. The Baptists also had not a few notable preachers, among whom were: William Staughton (d. 1829), of English birth, a very impressive speaker; Andrew Broaddus (d. 1848) of Virginia, preferring rural pastorates, a man of noble eloquence and great influence; Spencer H. Cone (d. 1855), pastor in New York, strong preacher and trusted leader; Francis Wayland (q.v.), for a short time pastor in Boston but better known as president of Brown University, a great preacher of solid thought and balanced judgment; and, now just at the height of his great powers and influence, Richard Fuller (q.v.), of South Carolina and Baltimore, a preacher of striking personality, broad culture, deep piety, and sweeping eloquence.
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<h5>2. The Civil War and After.</h5>
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Most of the characteristics and tendencies noticed in the preceding section went on with developed force during the wonderful era of expansion and growth in the country since the war. But some additional matters require notice. The differences between the North and the South-social, political, religious, temperamental-naturally were more or less reflected in the pulpit. The North was more commercial and progressive, the South more rural and conservative. There was more of political and reformatory preaching in the North, but the South had the balance in favor of a devout adherence to the evangelical traditions. In the armies on both sides there was excellent preaching by chaplains with much resultant good. After the war the North prospered and entered on an age of rapid accumulation of wealth; the impoverished South recovered very slowly, and only toward the close of the century began to regain its place in the national life. The North was more hospitable to new ideas in science, philosophy, and religion. There the struggle with scientific and critical unbelief, with the influx of various foreign peoples, and other modifying influences upon religious thought and custom, were more keenly felt; and the pulpit reflected all these things. Modern modes of thought have profoundly influenced preaching at the end of the nineteenth and beginning of the twentieth century, and have greatly changed the aspect of American preaching on the whole. The pulpit has been less dignified, more inclined to sensation and opportunism, and has had less hold upon popular respect than formerly. Yet such loss has not been total, and some advantages haveaccrued. American preaching has been modern, popular in style, aggressive, evangelistic, successful. The Episcopalians have had such excellent preachers as Bishops Huntington, Doane, Potter, Dudley, Gailor, together with Drs. Newton, Rainsford, Greer, and others; but the preeminent name in the Episcopal pulpit of America is that of Phillips Brooks (q.v.), pastor in Philadelphia and Boston, and bishop of Massachusetts, a man of large mold, devout, sympathetic, cultured, refined, spiritual, with rapid and forcible address. The Congregationalists still had Beecher in his closing years and declining influence; but along with him were: R. S. Storrs of Brooklyn, W. M. Taylor of<pb n="188"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />
New York, N. J. Burton of Hartford; and later Lyman Abbott, Newman Smith, George A. Gordon of Boston, F. W. Gunsaulus (who began as Methodist) of Chicago, Newell D. Hillis of Plymouth Church Brooklyn (qq. v.), and the widely known and useful evangelist, D. L. Moody (q.v.), a man of direct and forceful ways, no great thinker, but deeply in earnest, and a master of assemblies. The Presbyterians had not a few great men, such as John Hall (q.v.), Irish born, but pastor in New York; T. DeWitt Talmage (q.v.), of Brooklyn, sensational and flowery, but popular and effective; the erratic but moving David Swing (q.v.), of Chicago; the venerable and beloved Theodore L. Cuyler; A. T. Pierson, C. H. Parkhurst, D. J. Burrell, M. D. Babcock, G. T. Purves (qq.v.), and others in the North; and in the South Moses D. Huge (q.v.), of Richmond, and B. M. Plamer (q. v.) of 
