HANS ACHELIS, Ph.D., Th.D.,

Professor of Theology. University of Halle.

WILHELM ALTMANN, Ph.D.,

Director of the Deutsche Musiksammlung, Berlin.

FRANKLIN CARL ARNOLD, Ph.D., Th.D.,

Professor of Church History, University of Breslau.

BENJAMIN WISNER BACON, D.D., LL.D., Litt.D.,

Professor of New Testament Exegesis, Yale Divinity School.

FERENCZ BALOGH,

Professor of Church History, Reformed Theological Academy, Debreczin, Hungary.

GEORGE JAMES BAYLES, Ph.D.,

Writer on Civil Church Law.

CLARENCE AUGUSTINE BECKWITH, D.D.,

Professor of Systematic Theology. Chicago Theological Seminary.

JOHANNES BELSHEIM (†),

Late Pastor Emeritus, Christiania, Norway.

RUDOLF BENDIXEN (†),

Late Diaconus in Grimma, Saxony.

KARL BENRATH, Ph.D., Th.D.,

Professor of Church History, University of Königsberg.

IMMANUEL GUSTAV ADOLF BENZINGER, Ph.D., Th.Lic.,

German Orientalist and Vice-Consul for Holland in Jerusalem.

CARL BERTHEAU, Th.D.,

Pastor of St. Michael's, Hamburg.

BERNHARD BESS, Th.Lic.,

Librarian, University of Halle.

EDWIN MUNSELL BLISS, D.D.,

Author of Books on Missions, Washington, D. C.

EMIL BLOESCH (†), Th.D.,

Late Professor of Theology, Bern.

HEINRICH BOEHMER, Ph.D.,Th.Lic.,

Professor of Church History, University of Bonn.

AMY GASTON CHARLES AUGUSTE BONET-MAURY, D.D., LL.D.,

Professor of Church History, Independent School of Divinity, Paris.

GOTTLIEB NATHANAEL BONWETSCH, Th.D.,

Professor of Church History, University of Gottingen.

FRIEDRICH BOSSE, Ph.D., Th.Lic.,

Auxiliary Librarian, University Library, Marburg.

GUSTAV BOSSERT, Ph.D., Th.D.,

Retired Pastor, Stuttgart.

ALBERT BRACKMANN, Ph.D.,

Professor of History, University of Marburg.

FRIEDRICH HEINRICH BRANDES, Th.D.,

Reformed Minister and Chaplain at Bückeburg, Schaumburg-Lippe.

EDUARD BRATKE (†), Ph.D, Th.D.,

Late Professor of Church History, University of Breslau.

FRANTS PEDER WILLIAM BUHL, Ph.D., Th.D.,

Professor of Oriental Languages, University of Copenhagen.

KARL BURGER (†), Th.D.,

Late Supreme Consistorlal Councilor, Munich.

KARL VON BURK (†), Th.D.,

Late Supreme Councilor in Stuttgart.

HEINRICH CALAMINUS,

Superintendent at Elberfeld.

OTIS CARY, D.D.,

Professor of Homiletics and Practical Sociology, Doshisha Theological School, Kyoto, Japan.

JACQUES EUGČNE CHOISY, Th.D.,

Pastor in Geneva.

PAUL CHRIST (†), Th.D.,

Late Professor of Systematic and Practical Theology, University of Zurich.

EMILIO COMBA (†), D.D.,

Late Professor of Historical Theology and Homiletics, Waldensian College, Florence, Italy.

HENRY COWAN, D.D.,

Professor of Church History, University of Aberdeen, Scotland.

AUGUST HERMANN CREMER (†), Th.D.,

Late Professor of Systematic Theology, University of Greifswald.

FRIEDRICH WILHELM CUNO (†), Th.Lic.,

Late Pastor at Eddigehausen, Hanover.

THOMAS WITTON DAVIES, Ph.D., D.D.,

Professor of Semitic Languages. University College of North Wales, Bangor.

SAMUEL MARTIN DEUTSCH, Th.D..

Professor of Church History, University of Berlin.

ERNST VON DOBSCHUETZ, Th.D.,

Professor of New Testament Exegesis, University of Strasburg.

LEONHARD ERNST DORN,

First Preacher at Nördlingen, Bavaria.

PAUL GOTTFRIED DREWS, Th.D.,

Professor of Practical Theology, University of Halle.

JAMES FRANCIS DRISCOLL, D.D.,

President of St. Joseph's Seminary, Yonkers, New York.

EMIL EGLI (†), Th.D.,

Late Professor of Church History, University of Zurich.

LUDWIG ALFRED ERICHSON (†), Ph.D., Th.D.,

Late Preacher at St. Thomas', Strasburg, Germany.

RUDOLF EUCKEN, Ph.D., Th.D.,

Professor of Philosophy, University of Jena.

GUSTAV WILHELM FRANK (†), Th.D.,

Late Professor of Dogmatics, Symbolics, and Christian Ethics, University of Vienna.

ALBERT FREYBE (†), Ph.D., Th.D.,

Emeritus Gymnasial Professor, Parchim, Mecklenburg.

ALBERT FREYSTEDT (†), Th.Lic.,

Late Pastor in Cologne.

EMIL ALBERT FRIEDBERG, Th.D., Dr.Jur.,

Professor of Ecclesiastical, Public, and German Law, University of Leipsic.

HEINRICH GELZER (†), Ph.D.,

Late Professor of Classical Philology and Ancient History, University of Jena.

JOHANNES ABRAHAM GERTH VAN WIJK (†), Th.D.,

Late Reformed Church Clergyman at The Hague, Holland.

CHRISTIAN GEYER, Ph.D.,

First Preacher at St. Sebald's, Nuremberg, Germany.

GEORGE WILLIAM GILMORE, M.A.,

Former Professor of Biblical History and Lecturer on Comparative Religion, Bangor Theological Seminary.

KARL GOEBEL (†), Ph.D.,

Late Consistorial Councilor in Posen, Prussia.

LEOPOLD KARL GOETZ, Ph.D., Th.D.,

Professor of Philosophy in the Roman Catholic Theological Faculty, University of Bonn.

WALTER GOETZ, Ph.D.,

Professor of History, University of Tübingen.

WILHELM GOETZ, Ph.D.,

Honorary Professor of Geography, Technical High School, and Professor, Military Academy, Munich.

JOHANNES FRIEDRICH GOTTSCHICK (†), Th.D.,

Late Professor of New Testament Exegesis, Ethics, and Practical Theology, Evangelical Theological Faculty, University of Tübingen.

CASPER RENE GREGORY, Ph.D., Th.D., D.D., LL.D., Dr.Jur.,

Professor of New Testament Exegesis, University of Leipsic.

GEORG GRUETZMACHER, Ph.D., Th.Lic.,

Extraordinary Professor of Church History, University of Heidelberg.

PETER REINHOLD GRUNDEMANN, Ph.D., Th.D.,

Pastor in Mörz, near Belzig, Prussia.

HERMANN GUTHE, Th.D.,

Professor of Old Testament Exegesis, University of Leipsic

WILHELM HADORN, Th.Lic.,

Pastor in Bern and Lecturer on New Testament Exegesis, University of Bern.

ELOF HALLER,

Gymnasial Professor, Venersborg, Sweden.

ADOLF HARNACK, Ph.D., Th.D., Dr.Jur., N.D.,

General Director of the Royal Library, Berlin.

ALBERT HAUCK, Ph.D., Th.D.,

Professor of Church History, University of Leipsic, Editor-in-Chief of the Hauck-Herzog Realencyklopädie.

HERMAN HAUPT, Ph.D.,

Professor, and Director of the University Library, Giessen.

AUGUST WILHELM HEGLER (†), Ph.D., Th.D.,

Late Professor of Church History, University of Tübingen.

KARL FRIEDRICH HEMAN, Ph.D., Th.Lic.,

Professor of Philosophy, University of Basel.

LUDWIG THEODOR EDGAR HENNECKE, Ph.D., Th.Lic.,

Pastor in Betheln, Hanover.

HERMANN HERING, Th.D.,

Professor of Philosophy of, Religion and Homiletics, University of Halle.

PAUL HINSCHIUS (†), Th.D., Dr.Jur.,

Late Professor of Ecclesiastical Law, University of Berlin.

GEORGE HODGES, D.D., D.C.L.,

Dean of The Episcopal Theological School, Cambridge, Mass.

FERDINAND HOERBCHELMANN (†), Th.D.,

Late Professor of Practical Theology, University of Dorpat.

RUDOLF HUGO HOFMANN, Ph.D., Th.D.,

Professor of Homiletics and Liturgics, University of Leipsic.

OSWALD HOLDER-EGGER, Ph.D.,

Professor at Berlin and Director for the Publication of the Monumenta Germanić historica.

KARL ROLL, Ph.D., Th.D.,

Professor of Church History, University of Berlin.

ERNST IDELER,

Pastor at Ahrendorf, near Potsdam.

LUDWIG HEINRICH IHMELS, Th.D.,

Professor of Dogmatics, University of Leipsic.

SIMON ISSLEIB, Ph.D.,

Professor Emeritus, University of Bonn.

GEORGE THOMAS JACKSON, M.D.,

Professor of Dermatology, College of Physicians and Surgeons, Columbia University, New York City.

JOSEPH JACOBS, Litt.D.,

Professor of English Literature and Rhetoric, Jewish Theological Seminary, New York City.

ADOLF HERMANN HEINRICH KAMPHAUSEN (&dagger), Th.D.,

Late Professor of Old Testament Exegesis, University of Bonn.

FERDINAND FRIEDRICH WILHELM KATTENBUSCH, Ph.D., Th.D.,

Professor of Dogmatics, University of Halle.

EMIL FRIEDRICH KAUTZSCH, Ph.D., Th.D.,

Professor of Old Testament Exegesis, University of Halle.

PETER GUSTAV KAWERAU, Th.D.,

Consistorial Councilor, Professor of Practical Theology, and University Preacher, University of Breslau.

WILHELM JULIUS ADOLPH KEIL,

Pastor in Herzogswalde, near Dresden.

JAMES ANDERSON KELSO, Ph.D., D.D.,

Professor of Hebrew and Old Testament Literature and President, Western Theological Seminary, Pittsburg, Pa.

HANS KESSLER, Th.D.,

Supreme Consistorial Councilor, Berlin.

HUGO WILHELM PAUL KLEINERT, Ph.D., Th.D.,

Professor of Old Testament Exegesis and Practical Theology, University of Berlin.

HEINRICH AUGUST KLOSTERMANN, Th.D.,

Professor of Old Testament Exegesis, University of Kiel.

KARL AUGUST KLUEPFEL (†), Ph.D.,

Late Head Librarian, University of Tübingen.

RUDOLF KOEGEL (†), Th.D., Ph.D.,

Late Court Preacher, Berlin.

CHRISTOPH FRIEDRICH ADOLF KOLB, Th.D.,

Prelate and Court Preacher, Ludwigsburg.

THEODOR FRIEDRICH HERMANN KOLDE, Ph.D., Th.D.,

Professor of Church History, University of Erlangen.

RICHARD KRAETSCHMAR (†), Th.D.,

Late Professor of Old Testament Exegesis, University of Marburg.

HERMANN GUSTAV EDUARD KRUEGER, Ph.D., Th.D.,

Professor of Church History, University of Giessen.

JOHANNES WILHELM KUNZE, Ph.D., Th.D.,

Professor of Systematic and Practical Theology, University of Greifswald.

EUGEN LACHENMANN,

City Pastor, Leonberg, Württemberg.

RICHARD LAUXMANN (†),

Late Diaconus in Stuttgart.

WILLIAM LEE (†), D.D.,

Late Professor of Church History, University of Glasgow.

KARL LUDWIG LEIMBACH (†), Ph.D., Th.Lic.,

Late Provincial Councilor for Schools, Hanover, Germany.

EDUARD LEMPP, Ph.D.,

Chief Inspector of the Royal Orphan Asylum, Stuttgart.

FRIEDRICH REINHARD LIPSIUS, Ph.D., Th.Lic.,

Privat-docent in Symbolics, University of Jena.

GEORG LOESCHE, Ph.D., Th.D.,

Professor of Church History, Evangelical Theological Faculty, Vienna.

FRIEDRICH ARMIN LOOFS, Ph.D., Th.D.,

Professor of Church History, University of Halle.

JOHANN LOSERTH, Ph.D.,

Professor of History, University of Graz.

WILHELM PHILIPP FRIEDRICH FERDINAND LOTZ, Ph.D., Th.D.,

Professor of Old Testament Exegesis, University of Erlangen.

JAMES FREDERICK McCURDY, Ph.D., LL.D.,

Professor of Oriental Languages, University College, Toronto.

HERMANN MALLET (&dagger)

Late Pastor in Bremen.

PHILIPP MEYER, Th.D.,

Supreme Consistorial Councilor, Hanover.

CARL THEODOR MIRBT, Th.D.,

Professor of Church History, University of Marburg.

ERNST FRIEDRICH KARL MUELLER, Th.D.,

Professor of Reformed Theology, University of Erlangen.

GEORG MUELLER, Ph.D., Th.D.,

Inspector of Schools, Leipsic.

JOSEPH THEODOR MUELLER, Th.D.,

Keeper of the Archives in Herrnhut.

NIKOLAUS MUELLER, Ph.D., Th.D.,

Professor of Christian Archeology, University of Berlin.

HENRY SYLVESTER NASH, D.D.,

Professor of the Literature and Interpretation of the New Testament, Episcopal Theological School, Cambridge, Mass.

CHRISTOF EBERHARD NESTLE, Ph.D., Th.D.,

Professor in the Theological Seminary, Maulbronn, Württemberg.

ALBERT HENRY NEWMAN, D.D., LL.D.,

Professor of Church History: Baylor Theological Seminary (Baylor University), Waco, Texas.

FREDERIK KRISTIAN NIELSEN (†), D.D.,

Late Bishop of Aarhus, Denmark.

CONRAD VON ORELLI, Ph.D., Th.D.,

Professor of Old Testament Exegesis and History of Religion, University of Basel.

CARL PFENDER,

Pastor of St. Paul's Evangelical Lutheran Church, Paris.

ERWIN PREUSCHEN, Ph.D., Th.D.,

Pastor at Hirschhorn-on-the-Neckar, Germany.

ERNEST CUSHING RICHARDSON , Ph.D.,

Librarian, Princeton University.

GEORG CHRISTIAN RIETSCHEL, Th.D.,

University Preacher and Professor of Practical Theology, University of Leipsic.

SIEGFRIED RIETSCHEL, Dr.Jur.,

Professor of Law, University of Tübingen.

BERNHARD RIGGENBACH (†), D.D.,

Late Pastor in Basel.

KARL ROENNEKE, Th.Lic.,

Superintendent in Gommern, Saxony.

ROBERT WILLIAM ROGERS, Ph.D., LL.D.,

Professor of Hebrew and Old Testament Exegesis, Drew Theological Seminary, Madison, New Jersey.

HENDRIX CORNELIS ROGGE (†), Ph.D.)

Late Professor of History, University of Haarlem.

ARNOLD RUEGG,

Pastor at Birmensdorf and Lecturer at the University of Zurich.

CARL VICTOR RYSSEL (†), Ph.D., Th.D.,

Late Professor of Theology, University of Zurich.

KARL SCHAARSCHMIDT,

Honorary Professor, University of Bonn.

DAVID SCHLEY SCHAFF, D.D.,

Professor of Church History, Western Theological Seminary, Pittsburg, Pennsylvania.

PHILIPP SCHAFF (†), D.D., LL.D.,

Late Professor of Church History, Union Theological Seminary, New York and Editor of the Original SCHAFF-HERZOG ENCYCLOPĆDIA.

CHRISTOPH GOTTLOB VON SCHEURL (†), Ph.D., Th.D.,

Late Professor in Nuremberg.

REINHOLD SCHMID, Th.Lic.,

Pastor in Oberholzheim, Wurttemberg.

HEINRICH SCHMIDT (†), Ph.D,., Th.D.,

Late Professor of Theology, University of Erlangen.

KARL SCHMIDT, Th.D.,

Provost at Goldberg, Mecklenburg.

WOLDEMAR GOTTLOB SCHMIDT (†), D.D.,

Late Professor of Theology, University of Leipsic.

CARL WILHELM SCHOELL (†), Ph.D., D.D.,

Late Pastor of the Savoy Church, London.

THEODOR FRIEDRICH SCHOTT (†), Ph.D., Th.D.,

Late Librarian and Professor of Theology, University of Stuttgart.

EMIL SCHUERER, Ph.D., Th.D.,

Professor of New Testament Exegesis, University of Göttingen.

JOHANN FRIEDRICH RITTER VON SCHULTE (†), Dr.Jur.,

Professor of Law, University of Bonn.

GUSTAV VON SCHULTHESS-RECHBERG, Th.D.,

Professor of Systematic Theology, University of Zurich.

VICTOR SCHULTZE, Th.D.,

Professor of Church History and Christian Archeology, University of Greifswald.

OTTO SEEBASS , Ph.D.,

Educator, Leipsic, Germany.

REINHOLD SEEBERG., Th.D.,

Professor of Systematic Theology, University of Berlin.

EMIL SEHLING, Dr.Jur.,

Professor of Ecclesiastical and Commercial Law, University of Erlangen.

ERNST SELLIN, Ph.D., Th.D.,

Professor of Old Testament Exegesis and Archeology. Evangelical Theological Faculty, Vienna.

CHRISTIAAN SEPP (†), Th.D.,

Late Mennonite Preacher, Leyden.

FRIEDRICH ANTON EMIL SIEFFERT, Ph.D., Th.D.,

Professor of Dogmatics and New Testament Exegesis, University of Bonn.

ERNEST GOTTLIEB SIHLER, Ph.D.,

Professor of Latin, New York University.

PHILIPP FRIEDRICH ADOLPH THEODOR SPAETH, D.D., LL.D.,

Professor in the Lutheran Theological Seminary, Mt. Airy, Philadelphia.

EMIL ELIAS STEINMEYER, Ph.D.,

Professor of German Language and Literature, University of Erlangen.

HERMANN LEBERECHT STRACK, Ph.D., Th.D.,

Extraordinary Professor of Old Testament Exegesis and Semitic Languages, University of Berlin.

KARL THIEME, Ph.D., Th.D.,

Professor of Dogmatics, University of Leipsic.

PAUL TSCHACKERT, Ph.D., Th.D.,

Professor of Church History, University of Göttingen.

JOHANN GERHARD WILHELM UHLHORN (&dagger), Th.D.,

Late Abbot of Lokkum, Germany.

HORACE GRANT UNDERWOOD, D.D.,

Author and Missionary, Seoul, Korea.

SIETRE DOUWES VAN VEEN, Th.D.,

Professor of Church History and Christian Archeology. University of Utrecht.

WILHELM VOLCK (†), Ph.D., Th.D.,

Late Professor of Old Testament Exegesis, University of Rostock.

BENJAMIN BRECKINRIDGE WARFIELD, D.D., LL.D.,

Professor of Didactic and Polemical Theology, Princeton Theological Seminary.

FRIEDRICH WILHELHM HERMANN WASSERSCHLEBEN (†), Ph.D.,

Late Professor of Theology in Giessen.

EDWARD ELIHU WHITFIELD, M.A.,

Plymouth Brother, Retired Public Schoolmaster.

LEIGHTON WILLIAMS, D.D.,

Pastor of the Amity Baptist Church, New York.

JOSEPH DAWSON WILSON, D.D.,

Professor of Ecclesiastical History in the Reformed Episcopal Seminary, Philadelphia, Pa.

FRANZ THEODOR BITTER VON ZAHN, Th.D., Litt.D.,

Professor of New Testament Introduction, University of Erlangen.

HEINRICH ZIEGLER,

Pastor Emeritus in Jena.

OTTO ZOECKLER (†), Ph.D., Th.D.,

Late Professor of Church History and Apologetics, University of Greifswald.

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL APPENDIX—VOLS. I-VI

The following list of books is supplementary to the bibliographies given at the end of the articles contained in volumes I.-VI., and brings the literature down to November, 1909. In this list each title entry is printed in capital letters.

APOCRYPHA: B. Pick, The Apocryphal Acts, Chicago, 1909.

ARABIA: U. Chauvin, Bibliographie des ouvrages Arabes ou relatifs aux Arabes publiés dans l'Europe chrétienne de 1810 ŕ 1885. XI. Mahomet, Leipsic; 1909.

ARCHITECTURE: E. H. Day, Gothic Architecture in England, Oxford, 1909.

I. B. S. Holborn, An Introduction to the Architectures of European Religions, Edinburgh, 1909.

ARMENIA: L. Arpee, The Armenian Awakening, Chicago, 1909.

ATONEMENT: W. L. Walker, The Gospel of Reconciliation or Atonement, Edinburgh, 1909.

BIBLE TEXT: J. Drummond, The Transmission of the Text of the New Testament, London, 1909.

E. Kautsch, Die Evangelienzitate des Origens, Leipsic, 1909.

W. O. E. Oesterley, Our Bible Text; some Recently discovered Bible Documents, London, 1909.

BIBLICAL INTRODUCTION: F. Egger, Absolute Oder relative Wahrheit der heiligen Schrift? Dogmatisch-kritische Untersuchung einer neuen Theorie, Brixen, 1909.

A. S. Geden, Outlines of Introduction to the Hebrew Bible, London, 1909.

E. Jacquier, Histoire des livres du Nouveau Testament, 4 vols., Paris, 1904-1909.

A. S. Peake, A Critical Introduction to the New Testament, London, 1909.

T. Zahn, Introduction to the New Testament (Eng. transl. under the direction . . . of M. W, Jacobus, assisted by C. S, Thayer), 3 vols., Edinburgh, 1909.

BIBLICAL THEOLOGY: W. T. Adeney, The New Testament Doctrine of Christ, Edinburgh, 1909.

J. Stalker, The Ethic of Jesus according to the Synoptic Gospels, London, 1909.

G. Westphal, Jahwes Wohnstätten nach den Anschauungen der alten Hebräer, Giessen, 1908.

BONAVENTURA: E. Lutz, Die Psychologie Bonaventuras, Münster, 1909.

BOWNE, B. P.: Studies in Christianity, Boston, 1909.

BROOKS, P.: In Heavenly Heretics, by L. P. Powell, New York, 1909.

BUSHNELL, H.: In Heavenly Heretics, by L. P. Powell, New York, 1909.

CATENĆ: O. Lang, Die Catene des Vaticanus Gr. 72 zum ersten Korintherbrief, Leipsic, 1909.

CHALLONER, R.: E. H. Burton, The Life and Times of Bishop Challoner (1691-1781), 2 vols., New York, 1909.

CHANNING, W. E.: In Heavenly Heretics, by L. P. Powell, New York, 1909.

CHINA: J. Ross, The Original Religion of China, Edinburgh, 1909.

W. A. Tatchell, Medical Missions in China in Connection with the Wesleyan Methodist Church, London, 1909.

J. Webster, The Revival in Manchuria, London,1909.

CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM: C. B. Thompson, The Churches and the Wage Earners, London, 1909.

W. Rausehenbusch, Christianity and the Social Crisis, New York, 1907.

CHRISTMAS: F. Keppel, Christmas in Art; the Nativity as depicted by Artists in the 15th and 16th Centuries, New York, 1909.

H. W. Mabie, The Book of Christmas, New York, 1909.

CHURCH HISTORY: H. M. Gwatkin, Early Church History to A. D. 313, 2 vols., London, 1909.

L. Ragg, The Church of the Apostles, New York, 1909.

CHURCH, R. W.: D. C. Lathbury, Dean Church, London, 1909.

COMPARATIVE RELIGION: G. Foucart, La Méthode comparative dans l'histoire des Religions, Paris, 1909.

S. Reinaeh, Orpheus, Histoire Générale des religions, Paris, 1909; Eng. transl., Orpheus, London, 1909.

COVENANTERS: A. Smellie, Men of the Covenant, London, 1903, 7th ed., 1909.

CREATION: D. L. Holbrook, Panorama of Creation, Philadelphia, 1909.

E. O. James, God's Eight Days of Creation, London, 1909.

DENNEY, J.: Jesus and the Gospel, New York, 1909.

DISCIPLES OF CHRIST: J. H. Garrison The Story of a Century. A brief historical Sketch and Exposition of the Religious Movement inaugurated by Thomas and Alexander Campbell, St. Louis, 1909.

DODS, M.: Footsteps in the Path of Life, New York, 1909.

DRUIDS: W. F. Tamblyn, in Am. Hist. Rev., Oct., 1909, pp. 21-36 (gathers scattered references).

EDWARDS, J., THE ELDER: In Heavenly Heretics, by L. P. Powell, New York, 1909.

ETHICS: R. L. Ottley, Christian Ideas and Ideals, London, 1909.

H. H. Seullard, Early Christian Ethics in the West, London, 1909.

EVERETT, C. C.: Theism and the Christian Faith, New York, 1909.

FAITH. W. R. Inge, Faith, London, 1909.

FICHTE, J. G.: A biographical introduction, by E. Ritchie, is prefixed to the Vocation of Man, Chicago, 1906.

FINDLAY, G. G.: Fellowship in the Life Eternal, New York, 1909.

FORSYTH, P. T.: The Cruciality of the Cross, New York, 1909.

FRANCE: J. W. Thompson, The Wars of Religion in France, 1559-76, Chicago, 1909.

FRANCIS OF ASSISI: A. Goffin, Saint Francois d'Assise dans la légende et dans l'art primitifs italiens, Brussels, 1909.

FRENCH REVOLUTION: P. de La Gorce, Histoire religieuse de la révolution francaise, Paris,1909.

GALILEE: E. W. G. Masterman, Studies in Galilee, Chicago, 1909.

GARDINER, S.: In Typical English Churchmen, by J. Gairdner, London, 1909.

GEIL, W. E.: The Great Wall of China, New York, 1909.

GERHARDT, P.: Two new eds. of the poems are by W. Nelle, Hamburg, 1907, and W. Tümpel, Gütersloh, 1907.

GLADDEN, W.: Recollections of Washington Gladden, Boston, 1909.

GOD: J. Warsehauer, Problems of Immanence. Studies critical and constructive, London, 1909.

GOSPELS: V. H. Stanton, The Gospels as Historical Documents, part 2, The Synoptic Gospels, London, 1909.

HAMMURABI: Hammurabis Gesetz, Germ. transl., by J. Kohler and A. Ungnad, Leipsic, 1909.

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS: S. Dibble, A History of the Sandwich Islands, Cleveland, 1909.

HEBREW LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE: J. W. Rothstein, Grundzüge des hebräischen Rhythmus und seiner Formenbildung nebst lyrischen Texten mit kritischen Kommentar, Leipsic, 1909.

HELLENISM: W. Otto, Priester and Tempel im hellenistischen Aegypten, 2 vols., Leipsic, 1908.

HERBERT, G.: Add to bibliograpy, English Works, newly arranged . . . by G. H. Palmer, 3 vols., Boston, 1905.

HERRMANN, J. G. W.: English transl. of Der Verkehr, with title Communion of the Christian with God, London, 1895, New York, 1907.

HEXATEUCH: J. Skinner, Genesis, Edinburgh and New York, 1909.

HOLY SPIRIT: H. B. Swete, The Holy Spirit in the New Testament. A Study in primitive Christian Teaching, London, 1909.

HOME MISSIONS: A. F. Beard, A Crusade of Brotherhood; a History of the American Missionary Association, Boston, 1909.

H. P. Douglass, Christian Reconstruction in the South, Boston, 1909.

HOMILETICS: F. E. Cartor, Preaching, London, 1909.

HUGUENOTS: See France, above.

HULSEAN LECTURES: J. N. Figgis, The Gospel and Human Needs. Being the Hulsean Lectures for 1908-09, London, 1909.

HYMNOLOGY: Eveline W. Brainerd, Great Hymns of the Middle Ages, New York, 1909.

IDEALISM: C. Werner, Aristote et l'idéalisme platonicien, Paris, 1909.

W. R. B. Gibson, God with us. A Study in Religious Idealism, New York, 1909.

IMMORTALITY: C. Lombroso, After Death? What? Boston, 1909.

INDIA: Linguistic Survey of India. V., 3. Tibeto-Burman Family. Part 1. General Introduction, Specimens of the Tibetan Dialects, the Himalayan Dialects, and the North Assam Group, comp. and ed. by G. A. Grierson, Calcutta, 1909.

INSCRIPTIONS: C. Wessely, Studien zur Palaeographie und Papyruskunde, vol. viii., Leipsic, 1908.

M. H. Pognon, Inscriptions sémitiques de la Syrie, de la Mésopotamie, Paris, 1908.

G. Möller, Hieratische Paläographie, Leipsic, 1909.

M. von Oppenheim, Inschriften aus Syrien, Mesopotamien und Kleinasien, gesammelt auf der Forschungsreise des Jahres 1899, Leipsic, 1909.

INSPIRATION AND REVELATION: Revelation and Inspiration, London, 1909.

T. H. Sprott, Modern Study of the Old Testament and Inspiration, London, 1909.

INVESTITURE: E. Bernheim, Quellen zur Geschichte des Investiturstreites, Leipsic, 1907.

J. Drehmann, Papst Leo IX und die Simonie. Ein Beitrag zur Untersuchung der Vorgeschichte des Investiturstreites, Leipsic, 1908.

A. Scharnagl, Der Begriff der Investitur in den Quellen und der Literatur des Investiturstreites, Stuttgart, 1908.

IRENAEUS: P. Beauzart, Essai sur la théologie d'Irénée. Études d'histoire des dogmes, Paris, 1908.

ISAIAH: G. H. Box, The Book of Isaiah, London, 1908.

F. Feldmann, Der Knecht Gottes in Isaias Kap. 40-55, Freiburg, 1907.

E. Sellin, Das Rätsel des deuterojesjanischen Buches, Leipsic, 1908.

ISRAEL, HISTORY OF: A. M. Hyamson, A History of the Jews in England, London, 1908.

C. H. H. Wright, Light from Egyptian Papyri, on Jewish History before Christ, London, 1908.

A. Alt, Israel and Aegypten, Leipsic, 1909.

A. Buchler, The Political and Social Leaders of the Jewish Community of Sepphoris in the Second and Third Centuries, London, 1909.

W. Caspari, Aufkommen und Krise des israelitischen Königtums unter David, Berlin, 1909.

T. K Cheyne, The Decline and Fall of the Kingdom of Judah, London, 1908.

S. Funk, Die Juden in Babylonien 200-500, vol. ii., Berlin, 1908.

S. Oppenheim, The Early History of the Jews in New York, 1657-1664, in Publications of the American Jewish Historical Society, New York, 1909.

S. Poznanaki, The Karaite Literary Opponents of Saadiah Gaon, London, 1908.

S. Schechter, Some Aspects of Rabbinic Theology, London, 1909.

N. Slouschz, Judéo-Berbéres. Recherches sur les origines des juifs et du judaďsme en Afrique, Paris, 1909.

JACOB (JAMES) OF VITRY: Jacob von Vitry, Leben und Werke, in Beiträge zur Kulturgeschichte des Mittelalters und der Renaissance, ed. W. Goetz, Leipsic, 1909.

JAINISM: Hem Chandra Suri, Yogosastram, in Sanskrit, ed. Muni Maharaya Sri Dharmavigay, vol. i., part 1, Calcutta, 1907.

JAMES, EPISTLE OF: J. Belzer, Die Epistel der heil. Jakobus, Freiburg, 1909.

JAPAN: M. Steichen, The Christian Daimyos: A Century of Religious and Political History in Japan (1549-1650), Tokyo, 1909.

N. G. Munro, Prehistoric Japan, London, 1908.

JEREMIAH: Commentary of R. Tobia B. Elieser on Echah. Edited for the first time from the MSS. at Cambridge, Oxford, and Munich, by A. W. Greenup, Hebrew Text, London, 1909.

C. H. Cornill Das Buch Jeremia erklärt, Leipsic, 1905.

M. Löhr Die Klagelieder des Jeremias übersetzt und erklärt, Freiburg, 1908.

JERUSALEM: C. R. Conder, The City of Jerusalem, London, 1909.

S. Margoliouth, Cairo, Jerusalem and Damascus; three chief Cities of the Egyptian Sultans, New York, 1908.

C. Mommert, Der Teich Bethesda zu Jerusalem und das Jerusalem des Pilgers von Bordeaux, Leipsic, 1907.

JESUITS: P. T. Venturi, Storia della Compagnia di Gesu in Italia; vol. i., La vita religiosa in Italia durante la prima eta dell' ordine, con appendice di documenti inediti, Milan, 1909.

JOB: Book of Job; Introduction by G. K. Chesterton, New York, 1909.

JOHN THE APOSTLE; R. Law, The Tests of Life: a Study of the First Epistle of St. John (Kerr Lectures for 1909), New York, 1909.

JOHN BAPTIST: N. Heim, Johannes. Der Vorläufer des Herrn, nach Bibel, Geschichte und Tradition dargestellt, Regensburg, 1908.

JOSEPHUS: J. Frey, Der slavische Josephusbericht über die urchristliche Geschichte nebst seiner Parallelen kritisch untersucht, Leipsic, 1908.

KEBLE, J: E. F. L. Wood, John Keble, in Leaders of the Church, 1800-1900, series ed. G. W. E. Russell, Oxford, 1909.

KINGS, BOOKS OF: F. A. Herzog, Die Chronologie der beiden Königsbücher, Münster, 1909.

LEE, J.: W. H. Meredith, Life of Jesse Lee, New York, 1909.

LEFROY, W.: H. Leeds, Life of Dean Lefroy, London, 1909.

LITURGICS: C. G. C. F. Atchley, The Ambrosian Liturgy done into English, London, 1909.

G. Rietschel, Lehrbuch der Liturgik, vol. ii., Die Kasualien, Berlin, 1909.

BIOGRAPHICAL ADDENDA

BASSERMANN, H. G.: d. In Samaden (70 m. s.s.e. of St. Gall), Switzerland, Aug. 30, 1909.

BELSHEIM, J.: d. at Christiania July 15, 1909.

BOEHMER E.: d. at Lichtental (a suburb of Baden) Mar. 1, 1906.

CASALI DEL DRAGO, G. B.: d. at Rome Mar. 17, 1908.

HARE W. H.: d. at Atlantic City, N. J., Oct. 23, 1909.

MADSEN, P.: elected bishop of Zealand, 1909.

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

[Abbreviations in common use or self-evident are not included here. For additional information concerning the works listed, see vol. i., pp. viii.-xx., and the appropriate articles in the body of the work.]

ADB	Allgemeine deutsche Biographie, Leipsic, 1875 sqq., vol. 53, 1907
Adv.	adversus, "against"
AJP	American Journal of Philology, Baltimore, 1880 sqq.
AJT	American Journal of Theology, Chicago, 1897 sqq.
AKR	Archiv für katholisches Kirchenrecht, Innsbruck, 1857-61, Mainz, 1872 sqq.
ALKG	Archiv für Litteratur-und Kirchengeschichte des Mittelalters, Freiburg, 1885 sqq.
Am.	American
AMA	Abhandlungen der Münchener Akademie, Munich, 1763 sqq.
ANF	Ante-Nicene Fathers, American edition by A. Cleveland Coxe, 8 vols., and index, Buffalo, 1887; vol. ix., ed. Allan Menzies, New York, 1897
Apoc.	Apocrypha, apocryphal
Apol.	Apologia, Apology
Arab.	Arabic
Aram.	Aramaic
art.	article
Art. Schmal.	Schmalkald Articles
ASB	Acta sanctorum, ed. J. Bolland and others, Antwerp, 1643 sqq.
ASM	Acta sanctorum ordinis S. Benedicti, ed. J. Mabillon, 9 vols., Paris, 1668-1701
Assyr.	Assyrian
A. T.	Altes Testament, "Old Testament"
Augs. Con.	Augsburg Confession
A. V.	Authorized Version (of the English Bible)
AZ	Allgemeine Zeitung, Augsburg, Tübingen, Stuttgart, and Tübingen, 1798 sqq.
Baldwin, Dictionary	J. M. Baldwin, Dictionary of Philosophy and Psychology, 3 vols. in 4, New York, 1901-05
Bayle, Dictionary	The Dictionary Historical and Critical of Mr. Peter Boyle, 2d ed., 5 vols., London, 1734-38.
Benzinger, Archäologie	I. Benzinger, Hebräische Archäologie, 2d ed., Freiburg, 1907
BFBS	British and Foreign Bible Society
Bingham, Origines	J. Bingham, Origines ecclesiastic?, 10 vols., London, 1708-22; new ed., Oxford, 1855
Bouquet, Recueil	M. Bouquet, Recueil des historiens des Gaules et de la France, continued by various hands, 23 vols., Paris, 1738-76
Bower, Popes	Archibald Bower, History of the Popes . . . to 1758, continued by S. H. Cox, 3 vols., Philadelphia, 1845-47
BQR	Baptist Quarterly Review, Philadelphia, 1867 sqq.
BRG	See Jaffé
Cant.	Canticles, Song of Solomon
cap.	caput, "chapter"
Ceillier, Auteurs sacrés	R. Ceillier, Histoire des auteurs sacrés et ecclésiastiques, 16 vols. in 17, Paris, 1858-69
Chron.	Chronicon, "Chronicle"
I Chron.	I Chronicles
II Chron.	II Chronicles
CIG	Corpus inscriptionum Grćcarum, Berlin, 1825 sqq.
CIL	Corpus inscriptionum Latinarum, Berlin, 1863 sqq.
CIS	Corpus inscriptionum Semiticarum, Paris, 1881 sqq.
cod.	codex
cod. D.	codex Bezć
cod. Theod.	codex Theodosianus
Col.	Epistle to the Colossians
col., cols.	column, columns
Conf.	Confessiones, "Confessions"
I Cor.	First Epistle to the Corinthians
II Cor.	Second Epistle to the Corinthians
COT	See Schrader
CQR	The Church Quarterly Review, London, 1875 sqq.
CR	Corpus reformatorum, begun at Halle, 1834, vol. lxxxix., Berlin and Leipsic, 1905 sqq.
Creighton, Papacy	M. Creighton, A History of the Papacy from the Great Schism to the Sack of Rome, new ed., 6 vols., New York and London, 1897
CSCO	Corpus scnptorum Christianorum orientalium, ed J. B. Chabot, I. Guidi, and others, Paris and Leipsic, 1903 sqq.
CSEL	Corpus scriptorum ecclesiasticorum Latinorum, Vienna, 1867 sqq.
CSHB	Corpus scriptorum historić Byzantinć, 49 vols., Bonn, 1828-78
Currier, Religious Orders	C. W. Currier, History of Religious Orders, New York, 1896
D.	Deuteronomist
DACL	F. Cabrol, Dictionnaire d'archéologie chrétienne et de liturgie, Paris, 1903 sqq.
Dan.	Daniel
DB	J. Hastings, Dictionary of the Bible, 4 vols. and extra vol., Edinburgh and New York, 1898-1904
DCA	W. Smith and S. Cheetham, Dictionary of Christian Antiquities, 2 vols., London, 1875-80
DCB	W. Smith and H. Wace, Dictionary of Christian Biography, 4 vols., Boston, 1877-87
DCG	J. Hastings, J. A. Selbie, and J. C. Lambert, A Dictionary of Christ and the Gospels, 2 vols., Edinburgh and New York, 1906-1908.
Deut.	Deuteronomy
De vir. ill.	De viris illustribus
DGQ	See Wattenbach
DNB	L. Stephen and S. Lee, Dictionary of National Biography, 63 vols. and supplement 3 vols., London, 1885-1901
Driver, Introduction	S. R. Driver, Introduction to the Literature of the Old Testament, 5th ed., New York, 1894
E.	Elohist
EB	T. K. Cheyne and J. S. Black, Encyclopćdia Biblica, 4 vols., London and New York, 1899-1903
Eccl.	Ecclesia, "Church"; ecclesiasticus, "ecclesiastical"
Eccles.	Ecclesiastes
Ecclus.	Ecclesiasticus
ed.	edition; edidit, "edited by"
Eph.	Epistle to the Ephesians
Epist.	Epistola, Epistolć, "Epistle," "Epistles"
Ersch and Gruber, Encyklopädie	J. S. Ersch and J. G. Gruber, Allgemeine Encyklopädie der Wissenschaften und Künste, Leipsic, 1818 sqq.
E. V.	English versions (of the Bible)
Ex.	Exodus
Ezek.	Ezekiel
fasc.	fasciculus
Fr.	French
Friedrich, KD	J. Friedrich, Kirchengeshichte Deutschlands, 2 vols., Bamberg, 1867-69
Gal.	Epistle to the Galatians
Gams, Series episcoporum	P. B. Gams, Series episcoporum ecclesić Catholicć, Regensburg, 1873, and supplement, 1886
Gee and Hardy, Documents	H. Gee and W. J. Hardy, Documents Illustrative of English Church History, London, 1896
Gen.	Genesis
Germ.	German
GGA	Göttingische Gelehrte Anzeigen, Göttingen, 1824 sqq.
Gibbon, Decline and Fall	E. Gibbon, History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, ed. J. B. Bury, 7 vols., London, 1896-1900
Gk.	Greek
Gross, Sources.	C. Gross, The Sources and Literature of English History . . . to 1485, London, 1900
Hab.	Habakkuk

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

ADB	Allgemeine deutsche Biographie, Leipsic, 1875 sqq., vol. 53, 1907
Adv.	adversus, "against"
AJP	American Journal of Philology, Baltimore, 1880 sqq.
AJT	American Journal of Theology, Chicago, 1897 sqq.
AKR	Archiv für katholisches Kirchenrecht, Innsbruck, 1857-61, Mainz, 1872 sqq.
ALKG	Archiv für Litteratur-und Kirchengeschichte des Mittelalters, Freiburg, 1885 sqq.
Am.	American
AMA	Abhandlungen der Münchener Akademie, Munich, 1763 sqq.
ANF	Ante-Nicene Fathers, American edition by A. Cleveland Coxe, 8 vols., and index, Buffalo, 1887; vol. ix., ed. Allan Menzies, New York, 1897
Apoc.	Apocrypha, apocryphal
Apol.	Apologia, Apology
Arab.	Arabic
Aram.	Aramaic
art.	article
Art. Schmal.	Schmalkald Articles
ASB	Acta sanctorum, ed. J. Bolland and others, Antwerp, 1643 sqq.
ASM	Acta sanctorum ordinis S. Benedicti, ed. J. Mabillon, 9 vols., Paris, 1668-1701
Assyr.	Assyrian
A. T.	Altes Testament, "Old Testament"
Augs. Con.	Augsburg Confession
A. V.	Authorized Version (of the English Bible)
AZ	Allgemeine Zeitung, Augsburg, Tübingen, Stuttgart, and Tübingen, 1798 sqq.
Baldwin, Dictionary	J. M. Baldwin, Dictionary of Philosophy and Psychology, 3 vols. in 4, New York, 1901-05
Bayle, Dictionary	The Dictionary Historical and Critical of Mr. Peter Boyle, 2d ed., 5 vols., London, 1734-38.
Benzinger, Archäologie	I. Benzinger, Hebräische Archäologie, 2d ed., Freiburg, 1907
BFBS	British and Foreign Bible Society
Bingham, Origines	J. Bingham, Origines ecclesiastic?, 10 vols., London, 1708-22; new ed., Oxford, 1855
Bouquet, Recueil	M. Bouquet, Recueil des historiens des Gaules et de la France, continued by various hands, 23 vols., Paris, 1738-76
Bower, Popes	Archibald Bower, History of the Popes . . . to 1758, continued by S. H. Cox, 3 vols., Philadelphia, 1845-47
BQR	Baptist Quarterly Review, Philadelphia, 1867 sqq.
BRG	See Jaffé
Cant.	Canticles, Song of Solomon
cap.	caput, "chapter"
Ceillier, Auteurs sacrés	R. Ceillier, Histoire des auteurs sacrés et ecclésiastiques, 16 vols. in 17, Paris, 1858-69
Chron.	Chronicon, "Chronicle"
I Chron.	I Chronicles
II Chron.	II Chronicles
CIG	Corpus inscriptionum Grćcarum, Berlin, 1825 sqq.
CIL	Corpus inscriptionum Latinarum, Berlin, 1863 sqq.
CIS	Corpus inscriptionum Semiticarum, Paris, 1881 sqq.
cod.	codex
cod. D.	codex Bezć
cod. Theod.	codex Theodosianus
Col.	Epistle to the Colossians
col., cols.	column, columns
Conf.	Confessiones, "Confessions"
I Cor.	First Epistle to the Corinthians
II Cor.	Second Epistle to the Corinthians
COT	See Schrader
CQR	The Church Quarterly Review, London, 1875 sqq.
CR	Corpus reformatorum, begun at Halle, 1834, vol. lxxxix., Berlin and Leipsic, 1905 sqq.
Creighton, Papacy	M. Creighton, A History of the Papacy from the Great Schism to the Sack of Rome, new ed., 6 vols., New York and London, 1897
CSCO	Corpus scnptorum Christianorum orientalium, ed J. B. Chabot, I. Guidi, and others, Paris and Leipsic, 1903 sqq.
CSEL	Corpus scriptorum ecclesiasticorum Latinorum, Vienna, 1867 sqq.
CSHB	Corpus scriptorum historić Byzantinć, 49 vols., Bonn, 1828-78
Currier, Religious Orders	C. W. Currier, History of Religious Orders, New York, 1896
D.	Deuteronomist
DACL	F. Cabrol, Dictionnaire d'archéologie chrétienne et de liturgie, Paris, 1903 sqq.
Dan.	Daniel
DB	J. Hastings, Dictionary of the Bible, 4 vols. and extra vol., Edinburgh and New York, 1898-1904
DCA	W. Smith and S. Cheetham, Dictionary of Christian Antiquities, 2 vols., London, 1875-80
DCB	W. Smith and H. Wace, Dictionary of Christian Biography, 4 vols., Boston, 1877-87
DCG	J. Hastings, J. A. Selbie, and J. C. Lambert, A Dictionary of Christ and the Gospels, 2 vols., Edinburgh and New York, 1906-1908.
Deut.	Deuteronomy
De vir. ill.	De viris illustribus
DGQ	See Wattenbach
DNB	L. Stephen and S. Lee, Dictionary of National Biography, 63 vols. and supplement 3 vols., London, 1885-1901
Driver, Introduction	S. R. Driver, Introduction to the Literature of the Old Testament, 5th ed., New York, 1894
E.	Elohist
EB	T. K. Cheyne and J. S. Black, Encyclopćdia Biblica, 4 vols., London and New York, 1899-1903
Eccl.	Ecclesia, "Church"; ecclesiasticus, "ecclesiastical"
Eccles.	Ecclesiastes
Ecclus.	Ecclesiasticus
ed.	edition; edidit, "edited by"
Eph.	Epistle to the Ephesians
Epist.	Epistola, Epistolć, "Epistle," "Epistles"
Ersch and Gruber, Encyklopädie	J. S. Ersch and J. G. Gruber, Allgemeine Encyklopädie der Wissenschaften und Künste, Leipsic, 1818 sqq.
E. V.	English versions (of the Bible)
Ex.	Exodus
Ezek.	Ezekiel
fasc.	fasciculus
Fr.	French
Friedrich, KD	J. Friedrich, Kirchengeshichte Deutschlands, 2 vols., Bamberg, 1867-69
Gal.	Epistle to the Galatians
Gams, Series episcoporum	P. B. Gams, Series episcoporum ecclesić Catholicć, Regensburg, 1873, and supplement, 1886
Gee and Hardy, Documents	H. Gee and W. J. Hardy, Documents Illustrative of English Church History, London, 1896
Gen.	Genesis
Germ.	German
GGA	Göttingische Gelehrte Anzeigen, Göttingen, 1824 sqq.
Gibbon, Decline and Fall	E. Gibbon, History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, ed. J. B. Bury, 7 vols., London, 1896-1900
Gk.	Greek
Gross, Sources.	C. Gross, The Sources and Literature of English History . . . to 1485, London, 1900
Hab.	Habakkuk

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

ADB	Allgemeine deutsche Biographie, Leipsic, 1875 sqq., vol. 53, 1907
Adv.	adversus, "against"
AJP	American Journal of Philology, Baltimore, 1880 sqq.
AJT	American Journal of Theology, Chicago, 1897 sqq.
AKR	Archiv für katholisches Kirchenrecht, Innsbruck, 1857-61, Mainz, 1872 sqq.
ALKG	Archiv für Litteratur-und Kirchengeschichte des Mittelalters, Freiburg, 1885 sqq.
Am.	American
AMA	Abhandlungen der Münchener Akademie, Munich, 1763 sqq.
ANF	Ante-Nicene Fathers, American edition by A. Cleveland Coxe, 8 vols., and index, Buffalo, 1887; vol. ix., ed. Allan Menzies, New York, 1897
Apoc.	Apocrypha, apocryphal
Apol.	Apologia, Apology
Arab.	Arabic
Aram.	Aramaic
art.	article
Art. Schmal.	Schmalkald Articles
ASB	Acta sanctorum, ed. J. Bolland and others, Antwerp, 1643 sqq.
ASM	Acta sanctorum ordinis S. Benedicti, ed. J. Mabillon, 9 vols., Paris, 1668-1701
Assyr.	Assyrian
A. T.	Altes Testament, "Old Testament"
Augs. Con.	Augsburg Confession
A. V.	Authorized Version (of the English Bible)
AZ	Allgemeine Zeitung, Augsburg, Tübingen, Stuttgart, and Tübingen, 1798 sqq.
Baldwin, Dictionary	J. M. Baldwin, Dictionary of Philosophy and Psychology, 3 vols. in 4, New York, 1901-05
Bayle, Dictionary	The Dictionary Historical and Critical of Mr. Peter Boyle, 2d ed., 5 vols., London, 1734-38.
Benzinger, Archäologie	I. Benzinger, Hebräische Archäologie, 2d ed., Freiburg, 1907
BFBS	British and Foreign Bible Society
Bingham, Origines	J. Bingham, Origines ecclesiastic?, 10 vols., London, 1708-22; new ed., Oxford, 1855
Bouquet, Recueil	M. Bouquet, Recueil des historiens des Gaules et de la France, continued by various hands, 23 vols., Paris, 1738-76
Bower, Popes	Archibald Bower, History of the Popes . . . to 1758, continued by S. H. Cox, 3 vols., Philadelphia, 1845-47
BQR	Baptist Quarterly Review, Philadelphia, 1867 sqq.
BRG	See Jaffé
Cant.	Canticles, Song of Solomon
cap.	caput, "chapter"
Ceillier, Auteurs sacrés	R. Ceillier, Histoire des auteurs sacrés et ecclésiastiques, 16 vols. in 17, Paris, 1858-69
Chron.	Chronicon, "Chronicle"
I Chron.	I Chronicles
II Chron.	II Chronicles
CIG	Corpus inscriptionum Grćcarum, Berlin, 1825 sqq.
CIL	Corpus inscriptionum Latinarum, Berlin, 1863 sqq.
CIS	Corpus inscriptionum Semiticarum, Paris, 1881 sqq.
cod.	codex
cod. D.	codex Bezć
cod. Theod.	codex Theodosianus
Col.	Epistle to the Colossians
col., cols.	column, columns
Conf.	Confessiones, "Confessions"
I Cor.	First Epistle to the Corinthians
II Cor.	Second Epistle to the Corinthians
COT	See Schrader
CQR	The Church Quarterly Review, London, 1875 sqq.
CR	Corpus reformatorum, begun at Halle, 1834, vol. lxxxix., Berlin and Leipsic, 1905 sqq.
Creighton, Papacy	M. Creighton, A History of the Papacy from the Great Schism to the Sack of Rome, new ed., 6 vols., New York and London, 1897
CSCO	Corpus scnptorum Christianorum orientalium, ed J. B. Chabot, I. Guidi, and others, Paris and Leipsic, 1903 sqq.
CSEL	Corpus scriptorum ecclesiasticorum Latinorum, Vienna, 1867 sqq.
CSHB	Corpus scriptorum historić Byzantinć, 49 vols., Bonn, 1828-78
Currier, Religious Orders	C. W. Currier, History of Religious Orders, New York, 1896
D.	Deuteronomist
DACL	F. Cabrol, Dictionnaire d'archéologie chrétienne et de liturgie, Paris, 1903 sqq.
Dan.	Daniel
DB	J. Hastings, Dictionary of the Bible, 4 vols. and extra vol., Edinburgh and New York, 1898-1904
DCA	W. Smith and S. Cheetham, Dictionary of Christian Antiquities, 2 vols., London, 1875-80
DCB	W. Smith and H. Wace, Dictionary of Christian Biography, 4 vols., Boston, 1877-87
DCG	J. Hastings, J. A. Selbie, and J. C. Lambert, A Dictionary of Christ and the Gospels, 2 vols., Edinburgh and New York, 1906-1908.
Deut.	Deuteronomy
De vir. ill.	De viris illustribus
DGQ	See Wattenbach
DNB	L. Stephen and S. Lee, Dictionary of National Biography, 63 vols. and supplement 3 vols., London, 1885-1901
Driver, Introduction	S. R. Driver, Introduction to the Literature of the Old Testament, 5th ed., New York, 1894
E.	Elohist
EB	T. K. Cheyne and J. S. Black, Encyclopćdia Biblica, 4 vols., London and New York, 1899-1903
Eccl.	Ecclesia, "Church"; ecclesiasticus, "ecclesiastical"
Eccles.	Ecclesiastes
Ecclus.	Ecclesiasticus
ed.	edition; edidit, "edited by"
Eph.	Epistle to the Ephesians
Epist.	Epistola, Epistolć, "Epistle," "Epistles"
Ersch and Gruber, Encyklopädie	J. S. Ersch and J. G. Gruber, Allgemeine Encyklopädie der Wissenschaften und Künste, Leipsic, 1818 sqq.
E. V.	English versions (of the Bible)
Ex.	Exodus
Ezek.	Ezekiel
fasc.	fasciculus
Fr.	French
Friedrich, KD	J. Friedrich, Kirchengeshichte Deutschlands, 2 vols., Bamberg, 1867-69
Gal.	Epistle to the Galatians
Gams, Series episcoporum	P. B. Gams, Series episcoporum ecclesić Catholicć, Regensburg, 1873, and supplement, 1886
Gee and Hardy, Documents	H. Gee and W. J. Hardy, Documents Illustrative of English Church History, London, 1896
Gen.	Genesis
Germ.	German
GGA	Göttingische Gelehrte Anzeigen, Göttingen, 1824 sqq.
Gibbon, Decline and Fall	E. Gibbon, History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, ed. J. B. Bury, 7 vols., London, 1896-1900
Gk.	Greek
Gross, Sources.	C. Gross, The Sources and Literature of English History . . . to 1485, London, 1900
Hab.	Habakkuk

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

ADB	Allgemeine deutsche Biographie, Leipsic, 1875 sqq., vol. 53, 1907
Adv.	adversus, "against"
AJP	American Journal of Philology, Baltimore, 1880 sqq.
AJT	American Journal of Theology, Chicago, 1897 sqq.
AKR	Archiv für katholisches Kirchenrecht, Innsbruck, 1857-61, Mainz, 1872 sqq.
ALKG	Archiv für Litteratur-und Kirchengeschichte des Mittelalters, Freiburg, 1885 sqq.
Am.	American
AMA	Abhandlungen der Münchener Akademie, Munich, 1763 sqq.
ANF	Ante-Nicene Fathers, American edition by A. Cleveland Coxe, 8 vols., and index, Buffalo, 1887; vol. ix., ed. Allan Menzies, New York, 1897
Apoc.	Apocrypha, apocryphal
Apol.	Apologia, Apology
Arab.	Arabic
Aram.	Aramaic
art.	article
Art. Schmal.	Schmalkald Articles
ASB	Acta sanctorum, ed. J. Bolland and others, Antwerp, 1643 sqq.
ASM	Acta sanctorum ordinis S. Benedicti, ed. J. Mabillon, 9 vols., Paris, 1668-1701
Assyr.	Assyrian
A. T.	Altes Testament, "Old Testament"
Augs. Con.	Augsburg Confession
A. V.	Authorized Version (of the English Bible)
AZ	Allgemeine Zeitung, Augsburg, Tübingen, Stuttgart, and Tübingen, 1798 sqq.
Baldwin, Dictionary	J. M. Baldwin, Dictionary of Philosophy and Psychology, 3 vols. in 4, New York, 1901-05
Bayle, Dictionary	The Dictionary Historical and Critical of Mr. Peter Boyle, 2d ed., 5 vols., London, 1734-38.
Benzinger, Archäologie	I. Benzinger, Hebräische Archäologie, 2d ed., Freiburg, 1907
BFBS	British and Foreign Bible Society
Bingham, Origines	J. Bingham, Origines ecclesiastic?, 10 vols., London, 1708-22; new ed., Oxford, 1855
Bouquet, Recueil	M. Bouquet, Recueil des historiens des Gaules et de la France, continued by various hands, 23 vols., Paris, 1738-76
Bower, Popes	Archibald Bower, History of the Popes . . . to 1758, continued by S. H. Cox, 3 vols., Philadelphia, 1845-47
BQR	Baptist Quarterly Review, Philadelphia, 1867 sqq.
BRG	See Jaffé
Cant.	Canticles, Song of Solomon
cap.	caput, "chapter"
Ceillier, Auteurs sacrés	R. Ceillier, Histoire des auteurs sacrés et ecclésiastiques, 16 vols. in 17, Paris, 1858-69
Chron.	Chronicon, "Chronicle"
I Chron.	I Chronicles
II Chron.	II Chronicles
CIG	Corpus inscriptionum Grćcarum, Berlin, 1825 sqq.
CIL	Corpus inscriptionum Latinarum, Berlin, 1863 sqq.
CIS	Corpus inscriptionum Semiticarum, Paris, 1881 sqq.
cod.	codex
cod. D.	codex Bezć
cod. Theod.	codex Theodosianus
Col.	Epistle to the Colossians
col., cols.	column, columns
Conf.	Confessiones, "Confessions"
I Cor.	First Epistle to the Corinthians
II Cor.	Second Epistle to the Corinthians
COT	See Schrader
CQR	The Church Quarterly Review, London, 1875 sqq.
CR	Corpus reformatorum, begun at Halle, 1834, vol. lxxxix., Berlin and Leipsic, 1905 sqq.
Creighton, Papacy	M. Creighton, A History of the Papacy from the Great Schism to the Sack of Rome, new ed., 6 vols., New York and London, 1897
CSCO	Corpus scnptorum Christianorum orientalium, ed J. B. Chabot, I. Guidi, and others, Paris and Leipsic, 1903 sqq.
CSEL	Corpus scriptorum ecclesiasticorum Latinorum, Vienna, 1867 sqq.
CSHB	Corpus scriptorum historić Byzantinć, 49 vols., Bonn, 1828-78
Currier, Religious Orders	C. W. Currier, History of Religious Orders, New York, 1896
D.	Deuteronomist
DACL	F. Cabrol, Dictionnaire d'archéologie chrétienne et de liturgie, Paris, 1903 sqq.
Dan.	Daniel
DB	J. Hastings, Dictionary of the Bible, 4 vols. and extra vol., Edinburgh and New York, 1898-1904
DCA	W. Smith and S. Cheetham, Dictionary of Christian Antiquities, 2 vols., London, 1875-80
DCB	W. Smith and H. Wace, Dictionary of Christian Biography, 4 vols., Boston, 1877-87
DCG	J. Hastings, J. A. Selbie, and J. C. Lambert, A Dictionary of Christ and the Gospels, 2 vols., Edinburgh and New York, 1906-1908.
Deut.	Deuteronomy
De vir. ill.	De viris illustribus
DGQ	See Wattenbach
DNB	L. Stephen and S. Lee, Dictionary of National Biography, 63 vols. and supplement 3 vols., London, 1885-1901
Driver, Introduction	S. R. Driver, Introduction to the Literature of the Old Testament, 5th ed., New York, 1894
E.	Elohist
EB	T. K. Cheyne and J. S. Black, Encyclopćdia Biblica, 4 vols., London and New York, 1899-1903
Eccl.	Ecclesia, "Church"; ecclesiasticus, "ecclesiastical"
Eccles.	Ecclesiastes
Ecclus.	Ecclesiasticus
ed.	edition; edidit, "edited by"
Eph.	Epistle to the Ephesians
Epist.	Epistola, Epistolć, "Epistle," "Epistles"
Ersch and Gruber, Encyklopädie	J. S. Ersch and J. G. Gruber, Allgemeine Encyklopädie der Wissenschaften und Künste, Leipsic, 1818 sqq.
E. V.	English versions (of the Bible)
Ex.	Exodus
Ezek.	Ezekiel
fasc.	fasciculus
Fr.	French
Friedrich, KD	J. Friedrich, Kirchengeshichte Deutschlands, 2 vols., Bamberg, 1867-69
Gal.	Epistle to the Galatians
Gams, Series episcoporum	P. B. Gams, Series episcoporum ecclesić Catholicć, Regensburg, 1873, and supplement, 1886
Gee and Hardy, Documents	H. Gee and W. J. Hardy, Documents Illustrative of English Church History, London, 1896
Gen.	Genesis
Germ.	German
GGA	Göttingische Gelehrte Anzeigen, Göttingen, 1824 sqq.
Gibbon, Decline and Fall	E. Gibbon, History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, ed. J. B. Bury, 7 vols., London, 1896-1900
Gk.	Greek
Gross, Sources.	C. Gross, The Sources and Literature of English History . . . to 1485, London, 1900
Hab.	Habakkuk

Haddan and Stubbs, Councils	A. W. Haddan and W. Stubbs, Councils and Ecclesiastical Documents Relating to Great Britain and Ireland, 3 vols., Oxford, 1869-78
Hćr	Refers to patristic works on heresies or heretics, Tertullian's De prćscrlptione, the Pros haireseis of Irenćus, the Panarion of Epiphanius, etc.
Hag.	Haggai
Harduin, Concilia	J. Harduin, Conciliorum collectio regia maxima, 12 vols., Paris, 1715
Harnack, Dogma	A. Harnack, History of Dogma . . . from the 3d German edition, 7 vols., Boston, 1895-1900
Harnack, Litteratur	A. Harnack, Geschichte der altchristlichen Litteratur bis Eusebius, 2 vols, in 3, Leipsic, 1893-1904
Hauck, KD	A. Hauck, Kirchengeschichte Deutschlands, vol. i., Leipsic, 1904; vol. ii., 1900; vol. iii., 1906; vol. iv., 1903
Hauck-Herzog, RE	Realencyklopädie für protestantische Theologie und Kirche, founded by J. J. Herzog, 3d ed. by A. Hauck, Leipsic, 1896-1909
Heb.	Epistle to the Hebrews
Hebr.	Hebrew
Hefele, Conciliengeschichte	C. J. von Hefele, Conciliengeschichte, continued by J. Hergenröther, vols. i.-vi., viii.-ix., Freiburg, 1883-93
Heimbucher Orden und Kongregationen	M. Heimbucher, Die Orden und Kongregationen der katholischen Kirche, 2d ed. 3 vols., Paderborn, 1907
Helyot, Ordres monastiques	P. Helyot Histoire des ordres monastiques, religieux et militaires, 8 vols., Paris, 1714-19; new ed., 1839-42
Henderson, Documents	E. F. Henderson, Select Historical Documents of the Middle Ages, London, 1892
Hist.	History, histoire, historia
Hist. eccl.	Historia ecclesiastica, eclesić "Church History"
Hom.	Homilia, homiliai, "homily, homilies"
Hos.	Hosea
Isa.	Isaiah
Ital.	Italian
J	Jahvist (Yahwist)
JA	Journal Asiatique, Paris. 1822 sqq.
Jacobus, Dictionary	A Standard Bible Dictionary, ed. M. W. Jacobus, . . . E. E. Nourse, . . . and A. C. Zenos, New York and London, 1909.
Jaffé, BRG	P. Jaffé, Bibliotheca rerum Germanicarum, 6 vols., Berlin, 1864-73
Jaffé, Regesta	P. Jaffé, Regesta pontiftcum Romanorum . . . ad annum 1198, Berlin, 1851; 2d ed., Leipsic, 1881-88
JAOS	Journal of the American Oriental Society, New Haven, 1849 sqq.
JBL	Journal of Biblical Literature and Exegesis, first appeared as Journal of the Society of Biblical Literature and Exegesis, Middletown, 1882-88, then Boston, 1890 sqq.
JE	The Jewish Encyclopedia, 12 vols., New York, 1901-06
JE	The combined narrative of the Jahvist (Yahwist) and Elohist
Jer.	Jeremiah
Josephus, Ant.	Flavius Josephus, "Antiquities of the Jews"
Josephus, Apion	Flavius Josephus, "Against Apion"
Josephus, Life	Life of Flavius Josephus
Josephus, War	Flavius Josephus, "The Jewish War"
Josh.	Joshua
JPT	Jahrbücher für protestantische Theologie, Leipsic, 1875 sqq.
JQR	The Jewish Quarterly Review, London, 1888 sqq.
JRAS	Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, London, 1834 sqq.
JTS	Journal of Theological Studies, London, 1899 sqq.
Julian, Hymnology	J. Julian, A Dictionary of Hymnology, revised edition, London, 1907
JWT	Jaarboeken voor Wetenschappelijke Theologie, Utrecht, 1845 sqq.
KAT	See Schrader
KB	See Schrader
KD	See Friedrich, Hauck, Rettberg
KL	Wetzer and Welte's Kirchenlexikon, 2d ed., by J. Hergenröther and F. Kaulen, 12 vols., Freiburg, 1882-1903
Krüger, History	G. Krüger, History of Early Christian Literature in the First Three Centuries, New York, 1897
Krumbacher, Geschichte	K. Krumbacher, Geschichte der byzantinischen Litteratur, 2d ed., Munich, 1897
Labbe, Concilia	P. Labbe, Sacrorum conciliorum nova et amplissima collectio, 31 vols., Florence and Venice, 1759-98
Lam.	Lamentations
Lanigan, Eccl. Hist.	J. Lanigan, Ecclesiastical History of Ireland to the 13th Century, 4 vols., Dublin, 1829
Lat.	Latin, Latinized
Leg.	Leges, Legum
Lev.	Leviticus
Lichtenberger, ESR	F. Lichtenberger, Encyclopédie des sciences religieuses, 13 vols., Paris, 1877-1882
Lorenz, DGQ	O. Lorenz, Deutschlands Geschichtsquellen im Mittelalter, 3d ed., Berlin, 1887
LXX	The Septuagint
I Macc.	I Maccabees
II Macc.	II Maccabees
Mai, Nova collectio	A. Mai, Scriptorum veterum nova collectio, 10 vols., Rome, 1825-38
Mat.	Malachi
Mann, Popes	R. C. Mann, Lives of the Popes in the Early Middle Ages, London, 1902 sqq.
Mansi, Concilia	G. D. Mansi, Sanctorum conciliorum collectio nova, 31 vols., Florence and Venice, 1728
Matt.	Matthew
MGH	Monumenta Germanić historica, ed. G. H. Pertz and others, Hanover and Berlin, 1826 sqq. The following abbreviations are used for the sections and subsections of this work: Ant., Antiquitates, "Antiquities"; Auct. ant., Auctores antiquissimi, "Oldest Writers"; Chron. min., Chronica minora, "Lesser Chronicles"; Dip, Diplomata, "Diplomas, Documents"; Epist., Epistolć, "Letters"; Gest. pont. Rom., Gesta pontificum Romanorum, "Deeds of the Popes of Rome"; Leg., Leges, "Laws"; Lib. de lite, Libelli de lite inter regnum et sacerdotium sćculorum xi. et xii. conscripti, "Books concerning the Strife between the Civil and Ecclesiastical Authorities in the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries"; Nec., Necrologia Germanić, "Necrology of Germany"; Poet. Lat. ćvi Car., Poetć Latini ćvi Carolini, "Latin Poets of the Caroline Time"; Poet. Lat. med. ćvi, Poetć Latini medii ćvi, Latin Poets of the Middle Ages"; Script. Scriptores, "Writers"; Script. rer. Germ., Scriptores rerum Germanicarum, "Writers on German Subjects"; Script. rer. Langob., Scriptores rerum Langobardicarum et Italicarum, "Writers on Lombard and Italian Subjects"; Script. rer. Merov., Scriptores rerum Merovingicarum, "Writers on Merovingian Subjects"
Mic.	Micah
Milman, Latin Christianity	H. H. Milman, History of Latin Christianity, Including that of the Popes to . . . Nicholas V., 8 vols., London, 1860-61
Mirbt, Quellen	C. Mirbt, Quellen zur Geschichte des Papsttums und des römischen Katholicismus, Tübingen, 1901
MPG	J. P. Migne, Patrologić cursus completus, series Grćca, 162 vols., Paris, 1857-66
MPL	J. P. Migne, Patrologić cursus completus, series Latinć, 221 vols., Paris, 1844-64
MS., MSS	Manuscript, Manuscripts
Muratori, Scriptores	L. A. Muratori, Rerum Italicarum scriptores, 28 vols., 1723-51
NA	Neues Archiv der Gesellschaft für ältere deutsche Geschichtskunde, Hanover, 1876 sqq,
Nah.	Nahum
n.d.	no date of publication
Neander, Christian Church.	A. Neander, General History of the Christian Religion and Church, 6 vols., and index, Boston, 1872-81
Neh.	Nehemiah
Niceron, Mémoires	R. P. Niceron Memoires pour servir ŕ l'histoire des hommes illustrés . . . , 43 vols., Paris, 1729-45
NKZ	Neue kirchliche Zeitschrift, Leipsic, 1890
Nowack, Archäologie	W. Nowack, Lehrbuch der hebräischen Archäologie, 2 vols., Freiburg, 1894
n.p.	no place of publication
NPNF	The Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, 1st series, 14 vols., New York, 1887-92; 2d series, 14 vols., New York, 1890-1900
N. T.	New Testament, Novum Testamentum, Nouveau Testament, Neues Testament
Num.	Numbers
Ob.	Obadiah

O. S. B.	Ordo snacti Benedicti,"Order of St. Benedict"
O. T.	Old Testament
OTJC	See Smith
P	Priestly document
Pastor, Popes	L. Pastor, The History of the Popes from the Close of the Middle Ages, 8 vols., London,1891-1908
PEA	Patres ecclesić Anglicanć, ed. J. A. Giles, 34 vols., London, 1838-46
PEF	Palestine Exploration Fund
I Pet.	First Epistle of Peter
II Pet.	Second Epistle of Peter
Platina, Popes	B. Platina, Lives of the Popes from . . . Gregory VII. to . . . Paul II., 2 vols., London, n.d.
Pliny, Hist. nat.	Pliny, Historia naturalis
Potthast, Wegweiser	A. Potthast, Bibliotheca historica medii ćvi. Wegweiser durch die Geschichtswerke, Berlin, 1896
Prov.	Proverbs
Ps .	Psalms
PSBA	Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archeology, London, 1880 sqq.
q.v. qqv.	quod (quć) vide, "which see"
R	Redactor
Ranke, Popes	L. von Ranke. History of the Popes, 3 vols., London, 1906
RDM	Revue des deux mondes, Paris, 1831 sqq.
RE	See Hauck-Herzog
Reich, Documents	E. Reich, Select Documents Illustrating Medićval and Modern History, London, 1905
REJ	Revue des études juives, Paris, 1880 sqq.
Rettberg, KD	F. W. Rettberg, Kirchengeschichte Deutschlands, 2 vols., Göttingen, 1846-48
Rev.	Book of Revelation
RHR	Revue de l'histoire des religions, Paris, 1880 sqq.
Richardson, Encyclopaedia	E. C. Richardson, Alphabetical Subject Index and Index Encyclopaedia to Periodical Articles on Religion, 1890-99, New York 1907.
Richter, Kirchenrecht	A. L. Richter, Lehrbuch des katholischen und evangelischen Kirchenrechts, 8th ed. by W. Kahl, Leipsic, 1886
Robinson, Researches, and Later Researches	E. Robinson, Biblical Researches in Palestine, Boston 1841, and Later Biblical Researches in Palestine, 3d ed. of the whole, 3 vols., 1867
Robinson, European History.	J. H. Robinson, Readings in European History, 2 vols., Boston, 1904-06
Robinson and Beard, Modern Europe	J. H. Robinson, and C. A. Beard, Development of Modem Europe, 2 vols., Boston, 1907
Rom	Epistle to the Romans
RSE	Revue des sciences ecclésiastiques, Arras, 1860-74, Amiens, 1875 sqq.
RTP	Revue de thęologie et de philosophie, Lausanne, 1873
R. V.	Revised Version (of the English Bible)
sćc.	sćculum, "century"
I Sam.	I Samuel
II Sam.	II Samuel
SBA	Sitzungsberichte der Berliner Akademie, Berlin, 1882 sqq.
SBE	F. Max Müller and others, The Sacred Books of the East, Oxford, 1879 sqq., vol. xlviii., 1904
SBOT	Sacred Books of the Old Testament ("Rainbow Bible"), Leipsic, London, and Baltimore, 1894 sqq.
Schaff, Christian Church	P. Schaff, History of the Christian Church, vols. i.-iv., vi., vii., New York, 1882-92, vol. v., part 1, by D. S. Schaff, 1907
Schaff, Creeds	P. Schaff, The Creeds of Christendom, 3 vols., New York, 1877-84
Schrader, COT	E. Schrader, Cuneiform Inscriptions and the Old Testament, 2 vols., London, 1885-88
Schrader, KAT	E. Schrader, Die Keilinschriften und das Alte Testament, 2 vols., Berlin, 1902-03
Schrader, KB	E. Schrader, Keilinschriftliche Bibliothek, 6 vols., Berlin, 1889-1901
Schürer, Geschichte	E. Schürer, Geschichte des judischen Volkes im Zeitalter Jesu Christi, 4th ed., 3 vols., Leipsic,1902 sqq.; Eng. transl., 5 vols., New York, 1891
Script.	Scriptores, "writers"
Scrivener, Introduction	F. H. A. Scrivener, Introduction to New Testament Criticism, 4th ed., London, 1894
Sent.	Sententić, "Sentences"
S. J.	Societas Jesu, "Society of Jesus"
SMA	Sitzungsberichte der Münchener Akademie, Munich, 1860 sqq.
Smith, Kinship	W. R. Smith, Kinship and Marriage in Early Arabia, London, 1903
Smith, OTJC	W. R. Smith, The Old Testament in the Jewish Church, London, 1892
Smith, Prophets	W. R. Smith, Prophets of Israel . . . to the Eighth Century, London, 1895
Smith, Rel. of Sem.	W. R. Smith, Religion of the Semites, London, 1894
S. P. C. K.	Society for the Promotion of Christian Knowledge
S. P. G.	Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts
sq., sqq.	and following
Strom.	Stromata, "Miscellanies"
s.v.	sub voce, or sub verbo
Swete, Introduction	H. B. Swete, Introduction to the Old Testament in Greek, London, 1900
Syr.	Syriac
TBS	Trinitarian Bible Society
Thatcher and McNeal, Source Book	O. J. Thatcher and E. H. McNeal, A Source Book for Medićval History, New York, 1905
I Thess.	First Epistle to the Thessalonians
II Thess.	Second Epistle to the Thessalonians
ThT	Theologische Tijdschrift, Amsterdam and Leyden, 1867 sqq.
Tillemont, Mémoires	L. S. le Nain de Tillemont, Mémoires . . . ecclésiastiques des six premiers sičcles, 16 vols., Paris, 1693-1712
I Tim.	First Epistle to Timothy
II Tim.	Second Epistle to Timothy
TJB	Theologischer Jahresbericht, Leipsic, 1882-1887, Freiburg, 1888, Brunswick, 1889-1897, Berlin, 1898 sqq.
TLB	Theologisches Litteraturblatt, Bonn, 1866 sqq.
TLZ	Theologisches Litteraturzeitung, Leipsic, 1876 sqq.
Tob.	Tobit
TQ	Theologische Quartalschrift, Tübingen, 1819 sqq.
TS	J. A. Robinson, Texts and Studies, Cambridge, 1891 sqq.
TSBA	Transactions of the Society of Biblical Archćology, London, 1872 sqq.
TSK	Theologische Studien und Kritiken, Hamburg, 1826 sqq.
TU	Texte und Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der altchristlichen Litteratur, ed. O. von Gebhardt and A. Harnack, Leipsic, 1882 sqq.
TZT	Tübinger Zeitschrift für Theologie, Tübingen, 1838-40
Ugolini, Thesaurus	B. Ugolinus, Thesaurus antiquitatum sacrarum, 34 vols., Venice, 1744-69
V. T.	Vetus Testamentum, Vieux Testament, "Old Testament"
Wattenbach, DGQ	W. Wattenbach, Deutschlands Geschichtsquellen, 5th ed., 2 vols., Berlin, 1885; 6th ed. 1893-94
Wellhausen, Heidentum	J. Wellhausen, Reste arabischen Heidentums, Berlin, 1887
Wellhausen, Prolegomena	J. Wellhausen, Prolegomena zur Geschichte lsraels, 6th ed., Berlin, 1905, Eng. transl., Edinburgh, 1885
ZA	Zeitschrift für Assyriologie, Leipsic, 1886-88, Berlin, 1889 sqq.
Zahn, Einleitung	T. Zahn, Einleitung in das Neue Testament, 3d ed., Leipsic, 1907
Zanhn, Kanon	T. Zahn, Geschichte des neutestamentlichen Kanons, 2 vols., Leipsic, 1888-92
ZATW	Zeitschrift für die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft, Giessen, 1881 sqq.
ZDAL	Zeitschrift für deutsches Alterthum und deutsche Literatur, Berlin, 1876 sqq.
ZDMG	Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenländischen Gesellschaft, Leipsic, 1847 sqq.
ZDP	Zeitschrift für deutsche Philologie, Halle, 1869 sqq.
ZDPV	Zeitschrift des deutschen Palästina-Vereins, Leipsic, 1878 sqq.
Zech.	Zechariah
Zeph.	Zephaniah
ZHT	Zeitschrift für die historische Theologie, pubhshed successively at Leipsic, Hamburg, and Gotha, 1832-75
ZKG	Zeitschrift für Kirchengeschichte, Gotha, 1876 sqq.
ZKR	Zeitschrift für Kirchenrecht, Berlin, Tübingen, Freiburg, 1861 sqq.
ZKT	Zeitschrift für katholische Theologie, Innsbruck, 1877 sqq.
ZKW	Zeitschrift für kirchliche Wissenschaft und kirchliches Leben, Leipsic, 1880-89
ZNTW	Zeitschrift für die neutestamentliche Wissenschaft, Giessen, 1900 sqq.
ZPK	Zeitschrift für Protestantismus und Kirche, Erlangen, 1838-76
ZWT	Zeitschrift für wissenschaftliche Theologie, Jena, 1858-60, Halle, 1861-67, Leipsic, 1868 sqq.

[Page xvi]

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

ENCYCLOPEDIA OF RELIGIOUS KNOWLEDGE

INNOCENTS, FEAST OF THE HOLY: A church festival in honor of the children slain by Herod in Bethlehem (Matt. ii. 16-18). They were very early regarded as Christian martyrs, as Irenćus, Tertullian, Cyprian, and many later authors speak of them in that way. At what time the festival became commonly celebrated is not known. In the fifth century the holy innocents were commemorated in connection with the adoration of the Magi at the feast of Epiphany. The Carthaginian calendar, edited by Mabillon from a manuscript of the seventh century, has the entry opposite Dec. 28 "(the day) of the holy children slain by Herod." This day is still kept by the Roman Catholic and Protestant Episcopal churches, but the Greek Church observes Dec. 29. In course of time the feast received an octave.

(A. HAUCK.)

In the Saturnalia (II., 4, 11) of Macrobius, the Roman writer in the fifth century, is this anecdote: "When he (Augustus) heard that among the boys whom in Syria Herod, the king of the Jews, had ordered to be killed there were infants of two years and under, he exclaimed: 'I had rather be a pig of Herod's than a son."' As the Saturnalia contains many anecdotes which carry with them indubitable evidence of being of contemporary origin, there is no reason for supposing that this one was the creation of a time subsequent to Augustus, but every probability that it, too, was contemporary, and so is an incidental, undesigned, but striking witness to the truthfulness of the Gospel story.

E. G. SIHLER.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: Bingham, Origines, XX., vii. 12; J. C. W. Augusti, Denkwürdigkeiten, i. 304 sqq., Leipsic, 1817; P. Gueranger, L'Année liturgique, i. 366 sqq., Paris, 1880; W. E. Addis and T. Arnold, Catholic Dictionary, pp. 487-488, London, 1903; G. Wissowa, Analecta Macrobiana, in Hermes, xvi. 499 sqq.

INQUISITION.

In the Older Church.
The Inquisition in the Middle Ages.
The Inquisition and the Counter-Reformation.

I. In the Older Church:

The Inquisition (Inquisitio hćreticć pravitatis) or the "Holy Office" (Sanctum officium) is the name of the spiritual court of the Roman Catholic Church for the detection and punishment of those whose opinions differ from the doctrines of the Church. It was a comparatively late outgrowth of ancient ecclesiastical discipline. "In the primitive Church there was no arrangement that could have borne even a remote resemblance to the Inquisition. . . The whole instinct and the prevailing cast of thought of Christendom in the first four centuries was opposed to compulsion in religious affairs." (J. J. I. von Döllinger, Kleinere Schriften, p. 295, Stuttgart, 1890.) The institution of "elder for repentance" (see PENITENTIARY), which occurs in the third century, bears quite a different character, as the very name denotes. Of course deviations in the sphere of Christian doctrine were combated, but hardly with other than spiritual weapons; and this practise continued until Theodosius (d. 395), before a Christian emperor found it advisable to impose an ultimate death penalty on (Manichean) heresy. Chrysostom repudiated such action: "It is not right to put a heretic to death, since an implacable war would be brought into the world" (Hom. xlvi. on Matt. xiii. 24-30); and still in the neighborhood of 450 the church historian Socrates characterized persecution for heresy as foreign to the orthodox Church. Nevertheless, in the meantime Augustine, in his conflict with the Donatists, had set up the contrary doctrine in the West and had recommended compulsion as well as penalties against heretics (Epist. xciii., clxxxv.), though he did not approve the death penalty. Six centuries more passed before the theory of religious compulsion and of the violent extirpation of heresy came to have universal validity, although Pope Leo I. (Epist. xv., ad Turrtibium) had approved it in the fifth century. This long season of comparative tolerance is the more impressive in view of the circumstance that in Italy under East Gothic and Lombard rule, Catholics and Arians lived whole centuries in close proximity, or even together (as in Ravenna). The impulse to more severe methods came from the decision that the numerous remnants of paganism must be finally rooted out; and certain measures in this direction were devised by the Carolingian legislation (Capitularia Caroli Magni of 769 and 813). The beginnings of episcopal inquisition are thus to be sought in the synodal courts for investigations with reference to heresy (see SYNODAL COURTS; and cf. P. Hinschius, Katholisches Kirchenrecht, v. 427, Berlin, 1895).

II. The Inquisition is the Middle Ages:
1. Organization and Competence.

By the terms of their negotiations at Verona in 1184, Pope Lucius III. and Emperor Frederick Barbarossa converted the episcopal inquisition into a universal institution, to be unconditionally supported by the temporal power. This was the period when a new and dangerous doctrine, commingling Christian and pagan elements in the manner of the ancient Gnostic speculations, diffused itself by way of the East, and lent its aid to popular religious antagonism that was constantly inflamed by the conditions of the worldly fashioned hierarchy (manifested by the Patarenes, Arnold of Brescia, the Waldenses, and others).

There is no evidence that Arnold of Brescia or the Waldenses commingled pagan elements with Christian. On the contrary, they combated with the utmost decision the pagan elements that had been incorporated in the doctrines and practise of the dominant Church. They appear to have been Absolutely free from Manichean or Gnostic tendencies.

A. H. N.

By 1179, the followers of the new doctrine had become so numerous, especially in southern France (see NEW MANICHEANS) that Alexander III. urged the plan of suppressing them forcibly. Innocent III. (d. 1216) organized a systematic religious war against them; and among the agencies everywhere employed were the episcopal inquisitions, with their modes of operation guaranteed by the agreement at Verona and the ready support of all temporal tribunals. However, this form of the Inquisition appeared even to Honorius III. (d. 1227) subject to obstruction, and not swift or comprehensive enough in its workings, for want of centralization. He and his successor, Gregory IX., grasped the entire procedure in a single hand, thus creating the new form of papal inquisition, which now received the specific name of Sanctum officium in distinction from the episcopal office. The most exact information as to this institution is furnished by Eymerich's Directorium. The officers are accountable directly to the pope. It is not the bishop who stands at their head, but the grand inquisitor, who is reinforced with notaries, consultors on the judicial side, servants and attendants of every sort (e.g., jailers) on the practical side. In the Venetian Republic, each case was tried with a supplementary attendance of three "learned in heresy," who safeguarded the interests of the State. The new institution was accorded important privileges, in fact, full power in the ecclesiastical province; the officers, being commissioned by the pope directly, were independent of the bishops, and, protected by high prerogatives, were inviolable and immune. All their privileges were newly confirmed to them in 1458 by the bull Injunctum nobis, and again in 1570 by the constitution Sacrosanctć Romanć ecclesić. After the Dominican order had arisen in the thirteenth century, and its adherents had shown themselves exceptionally qualified, the office was transferred to them especially, though not to the exclusion of members of other orders. The inquisitors' official powers were great, including sentence of excommunication and interdict, suspension of those under suspicion, and adjudication of all sorts of Exemption (q.v.). The trial proceedings were held either in special court rooms or in the official diocesan court. For the trial in its different stages, for the imposition of the penalty, and the like, the most exact prescriptions are extant, and these were continually supplemented as occasion demanded. But for all the exceedingly detailed form of procedure, much was left to the inquisitor's discretion. The new papal tribunal encroached in various ways upon the sphere of the episcopal inquisition, and conflicts of jurisdiction arose, which the popes did not always find it easy to adjust, because, in any case, the episcopal inquisition was not to be abrogated. Nevertheless, in a critical case, the higher authority was lodged in the inquisitor, and his executive scope was more extended than that of the episcopal officials. Charges of heresy against bishops, and even nuncios, were subject to the papal inquisitors.

2. Relation to the Secular Powers.

The unconditional support of the secular arm was invoked for the papal inquisition by virtue of the Veronese agreement (though this was not properly made for that end). The secular arm was "executor," or "minister" of the inquisition. The popes constantly strove to get the co-operation of the secular powers embodied in state laws, municipal statutes, and the like. To this end Innocent IV., in the bull Ad exstirpanda, conceded to the State a portion of the property to be confiscated; and the State in return assumed the odium and burden of inflicting the penalty, even to capital execution, if need were. The first instance of an execution under imputation of heresy was supplied in 385 by the usurper Maximus (see PRISCILLIAN)—an event by no means approved by Augustine. While the Veronese agreement left the question open, King Peter of Aragon, as early as 1197, threatened the death penalty against heretics who did not submit to the decree of expulsion; and in the course of the thirteenth century this threat was enforced in the widest terms. Even the Emperor Frederick II., "free-thinking" man though he was reputed to be, decreed the death penalty for Lombardy in 1224; for Sicily in 1230; and, with Gregory IX., for Rome in 1231. The sentence itself was determined, as might be expected, by the ecclesiastical (papal) court; whereupon the execution was committed to the temporal authorities. Hence it is possible for certain apologists of the Roman Church to urge that the Church of Rome has never shed blood (cf. Die Selbstbiographie des Cardinals Bellarmins, ed. J. J. I. von Döllinger and F. H. Reusch, pp. 233 sqq., Bonn, 1887).

3. In Italy.

This new form of the Inquisition was now made effective with iron strictness in Italy, France, the Netherlands, and England. In Italy, which, especially in the north and central regions, was honeycombed with heresy, the situation was managed by Innocent III. At Viterbo, for example, proceedings were instituted with unexampled severity against the Paterenes in 1207 (cf. Muratori, Rerum Italicarum scriptores, iii., 1, Milan 1723). The civil strife that was stirred up led repeatedly—as at Viterbo in 1265, in Parma, 1277—to the expulsion of the inquisitors; they were even slain, as Peter Martyr at Verona in 1245, who thus became the saint of the Inquisition. "But this occasioned frightful vengeance . . . If the complaints became too loud, a pope did indeed now and then serve a note of reproof on the inquisitor; but it does not appear that so much as one pope wished to lop the institution's rankest outcrops" (Döllinger, ut sup.). For the detailed procedure, cf. Lea, vol. ii., chap. iv. A special arrangement prevailed at Venice in the interest of the State, but a milder policy in this case was exceptional. Moreover, the pope appointed the inquisitor whom the Senate classed as an officer of the State by granting him a "provision" or salary; and the extent of his influence on the "learned in heresy" depended entirely on the Roman Curia's influence over the Senate itself.

4. France.

In France the Inquisition's most appalling operation began in the thirteenth century (see NEW MANICHEANS, II.; INNOCENT III.), and did not reach an end with the annihilation of the Albigenses. The people endured the yoke with extreme reluctance; in 1242 a desperately goaded multitude assailed the inquisitors in the territory of Avignon. (Those then slain were canonized by Pius IX. in Sept., 1866; and he did the same thing, in the year following, for the atrocious Spanish inquisitor, Pedro Arbues.) The attitude of the French kings to the Inquisition shows various phases. Louis IX. (Saint Louis) promulgated a mandate in 1228 which binds the temporal sovereignty to unconditional collaboration with the Inquisition; on the other hand, Philip the Fair decreed, in 1290, that due circumspection should be observed in the matter of arresting alleged heretics. The violent reactions of the tortured people and various royal edicts had at last their effect; and in time the complete revolution brought forth by the Great Schism and the growing independence of the French nation made an end of the Inquisition in France sooner than in other lands.

5. Spain.

Meanwhile the Inquisition in Spain blossomed out with peculiar fulness. It is, to be sure, an error to ascribe to it, with Hefele (Cardinal Ximenez, Tübingen, 1844) and Ranke, the character of a royal court of justice; for, as the Jesuits Grisar and Orti y Lara, prove, it is altogether ecclesiastical, having only certain special state privileges and a certain influence being allowed the king in the choice of inquisitors. It developed from the thirteenth century, on the background of persecution of Moors and Jews. Prior to the sixteenth century, its principal operation was against the Maranoa or alleged converts from Judaism to Christianity. The inquisitor-general, Tomas de Torquemada (q.v.), appointed by Pope Sixtus IV., outdid all precedents in the way of executions and confiscations; it was under him, in Saragossa, that Arbues came to his bloody end. To say naught of the fact that the national character was favorable to it, the Spanish Inquisition underwent a peculiar development on three aides: in the first place, it had a royally acknowledged head in the inquisitor-general; in the second place, under the inquisitor-general, the Consejo de la suprema acted uniformly for all Spain, with assistance from the state authorities; in the third place, while the king's influence on the tribunal was undoubtedly large, it was never exerted against the interests of the Church—on the contrary, the presence of the king or of his representative at the autos da fé imparted to these the quality of great spectacles authorized by the State, almost popular festivals. It is impossible to estimate the number of the victims. Llorente's data are questioned, and may be disregarded. However, from the Inquisitor Paramo's treatise De origine et progressu inquisitionis (Madrid, 1598), p. 140, it appears that in forty years (1480-1520), at Seville, 4,000 were burned, and 30,000 "penitents" were sentenced to various penalties.

6. Germany, the Netherlands, and England.

In Germany, Conrad of Marburg (q.v.) was to bring the institution to its flower. But the wrath of the people slew him and his assistant, Droso, just as their activity began to ripen (1233). Hence in Germany the Inquisition, for the most part, failed to attain to thoroughgoing activity. Nevertheless, until the fifteenth century a good many instances of separate procedures occur. The acts collected by Frédéricq show what was ordained for Germany and the Netherlands in common. This author gives the directions of Gregory IX., addressed to the bishops, in 1233, to the effect that they shall catch the "little foxes"—that is, the heretics ostensibly converted; while a whole series of similar ordinances ensues to the time of the bull Summis desiderantes in 1484, by the terms of which the special activity of the Inquisition was directed against Witchcraft (q.v.). It was furthermore directed against the "Waldenses" along the Rhine, in Bavaria and Austria, in Bohemia, and as far as the mark of Brandenburg and Pomerania, as well as against sects of every kind in the Netherlands. It had waged a fearful war of extermination in North Germany, in the district of Bremen, 1233, against the Stedingi (q.v.). From the exact information in Frédéricq's work, it appears that the extent of the bloody doings at Antwerp, Brussels, Ghent, Utrecht, and other cities was greater than previously known. During the period before the Reformation, England was less affected by the Inquisition. It first became active against the Lollards (q.v.). In 1401 Henry IV. had parliament confirm the statute De hćretico comburendo.

III. The Inquisition and the Counter-Reformation:
1. The Reformation Suppressed in Italy.

In 1542 Cardinal Caraffa, subsequently Pope Paul IV., reorganized the Roman Inquisition after the pattern of the Spanish. He himself assumed the direction of the Holy Office created by the bull Licet ab initio. The executive procedure was to be centralized at Rome, primarily for all Italy; and the outcome was to be guaranteed by uniform, ruthless, and swift operation. The new organization, having at its disposal the entire influence of the Roman Curia over every state of Italy, by the time of Plus V. had made an end of the Reformation in that country (see ITALY, THE REFORMATION IN); its advocates were either incarcerated or killed, or driven to flight, while literary products were sought out and destroyed, save insignificant remnants. As an example of the Inquisition's operation in Italy, its actions against "Lutherans" or other heretics in Venice may be enumerated: in the sixteenth century, according to the acts still preserved in the state archives, there were 803 trials for "Lutheranism"; five for "Calvinism"; thirty-five for Anabaptism; forty-three for relapse of converts into Judaism; sixty-five for blasphemous speeches; 148 for sorcery; forty-five for contempt of religion (that is, of ecclesiastical ceremonies, etc.); and more of the sort. Later these figures notably vanish. Branches of the new Roman office were organized in all other cities of Italy, Naples excepted. Rome, however, continued the center; and how numerous the trials conducted at that place must have been appears from the circumstance that the single protocol-book accessible records during the three years 1564-67 no fewer than 111 sentences, all involving severe punishment, some the death penalty, and some imprisonment for life.

2. In Spain and the Netherlands.

As in Italy, so in Spain, the reformatory movement of the sixteenth century fell a prey to the Inquisition (see SPAIN, REFORMATION MOVEMENTS OF SIXTEENTH CENTURY IN). At Seville and Valladolid the movement was crushed and obliteriated in the course of four autos da fé, 1559 and 1560 (cf. E. Schäfer, Sevilla und Valladolid, die evangelischenGemeinden Spaniens im Reformationszeitalter, Halle, 1903); and the Inquisition still flourished in all the land until 1700; according to Llorente, 782 more autos occurred under the first Bourbons (1700-46), wherein 14,000 persons were subjected to heavier or lighter penalties. Indeed, Ferdinand VII, restored the Inquisition along with the Restoration in 1814; but it was finally set aside in 1834. The Inquisition persisted long also in Portugal, where it was mainly directed against the Jews; it came to an end there in 1826. In the imperial Netherlands, the Inquisition effectively combated the Reformation in the sixteenth century. From Brussels as a center, it was so actively conducted, or supported, from 1522 downward by the officials of Charles V., then by the two stadtholder princesses, that by 1530 its goal seemed achieved. The spirit, however, it could not subdue, and it raged afresh under Philip II., and anticipated the cruel deeds of Alva. When eventually the north provinces conquered their religious and political freedom, the Inquisition had annihilated the Reformation in the south provinces. Its activity was also carried into the Spanish possessions in America, and into the East Indies by the Portuguese.

The Congregatio sanctae Romanae et universalis inquisitionis is still maintained by the Curia; and the estimate which Rome puts on the institution appeared in 1867 in the canonization of Pedro Arbues, and in 1869 in the constitution Apostolicae, which threatens penalty for every infraction of the Inquisition's activity. Not one of all the regulations which define its action and determine its aims has been repealed.

K. BENRATH.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: In the first rank as a source is the Directorium of Eymerich written at Avignon as a manual of procedure in 1376, edited by Pegna, Rome, 1580, cf. P. H. Denifle in Archiv für Litteratur- und Kirchengeschichte, 1885, p.10. The Liber sententiarum inquisitionis Tholosanć is reproduced as an addition to P. van Limborch, Historia; Inquisitionis, Amsterdam, 1692, Eng. transl., London, 1731, often abbreviated and republished in England and America. The Practica Inquisitionis of Bernard Guidonis, ed. C. Douais, appeared Paris, 1886. The best collection of sources for the Netherlands is gathered in P. Frédéricq, Corpus documentorum lnquisitionia, 2 vols., The Hague, 1889-96. Early material on Spain and Italy respectively is included in J. A. Llorente, Historia critica de la lnquisicion de Espańa, 10 vols., Madrid, 1822, abridged Eng. transl., Hist. of the Inquisition of Spain from the Time of the Establishment to the Reign of Ferdinand VII., London, 1826, and in E. C. Comba, I nostri Protestanti, vol. ii., Florence, 1897. An index to some sources is found in Catalogue of a Collection of Manuscripts formerly belonging to the Holy Office . . . in the Canary Islands, 1499-1693, 2 vols., Edinburgh, 1903.

On the general history of the Inquisition the best work is H. C. Lea, Hist. of the Inquisition in the Middle Ages, revised ed., 3 vols., New York, 1906-07. Consult further: J. Marsollier, Hist. de l'inquisition dčs son origine, Cologne, 1693; W. H. Rule, Hist. of the Inquisition in Every Country where its Tribunals have been Established, London, 1874; Orti y Lara, La Inquisixion, Madrid, 1877; J. Havet, L'Hérésie et la bras séculier, Paris, 1881; A. Henner, Beiträge zur Organisation der päpstlichen Ketzergerichte, Leipsic, 1890; J. Hansen, Zauberwesen, Inquisition und Hexenprozess im Mittelalter, Munich, 1900; P. von Hoensbroech, Das Papsttum ins social-kulturellen Wirksamkeit, vol. i., Leipsic, 1900; C. V. Langlois, L'Inquisition d'aprčs des travaux récents, Paris, 1902; E. Schäfer, Beiträge zur Geschichte . . . der Inquisition, 3 vols., Gütersloh, 1902; C. Douais, L'Inquisition, se sorigines, sa procédure, Paris, 1906; E. Vacandard, L'Inquisition; . . . le pouvoir coercitif de l'église, ib. 1906, Eng. transl., Critical and Historical Study of the Coercive Power of the Church, London, 1908; T, de Causons, Les Albigeois et l'inquisition, les Vaudois et l'inquisition, 2 vols., Paris, 1907; Schaff, Christian Church, v. 1, pp. 515 sqq.; the literature under NEW MANICHEANS and in general the treatises on Church history.

For the institution in France, consult: C. Molinier, L'Inquisition dans Ie midi de la France, Paris, 1881; W. Esmein, Hist. . . . de la procédure inquisitoire, ib. 1882; L. Tenon, Hist. de l'inquisition en France, ib. 1893; T. de Cauzons, Hist. de l'inquisition en France; vol. i., Les Origines, Paris, 1909. For Germany consult: H. Haupt, Waldenserthum und Inquisition im süd-östlichen Deutschland, Freiburg, 1890; P. Flade, Das römische Inquisitions-verfahren in Deutschland, Berlin, 1902. For the Netherlands: W. Moll, Kerkgeschiedenis van Nederland, ii., chap, 16, Utrecht 1869; J. G. de Hoop-Scheffer, Geechialenia der Kerkhervorming in Nederland, Amsterdam, 1873; P. Claessens L'Inquisition dans les Pays-Bas, Turnhout, 1886; P. Frédéricq, Geschiedenis der Inquisitie in de Nederlanden, 2 vols., Ghent, 1892-97; J. Frederichs, Twe Verhandelingen over de Inquisitie in de Nederlanden, The Hague, 1897 For Italy: L. Witte, A Glance at the Italian Inquisition, London, 1885; L. Amabile, Il Santo Officio della Inquisizione in Napoli, 2 vols., Citta di Castello, 1892. For Spain: H. C. Lea, The Inquisition in Spain, 4 vols., New York, 1906-07; idem, The Inquisition in the Spanish Dependencies, ib. 1908; idem, Chapters from the Hist. of Spain connected with the Inquisition, Philadelphia, 1890; É. de Molčnes, Torquemada et l'inquisition, Paris, 1897; C. J. von Hefele, Life and Times of Cardinal Ximenez, London, 1885. For South America: B. V. Mackenna, Francesco Moyen; or, the Inquisition as it was in America, London, 1869. J. T. Medina has written a number of volumes in Spanish, on the Inquisition in Lima, Santiago, 1887; in Chile, 3 vols., ib. 1890; in Cartagena, ib. 1899; in De la Plata, ib 1899; in the Philippines, ib. 1899; and in Mexico, ib. 1905.

INSABATATI (SABOTIERS): A name given to the Waldenses (q.v.) from their sabots, marked with a painted cross, or from the sandals tied crosswise.

INSCRIPTIONS.

I. Egyptian Inscriptions.

Forms and Character (§ 1).
Number, Age, and Contents (§ 2).
The Rosetta Stone and Decipherment (§ 3).
Illustration of the Bible (§ 4).

II. Cuneiform Inscriptions.

The Name; Area Covered by the Script (§ 1).
Discoveries; Decipherment of Persian (§ 2).
Decipherment of Babylonian-Assyrian (§ 3).
Origin and Character of the Script (§ 4).

III. Christian Inscriptions.

1. Ancient Christian Inscriptions.

Methods of Writing (§ 1).
Languages Employed (§ 2).
Contents (§ 3).
Value of the Material (§ 4).

2. Medieval and Later Inscriptions.
3. History of Epigraphy.

The Early Period (§ 1).
The Nineteenth Century (§ 2).

I. Egyptian Inscriptions:
1. Forms and Character.

The inscriptions of Egypt are no new discovery. The term most used to describe the characters employed in the inscriptions, "hieroglyphics," is of Greek origin (hieros, "sacred" + "glyphein, "to carve") and bears witness both to early knowledge of the existence of the writing and to the conception at that time that the priestly class was its executor. In more modern usage the term is not confined to the Egyptian inscriptions, but is used generally of any kind of picture-writing. The inscriptions on the monuments of Egypt are in the main in a picture-writing, the individual signs of which are representations of objects or actions more or less conventionalized. This detailed representation passed by the method of abbreviation into a shorter form called the hieratic script, and by the extension of this process to a still shorter form, the demotic. But in only the very late period of Egyptian history was either the hieratic or demotic form employed upon the monuments, though both were used on papyri from an early age. While originally the signs stood for the objects they pictured, at a very early stage they came to have phonetic quality, and from this to the development of an alphabet the steps were rapid and easy. While this process was going on, the signs were given values associated with those already customary and also others disconnected from the original connotation. The alphabet was of twenty-one letters (some authorities say twenty-two, others twenty-four), all consonants, though some of the letters were employed to indicate vowel sounds, as in the Semitic languages. The signs became also signs of syllables as well as of single letters, and, still further, signs of words or ideographs. In all, the number of symbols known from the monuments is slightly under 1,400. Since some of these symbols might express several ideas, it became necessary to use certain signs as determinatives to fix the meaning of the group in which they occurred, thus to remove ambiguity. The signs composing a word or idea are, grouped in quadrangular form, though the order of grouping is not invariable, being either perpendicular or horizontal, according to the shape of the components, the exigencies of the space at disposal or the artistic taste of the scribe. The groups were arranged in columns or in lines, according to the material used and the space and form available for the inscription. The writing runs either (preferably) from right to left or the reverse when arranged horizontally, or from above downward when it is in columns.

2. Number, Age, and Contents.

The area within which these inscriptions are found embraces the whole of the Nile valley as far as Nubia, parts of the peninsula of Sinai, and locations in Syria and Palestine. Records begin with the second dynasty; during the fourth, fifth and sixth dynasties they become numerous, though largely centralized around Memphis; then they become fewer until with the eleventh dynasty they again grow abundant and spread out over a wide area, continuing numerous till the fourteenth dynasty. Of the Hyksos kings few remains are found. With the seventeenth dynasty inscriptions once more become abundant and continue so, with exceptions in some dynasties or single reigns, till down into Roman times. The inscriptions were placed on the walls of temples, on stelć and monuments set up within the temple courts, on obelisks, and in tombs both of the Pharaohs and of the nobility and the wealthier classes, and on gems, rings, and scarabs. Since the temples of the earlier period have vanished, it follows that the inscriptions of those times have for the most part perished. Yet while some of the earliest monuments were destroyed at a very early date, it sometimes occurs that the record which they bore wee copied on a more perishable material which has survived. A matter which often causes embarrassment to the decipherer is that it was the known habit of some Pharaohs, as in the case of Ramesea II., to remove the royal name in the cartouche of the original Pharaoh who ordered the inscription, and to in scribe their own in its place, thus claiming the deeds originally assigned to another and dislocating the order of history. The earliest inscriptions come from massive masonry tombs, where often little more than names, titles, and, sometimes, the legal provisions for maintenance of the tomb are preserved. Later, in addition to these bare statements, the lists of titles are extended to include something of the career of the deceased. Finally they contain records of achievement—whether of Pharaohs, generals, or administrators—of the occasion which the record commemorates, and may even include the royal patent for the work of which the inscription speaks. But, in general, a vagueness characterizes the content of the inscriptions and makes them illusive and difficult, not only in themselves but also in the historical matter to which they refer. Thus, in a story of conquest, the foe is often referred to not by name or country, but is described by some derogatory epithet: again, the events narrated were often contemporary and matters of general knowledge; it therefore did not seem to the maker necessary to give specific details, so that the identification of the events is often doubtful or impossible. Not seldom, the inscriptions are mere laudations of the Pharaoh, or, again, are hymns in praise of him. Others are records of building enterprises, giving the personal history of the ruler or administrator. Decrees of administration appear. In private tombs records of filial performance in the maintenance of the tomb occur, and there are also found interesting accounts referring to wars or enterprises otherwise unknown. The longest inscriptions are the Pyramid texts of the Pharaohs of the fifth and sixth dynasties, discovered in 1880, dealing largely with matters religious, including magic. The Palermo Stone is one of the most noted monuments—a fragment of a stele containing a record of pre-dynastic kings, continuing to the middle of the fifth dynasty, and giving brief royal annals. The various erections at Karnak afforded space for voluminous inscriptions, to some of which reference must be made later.

3. The Rosetta Stone and Decipherment.

Since the fifteenth century attempts were made to decipher the Egyptian hieroglyphics, though without success till the early part of the nineteenth century. But meanwhile a foundation was laid for a broader and sounder appreciation of Egyptian archeology by the work done on Coptic since the time of Athanasius Kircher, who published the first Coptic grammar (Rome, 1643-44). The epoch-making work of Champollion (see below) was in no small part due to his mastery of Coptic. But all attempts to read the hieroglyphics were complete failures until the key was furnished by the Rosetta Stone. This is a slab of black granite, three feet nine inches by two feet four and a half inches and eleven inches thick, bearing an inscription in hieroglyphic and demotic Egyptian and in Greek. It was found in 1799 by M. Bouasard, a French military officer, at Fort St. Julien, near Rosetta, on the Rosette branch of the Nile (40 m. n.e. of Alexandria), was taken to England after the fall of Alexandria, and was presented to the British Museum by George III. (1801). The upper portion and the lower right-hand corner are broken away. It contains a decree of the Egyptian priests in honor of Ptolemy V. Epiphanes (205-181 B.C.), and its date is Mar. 27, 195 B.C. It bears 100 lines of text, fourteen of hieroglyphic (about half of the original), thirty-two of demotic, and fifty-four of Greek (the ends of some of the lines broken off). Its significance is not in its contents, but in the fact that it proved to be the key to the decipherment of the hieroglyphic and demotic writing, and consequently opened up nearly all that is known of and through Egyptian texts. The results gained through the decipherment of this text were checked and confirmed by the trilingual stele of Canopus found by Lepsius at Tanis in 1866, containing a similar decree of the year 238 B.C., in honor of Ptolemy III. Euergetes I. (247-222 B.C.). Yet the process of decipherment was somewhat tedious. Sylvestre de Sacy (1802) detected several groups in the demotic text which corresponded to the Greek forms of the names Ptolemy, Berenice, and Alexander. The Swede J. D. Akerblad (1802) obtained the phonetic values of most of the demotic characters in the proper names and used the Coptic to determine the meaning of several words. Thomas Young (1814), an English scientist, determined the meanings of several groups of demotic characters and established four alphabetical hieroglyphic characters. Jean Francois Champollion put the crown upon all these efforts by reading from a bilingual obelisk in Philć, in hieroglyphic and Greek, the names of Ptolemy and Cleopatra, deciphering the names of Greek and Roman rulers, making out all the characters, discovering ideograms and determinatives, gaining insight into the phonetic system, and discerning the relations of the three kinds of script. He made a statement of his discoveries and expounded his system to the Académie des Inscriptions, Sept. 22, 1822. Karl Richard Lepsiua worked on the lines of Champollion and corrected some mistakes, but proved the general soundness of Champollion's conclusions against the captious and envious criticism of several German writers. The science of Egyptology has been advanced by many later scholars, such as to name only a few, Emmanuel de Rougé, Auguste Mariette, Paul Pierret, Jacques de Morgan and Gaston Maspero in France, Heinrich Brugsch, Alfred Wiedemann, Georg Ebers, Adolf Erman and Georg Steindorff in Germany, John Gardner Wilkinson, Samuel Birch, Peter le Page Renouf, Edward Naville, Ernest Alfred Thompson, Wallis Budge, and William Matthew Flinders-Petrie in England, W. Max Müller and James Henry Breasted in the United States.

4. Illustration of the Bible.

The scantiness of illustration of Biblical history afforded by the Egyptian monuments as compared with the abundance gained from the Assyro-Babylonian records has been to many a cause of great disappointment. The explanation of this scantiness is, however, not hard to discover. One reason is the vagueness of Egyptian records (see above). Another, which is on the surface, is that after the Hebrews settled in Palestine contact of Egypt with Palestine was occasional and not always of such a character as to dispose the monument-makers to speak of it—they recorded only victories, not failures or defeats. That mention of the Hebrews who had broken away from Egyptian control would appear in the inscriptions was hardly to be expected, nor that pre-Mosaic Israel would be differentiated from the numerous nomads of Semitic stock who occasionally sought refuge in the Nile land. Accordingly, apart from that general illustration of manners of living which is a consequence of a sort of commonality of life in the East, little of specific detail need be looked for from the Egyptian inscriptions either corroborating or contradicting Biblical statements, especially if, according to the view now generally accepted, the Hebrews were very few in numbers. What little specific illustration there is takes on either a geographical or ethnological character. The first comes through the mention of places conquered in Palestine by the Pharaohs. Thothmes III. (eighteenth dynasty), who made fifteen expeditions into Syria and Palestine has recorded in the temple of Amon at Karnak, on the wall of the southern pylon and on the northern wall at the western end of the temple, a list of places in that region the submission of which he claims to have received (cf. Records of the Past, new series, v. 29-53, for the list of names). Noteworthy and productive of a vast amount of discussion are the names Yakob-el and Yosep-el, which seem to represent an early form of the names Jacob and Joseph. The real significance of these names, paralleled from the cuneiform inscriptions, is as yet under debate, but eponymous derivation seems to be favored. The geography is also illuminated by the lists of Seti I. and Rameaes II. (nineteenth dynasty), the tatter's inscriptions on the Ramesseum at Thebes and at Karnak, and by that of Rameses III. at Medinet Haba.

Shishak I. (twenty-second dynasty) also furnished on the south wall of the great temple at Karnak a list of geographical names in which there are 156 cartouches, not all legible (cf. W. M. Müller, Asien und Europa, Leipsic, 1893, pp. 166 sqq.).

The monuments of Seti I., Rameses II. and IV., and Meneptah contain references which are thought by the advanced school to bear on pre-Mosaic history. That the Aperiu (cf. Heb. 'Ibhri, "Hebrew" and the Habiri, of the Amarna Tablets, q.v.) were Hebrews is not yet assured, though it is possible. Seti I. and Rameaes II. speak of an Aseru or Asaru in western Galilee in the region assigned to the tribe Asher in the Hebrew records (Judges v. 17, cf. i. 32). Of this alternative explanations are given: the Asherites were a Canaanitic tribe absorbed later into the Hebrew confederation (which would go with the assumed eponymous derivation of the name and with the Biblical account of descent from a concubine) or the Hebrews who settled in the region took the name of the country (W. M. Müller, ut sup. pp. 236-239). On a stele of Meneptah discovered in 1895 occurs the only known mention of Israel on the Egyptian monuments (in the form I-si-r-'l) as a people whom Meneptah had reduced. This mention is complicated by the fact that Meneptah is now quite generally regarded as the Pharaoh of the Exodus; how, then, could Israel be in Palestine during his reign? Accordingly many commentators are disposed to see in the Israel of Meneptah's inscription a part of the Hebrews settled in Palestine who did not go down into Egypt and gave their name to the confederation in later times; these commentators regard as confirmation of this the occurrence of Yakob-el and Yosep-el (ut sup.). Light on the Exodus of the Hebrews comes not from the hieroglyphic, but from a combination of a Greco-Roman inscription with the identification of Succoth and Pithom through indications in the Coptic version of the Old Testament and through indications in Greek writers (see EGYPT). While the bearing of Egyptian inscriptions on Hebrew history and ethnology is thus vague and indecisive, if it has any value at all it is in the way of strengthening the case of the newer school of constructive history.

GEO. W. GILMORE.

II. Cuneiform Inscriptions:
1. The Name; Area Covered by the Script.

Cuneiform, from the Latin cuneus, "wedge," was first applied in the year 1700 by Thomas Hyde, professor of Hebrew in the University of Oxford. In that day Hyde was acquainted only with some rude copies of Assyrian characters, and with some equally rude copies of Sassanian and Palmyrene inscriptions, concerning which he argued that they were not letters, nor intended for letters, but were mere ornament. Later investigation has shown that the cuneiform method of writing is one of the oldest known to man and one of the most widely diffused, and that it sufficed for more than five thousand years to express the ideas of nearly a score of peoples, among whom were some of the greatest culture races of antiquity. It was invented by the pre-Semitic Sumerian inhabitants of Babylonia, was adopted by their conquerors, the Semitic Babylonians, and thence carried to Assyria. It was besides diffused among all the neighboring peoples and came into use as far east as Elam and as far west as Egypt (see AMARNA TABLETS).

2. Discoveries; Decipherment of Persian.

The first modern observer of cuneiform characters was Pietro della Valle, about 1618 A.D., who copied from the ruins of Persepolis in Persia a few characters in random but fairly accurate fashion. The material thus provided was too scanty to stimulate any earnest effort at decipherment. The first opportunity afforded European scholars for study of the cuneiform was given in 1774 by Carsten Niebuhr, a Dane, father of the famous Roman historian, who had copied at Persepolis a number of small inscriptions, grouped in threes upon the remains of the palaces of the Achamenian kings. Previous travelers had expressed the opinion that three languages were represented in these Persepolis texts, and later study has shown the three languages to be Persian, Susian, and Assyro-Babylonian. The task of decipherment was rendered difficult by the fact that no bilingual inscription was found in which a known language occurred. The method of decipherment was to be archeological rather than philological, and the process was necessarily slow and insecure. The first efforts in decipherment of the Persian inscriptions—the simplest in each group of three—put forth by Friedrich Christian Karl Heinrich Münter and Olaf Tychsen seemed to show that these texts contained only forty-two signs, which were therefore mainly alphabetic with some syllabic values, but only a few correct values for the signs were determined. The first decipherment of an entire text was made by George Frederick Grotefend, who was almost continuously engaged upon decipherment from 1802 until 1844. The facts with which he began were that these texts came from Persepolis, and that the ruins there were the remains of palaces erected by Cyrus, Darius, and Xerxes. He assumed, consequently, that each text began with the name of a king, and his success was achieved by comparison of two inscriptions, which Grotefend finally translated as follows: "I. Darius, the mighty king, king of kings . . . son of Hystaspes. II. Xerxes, the mighty king, king of kings . . . son of Darius, the king." This result was small in itself, but it afforded the clue for the decipherment of several languages, besides the three found at Persepolis. At the same time that Grotefend was engaged in this task, Major (afterward Sir) Henry Rawlinson was trying to reach a solution and in the same way. Quite independently of Grotefend he worked out some of the sign values, and, when later provided with Grotefend's results, far surpassed him in the power to translate Persian inscriptions. He discovered the great rock-cut inscription of Darius at Behistun in Persia, which he copied, laboriously and successfully deciphered, and published in an English translation, nearly complete, in the year 1846.

3. Decipherment of Babylonian-Assyrian.

The decipherment of Persian was followed by determined attempt to solve the far more difficult problem of the Assyro-Babylonian cuneiform script, in which the third inscription in these groups of three was written. The first to attempt it was Grotefend, who identified the names of the kings, but was unable to go much further. Isidor Loewenstein secured the correct meanings of the signs for "king," "great" and the sign for the plural. He first suggested that Assyrian belonged to the Semitic family and was therefore related to Hebrew, Arabic and Aramean. Far more successful was the Rev. Edward Hincks (q.v.), who, in two papers during 1846 and a third in 1847, determined most of the numerals, assigned correct values to a number of signs, and seemed on the very verge of being able to read a whole text. His rigidly scientific spirit, however, restrained him from such an endeavor, and he worked steadily on with the patient solution of one difficulty at a time. When the immense mass of cuneiform documents which Emil Botta had discovered at Nineveh reached Paris, the hope of deciphering Assyrian increased because of the accession of material, but diminished when Botta pointed out the great difficulty of the problem. He made little effort to decipher or translate, but collated all the inscriptions which they contained and made lists of all the signs which he found, differentiating 642 separate signs. This great number proved that the Assyrian cuneiform script was not alphabetic; some of the characters must be syllabic, some must be ideographs and represent a word or an idea. Botta's discoveries were carried further by Edward Hincks. In a paper read before the Irish Academy on June 25, 1849, he showed that there was a sign for RA, another for RI, and yet another for RU. He proved the sign for AR, and presumably also for IR and UR, though he did not fully define the last two. This represented a great advance in the study of the problem. Rawlinson soon dared to do what Hincks would not, and ventured to translate the great Behistun text. There was needed then only the minute study of the characters until the entire syllabic system with its polyphones and ideographs should yield up its secrets. To this not only Rawlinson, but in even greater degree Hincks, contributed, and also the distinguished French Assyriologist, Jules Oppert. Contemporaneously with the decipherment of Assyrian went forward the decipherment of the Susian, or second language of the groups of three found at Persepolis. In this work the chief leaders were Niels Ludwig Westergaard, Hincks, Félicien Caignart de Saulcy, and Archibald Henry Sayce. When Persian, Susian, and Assyrian (or Babylonian) had been deciphered, the foundations of the new science of Assyriology had been laid.

4. Origin and Character of the Script.

The cuneiform method of writing originated among the Sumerians, the earliest known inhabitants of Babylonia. When the Semites entered the land they found in possession a round-headed people, of small stature and with black hair, whose origin and racial connections are unknown. A small though learned company of scholars has maintained that the supposed Sumerians had no existence, and that their script, civilization and religion were all originated by Semites. This view has lost support, and can hardly be longer regarded as seriously disputing the current view as stated above. The cuneiform characters were originally a form of picture-writing. At first the pictures represented natural objects; they then became associated with certain words, and were used phonetically to represent the sound of the words without the meaning. In very early times, these rude pictures were scratched on any material that came to hand. Later stone was used for permanent records. But as stone is scarce in Babyonia, the easily worked clay took its place, and the straight lines made by a single pressure on the stylus tended to become wedges. The pictures therefore lost their original character and gradually became groups of wedges which were so thoroughly conventionalized that it is now impossible to determine their origin save in a very few cases. Even to the Assyrians themselves the original form of but very few characters was known, though a few tablets still preserved (cf. TSBA, vi. 454 and Cuneiform Texts from Babylonian Tablets in British Museum, part v., London, 1898) show that the Assyrians retained a consciousness of the pictorial origin of their script. The Assyrians never developed a consonantal alphabet. They had only a syllabary, with separate signs for the vowels a, i or e, and u. The syllabic signs consisted, in the first instance, of a separate sign for each consonant with each separate vowel, thus, ab, ib, ub, ba, bi, bu, ag, ig, ug, ga, gi, gu, the former serving also for ap, ip, up, etc. In addition to these simple syllables, the script had a large number of compound signs, such as bal, bit, kak, may, kun, etc. There were also very many ideograms, a sign being used as the symbol for a whole idea; thus there was a single sign for ilu, "god," belu, "lord" aplu, "son," duppu, "tablet," umu, "day." Difficulties are further increased by the fact that many signs are polyphonous; a single sign may have several syllabic values, and besides may stand as an ideogram for several ideas. The difficulties were somewhat lessened by the use of signs called determinatives placed before a word to show the class to which it belonged.

ROBERT W, ROGERS.

III. Christian Inscriptions:

By Christian inscriptions in this article are meant non-literary writings executed or provided by Christians which have some relation to the Christian religion. Christian epigraphy is concerned with inscriptions carved, scratched, painted, or stamped on various materials, such as stone, metal, clay, ivory, and wood, intended to designate the source or purpose of an object, and also with documents which, on account of general or permanent interest, are inscribed on durable material, usually stone or metal. This comparatively new science has hitherto devoted its attention chiefly to the days of the early Church, but it is hoped that more attention will be paid to the collection and study of medieval and later inscriptions which are in danger of perishing with the lapse of time.

1. Ancient Christian Inscriptions:
1. Methods of Writing.

(1) Letters and figures. The workmen who made the earliest Christian inscriptions adopted the letters and numeral system of their predecessors, which was already old, and continued its development steadily, except in cases of deliberate archaism. Thus by degrees new forms arose, more slowly in some places than in others, and usually later in the provinces than in Rome. At the date of the earliest Christian inscriptions, there were three principal types of characters: one used for carving on stone or metal, one for painting on walls or woodwork, which corresponded to that inscribed on parchment or papyrus, and the vulgar or cursive script, which was either impressed on soft material such as wax, fresh clay, or plaster, or scratched on a hard surface, especially walls (the so-called graffito). These three types were not always sharply distinguished, and Christian epigraphy shows examples that can with difficulty be assigned to any of the three classes, and others in which the forms appear in a confused mixture—sometimes even one half of a letter being in monumental and the other half in painter's script. The most important class of letters, in the Christian as in the older pagan inscriptions, is the capitals, including the largest number of symbols for letters and numbers. Besides these there were the uncial forms, developed from the capitals by the rounding off of sharp angles, and the cursive form, which sought for speed in writing by using as few separate strokes as possible. This last form occurs among the dated inscriptions in Rome as early as 291. (2) Ligatures. In the formation of words the letters are sometimes separate, sometimes two or more are united into a single symbol. These ligatures were originally peculiar to coins, where the limited space made them useful, and then were adopted in in scriptions. The rule for reading them was that each element entering into their composition was to be read only once. From the ligatures developed the monogrammatic signs, which continued even in the Middle Ages to be employed for imperial signatures and the like. (3) Abbreviations. The words may be either written in full or abbreviated, sometimes to a single letter. The omission of letters is indicated by strokes or projections above, below, or beside the letters, or by periods and other signs following them. Connected with these signs are the strokes frequently, though not invariably, placed over numbers to distinguish them from ordinary letters. (4) Punctuation. A large number of various punctuation-marks were used. The commonest is the period, usually written, not on the line, but half-way up the letters; its shape is generally round or approximately so; sometimes it is represented by a small circle, and less often by two sides of a triangle in various positions. Out of this latter form developed leaves, somewhat like ivy-leaves, which used to be considered as intended for pierced hearts, and thus as signs of martyrdom. Occasionally the Greek cross, or even the Chi Rho, is used as a punctuation-mark. It was the rule in the classical period to place punctuation-marks only within lines, not at the end, but in many Christian monuments this rule is not observed; indeed, in many the entire system of punctuation is irregular, points being placed even in the middle of words though this is to be distinguished from "syllabic punctuation," where the syllables were divided to facilitate reading. (5) Direction of the writing. Writing from right to left had become very rare among the Greeks and Romans at the date of the earliest Christian inscriptions, and only a few instances of it occur among them. While no certain example of the ancient boustrophedon form is known, there are a number which are read downward, and arrangements still less usual exist, dictated sometimes by the shape of the space at command, but in other cases probably by nothing more than a love of singularity.

2. Languages Employed.

The great majority of extant early Christian inscriptions are in Latin, Greek coming next. Even in the West there is a considerable number of Greek inscriptions, generally for or by people who were not Greeks, but Romans. This phenomenon finds a parallel in the fact that the earliest Christian literature was in Greek, even when the authors lived in the West. The parallel, however, must not be pressed too far, since they were educated men, while most of those to whom the inscriptions are due belonged to the lower classes. The number of Greek inscriptions, even in Rome, is to be explained by the fact that in the primitive Church Greek was the official language. All the third-century popes who are buried in the catacombs of St. Calixtus have Greek inscriptions, while Cornelius, whose grave is in his family burying-ground, has a Latin one. The mixture of Greek and Latin in a number of inscriptions is probably due less to defective education than to an instinctive opposition in people's minds to the use of a language which was really foreign to them. An interesting light is thus thrown upon the final struggle of the two languages in the West, beginning while Greek was still the ecclesiastical tongue. After the second century Greek inscriptions and those showing a mixture of Greek and Latin become increasingly rare, and Pope Damasus uses nothing but Latin. The linguistic qualities of the inscriptions deserve careful study as giving an insight which cannot be obtained from literature into the speech of the common people. While departures from classical orthography are to be attributed partly to ignorance or carelessness, this is not so much the case with the vocabulary and the grammar, which in many of the later Latin inscriptions clearly show the transition to the Romance languages. The inscriptions are, like the pagan ones, either in prose or in verse, prose inscriptions being the more numerous, especially in the earlier period. The Hebrew language, except in the case of amulets, which are rather Jewish-pagan than Christian, is very rare; only one Christian inscription in that language has thus far been discovered in Rome.

3. Contents.

(1) To inscriptions in the narrower sense belong honorific inscriptions and a large class of eulogies of saints and martyrs, especially those of Damasus. Partly to this class and partly to the dedicatory belong numerous inscriptions on public buildings, especially churches and parts of churches, such as altars and ambones. But the largest class is composed of funeral inscriptions, on tablets, gravestones, or sarcophagi. Those on stone are usually carved or scratched, sometimes painted in addition, most often in red. Relatively few occur with the painted script, which was more often used on tiles, in red, black, and occasionally white. The wooden tablets which in Egypt Christians and non-Christians alike placed near the mummies of the departed are usually inscribed with a dark ink, or painted. Other methods are occasionally employed, such as the frequent use of mosaic in North Africa and Spain. An equally great diversity is visible in the style of the inscriptions, though a careful study reveals a more or less regular development of definite formulas. In many cases the influence of the custom and taste of the period or locality is discernible, others show traces of a conscious adherence to ancient tradition. Thus the phrase Dis Manibus, so frequently used on pagan tombs to dedicate them to the manes of the deceased, occurs in no less than 134 cases of undoubted Christian inscriptions—not, of course, with the old meaning, but merely as a traditional formula; and the same is true of the phrases domus aeterna, aeternalis, perpetua. for the grave. Belonging also to the class of inscriptions in the narrower sense are the large number of those on objects of domestic use; but their infinite variety makes it impossible to enter upon a detailed discussion of them. (2) Of inscriptions in the broader sense (documents) the most numerous in the primitive Christian period are attestations of the purchase of a grave or agreements between the relatives of the deceased and the fossores or other church officials. These are sometimes exceedingly explicit, giving the names of witnesses, the purchase price, and the location of the grave. Documents expressing a gift in the giver's name become frequent in the Middle Ages, but examples are not lacking toward the end of the early period. Another class of inscriptions gives the fasts, calendars, cycles, or lists of saints; of this kind one of the most famous is the Easter cycle on the base of the statue of Hippolytus. Under this general head also come the graffiti, or inscriptions scratched upon the walls of the Catacombs.

4. Value of the Material.

Christian inscriptions, especially those of the early Church, deserve careful attention by students of history. While not a single original manuscript of this the period is extant, and a succession of copyists has introduced a variety of difficulties into the text of literary works, the inscriptions are practically in their original shape. It has therefore long been admitted, in theory at least, that inscriptions deserve the first place among the sources for the history of their period. Again, the literature of a period is practically all the work of learned or at least well-educated men, and gives only a second-hand account of the thoughts and feelings of the populace; while the inscriptions, the majority of which come from the lower classes, present these directly and faithfully, at least in religious and ethical matters. Much valuable historical material is found in them which would have been almost or quite unknown from the literary sources. Thus the schism of Heraclius in Rome is known solely from an inscription in the catacomb of St. Calixtus, and knowledge of an African schismatic community and its head, Trigarius, is confined to the notice of another inscription. The history of the planting and earliest growth of the Church in Gaul as told by the historians is fragmentary, and a complete idea of it can be gained only from inscriptions. Until recently almost nothing was known of the history of Christianity on the islands of the Ćgean in the second century; but it is now possible, on the basis of inscriptions lately discovered, not only to show the existence of Christianity there, but even to determine its nature, a mixture of Christian, Jewish, and pagan elements. A list of the writings of Hippolytus can be made complete only by the help of the inscription on the back of his statue. The frequent use of Scripture in inscriptions gives not only valuable indications of the manner in which it was employed in the early Church, but also useful points of departure for textual criticism. Not a few particulars of the marriage system are gained in the same way, especially as to the legal age, remarriage, and the marriage of clerics. The inscriptions are a more trustworthy authority for early Christian nomenclature than the manuscripts; and of course the customs connected with death and burial may be much more fully known in this way.

2. Medieval and Later inscriptions:

In the present state of inadequate investigation of this class of inscriptions it is impossible to give final conclusions as to their types of characters, language, and content. It may perhaps suffice to give some provisional observations on the results for a single country—Germany. The history of the characters employed is divided into three main periods. Speaking generally, the type known as majuscule prevailed until the fourteenth century, though with many variations. As early as the tenth century it took on the Roman form; in the eleventh and twelfth it was influenced by Romanic art, and adapted Gothic principles to its own use in the period of the letter's dominance. But the Gothic majuscule gradually gave way to the Gothic minuscule, which was the prevailing form from 1350 to 1500. In the sixteenth century, the character used in inscriptions (apart from conscious archaisms) began to be assimilated to the type of ordinary writing. As to numbers the Roman numerals were regularly used until the fourteenth century, when the Arabic began to be common, without ever wholly excluding the older type. Ligatures are frequent in the Middle Ages, especially when the Gothic minuscules showed the tendency to do away as far as possible with spaces between the letters; but they become less usual from the sixteenth century on. Abbreviations also were very common in the Middle Ages, but later become much less usual. Punctuation was not systematic until comparatively modern times; in the Middle Ages the commonest marks were dots half-way up the letters, though crosses and other signs are occasionally used. The language employed until late in the Middle Ages was almost always Latin—seldom the vernacular, and still less often Greek or Hebrew. The Latin continued to be used on the tombs of scholars and in similar places until modern times; and the Renaissance brought in the use of Greek, especially in the sixteenth century. Medieval inscriptions, like the ancient, show many peculiarities in spelling, vocabulary and grammar.

3. History of Epigraphy:
1. The Early Period.

The first demonstrable collection of inscriptions is assigned to various dates within the period from 550 to 839; but a number of collections resulted from the Carolingian Renaissance, headed by the Codex Einsidlensis, the unknown author of which flourished in the eighth or early in the ninth century. These collections included both Christian and non-Christian specimens, and were made largely for the purpose of instruction in writing Latin verse. A period of inaction followed, closed by the revival of classical learning at the Renaissance. Cola Rienzi and Giovanni Dondi in the fourteenth, Ciriaco de' Pizzicolli in the fifteenth, and in the sixteenth century Felice Feliciano, Giovanni Marcanuova, Johannes Jucundus, and Petrus Sabinus were the principal collectors. Much new material was discovered in the sixteenth century, especially in the Roman catacombs, opened in 1578 by Antonio Bosio. The leading investigators of this century were Aldus Manutius the younger and Martin Smetius, while Melanchthon did not a little for the study, writing the introduction to the Inscriptiones sacrosanctae vetustatis of his friends Apian and Amantius (Ingolstadt, 1534), besides making independent researches of his own. The already published and newly discovered material was put together by Gruter, Scaliger, and Velser in their Inscriptiones antiquae totius orbis Romani (Heidelberg, 1602-03). More Christian material would have been included in Giovanni Battista Doni's Inscriptiones antiquae if he had lived to complete its publication, but as edited by Gori and others (Florence, 1731) a large part of this was neglected. Bosio also died (1629) before publishing the results of his labors, but they fell into better hands and appeared as Roma sotterranea (Rome, 1632). A supplement to Gruter's collection was published by Reinesius, a Leipsic physician (Leipsic, 1682), while Spon, Mabillon, and Montfaucon were not only working at home, but undertaking journeys outside of France for the purpose of collecting inscriptions. The eighteenth century did less for Christian epigraphy in the way of large general collections than in that of local publications and monographs, particularly by such Italian scholars as Muratori, Maffei, Zaccaria, Gori, Rivaute la Ricolvi, and De Vita.

2. The Nineteenth Century.

From the Carolingian period down into the eighteenth century Christian epigraphy was as a science far behind classical epigraphy. But the nineteenth century has quite a different story to tell.Christian 'inscriptions are now collected with the same care and thoroughness as the classical, a result due in the first instance to the initiative especially of August Böckh and Theodor Mommsen; and they found in Giovanni Battista de Rossi a master who elevated the study of them from a mere dilettante amusement to a serious science. After Gaetano Marini had published, in 1785, his Iscrizioni antiche delle ville e de' palazzi Albani, and ten years later Gli atti e monumenti de' fratelli Arvali, scholars looked forward eagerly to the publication of his great collection of Christian inscriptions, which now fills thirty-one volumes in the Vatican library. But he died in 1815, and none of it saw the light until, in 1831, Angelo Mai published one of the four volumes planned by him (Nova collectio, v.), having in some places condensed the manuscript, and in some enlarged it from his collection. But no great loss to the science was involved in the failure of the others to appear, since (apart from other defects) his classification by subjects had now been finally discredited by Böckh. The German scholar, insisting on geographical arrangement, persuaded the Berlin Academy of Sciences to take up the gigantic task of uniting in one all the Greek inscriptions. In the great Corpus inscriptionum Graecarum (Berlin, 1825 sqq.) some scattered Christian inscriptions appeared in the first three volumes, but the main body of them was united in the second part of Vol. IV., under the editorship of Adolf Kirchhoff. In the revised form of this great work, the parts of especial value for Christian inscriptions are that including Italy, Sicily, Gaul, Spain, Britain, and Germany (ed. Kaibel, 1890), and that on the islands of the Ćgean (ed. Hiller de Gaertringen, 1895-98). A complete Corpus inscriptionum Graecarum christianarum is hoped for from the French School at Athens, under the direction of Laurent and Cumont. Even more than Böckh accomplished for Greek epigraphy, Mommsen did for Latin. While he was not the first to conceive the idea of a Corpus inscriptionum Latinarum, in his memorial (1847) on its plan and scope he laid down the proper lines for its execution and carried out a great part of the work himself, the rest being done by his friends and scholars. An account of new discoveries made since the appearance of the various volumes is given in the Ephemeris epigraphica,1872 sqq. Until the Corpus inscriptionum Latinarum is complete, it will still be necessary to make use of the older collections (which, indeed, will always have a value for their notes and illustrations) as well as of the works of the greatest authority in this subject west of the Vosges, Edmond Le Blant: Inscriptions chrétiennes de la Gaule (Paris, 1856-65); Nouveau recueil des inscriptions chrétiennes de la Gaule (1892). Long before De Rossi was requested by the Berlin Academy of Sciences to take part in the Corpus inscriptionum Latinarum (from 1854 until his death he was one of the editors of vol. vi. on the Latin inscriptions of Rome), he had planned and begun preparations for a collection of the early Christian inscriptions of the city. The results appeared in the Inscriptiones christianae urbis Romae septimo saeculo antiquiores (vol. i., Rome, 1861, vol. ii., part 1, 1888). The first volume contains the dated inscriptions, a preface which reviews the epigraphy of the past and lays down his own scheme, and extensive prolegomena, dealing especially with early Christian chronology. The first part of the second volume reproduces the manuscript collections from the so-called parchments of Scaliger down to Petrus Sabinus with admirable critical sureness and insight. Another work of like interest is the Museo epigrafico cristiano Pio-Lateranense (1877), containing photographic reproductions of the specimens in the lapidary gallery at the Lateran, together with noteworthy essays on various cognate subjects. Numerous other contributions to Christian epigraphy are contained in his Roma sotterranea cristiana (3 vols., 1864-77), in the Bollettino d'archeologia cristiana (1863 sqq.), and Musaici delle chiese di Roma, 1872-1900. Although De Rossi's enterprises were too great for accomplishment in even the longest and busiest life, they have not been allowed to drop. The continuation of the Inscriptiones has been placed in the hands of his old friend and faithful collaborator, Giuseppe Gatti; the (Nuovo) Bollettino has, since 1895, been edited first by De Rossi's brother Michele Stefano and his personal pupils, Stevenson, Armellini, and Marucchi, to whom have been, added, since the death of the first three, G. Bonavenia, P. Crostarosa, G. Gatti, R. Kantzler, and J. Wilpert. The completion of the Roma sotterranea, beginning with a fourth volume on the cemetery of Domitilla, has been undertaken by Marucchi, Wilpert, Gatti, Crostarosa, and Kantzler. For the medieval and later periods there is no single work which can be placed by the side of the Corpus inscriptionum Graecarum and Latinarum.

(NIKOLAUS MÜLLER.)

BIBLIOGRAPHY: On I., besides the literature under Egypt, much of which is pertinent, consult: J. Dümichen, Historische Inschriften altägyptischer Denkmäler, Leipsic, 1867-1869; idem, Altägyptische Tempelinschriften, ib. 1868; P. Ie P. Renouf, Egyptian Phonology, London, 1889; E. Revillout, Cours de langue démotique, Paris, 1883; C. Abel, Zur Geschichte der Hieroglyphenschrift, Leipsic, 1890; Aegyptische Inschriften aus den königlichen Museen zu Berlin, 2 parts, Berlin, 1901-05; G. Karlberg, Den langa . . . inskriftten i Ramses Ill.'s tempel i Medinet-Habu, Upsala, 1903 C. R. Honey, The Egyptian Hieroglyph, Boscombe, 1904; R. Weill, Recueil des inscriptions du Sinai, Paris, 1904; and especially numerous papers in PSBA and TSBA, in the Memoirs of the Egypt Exploration Fund, in ZDMG, JA, Zeitschrift für ägyptische Sprache und Alterthumskunde, and the Revue égyptologique. On the Rosetta Stone consult H. Brugsch, Die Inschrift von Rosetta, Berlin, 1850; F. Chabas, L'Inscription hiéroglyphique de Rosetta, Paris, 1867; S. Sharpe, The Rosetta Stone in Hieroglyphics and Greek, London, 1871; J. J. Hess, Der demotische Teil der . . . Inschrift von Rosette übersetzt, Freiburg, 1902; E. A. T. W. Budge, The Decrees of Memphis and Canopus, 3 vols., London, 1904, On the Meneptah inscription consult Spiegelberg, Sitzungaberichte der Berliner Akademie 1896, pp, 593 sqq.; G. Steindorff, in ZATW, 1896, pp. 330 sqq.; A. Wiedemann, in Muséon, 1898, pp, 1-19. On the relation of the inscriptions to the Bible the most sober and scientific discussion is by S. R. Driver in Authority and Archaeology, Sacred and Profane, ed. D. G. Hogarth, London, 1899.

II. A great deal of the literature under ASSYRIA; BABYLONIA bears on the inscriptions, and some of the principal collections are named there. Consult further: R. E. Brünnow Classified List of All Simple and Compound Cuneiform Ideographs, Leyden, 1889-97; P. T. Dangin, Recherches sur l'origine de l'écriture cunéiforme, Paris, 1898-99; F. Delitzseh, Die Entstehung des ältesten Schriftsystems oder der Ursprung der Keilschriftzeichen Leipsic, 1896-98; P. Toscanne, Les Signes sumériens dérivés, Paris, 1905; A. V. W. Jackson, Persia Past and Present, New York, 1906; H. Pognon, Inscriptions sémitiques de la Syrie, de la Mesopotamie, et de la région de Messoul, Paris, 1907; A. H. Sayce, The Archaeology of the Cuneiform Inscriptions, New York, 1907. On the decipherment: R. W. Rogers, History of Babylonia and Assyria, vol. i., New York, 1900; A. J. Booth, The Discovery and Decipherment of the Trilingual Cuneiform Inscriptions, London, 1902; L. Messerschmidt, Die Entzifferung der Keilinschrift, Berlin, 1903 C. Fossey, Manuel d'assyriologie, vol. i., Paris, 1904.

III. The most important literature is named in the text. A most useful article will be found in DCA, i., 841-862, which includes a list of the abbreviations occurring most frequently in the inscriptions and the way they are to be read. Further consult: E. le Blant, Manuel d'épigraphie chrétienne d'aprés les marbres de la Gaule, Paris, 1869; idem, L'Epigraphie chrétienne en Gaule et dans l'Afrique romaine, ib. 1890; J. McCaul, Christian Epigraphs of the First Six Centuries, London, 1869; G. Petrie, Christian Inscriptions in the Irish Language, ed. M. Stokes, Dublin, 1870 sqq.; J. A. Martigny, Dictionnaire des antiquités chrétiennes, pp, 357 sqq., Paris, 1877; F. X. Kraus, Roma sotterranea, pp. 431 sqq., Freiburg, 1879; idem, Real-Encyklopädie der christlichen Alterthümer, ii. 39 sqq., ib. 1886; V. Schultze, Die Katakomben, pp. 233 sqq., Leipsic, 1882; H. Otte, Handbuch der kirchlichen Kunst-Archäologie des deutshen Mittelalters, i., 395 sqq., ib. 1883; J. R. Allen, Christian Symbolism in Great Britain and Ireland before the 13th Century, London, 1888; E. Hübner, lnscriptiones Hispaniae Christianae, 2 vols., Berlin, 1900; Haddan and Stubbs, Councils (for inscriptions in Great Britain) and the literature under CEMETERIES, particularly that on the Catacombs given there.

INSPIRATION.

Jewish Doctrine (§ 1).
Early Christian Doctrine (§ 2).
The Scholastic Period (§ 3).
The Reformation (§ 4).
Post-Reformation Development (§ 5).
Modern Development (§ 6).
The Bible and Inspiration (§ 7).
Nature and Method of Inspiration (§ 8).
The Theory of Plenary Inspiration (§ 9).
The Theory of Partial Inspiration (§ 10).
Criteria of Inspiration (§ 11).
Modern Tendencies and Development (§ 12).

In theological language, inspiration signifies the operation of the Holy Spirit upon the writers of the Bible, by which the Bible becomes the expression of the will of God binding upon us, or the Word of God. The term originated from the Vulgate version of II Tim. iii. 16, Omnis scriptura divinitus inspirata. The Greek word theopneustos—of which it is at least doubtful whether divinitus inspirata is an accurate translation—belongs only to Hellenistic and Christian Greek, and may have been coined by Paul. Other post-classical uses of it show that it signifies "filled with the Spirit of God" or "breathing out the Spirit of God," from which it follows that the Scripture so designated has come into being under the operation of the Spirit. The preference of the Greek commentators for the meaning expressed by divinitus inspirata would have less importance if it were not explicable by the prevalent view, for which the corresponding term was thought to be found in II Tim. iii. 16, which was more or less an inheritance from Alexandrian Judaism or from paganism.

1. Jewish Doctrine.

The church doctrine—or rather the oldest views held in the Church, since it is inaccurate to speak of any distinct church doctrine on the point, either before or since the Reformation, outside of the single statement that the Scripture is inspired, without saying how it is inspired—is much closer to the Alexandrian or pagan view than to that of Jewish theology. Both Talmudic and Alexandrian Judaism agreed in attributing unique authority to the Old Testament. The Talmud claims an immediate divine origin for the "Law," asserting that God wrote it with his own hand, or dictated it to Moses as his amanuensis. A secondary revelation is contained in the "Prophets" (from Joshua on, including Psalms, Canticles, Job, Ecclesiastes, Ezra), as Kabbalah, or tradition as distinguished from the Law. In the case of the prophets, their personality is not so absorbed by the Spirit of God as to render them mere unconscious organs. The medieval Jewish theologians were the first to attribute a special kind of inspiration to the Hagiographa, as written by the spirit of holiness, while the prophetical books were written by the spirit of prophecy. Jewish antiquity knows nothing of such a distinction; and Matt. xxii. 43 shows that the origin of these books too was referred to the Spirit of God. That the personality of the authors was still more prominent in them than in the prophets may be inferred from their place in the canon, as well as from various expressions which put them, in relation to the Law, in the lowest place. Alexandrian Judaism took a different view. It is true that Josephus maintains that the Spirit was absent from the second Temple, and designates the reign of Artaxerxes Longimanus as the end of canonical authorship; but he, as well as Philo and the author of Wisdom (vii. 27), believes none the less in a continuance and diffusion of the prophetic gift. Upon this theory rest the legend of the origin of the Septuagint and the acceptance of the Apocrypha. Thus, while apparently broader and freer than Talmudic Judaism, the Alexandrian school represents a doctrine of inspiration which is really much more strict. All the Old-Testament writers are prophets; but with the prophetic illumination human consciousness ceases. The prophet is merely an organ of God, who speaks through him; he knows nothing of what he is doing, and has no will of his own. He is in a state of ecstasy, even when he writes down what he has been commissioned to reveal. This condition Philo believes that he can describe from his own experience. There is an ecstasy mentioned in the Bible, but it is not this kind of ecstasy, nor is it the normal vehicle of inspiration, but something extraordinary; and the communication of the message to others does not take place in this state, with the possible exception of an involuntary prophecy like that of Balaam [but cf. II Kings iii. 15-19, and see ECSTASY]. The Biblical conception of ecstasy is that of a state in which supernatural revelations are imparted to men who, in their natural state, are incapable of perceiving them—either by divinely exhibited symbols, as in Acts x. 10; Jer. i. 11 13, or by the communication of supernatural realities and images of future events, as in Num. xxiv. 3, 4, xxii. 31; II Kings vi. 17; cf. II Cor. xii. 1 sqq.; Rev. i.10. In this state the percipient is either "in the Spirit," i.e., the limitations of his ordinary sensuous perceptions fall away altogether, or they are momentarily removed without the cessation of sensuous perception, and supernatural appearances present themselves in conjunction with those of ordinary life, as in Luke i. 11. In no case does the state seem to be one of which no memory is afterward preserved; the ecstasy is not (according to Augustine on Ps. lxvii.) a "mental alienation," but a "mental separation from physical sensation so that whatever is revealed is revealed to the spirit." The theory of Philo, or the Hellenistic theory, thus originated neither in the Old Testament nor in strictly Jewish theology outside of it, but much more directly in paganism. Philo's conception can not be put down wholly to the account of his Platonizing tendency, but contains other elements, possibly borrowed from Oriental religions. Still, it is in the main the general Greek conception of enthousiasmos, of the mania of the manteis ("prophet" or "diviner"), akin to the Platonic view of the source of artistic production and of prophecy.

2. Early Christian Doctrine.

The same pagan conception is encountered once more in the first definite expressions from Christian writers as to the nature and method of inspiration. In the Apostolic Fathers is found merely a simple expression of the fact of inspiration in the way in which they cite the Old Testament. But the second-century apologists emphasize the divine origin of the knowledge contained in Holy Scripture, and unquestionably teach an inspiration which is not merely mechanical, but mantic. In order to understand this, it must be remembered that these men, brought up in paganism, got at the same time their first impression of Christian truth and of the divine origin of the primary revelation and so of the Scriptures. The more Christianity claimed to be not the result of a logical process of thought, but a revelation made under the operation of the Spirit of God, the easier it was for them to apply to it the Greek conception of the origin of such knowledge; and the process was further facilitated by the respect paid to the Sibylline prophecies (see SIBYLLINE BOOKS). If this last fact be taken in connection with the prominent place which prophecy holds in Scripture, the importance which the apologists attached to prophecy can be understood, and that it was natural for them to refer all ancient prophecy to the working of the Spirit of God. There was no need of an acquaintance with Philo (of whom Justin speaks with great respect) to lead to this view, which finally found its most definite representation in Montanism. The opposition of the Church to Montanism was responsible for the fact that the doctrine of ecstasy as the form of inspiration found no continued recognition in the Church. Clement of Alexandria placed ecstasy among the marks of false prophets, and from Origen on, the doctors of the Church rejected the conception of prophecy which originated in paganism. In direct opposition to Montanism, the unconscious action of the prophet was denied. This led to the other extreme; it placed the revelation of the Old Testament on the same level with that of the New, and so finally resulted in the not indeed mantic, but mechanical, doctrine of inspiration held by the older Protestant theologians. The attempts at a truer theory found in Irenćus' distinction between prophetic and apostolic inspiration (III., xi. 4), and his notion of a development in the history of God's redeeming work (IV., ix. 3), bore no fruit. The doctrine of the Fathers recognized both the unrestricted operation of the Holy Ghost upon the minds and wills of Scriptural authors and at the same time their own independent activity, to which more than mere form and style was attributed; but they seem to have made no attempt to frame a theory as to the manner in which these two were combined. Thus, e.g., Augustine, who says in one place that the Evangelists wrote "as each remembered, in accordance with his native powers, either briefly or at greater length" (De consensu evangelistarum, ii. 12), in another compares the apostles to hands that wrote down what the head, Christ, dictated (ib., i. 35). Among the Fathers Origen went most deeply into the question. What he says about it agrees closely with his theory that inspiration is an elevation of the mind and an opening of the inner ear to the truth&emdash;a higher degree of the illumination bestowed upon all pious believers. That so little use was made of Origen's suggestions was not a consequence of their connection with other parts of his system, or of the suspicion which was cast upon his orthodoxy, but rather of the fact that (when the epoch of the apologists was past and Montanism was conquered) there was little practical interest in these questions. In the controversies which distracted the Church the authority and the divine origin of the Scriptures were not called in question. With the issue of these conflicts and the strengthening of the Church's organization, the Church took its plate by the side of the Scriptures as a coordinate authority, and even at times more than that, so that Augustine could say (Adv. Manichćos, v.), " I would not believe the Gospel against the authority of the Catholic Church." The acceptance of a continuous inspiration, expressed especially in the decisions of councils, gave rise to the theory of a twofold source of knowledge, as to which only a standard of judgment in matters of fact was required, not a decision as to the manner of inspiration. The emphasis laid by the school of Antioch on the human side of the Scriptures was not important enough, in view of the simultaneous recognition of their authority, to call forth much discussion as to inspiration itself. Even the bold assertions of Theodore of Mopsuestia that the Book of Job was a poem originating on heathen soil, that Canticles contained a tedious epithalamium, that Solomon (in Proverbs and Ecclesiastes) had the logos gnoseos, "the gift of wisdom," but not the logos sophias, " the prophetic gift," did not touch the general theory of inspiration, but only raised the question whether all parts of the Scriptures had the same measure of (prophetic) inspiration; and the only result was the condemnation of these propositions by the Council of Constantinople.

By a natural process, the operation of the Holy Ghost occupied an increasingly prominent place, and the independent personality of the writers was less and less considered. When Agobard of Lyons dwelt upon the external signs of this independence, and remarked that the sacred writers had not always observed the strict rules of grammar, the Abbot Fridugis of Tours (q.v.) went so far as to assert that the Holy Spirit had formed "even the very verbal expressions in the mouth of the Apostles." And Agobard did not think of limiting the operation of the Spirit; he preferred to explain the phenomenon by a condescension on the part of the Holy Spirit to human weakness.

3. The Scholastic Period.

No deeper interest in the question was displayed by scholasticism, which discussed it, indeed, with its accustomed minuteness in connection with the rest of the system, but showed no sense of its importance in relation to revelation. Here and there, as from Anselm and Thomas Aquinas, it received more serious consideration. The latter treats the subject under the head of gratiae gratis datae, or charismata, distinguishing between the gift of knowledge and the gift of the word, without which the gift of knowledge would be useless to others. To express the right word, the Holy Ghost makes use of the tongue of men "as of an instrument, but he himself perfects the inner working." The blessing is sometimes diminished by the fault of the hearer, sometimes by that of the speaker. The operation of the Holy Ghost thus does no violence to the independence of the agent. The authority of the Scriptures was not questioned, but the impulse to use and to investigate them was not yet awakened. Mysticism had a deep feeling for the divine power of the Word and a clear understanding of the operation of the Holy Ghost. A belief in the continuance of the gift left the Scriptural inspiration not so radically different, in spite of its admitted precedence, from experiences which were possible to others; and so, even while its authority was firmly maintained, there was a certain indifference to its unique character. The assertion of Abelard, based upon Gal. ii. 11 sqq., that the prophets and apostles were not infallible, was employed with some hesitation by him; but when Renaissance scholarship pointed to defects in detail as results of the human limitations of the Scriptural writers, neither the Church nor scholars thought of the authority of the Bible as any less assured.

4. The Reformalion.

Never since the apostolic age had so admirable a use been made of its pages, and never had its authority been so decidedly upheld as in the Reformation period; but for this very reason there was little speculation on the way in which it had come to be. No one disputed its authority; the only question was as to the manner of its use. This explains the fact that among the Reformers and their immediate successors the old conception of inspiration is still found without any further discussion of the mutual relations of the two factors in the formation of the Scriptures, and without any attempt to define the limits within which inspiration is attributed to them. As to the relation between the divine and human factors, Luther is equally certain that the Holy Ghost is the original author, and that the writers are to be known by their human characteristics and have put their own hearts into their work. Theoretically his teaching on this point is not to be distinguished from the traditional conception. For Calvin, too, the Bible is to be reverenced; the Holy Ghost is its author, though sometimes "he uses a rough and unpolished style." But this does not prevent Calvin from recognizing inaccuracies and seeing, with Luther, the expression of the human minds of the writers. Chemnitz is the first Lutheran theologian to attempt a systematic doctrine on the subject; but he is arguing against those who equally acknowledge the authority of the Bible, and the question of the nature and method of inspiration is not for him an urgent one. Selnecker includes inspiration under the head of revelation, and defines it as "a secret inbreathing by which the holy patriarchs and prophets were divinely taught many things "; but he places this process in unmistakable analogy with the indwelling and operation of the Spirit in other believers. Gerhard's full discussion of Scripture in general contains no more precise definition. But the more earnest these authors become in attempting to confirm the authority of the Bible, the less often are met concessions like those of Bugenhagen, that the Evangelists wrote "what to them seemed best," and that errors of the Septuagint passed over into the text of the New Testament.

5. Post-Reformation Development.

When it became necessary to argue not only against Rome, but against syncretism, and Calixtus, in approximation to Roman Catholic theologians, distinguished between inspiration in the strict sense, in regard to the essential truths of salvation, and a directio divina in regard to those things "which came by sensation or were otherwise known" for which no revelation but only guidance was needed, the time had come for a more rigid definition, for an assurance against the dangers which seemed to threaten the Bible among the very men who claimed to deduce their belief from it. Calovius was the founder of the new doctrine intended to serve this purpose. According to him, inspiration is the form of revelation. Nothing can be in the Scriptures "which was not to the writers divinely suggested and inspired." The doctrine was pushed to its extreme consequences by the Buxtorfs, who asserted the inspiration of even the Hebrew vowels, and by Voet, who made the same claim for the punctuation. All this was absolutely new. If the idea of ecstasy had been included, it might have seemed a revival of the mantic theory of Philo and the old apologists; but the lack of this conception made the process purely mechanical, not only without analogy, but in direct contradiction to the other operations of the Holy Spirit. The self-preparation of the writers, required on the ecstatic theory, was no longer necessary; nor was there any place for the personal witness which the apostles claim to give. The logical consequences of the doctrine were not, indeed, drawn by its supporters, but they are none the less inevitable. Against this hard and fast theory the freer view of the Roman Catholic theologians (such as Bellarmine, Canus, and Simon) was less effective than it might have been on account of their tendency to subordinate Scripture to the Church; and little more followed the maintenance of a less rigid theory by the Arminians and some French and German Calvinists. The first marked influence was exerted by Pietism, with its personal experience of the workings of the Spirit, in which it was joined by some kindred souls among the English dissenters, such as Baxter and Doddridge. By degrees the official theology of Protestantism took a freer attitude, and the human factor in inspiration assumed a new prominence.

6. Modern Development.

The modern development of the doctrine may be traced partly from Schleiermacher and partly from the school of Bengel. The former emphasized the special spirit of the Scriptures, of which rationalism had altogether lost eight; but this spirit was to him not the Spirit of God, independent of humanity, but his own conception of the term "Holy Spirit"—the common spirit of the Christian Church, the source of all its spiritual gifts and good works, as of all its processes of thought. Even the apocryphal writings are inspired, in so far as they show any trace of connection with the life of this spirit. The Old Testament, on the other hand, as the product not of the Christian but of the Jewish spirit, shares neither the dignity nor the inspiration of the New. The main emphasis is laid upon the human writers, who, by reason of their relation to Christ, are the authorized original witnesses to Christian truth. Schleiermacher's doctrine of inspiration is thus both formally and materially the exact opposite of the doctrine developed by the seventeenth-century theologians. It represents, however, a distinct and permanent progress, in the qualification of inspiration according to the period of history in which it appears, in the value placed upon the human factor for the attestation and communication of divine truth, in the proper placing of inspiration in the uniform and yet manifold working of the Holy Spirit, and of the literary work produced under its influence in the total of the authors' official activity. The first of these points, the relation of inspiration to history, is the one in which Schleiermacher's services were the most important. This is a point of departure for the modern development of the doctrine of inspiration, as represented by Rothe and Hofmann—though the connection is not always directly with Schleiermacher, but partially through the school of Bengel, whose most useful result is that formulated in 1793 by Menken in these words: "The Bible is no dogmatic treatise . . . it is much rather a historical, harmonious whole. All that it teaches, it teaches either immediately in history, or upon a basis of history, with its foundation and its interpretation in history." Space forbids to trace here the gradual development through the writings of individual modern authors who have handled this subject. As a rule they have renounced the theory of the direct operation of the Holy Spirit on the creation of the Scriptural books. They have replaced the old idea of inspiration, on the ground of its mantic content, apparently derived from a pagan source, by one which treats the Scriptures as venerable primitive documents; their value is decided by a historical judgment, which requires scientific investigation for its full validity. This limitation is balanced in some degree by the position given to the substance of the Bible, to the revelation of which it constitutes documentary evidence. Faith in this revelation is required in order to form a complete and perfect judgment of the Bible. The revelation works through the written word, though not as if this word were a direct product of the spirit of revelation. The written word is influenced by the ideas of the various periods, by defective conceptions, and by limited intelligence. It is the province of theological investigation to decide how far these influences have extended, in order to be able to designate the authoritative content or the permanent constituents of the revelation. It may not unnaturally be asked whether a purely documentary value will sufficiently explain the peculiar power and significance of the Scriptures in the history of the Church. From this point of view, Lipsius felt obliged to distinguish between the documentary character of the Bible, as the collection, officially made by the historical judgment of the Christian Church, of the records of its primitive spirit, and its religious significance resting on inspiration. According to this view, the Scripture is inspired because it is the historic record of the revelation in Christ, and at the same time the original witness of the salutary working of that revelation in the hearts of the first disciples, in which regard it is a product of the spirit of that revelation. That which is a permanent standard in it is not its outer form, on account of changing theological conceptions, but its inner content—that which remains after these outworn conceptions have been subtracted, as well as what may be referred to the personal limitations of its writers. It is imperative to separate the form from the content.

7. The Bible and Inspiration.

The attempt to explain the peculiar character of the Bible leads sooner or later to inspiration—i.e., to the belief that it owes this peculiar character to the operation of the Spirit of God upon its origin. It would be easy, but unjustifiable, to deny inspiration on the assumption that this must necessarily mean mantic inspiration. In order to understand the manner of the operation of the Holy Spirit, it must be known what Scripture says of this operation on its own origin; and to understand this again, the meaning of Paul's question in Gal. iii. 2 must be apprehended. There is nothing to justify drawing a sharp dividing-line between the indwelling of the Holy Ghost and his special operation upon the origin of Scripture. And some other answer to the question as to the true nature of the Bible than that it is merely a record of revelation is obligatory. From this point Kähler proceeds, and makes possible a successful attempt to answer the question as to the nature and value of the Bible and the nature and manner of inspiration. According to him, the Bible (primarily the New Testament, the Old only in conjunction with it) is the record of the fundamental Gospel of Christ and of salvation in him. In it exists the memorial of the primitive Christian assurance of salvation, intended to promote the salvation of the reader or hearer. This definition includes both the purpose and the content of the Bible, whereas that which regards it as merely a record of revelation neglects its immediate purpose, and moreover requires the formation of a historical judgment, for which not every one is competent. No such equipment is required in order to know that the New Testament is primarily the record of the fundamental Gospel of Christ, or that it bears the same witness of him as that with which Christianity began its conquering progress through the world. Whether men are willing to accept this salvation, so attested, is another question; but this Gospel is the Christian proclamation, in regard to which man must take one side or the other. This is the point so strongly insisted on by Frank, that every witness of Christ and of God's redeeming will is credible only in the measure in which it is in harmony with or confirmed by the Scriptures. These have the power in a special way to create obligation and to make him guilty before God who rejects their message. This power, this authority, is independent of the recognition of them, and through it they show themselves to be in a unique measure filled with the Spirit of God. It is this connection between the Holy Ghost and the witness of the Bible to which (in harmony with the Scriptural expressions themselves) is given the name of inspiration. It is this operation of the Spirit that Paul means when he says (I Cor. ii. 13) that he speaks "not in the words which man's wisdom teacheth, but which the Holy Ghost teacheth," and to which Christ himself refers when he tells his disciples (John xvi. 13) of the Spirit of truth that shall guide them "into all truth"—an operation which does not exclude, but empowers, the action of those who are to be the witnesses of the truth.

8. Nature and Method of Inspiration.

If the fact of inspiration is admitted in the sense of a special operation of the Holy Spirit on the origin of the Scriptures, on the ground of their unique significance as the primary record of the fundamental preaching of Christ, and their unique power to impose obligation, the neat question which arises concerns the nature and method of this inspiration. To answer this, the first thing to notice is what this message tells—the redeeming acts of God in behalf of man, summed up and realized in Christ before the eye. It is with this that the entire Bible has to do. Its content is a history of the relations which have existed, or are to exist, between God and man, of the origin and execution of the plan of salvation. From this special connection between the Bible and the revelation of the redemption, faith easily perceives that its writers stand themselves in a special relation to the Holy Spirit. But of what nature this relation is can be determined only from the course of the history contained in their works, since it is a historical relation. Now, the relation varies with the period of history. The distinction between the Old- and New-Testament revelation is that between distance from God and nearness to him. In the earlier part, even when God enters into relations with those whom he chooses as witnesses of his redeeming purpose, he still speaks from without the world that they know. Thus in the Old Testament an expression is found which is foreign to the New, to designate his communications with his witnesses. This communication with the prophets is constantly designated by the expression "the word of Yahweh was upon," and the reception of this word by "he saw (Heb. hazah) the word of Yahweh" (Isa. ii. 1; Mic. i. 1; Amos i. 1). This distance between God and man is only rarely bridged, at special moments, and the immediate subjective perception of the word of God can only take place in an extraordinary manner. In the New Testament, on the other hand, the word of God, the expression of his saving will, has entered the world in Christ (Rom. x. 5-8; Titus i. 3; Acts x. 36, xiii. 26). To perceive and acknowledge the revelation now made, there is no need of special endowment, as in the case of the prophets; all that is required is the believing attitude toward Christ (Matt. xi. 25, xvi. 17). Those who are first called to look into the mystery of the love of God revealed in Christ are therewith called and qualified to be witnesses to him (Matt. x. 27; John xv. 15). This witness is conditioned by the objective revelation and redemption, taking place in Christ and entering the personal life by the indwelling of the Spirit. But it is not the same thing to participate in this salvation and to be called to witness it. The latter is a special mission, though not one confined to the apostles who were chosen as the first witnesses. Their assistants and the generation to whom they testified were also witnesses; and as such, from the special importance of their position in regard to all subsequent generations, they needed special assistance of the Spirit (I Cor. ii. 10 sqq.). The prerequisite is their own experience of salvation?the first experience of salvation ever given to man; but inspiration, in addition to this, is the special preparation for the bearing of testimony of a fundamental kind. It is their grace of office, their charisma, which empowers them, irrespective of their individual imperfections, to testify for all generations of the facts of salvation and their significance. In contrast with this condition, the inspiration of the Old Testament was temporarily, one might almost say accidentally, connected with the personality of those who received it, and not always given to those whose moral and religious nature qualified them for its reception (Num. xxii-xxiv.; Jonah; cf. John xi. 49-52). Compared with the New Testament, it is less free. The apostolic witnesses have the Spirit of God for the spirit of their own personal lives, which makes it possible for them to be independent witnesses, not mere organs of God's activity. Another thing follows from the peculiar character of their inspiration as a permanent qualification. When Paul makes a distinction between what he says by commandment and his own opinion (see CONSILIA EVANGELICA), he does not mean to make a distinction between inspired and uninspired words; and accordingly he commends what he says with perfect confidence to the judgment of his readers (I Cor. x. 15, xi. 13; II Cor. iv. 2). And the inspiration of the witnesses being permanent, they can speak of things which do not pertain to salvation (as in II Tim. iv. 13) without the inspiration ceasing.

One more characteristic point of the manner of inspiration must be mentioned. The qualification of witnesses includes the presentation of historical events; but that which the Spirit of God here effects, whether in the Old or in the New Testament, is the understanding of history, not the knowledge of it. The latter is to be obtained in the ordinary way of life, by the witnessing of events or their collection from written or oral tradition. This explains certain phenomena in sacred history which resemble those of all other historical writing—discrepancies in minor details or in chronological order and the like. The question is not how such errors are possible in the inspired word of God, but how far the equipment named inspiration is meant to extend. The knowledge of and witness to the purest eternal truth is not only not inconsistent with human limitations, but stands out all the more strikingly when they are admitted. Inspiration is not the abolition of independent human personality, but rather a reenforcement of it; it is not condescension to human weakness, but a hallowing or transformation of it, that the human personality may take its part in the divine work. There is nothing in it foreign to Christian experience or to knowledge of the other operations of the Holy Spirit. It takes its own place in the system of the charismata, the gifts of grace operative in the Church of God.

(H. CREMER†.)

9. The Theory of Plenary Inspiration.

Views of inspiration may be grouped in two general classes—those of plenary or verbal inspiration, and those of partial inspiration. Advocates of plenary inspiration hold that the writers of Scripture had the immediate influence of the Spirit to such an extent that they could not err in any point; every statement is accurate and infallible, whether "religious, scientific, historical, or geographical" (Charles Hodge, Theology, i. 163; cf. F. L. Patton, Inspiration, p. 92). Besides Hodge and Patton, Gauasen, Shedd, Given, and others represent this view. It is admitted, however, that there may be errors in the Scriptures as we now possess them and infallibility is asserted "only for the original autographic text " (A. A. Hodge and B. B. Warfield in the Presbyterian Review, ii., 1881, p. 245). This class of views has in its favor (1) the difficulty of conceiving how the thought could have been suggested by the Spirit without the language; and (2) the support it gives to the authority of the Scriptures as a system of truth and a guide of action. On the other hand, the following objections are urged; (1) It is hard on this general theory to account for the individual peculiarities of the writers. The style of Hosea differs from that of Isaiah , that of John from that of Paul, although the same Spirit suggested the language of each. It is urged, however, that the Spirit accommodated himself to the peculiarities of the writers. (2) There are differences of statement in the Scriptures concerning the same facts (cf. Gen. xxxiii. 18-19. with Acts vii. 16; Num. xxv. 9 with I Cor. x. 8). (3) The theory makes it hard to explain the divergences in the Gospels (cf. the four forms in which the superscription on the cross is given and Matt. viii. 25-27 with Mark iv. 39-41). (4) It is difficult on this theory to understand why the New-Testament writers usually quote the Septuagint translation, and not the original Hebrew of the Old Testament. In many cases the divergence from the Hebrew text is great (cf. Acts xv. 16-17, other passages of the Acts, and many passages of the Epistle to the Hebrews, which always quotes from the Septuagint). (5) The autographs of the sacred writers are lost, and the variations in the copies which have been preserved seem to be inconsistent with this theory; for, if a literal inspiration were necessary for the Church, God (so we should expect) would have provided for the errorless preservation of the original text. Moreover, the great mass of Christians has to depend upon translations for none of which infallible accuracy is claimed.

10. The Theory of Partial Inspiration.

The theory of partial inspiration is, that the writers of Scripture enjoyed the influence of the Spirit to such an extent, that it is the Word, and contains the Will, of God (Luther, Calvin, Baxter, Doddridge, Wm. Lowth, Baumgarten, Neander, Tholuck, Stier, Lange, Hare, Alford, Van Oosterzee, Plumptre, F. W. Farrar, Dorner, and others). It admits mistakes, or the possibility of mistakes, in historical and geographical statements, but denies error in matters of faith or morals. In favor of this view it may be said: (1) that it lays stress upon the sense of Scripture as a revelation of God's will, and leaves room for the full play of human agency in the composition. (2) It helps to understand the divergences in the accounts of our Lord's life, and the inconsistencies in historical statement of different parts of the Bible. (3) It is more in accord with the method of the Spirit's working in general. The apostles were not perfect in their conduct and judgment as rulers and teachers of the Church (Acts xv. 39, xxiii. 3; Gal. ii. 12; I Cor. xiii. 12; Phil. iii. 12). (4) It removes a hindrance out of the way of many who would gladly believe the Bible to contain the word of God, if it were not necessary to give their assent to all its historical statements. Many can believe the discourses of our Lord in John (xii. sqq.) to be divine who can not so regard the list of the dukes of Edom (Gen. xxxvi. 15-43), or all the tables of the Books of Chronicles. (5) This view makes the absence of an absolutely pure text intelligible.

11. Criteria of Inspiration.

The present canon does not necessarily measure the extent of inspiration. Both must be determined by the same process, upon the basis of the contents of the books, the statements of their authors, their relation to Christ (in the New Testament), and the judgment of the Church. A book belonging to the present canon may not be inspired. Seven books of the New Testament were disputed in the Church of the first four centuries (see CANON OF SCRIPTURE). The Roman Catholic canon of the Old Testament includes the Apocrypha, which are rejected by Protestants. Luther doubted the inspiration of Esther and held an unfavorable view of the Epistle of James and the Apocalypse. Calvin expressed doubts about II Peter. The Bible is an organism; and the inspiration of the whole is not necessarily affected if inspiration be denied to one part. The question of the inspiration of the Gospel of John, for example, may be independent of the proof that the Books of Chronicles are inspired. The sufficient witness of the heavenly origin of the Scriptures is their inherent excellences, as in the case of the person of Christ. The unity of the book, unfolding a single purpose; its elevated tone; the faultless character of Christ; the nature of the facts revealed of God, the soul, and the future—all stamp it as a work of more than ordinary human genius or insight. This testimony is, for most minds, the strongest of all. It is the testimony of the Holy Spirit in experience.

D. S. SCHAFF.

12. Modern Tendencies and Developments.

The history of the doctrine of inspiration in Great Britain and America has followed the general fortunes of the same doctrine on the Continent, as indicated above; that is, it has oscillated between an interpretation which found its principle in a proponderating influence of the Spirit of God and a recognition in the human consciousness of a larger degree of free ethical action. In Great Britain and America the Calvinistic interest has declared for the first of the views referred to. In more recent times attention and interest have shifted to other aspects of this question. A distinction between Revelation (q.v.) and inspiration has been made, in which revelation stands for the objective side or content of the divine will or truth, inspiration for the subjective condition is which that will becomes known. Evolution has made men familiar with a law of development according to which the consciousness is in part determined by previous stages of thought and will. Comparative Religion (q.v.) has revealed phenomena of a similar character to Hebrew and Christian inspiration in the ethnic faiths, and a study of these has aided in a better apprehension of this fact. The history of the Christian religion with its earlier roots in the Hebrew religious life has made possible a truly historical interpretation of the rise and progress of the apprehension of God as revealed in Jesus Christ. The new study of psychology has shown the nature and place of inspiration is the consciousness of the sacred writers and speakers an ultimate certainty and enthusiasm which gave to their message much of its authority and power. Biblical criticism has provided a broad basis of incontestable facts which have had to be reckoned with, and have thus forced here and there a fresh investigation of the whole question from an inductive point of view. Inspiration is seen to be an essential affair of personality and is therefore ethical, with conditions of its appearance which lie deep in character as well as in native endowment. Finally, the tests of inspiration are moral and spiritual—the degree to which the message of the speaker or writer answers to the ethical and religious needs of advancing human life.

C. A. BECKWITH.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: On the history of the doctrine consult: G. F. N. Sonntag, Doctrina inspirationis, ejusque ratio, historia et usus popularis, Heidelberg, 1809; G. F. N. Credner, De Librorum N. T. inspirations quid statuerint Christiani ante saeculum tertium medium, vol. i., Jena, 1828; idem, Beiträge zur Einleitung in die biblischen Schriften, i 1-91, Halle, 1832; A. G. Rudelbach, in Zeitschrift für lutherische Theologie und Kirche, i. 1-60, ii. 1-66, iv. 1-40; F. A. Tholuck, in Deutsche Zeitschrift jür christliche Wissenschaft, 1850, pp. 16-18, 42-44; J. Delitzsch, De inspiratione scriptorum quid statuerint patres apostolici, Leipsic, 1872; K. F. A. Kahnis, Dogmatik, i. 268, Leipsic, 1874; K. R. Hagenbach, History of Christian Doctrine, i. 75, 115, ii. 14, 20, 166, iii. 55, 62, 314, Edinburgh, 1880-81; B. F. Westcott, Introduction to the Study of the Gospels, London, 1888; W. Rohnert, Was lehrt Luther von der Inspiration der Heiligen Schrift? Leipsic, 1890; A. Zöllig. Die lnspirationslehre des Origens, Freiburg, 1902; and in general the works on the History of Dogma.

From the standpoint of dogmatics the subject is discussed in all the great treatises on that subject. The following may be taken as representative of the treatment in the "Systems of Theology": F. D. E. Schleiermacher, §§ 128-132, Berlin, 1821; A. D. C. Twesten, i., § 23, Hamburg, 1826; C. I. Nitzsch, §§ 37 sqq., Bonn, 1844, Eng. transl., Edinburgh. 1849; T. Dwight, New York, 1846; C. G. Finney, ib. 1851; R. Rothe, pp. 121 sqq., Gotha, 1863; H. Martensen, Edinburgh, 1866; J. T. Beck, §§ 88-101, Stuttgart, 1870; F. H. R. Frank, System der christlichen Gewissheit, ii., §§ 43-49, Erlangen, 1873; idem, System der christlichen Wahrheit, ii., § 43, ib. 1885; C. Hodge, 3 vols., New York, 1873; H. Voigt, Fundamentaldogmatik, § 21, Gotha, 1874; J. J. van Oosterzee, 2 vols., London, 1876; I. A. Dorner, Glaubenslehre, §§ 57-59, Berlin, 1879, Eng. transl., 4 vols., Edinburgh, 1880-82: W. B. Pope, New York, 1880; F. A. Philippi, i. 204 sqq., Gütersloh, 1881; A. E. Biedermann, §§ 179 sqq., Berlin, 1884-85; A. H. Strong, Rochester, 1886; W. G, T. Shedd, New York, 1888-94; S. Buell, ib. 1890; E. V. Gerhart, Institutes of the Christian Religion, ib. 1891; H. B. Smith, ib., 1890; J. Miley, London, 1892; M. A. Kähler, Wissenschaft der christlichen Lehre, pp. 448 sqq., Leipsic, 1893; R. A. Lipsiue, $§ 198 sqq., Brunswick, 1893; L. F. Stearns, New York, 1893: J. Bovon, 2 vols., Lausanne, 1895-96; H. Bawink, 4 vols.. Kampe, 1895-1901; R. V. Forster, Nashville, 1898; N. Burwash, 2 vols., London. 1900; A. Bouvier, Paris, 1903; H. E. Jacobs, Summary of the Christian Faith, Philadelphia, 1905; A. H. Strong, Systematic Theology, i. 196-242, Philadelphia, 1907; F. J. Hall, Dogmatic Theology, vol. ii., New York, 1908.

Special treatises on the subject are: R. Baxter, Catechising of Families, London, 1683; R. Simon, Traité de l'inspiration des livres sacrés, Paris, 1687; W. Lowth, Vindication of the Old and New Testaments, Oxford 1692; P. Doddridge, The Inspiration of the New Testament, in vol. iv. of his Works, Leeds, 1802; J. J. Griesbach, Stricturarum in locum de theopneustia librorum sacrorum, parts i -v., Jena, 1784-88; J. D. Morell, Phil. qf Religion, chaps. v., vi., New York, 1849; E. Henderson, Divine Inspiration, London, 1852; F. de Rougemont, Christ et ses témoins: . . . révélation et inspiration, 2 vols., Paris, 1856; C. A. Row, The Nature and Extent of Divine Inspiration, London, 1864; L. Gaussen, Théopneustie, Paris, 1862, Eng. transl., London, 1888; C. Wordsworth, On the Inspiration of Holy Scripture, ib. 1867; F. L. Patton, The Inspiration of the Scriptures, Philadelphia, 1869; E. Elliott, Inspiration of the Holy Scriptures, Edinburgh, 1877; W. E. Atwell, The Pauline Theory of Inspiration, London, 1878 H. Schultz, Die Stellung des christlichen Glaubens zur heiligen Shrift, Braunsberg, 1877; E. M. Goulburn, On the lnspiration . . . of the Holy Scriptures, London 1878; W. R. Browne, Inspiration of the New Testament, ib. 1880: J. J. Given, Truth of Scripture in connection with Revelation, Inspiration, and the Canon, Edinburgh, 1881; J. G. W. Herrmann, Die Bedeutung der Inspirationslehre, Halle, 1882; G. T. Ladd, The Doctrine of Holy Scripture, New York, 1883; F, W. Farrar, J. Cairns, and others, Inspiration: a Clerical Symposium, London, 1884; R. Watts, The Rule of Faith and the Doctrine of Inspiration, ib. 1885; A. Cave, The Inspiration of the Old Testament, ib. 1888; C. A. Briggs, Whither, New York, 1889; A, Ritschl, Lehre von der Rechtfertigung und Versöhnung, ii. 9 sqq., Bonn, 1889; W. KöIling, Prolegomena zur Lehre von der Theopneustie, ib. 1891; C. A. Briggs, Ll. J. Evans, H. P. Smith, Inspiration and Inerrancy, Edinburgh, 1891; E, Haupt, Die Bedeutung der heiligen Schrift, Bielefeld, 1891; W. Sanday, The Oracles of God, London, 1891; idem, Inspiration, ib. 1896; F. J. Sharr, The Inspiration of the Holy Scriptures, London, 1891; J. Clifford, The Inspiration and Authority of the Bible, ib. 1892; W. F. Gees. Die Inspiration der Helden der Bibel, Basel, 1892; W. Lee, Inspiration of Holy Scripture, New York, 1892; J. DeWitt, What is lnspiration? ib. 1893: J. Denney, Studies in Theology, London, 1895; M. A. Kähler, Unser Streit um die Bibel, Leipsic, 1895; M. von Nathusius, Ueber die Inspiration der heiligen Schrift, Stuttgart, 1895; H. Cremer, Glaube, Schrift, und heilige Geschichte, Gütersloh, 1896; G. S. Barrett, The Bible and its Inspiration, London, 1897; P. Gennrich, Der Kampf um die Schrift in der deutsch-evangelischen Kirche des 19. Jahrhunderts, Berlin, 1898 (contains a rich bibliography of the German literature on the subject); C. Chauvin. Die Inspiration der heiligen Schrift nach der Lehre der Tradition, Regensburg, 1899; O. P. Zanecchia, Divina inspiratio sacrarum scripturarum, Rome, 1898; M. Arnold, Literature and Dogma, London, 1902; A. Loisy, L'Évangile et l'eglise, Paris, 1902, Eng. transl., New York, 1904; H. H. Kuyper, Evolutie ov revelatie, Amsterdam, 1903; J. E. McFadyen, O. T. Criticism and the Christian Church, pp. 268-312, New York, 1903: J. A. Robinson, Some Thoughts on Inspiration, London, 1905; R. F. Horton, Inspiration and the Bible, ib. 1906; C. Pesch, De inspiratione sacrae scripturae, Freiburg, 1906; J. M. Gibson, Inspiration and Authority of Holy Scripture, London, 1908; DB, i, 296-299, ii. 475-476; DCG, i. 831-835; Farrar, in Biblical Educator, vols, i.-ii.

INSPIRED, THE: The name given to a sect which originated in Germany about 1700. It was formed from the large number of Separatists who already existed there, and was animated by the impulse given by the new prophets of the Camisards (q.v.) i in the Cévennes. The sectaries took their name from the fact that they recognized a continuous divine inspiration in certain individuals, whom i they regarded as instruments of the Holy Spirit, to whose teachings they professed obedience as to inspiration.

Appearance in England and Germany.

After the forcible suppression of the Protestants in the Cévennes, some of the principal leaders and prophets, such as Élie Marion, Durande Fage, Jean Cavalier, and Jean Allut, fled to England and Scotland in 1706 (see FRENCH PROPHETS), which they soon left for the Netherlands, uttering in both countries impassioned denunciations of France and the papacy. When their prophecies were not fulfilled, they were excluded from the French Reformed community in London and from the Church of England as well, so that they had no recourse but to found a sect of their own. Allut and Marion accordingly went, in 1711, to the Netherlands and Germany, seeking support primarily among the numerous colonies of French Protestants there, from whom, however, they gained little sympathy. They had more success with the Pietists and Separatists of northwestern Germany, to whose craving for apocalyptic revelations and fanatical enthusiasm they were able to appeal. They laid their first foundations at Halle in 1713 and at Berlin in 1714, and held a love-feast at Halle in the letter year. At first they found some support among the clergy, but when the gift of inspiration began to spread among the "awakened" of German birth, including in Halle the eighteen-year-old daughter of a servant of Francke, and in Berlin a tailor who later became insane, the whole movement was regarded with suspicion, if not with contempt. Three brothers named Pott, until then students at Halle, who had become "awakened," migrated with their fanatical mother to the Wetterau in 1714, and there built up an inspirational community, chiefly composed of Swabians and Franconians. As in the case of the prophets of the Cévennes, so here inspired utterances were preceded by remarkable physical phenomena, such as a burning around the heart, shortness of breath, and various convulsive movements of the head and limbs. These conditions were followed by a state of unconscious ecstasy, and during this time the message was received. This, as a rule, was immediately given out, either by pantomimic gestures or, more frequently, in brief phrases of a Scriptural character, spoken in an unnaturally loud voice. The content of these messages, usually delivered in the first person as in the name of God, resembled the warnings and promises of the Hebrew prophets, and dealt with the necessity of repentance, conversion, and practical Christianity, frequently being remarkable revelations of the lives of the persons to whom they were addressed.

German Societies.

Under the influence of these phenomena societies arose which, after 1716, called themselves "the True Inspired," in contrast with the free or false inspired who rejected all organization and discipline. The enthusiasm of the movement spread not only among the Separatists of the Wetterau and Wittgenstein, but throughout Western Germany (especially Württemberg, the Palatinate, and Alsace) and Switzerland, and even extended into Northern and Eastern Germany, as far as Saxony and Bohemia. The call and the preparation for missionary journeys among the unbelievers were given in solemn love-feasts, prefaced by preliminary exercises for days before-hand, and characterized by fervent devotion. It was naturally difficult to maintain this devotion at such a high level, even when it was nourished by trial and persecution; and many of the "vessels" quickly ceased to give forth their messages. Those who remained true formed a constitution at Büdingen in 1716, according to which ten communities were founded in that neighborhood, some of which remained in existence almost until the middle of the nineteenth century, while others grew up in Württemberg, Swabia, and Switzerland. Each community had a president and two associate elders, who regulated all its affairs, especially the care of the poor and the maintenance of discipline, and held occasional conferences with the heads of other communities. There was no special teaching office, but all adults were expected to take their part in free public prayer at the meetings (daily or at least twice on Sunday), at which many hymns were sung, while the readings were chosen either from the Bible or from the fifty written or printed discourses of the "vessels," unless a "vessel" was present and delivered a new homily, prepared especially for the occasion. The dogmatic belief of the inspired agreed in general with that of the Evangelical Church at large, though, like other Separatists, they rejected all communion with it (as in baptism and the Lord's Supper). Their practical principles were those of the mystics Schwenckfeld, Böhme, Weigel, and Hoburg. They regarded marriage with special disfavor, though they tolerated it for a time.

Johann Friedrich Rock.

By 1719 all the "other vessels" had ceased to testify, and Johann Friedrich Rock, as the last of them, became, with Eberhard Ludwig Gruber (a clergyman; b. 1665; d. 1728), the head of the communities. Rock was born at Oberwälden, near Göppingen, Württemberg, in 1678. He came of a family of preachers and was himself a harnessmaker by trade. He had an inclination to mysticism, was seized with "inspiration" about 1707, and there after worked for the cause with self-sacrificing zeal until his death in 1749. He had some gifts of preaching and riming, and seems to have been a man of true piety notwithstanding his aberrations. With the emigration of many Separatists to Germantown, Pa., after 1725, and with the rise of the Herrnhut movement after 1730, his task became increasingly difficult. Particularly painful to him were his controversies with Count Zinzendorf, who had originally stood in close relations with Rock and his colleagues, but had gradually approached more nearly to the Established Church after 1732, and two years later had definitely broken with Rock on the ground of his rejection of the sacraments. Between 1740 and 1748 Rock was engaged in bitter controversy with another former friend, Johann Kaiser; a follower of Böhme, Molinos, and Mme. Guyon, who had founded a philadelphian society at Stuttgart in 1710, and after its decay had established an inspirational community in 1717. This controversy forms the source of the clearest and most important statements regarding the nature of the inspirational movement.

Revival after 1820 and Emigration to America.

The death of Rock marked the beginning of a period of steady decline, so that it is surprising to find a recrudescence of these societies, unvitalized by preaching or sacraments (celebration of the Lord's Supper seems to have been first resumed after 1820), after a complete quiescence of sixty or seventy years. With the revival of devotion in the established Churches, however, the gift of inspiration appeared once more among the "awakened" Separatists, and (according to the testimony of eye-witnesses) in the same manner as among the Camisards or in the Wetterau. Under the influence of three new "vessels"—Michael Krausert of Strasburg; Barbara Heinemann (after marriage, Barbara Landmann) of Leilersweiler in Alsace, a peasant girl, unable to read or write; and Christian Metz, a joiner—the communities in Alsace, the Palatinate, and the Wetterau, which were almost extinct, were reorganized between 1816 and 1821 on the old constitution of Gruber, but the repressive measures of the Prussian and Hessian governments caused them to emigrate in 1842-46, about 800 strong, to Ebenezer, near Buffalo, N. Y., where they soon had a flourishing communistic settlement numbering between 1,500 and 2,000 souls. In 1854 part of this community migrated to Amana, Iowa. See COMMUNISM, II., 3.

(A. HEGLER†.) K. HOLL.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: A very comprehensive treatment of the subject has been given by M. Göbel, in ZHT, 1854, 1855, 1857, upon which subsequent discussions are based. Consult further: M. Göbel, Geschichte des christlichen Lebens, iii. 126 sqq., Coblenz, 1860; A. Ritschl, Geschichte des Pietismus, ii. 366 sqq., iii. 265 sqq., Bonn, 1880-86; K. Knortz, Die wahre Inspirationsgemeinde in Iowa, Leipsic, 1896; W. Hadorn, Die Inspirierten des 18. Jahrhunderts, in Schweizerische theologische Zeitschrift, 1900, pp. 184 sqq.; and the literature under COMMUNISM, II., 3, On Rock, consult ADB, xxxviii. 735.

INSTALLATION: Generally, the ceremonial act by which a person ordained and appointed is formally put into possession of an ecclesiastical dignity or benefice. In the English Church the term is applied specially to the office of a canon or prebendary (i.e., the act of placing him in his stall) or to the enthronization of a bishop.

INSTITUTE OF THE BLESSED VIRGIN. See ENGLISH LADIES.

INSTITUTION: In canon law, the final, act by which a person elected by the chapter, or nominated by the government, is appointed by the proper authority to an ecclesiastical benefice, more especially a bishopric.

INTENTION. See SACRAMENT, § 4.

INTERCESSION. See MEDIATOR.

INTERDICT: The prohibition of public worship and of the administration of the sacraments (interdictum officiorum divinorum), as an ecclesiastical penalty. An interdictum locale applies to a definite place or district, an interdictum personale to definite persons. The former is the more frequent, especially the interdictum generale, which the medieval popes pronounced against whole countries in their conflicts with secular rulers. Instances of the use of the interdict may be found as early as the time of Gregory of Tours; but not till the eleventh century did it become a regular part of ecclesiastical law, and only gradually did it assume the character of a definite institution with fixed limitations which it bears in the Corpus juris canonici. The total interdict forbade public worship, the administration of the sacraments, and Christian burial. Mitigations gradually came in; in 1173 Alexander III. allowed the baptism of infants and the absolution of the dying; in 1208 Innocent III. added confirmation and preaching, absolution under certain conditions, the private burial of clerics, the recitation of the canonical hours, and low masses in convents of regulars, extending this last privilege a year later to bishops. These concessions were granted on condition that no excommunicated or personally interdicted persons be present, that the doors be closed, and that no bells be rung. Boniface VIII., who also allowed baptism and confirmation of adults, permitted public worship with open doors and ringing of bells at Christmas, Easter, Pentecost, and the Assumption; Martin V. and Eugenius IV. extended this privilege to the whole octave of Corpus Christi, and Leo X. to that of the Conception. Special exemptions were granted to the Franciscans and other religious orders; but Clement V. and the Council of Trent insisted on their observance of the interdict. A local interdict was last proclaimed by Paul V. in 1606, against the republic of Venice. It is no longer considered a practical part of church discipline, but the right to impose it is theoretically maintained. Both personal and local interdicts may occur as "censures of broad application." The right to impose them is held to be inherent in the pope, councils, bishops (regularly with their chapters, sometimes without them), and in special cases the chapters themselves; monastic superiors may also impose personal interdicts upon their subjects. Interdicts may terminate of themselves if a condition has been expressed; otherwise they are removed by the person who imposed them, his successor, delegate, or superior. Only a bishop can absolve from a local interdict "of broad application"; but any approved confessor may remove a particular personal interdict. This form of penalty does not occur in Protestant ecclesiastical law.

(C. T. G. VON SCHEURL†.)

BIBLIOGRAPHY: Bingham, Origines, XVI., iii. 7; L. Ferraris, Prornpta bibliotheca canonica, s.v. "Inderdictum," 11 vols., Venice, 1782-94; A. L. Richter, Lehrbuch des . . . Kirchenrechts, ed. W. Kahl, pp. 783 sqq., Leipsic, 1886; E. Friedberg, Lehrbuch des . . . Kirchenrechts, pp. 274 sqq., ib. 1895; P. Hinschius, Das Kirchenrecht . . . in Deutschland, v. 19 sqq., Berlin, 1895; Neander, Christian Church, iii. 355-356, 454, iv. 161 et passim; E. B. Krehbiel, The Interdict, its History and its Operation, Washington, 1909.

INTERIM: The name of three provisional and temporary arrangements between the Protestants of Germany and the Roman Catholic Church in the time of the Reformation, intended to be valid only for the interval pending a final settlement of religious differences by a general council (whence the name, from Lat. interim, "meanwhile").

1. The Regensburg Interim: The outcome of the Conference of Regensburg in 1541. See REGENBBURG, CONFERENCE OF.

2. The Augsburg Interim: Adopted at the diet at Augsburg June 30, 1548. After the Schmalkald War, Charles V. thought of reestablishing religious unity in Germany; and at the diet in session in Augsburg in 1547 it was agreed that a provisional arrangement should be made until the Council of Trent had completed its work. In Feb., 1548, Charles chose a commission from both communions to devise an arrangement; this commission could not reach an agreement, and several states proposed that the matter be turned over to the theologians. Consequently, at the command of the emperor, Julius Pflug, bishop of Naumburg, Michael Helding, suffragan bishop of Mainz, and Johann Agricola, court preacher to the elector of Brandenburg, prepared a draft, which was then revised by certain Spanish monks and was secretly submitted by the emperor to the Protestant electors and prominent Roman Catholics of the empire. In twenty-six articles it treated of man before and after the fall (i.-ii.), of redemption through Christ (iii.), of justification (iv.-vi.), of love and good works (vii.), of forgiveness of sins (viii.), of the Church (ix.-xii.), of bishops (xiii.), of the sacraments (xiv.-xxi.), of the sacrifice of the mass (xxii.), of the saints (xxiii.), of the commemoration of the dead (xxiv.), of the communion at the mass (xxv.), and of the ceremonies of the sacraments (xxvi.). Although the views of the Protestants were taken into account in a general way, the document revealed the old Church with its faith and worship. In the belief that the Interim applied to all imperial estates, the electors of Brandenburg and the Palatinate approved it. After a long opposition Elector Maurice of Saxony and Margrave Hans of Küstrin promised not to protest openly if all imperial estates should approve and accept it. The Roman Catholics, however, were not willing to make any concessions. On May 15, 1548, Charles assembled the imperial estates and demanded their submission. He admonished the Protestants to return to the old faith or to live in accordance with the Interim, while the Roman Catholics were to remain faithful to the ordinances of their Church. Elector Maurice, Margrave Hans, and their adherents were greatly angered because only the Protestants were to be compelled to accept the Interim, but in accordance with their promise they did not protest. On June 30, 1548, the Interim became imperial law. In South Germany the emperor succeeded in introducing it in some cities and territories by force, but in the rest of Germany his orders were not carried out. In the Palatinate, Brandenburg, Saxony, Weimar, Hesse, Mecklenburg, Pomerania, and other states, as well as in the North German cities, there arose vehement opposition, of which Magdeburg became the center, headed by men like Flacius, Amsdorf, and Gallus, while Agricola and Melanchthon were inclined to compromise.

3. The Leipsic Interim:

Adopted by the Saxon diet at Leipsic Dec., 1548. After his return from the diet at Augsburg, Maurice of Saxony assembled his prominent councilors and theologians at Meissen to discuss the imperial Interim. He was resolutely bent upon adhering to the Evangelical doctrine, but was anxious to have a frank and definite statement of what might be accepted and what must be rejected on the ground of Scripture. After a careful and conscientious examination, the theologians flatly rejected the entire Augsburg document. After a royal and imperial admonition to introduce it in Saxony, a new discussion took place in Torgau Oct. 18, 1548. The electoral councilors laid before the theologians a list of the points which in their estimation were acceptable and might lead to a new church order. Melanchthon agreed with most of the points. Deliberations were continued in Altzella Nov. 19-22, and, under stress of the news of the emperor's forcible measures in South Germany, an interim was drawn up which, in the doctrine of justification and in other points, upheld the Protestant doctrine, while it conceded as "Adiaphora" (q.v.) such things as extreme unction, the mass, lights, vestments, vessels, images, fasts and festivals, and the like. Maurice and Joachim of Brandenburg came to an agreement and put in writing what they would accept. The Saxon diet met in Leipsic on Dec. 21 and accepted the Altzella, resolutions; the bishops of Naumburg and Meissen, however, refused to concur, because in their opinion it was reserved to the emperor alone to make changes in the (Augsburg) Interim. The ultimate outcome was that things remained as before.

At the diet at Augsburg in 1550-51 the majority of the estates advocated the continuation of the Council of Trent and urged the emperor to compel Protestants to accept the Interim. When the imperial invitation to the council arrived in Dresden, Maurice began negotiations with the Protestant estates concerning a general agreement. In Dessau Melanchthon with Prince George of Anhalt drew up the so-called Saxon Confession, which was approved by Maurice, Hans of Küstrin, the dukes of Mecklenburg and Pomerania, and others. It was proposed that certain Saxon theologians should go to Trent under safe protection and defend the pure doctrine. In Jan., 1552, Melanchthon, with two others, started on the journey and got as far as Augsburg; but in March they were called back because the war against the emperor began. The expedition of Maurice to South Germany occasioned the suspension of the Council of Trent. The Treaty of Passau annihilated the Interim and led to the Religious Peace of Augsburg (q.v.).

(S. ISSLEIB.)

BIBLIOGRAPHY: G. Beutel, Ueber den Ursprung des Augsburger Interims, Dresden, 1888; G. P. Fisher, The Reformation, pp. 165-214, New York, 1873; A. von Druffel, Briefe und Akten zur Geschichte des 16. Jahrhunderts, iii. 42 sqq, Munich, 1882; C. Beard, The Reformation, pp. 109, 243, 210, London, 1883; F. von Bezold, Geschichte der deutschen Reformation, pp. 805-808, Berlin, 1890; S. Issleib, in Neues Archiv für sächsische Geschichte, xiii, 188 sqq., xv. 193 sqq, Dresden, 1892-94; idem, Moritz von Sachsen, pp. 189-213, Leipsic,1907; W. Walker, The Reformation, pp. 207-208, 218. New York, 1900; J. Babington, The Reformation, pp. 113-114, London, 1901; Cambridge Modern History, The Reformation, pp. 264-266, New York, 1904.

INTERMEDIATE STATE: A term designating both the period and the condition of the soul between death and the final judgment. The intermediate state is an aspect of the doctrine of Hades (q.v.). It has assumed many forms. (1) The early doctrine; which in general has continued to be the common view, that the dead remain in a condition of privation until the resurrection—the righteous happier (martyrs going at once to Paradise), the wicked more miserable, than while on earth (Irenćus, Haer. v. 31; Tertullian, "On the Soul," lv.). (2) Purgatory, the condition of those who depart this life in faith, yet are still liable to punitive sufferings for venial sins and who are purged before their entrance into heaven; such may be "helped" by the suffrages of the faithful, but principally by the acceptable sacrifice of the altar " (Council of Trent, Sess. xxv.; see PURGATORY). (3) The limbo of the Fathers is the abode of Old-Testament saints to whom after his death Christ preached the Gospel (Thomas Aquinas, Summa, qu. 69, art. 4; Dante, Divine Comedy, Inferno, Canto iv.; W. E. Addis and T. Arnold, Catholic Dictionary, pp. 564-565, London, 1903). (4) The limbo of infants is the region to which unbaptized infants are consigned after death, to remain forever in a state of privation, without suffering and also without happiness, a doctrine based on the universal necessity of baptism for the remission of the guilt of original sin (Thomas Aquinas, ut sup., qu. 69, art. 6; See INFANT SALVATION; LIMBUS). (5) The sleep of souls, based on such passages as Acts vii. 60, xiii. 36; I Cor. xv. 6, 18, 20, 51; I Thess. iv. 13-15. Between

death and the second coming of Christ all souls are is a dreamless sleep (thus oblivious of the lapse of time and without moral change) from which they are simultaneously awakened for the judgment. This view was opposed in the early Church (of. Eusebius, Hist. eccl. VI., xxxii.). Calvin wrote in refutation of it Psychopannychia (1534), directed against the Anabaptists. Richard Whately presented it with great force and sympathy as an alternative belief, in his work On the Future State (London, 1829). It is an article of faith among the several branches of Adventists (q.v.). (6) Preservation of the spiritual element of both the saved and the unsaved during the middle state, when by a creative act of God soul and body are reunited before the judgment. This element of the personality exists in various degrees of consciousness, knowledge, and enjoyment, some sleeping, some learning, some as demons on earth, some imprisoned in the abyss or suffering in Hades for life's sins, some being evangelised. In the interval between death and the resurrection the Gospel may be accepted or finally refused by those who have not known it here below (Edward White, Life in Christ, chap. xxi., London, 1878). (7) A relatively bodiless condition in which the pious dead are in a state of privation, to be described as inwardness and spirituality and progressive development, of deepest retirement, and of withdrawal into self, and at the same time of communion with Christ (cf. H. L. Martensen, Christian Dogmatics, § 276, Edinburgh, 1866; J. J. van Oosterzee, Christian Dogmatics, § cxlii., London, 1870; I. A. Dorner, System of Christian Doctrine, iv. 212, Edinburgh, 1880-82). (8) As to the unbelieving dead, who have not decisively rejected the Gospel, the intermediate state opens the door of repentance and spiritual life (See ESCHATOLOGY; PROBATION, FUTURE).

C. A. BECKWITH.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: The literature of the subject is well covered under ESCHATOLOGY; HADES; and PROBATION, FUTURE (qq.v.). Consult further: V. U. Maywhalen, The Intermediate State, London, 1856; H. M. Luckock, The Intermediate State between Death and Judgment, ib., 1890; T. H. Stockwell, editor, Our Dead: Where are They? A Symposium, ib., 1890; A. Williamson The Intermediate State, ib., 1891; G. S. Barrett, The Intermediate State; the Last Things. ib., 1896· C. H. H. Wright, Intermediate State and Prayers for the Dead, ib. 1900; G. T. Fechner, Little Book of Life after Death, Boston, 1904; S. C. Gayford, Life after Death, chaps. ii-iii., Milwaukee, 1909.

INTERPOLATIONS IN THE NEW TESTAMENT:

Definition.

In its rigorous sense, an interpolation is an insertion in a text or document with the object of obtaining backing or authority for the interpolator's opinion or project. This is the ordinary dictionary sense of the group of words, "interpolation, interpolate, interpolator." This is also the meaning resigned to the word by legal usage, according to which an interpolation is an insertion within a will or deed, or a molding of its text to an end distinct from the original end and aim of the text itself. The same sense is assigned to the word by diplomacy, where an interpolation is a tampering with the text of a public document by one party to it, in order to gain an advantage over the other party. Thus "interpolation" seems to imply, first, a fixed text and, secondly, a conscious or deliberate purpose to alter or twist the meaning and intention of a text, the interpolator's aim being to slip his meaning under cover of a mind having greater authority or higher standing than his own, so securing for his own opinion or judgment a market-value above its intrinsic worth. For example, a Christian student of the second century inserted in the text of Josephus (Ant. XVIII., iii. 3) the well-known passage regarding Jesus. His object was to make Josephus a witness to Christ. This is an interpolation in the rigorous sense.

Strict Sense Inapplicable to New Testament.

It is doubtful, however, whether the word in this sense can be safely and correctly applied to any part of the field of text-variation in the New Testament. At least, if used at all, it must be used with caution. The conditions of thought have materially altered since the word came into use. In the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, when for the first time Christians began to be seriously disturbed by text-variation (the life and work of Brian Walton and of Johann Albrecht Bengel (q.v.] yield examples), the standing view of the New Testament has regarded it as an inerrant book or collection of books written by inspired individuals. This conception seemed to involve a belief that the text, once for all delivered in apostolic autographs, should have been closed against change. It was this conception which gave rise to the furious controversies in England (nineteenth century) over the "three witnesses" passage (I John v. 7). Both the conservative and the anticonservative forces of Christendom gave the idea of interpolation great vogue. The currency of the idea depended therefore on a body of related ideas. But those ideas have been modified in order to bring them into agreement with widening and deepening knowledge of the apostolic age. Neither of the two conditions presupposed by the rigorous definition of the term interpolation can be placed within the period when the New-Testament literature was coming to the light. The conception of the inspired text as an apostolic autograph, finished, like a modern book, at the time of publication, has broken down under the pressure of historical truth. Regarding the Gospels, it is known (see GOSPELS) that the author of a single Gospel was quite as much corporate as individual. The text remained plastic for a considerable period. The "Gospel" was not thought of as a book, but as a living word, a spiritual climax, a majestic conviction. So long as this conception had sway, the gospel-text lay open to the formative and molding forces of the Christian consciousness. It was not till deep in the second century that this situation altogether passed away. When that happened, when the Gospel came to be thought of as a book, the text became fixed and rigid. The Church's theory of inspiration and the zeal of scholars and theologians endowed the text with powers of resistance sufficient to withstand the ceaseless tendency to mold it by interpretation.

Examples from the Gospels.

So then the possibility of text-molding continued deep into the second century. The last twelve verses of St. Mark's Gospel are a case in point. The conclusion of the Gospel somehow fell into confusion, was torn off, or lost. A reverent scholar, probably in the first half of the second century, wrote in the present conclusion, taking his materials from Matthew and Luke. The doxology to the Lord's Prayer in one form of the Matthean text (Matt. v. 13) is another example. The Prayer was soon taken into the corporate worship of Jewish Christians. Designed by Jesus not so much for a specific prayer as to show the framework and perspective of prayer, it needed the ascription to qualify it for liturgical uses. The Christians who made the addition had no thought of doing injury to Christ's authority or tampering with his meaning. They rather supposed that they were asserting his authority and publishing his mind. Consequently, the second of the conditions stated above, a deliberate purpose to alter the text, is wholly lacking. Both conditions therefore being absent, doubt regarding the correctness and propriety of the term in the New-Testament field appears to be well founded, so far as the Gospels are concerned. The phenomena of interpolation, under the pressure of recent discoveries, are converted in large measure into one element of a much larger and more vital problem, namely the part played by Christian interpretation of the person of Christ in bringing the Logia, the saving words of Jesus, into their present text. One example will serve, the text of our Lord's teaching about divorce (Matt. v. 32, xix. 9; Mark x. 9 sqq.; Luke xvi. 18). A strong, if not a decisive, body of scholarly opinion, renders it probable that the permission of divorce on the ground of fornication or adultery was no part of our Lord's teaching. Mark and Luke are silent. Furthermore, this exception to his prohibition of divorce seems to run counter to his methods as an inspirer of constructive morality. Except in this one instance, he deals with the supreme ideals in their perfection of spiritual and moral beauty. Therefore it seems probable that the Matthean text is a molded form of the original logion, and that the change took place as the result of debates between Jewish Christians and Jews over the interpretation of Deut. xxiv. 1. But no scholar would think of applying the word "interpolation" to the process.

Further Examples.

The same process goes on in the New-Testament text outside the Gospels. Harnack and others have recently affirmed that "things strangled " (Acts xv. 29) was never a part of the original Lucan text, but was read in by later Christians. This is problematical. But there is little that is problematical regarding the present text of Eph, iii. 5. St. Paul wrote the letter to the Ephesians (see PAUL). He did not write and could not have written "as it was revealed to his holy apostles," These words show the handiwork of the Paulinist editor of the Pauline letters. It is, however, quite a different affair to say that the editor was an interpolator. Indeed, the use of the term seems to involve a view of the origin and growth of the New-Testament Scriptures which is decisively contradicted by a large and growing body of facts. It would be, for example, a serious misnomer to call John viii. 53-ix. 11 (the woman taken in adultery) an interpolation. That it is no part of the Johannine text is now agreed on all hands. Yet there are strong grounds for believing the story to be a piece of genuine and trustworthy tradition. Some day, when the Churches have recovered their self-possession, this fragment may find itself printed along with other extra-canonical sayings of Jesus as an appendix to the New Testament. Again, John v. 3-4 (the account of the angel stirring the waters) cannot justly be called an interpolation. No conscious, deliberate intention to tamper with the text is here in question. The variant is found within a class of phenomena which belong to the history of the conflict between the text and the margin. How natural, how irresistible even the conflict is, may be illustrated by the history of the greatest hymns and their use in the churches (cf. Julian, Hymnology, s.v. "Rock of Ages" or "Nearer, my God, to Thee"). When once a noble hymn has been taken to the heart of the living Church it begins to pay taxes for its right to rule. Similarly, sane historical views of the sacred text help to realize the immense pressure brought to bear on a book like the Bible incessantly employed and appealed to by canonist and theologian, by the preacher and the pastor and the saint, and to prevent wonder at the irrepressible conflict, under certain conditions, between the text and the margin. The case which seems to come nearest to the requirements of rigorous definition is I John vii. 6-8a (the "three heavenly witnesses"). The authority against it is overwhelming, and its entrance into the Greek text is illuminating. Erasmus omitted it in the first edition of his Greek Testament (1516). A great outcry was raised, and Erasmus offered to insert the reading if a single Greek manuscript containing it could be found. One was found, later study of which made probable that its text for I John had been achieved by a translation, at a very late period, out of Latin into Greek. But Erasmus kept his word, and the reading appeared in his second edition. It became a part of the commercial text of the New Testament and passed into the so-called textus receptus of 1633.

HENRY S. NASH.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: The subject is generally dealt with in works on the textual criticism of the N. T., and much of the literature named under BIBLE TEXT (ii. 112-113 of this work) contains matter upon it, particularly the works of Copinger and Kenyon named there; works on the general introduction to the N. T. also discuss the subject (see BIBLICAL INTRODUCTION). Special mention may be made of B. F. Westcott and F. J. A. Hort, N. T, in the Original Greek, i. 571 sqq., ii. 325 sqq., New York 1882; P. Schaff, Companion to the Greek Testament and the English Versions, pp. 183 sqq., 420 sqq., ib. 1883; F. H. A. Scrivener, Plain introduction to the criticism of the New Testament, i. 7-9, ii. 249, 321 sqq., London, 1894; C. A. Briggs, General Introduction to the Study of Holy Scripture, chap, x. New York, 1899; C. R. Gregory, Canon and Text of the N. T., pp. 508 sqq., ib. 1907.

INTERSTITIA: The intervals supposed to elapse, according to Roman Catholic canon law, between the times of a man's receiving the different orders. The principle that there should be such intervals is expressly laid down in the thirteenth canon of the Council of Sardica (343). It was observed in regard to the minor orders as long as they had distinct functions, but this ceased when they became mere formal steps to the higher. The Council of Trent endeavored to restore their former actual significance, and prescribed the observance of the interstitia for them, unless the bishop should judge it better to proceed otherwise. At the present day it is customary in many places to confer the tonsure and all the minor orders on the same day. It was also decreed at Trent that a year should elapse between the minor and major orders, and between each of the latter, unless necessity or the general good required the time to be shortened, and that two major orders should never be conferred on the same day. In reference to the bishop's dispensing power, moreover, the Congregation of the Council has positively forbidden the conferring of the minor orders and the subdiaconate at the same time.

(F. W. H. WASSERSCHLEBEN†.)

BIBLIOGRAPHY: L. Thomassin, Vetus et nova ecclesić disciplina, I., ii. 35-36; P. Hinschius, Das Kirchenrecht . . . in Deutschland, i. 112-113, Berlin, 1869; G. Philips, Kirchenrecht, i. 648 sqq., Regensburg, 1881; A. L. Richter, ed. W. Kahl, Lehrbuch des . . . Kirchenrechts, p. 364, Leipsic, 1886; E. Friedberg, Lehrbuch des Kirchenrechts, p. 139, ib. 1895.

INTINCTION. See EASTERN CHURCH, III., § 5.

INTRODUCTION TO THE BIBLE. See BIBLICAL INTRODUCTION.

INTROIT: The name given in the Latin Church to the anthem at the beginning of the communion service. It usually consists of an antiphon, a verse (or more) from a psalm or other portion of Scripture, and the Gloria Patri (see LITURGICS, III., § 2). It differs considerably in the different rites in name, contents, and the time of its performance. Numerous forms exist, the Pian Missal alone containing 159. The origin is debated, some ascribing it to Pope Celestine (423 A.D.; cf. Liber pontificalis, ed. Mommsen in MGH, Gest. pont. Rom., i. 94, 1898), and others to Gregory the Great.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: L. Duchesne, Christian Worship, pp. 116-117, 163, 190, 439, London, 1904; DCA, i. 865--867.

INVENTION OF THE CROSS. See CROSS, INVENTION (OR FINDING) OF THE

INVESTITURE: In ecclesiastical language, the ceremony of inducting an abbot or bishop into his office. The subject is interesting mainly in connection with a long controversy between the papacy and secular rulers over the right of investiture, which constitutes an important chapter of medieval history.

The Earlier Practise.

Even before the fall of the Roman Empire there are evidences of imperial influence upon the nomination of bishops, going in some cases as far as direct nomination. In the Frankish kingdoms both the Merovingian and Carolingian rulers repeatedly named the bishops in their territories; and even when the election was made by the clergy and people, they either designated the acceptable candidate beforehand, or claimed the right to confirm the election. The influence of the secular power was still more distinctly felt in the case of abbeys erected after the Roman period; the idea of the jurisdiction of a landowner, raised to a higher power in the case of abbeys on royal land, brought it to pass that royal nomination of the abbots was the rule, election by the chapter the exception. To these powers the Othos and the Franconian dynasty held fast. The acquisition by bishops and abbots of large territories and extensive political rights, which reached its height in the tenth and eleventh centuries, created a spiritual aristocracy not less important than the secular, which it was necessary for the kings to keep in hand by retaining the decisive voice in the filling of the offices—a claim which was not then felt to involve any invasion of the essential rights of the Church. In older times the nomination and confirmation had been made by a royal edict; but under the later Carolingians, whether an election had taken place or not, the actual installation was made by a solemn and formal ceremony, including the giving of the sovereign's hand and the taking of an oath by the candidate. After Otho I. the most usual form was the giving to the new bishop or abbot of his predecessor's pastoral staff, to which Henry III. added the delivery of the episcopal ring. The whole ceremony resembled the investiture of a temporal vassal; and since it conveyed not only spiritual, but temporal, jurisdiction, it began in the eleventh century to be designated by the term investitura.

The Contest in Germany.

The first determined opposition to the system came from the ecclesiastical reformers of the eleventh century. It was directed primarily against simoniacal bargains, but soon went further. Cardinal Humbert, in his treatise Adversus simoniacos (1057-58), came out decisively against lay investiture. In 1059 and 1063 two Roman synods condemned the bestowal of the minor ecclesiastical offices by laymen; in 1060 synods at Vienne and Tours took the same position in regard to bishoprics and abbeys; and in 1068 the filling of the see of Milan gave occasion for these principles to be put into practise. But the first actual clash came when Gregory VIL, in the Lent synod of 1075, directly denied the right of the German king to grant investiture, and enforced his denial so vigorously that Henry IV. was obliged to take up the challenge by the attempt to depose Gregory at the Synod of Worms in 1076, thus opening a struggle which lasted for forty-six years. Gregory and his successors maintained their position. The Roman synod of 1080 laid down positive regulations, based upon primitive Christian practise, for the election of bishops by the clergy and people, giving the pope a deciding voice as to the validity of the election. Victor III., Urban II., and Paschal II. reiterated the same views, but had no better success than Gregory in enforcing them against Henry IV. and V. The ultimate solution of the difficulty was prepared rather by the literary discussions, in which a gradual perception appeared of the distinction between the spiritual office and the secular rights. This opened the way to attempts at accommodation. After some failures, efforts led in 1122 to the Concordat of Worms between Henry V. and Calixtus II., which ended the struggle and formed the basis of the later practise until the downfall of the German empire (for provisions see CONCORDATS AND DELIMITING BULLS, I.). Episcopal and abbatial elections were to be conducted in Italy and Burgundy without any royal interference in Germany in the presence of the king, and with provision for his advisory assistance in contested elections. The agreement was not an unqualified victory for either side, but the papacy in the end profited most by it. After the contested imperial election of 1198 (see INNOCENT III.), the influence of the emperor on elections rapidly declined, while that of the popes, especially under the skilful management of Innocent Ill., increased in the same proportion.

France.

In France during the eleventh century much the same conditions existed as in Germany; but when the conflict arose it was not made so much a question of principle or conducted with so much bitterness. The French bishops had not so much secular power, nor did they to the same extent constitute a spiritual aristocracy. Again, the king claimed to invest only a part of the bishops and abbots, while the majority were nominated and installed by the great vassals. Speaking generally, the right of nomination was abolished by the beginning of the twelfth century, and free election became the rule; but until the end of the century, and even longer, the kings and some of the local magnates still maintained the right of permitting and of confirming the election, and the kings and some great nobles still conferred secular rights and claimed the revenues of these temporalities during a vacancy.

England.

The reforming party had less success in England. Under the Anglo-Saxon and Danish kings the appointment to bishoprics and the great abbeys was in the king's hands; the Normans introduced investiture and the oath of allegiance. The prohibition of lay investiture by Gregory VII. was inoperative here. It was not until Anselm, in 1101, came back to England a confirmed Gregorian and refused the oath of allegiance that there was any real investiture controveray there. It ended in 1107 by the king's renouncing the formality of investiture with ring and staff, but retaining the oath of allegiance and the other rights of his predecessors. In spite of Stephen's promise that bishops and abbots should be canonically elected, the assent of the English kings continued the decisive factor. The English clergy did not win the right of absolutely free election even at a later period, while Innocent III. (q.v.) forced King John to allow the papacy to share the royal influence.

(SIEGFRIED RIETSCHEL.)

BIBLIOGRAPHY: For Germany consult: F. A. Staudenmaier, Geschichte der Bischofswahlen, Mainz, 1830; H. Gerdes , Die Bischofswahlen in Deutschland, Göttingen, 1878; P. Hinschius, Kirchenrecht, ii, 530 sqq, Berlin, 1878; F. Franziss, Der deutsche Episcopat . . . 1039-56, Regensburg, 1879-80; R. Reese, Die staatsrechtliche Stellung der Bischöfe Burgunds und Italiens unter Friedrich I., Göttingen, 1885; C. Mirbt, Die Publizistik im Zeitalter Gregors VII., pp. 463 sqq., Leipsic, 1894; E. Friedberg, Kirchenrecht; pp. 312 sqq., ib. 1895; C. Willing, Zur Geschichte des Investiturstreits, Liegnitz, 1896. A. Hauck, KD vol. iii. For France: A. Cauchie, Louvain, 1890-91; P. Imbart de la Tour, Les Élections épiscopales . . . ix.- xii. sičcles, Paris, 1891; A. Luchaire, Hist. des institutions monarchiques de la France . . . (987-1180), ii. 68 sqq., ib. 1891; P. Viollet, Hist. des institutions politiques et administratives de la France, ii. 317 sqq., Paris, 1898. For England: E. A. Freeman, Reign of William Rufus, London, 1882; M. Schmitz, Der englische Investiturstreit; Innsbruck, 1884; W. Hunt, The English Church . . . (597-1066), London, 1899; W. R. W. Stephens, The English Church . . . (1066-1272), pp. 119-131 et passim, ib. 1901; J. Drehmann, Papst Leo. IX. und die Simonie. Beitrag zur Untersuchung der Vorgeschichte des Investiturstreits Leipsic, 1908. Consult also W. E. Addis, Catholic Dictionary, pp. 497-498, London, 1903; KL, vi. 844-863; and the literature under the articles on the popes named in the text and under ANSELM.

IONA: An island of the Inner Hebrides, off the west coast of Scotland, separated from the Rose of Mull by Iona Sound. It forms a part of Argyllshire, and lies from 35 to 40 miles to the westward of Oban, from which it is reached by steamer. The name should be Ioua, the form with n having arisen from a mistaken reading of u. In Irish it occurs as I-Columcille, "the Island of Columba." The popular name at present is Eecholuim-cille. The island is about three and a half miles long from northeast to southwest, and from a mile to a mile and a half in breadth. It is rocky and sandy, with boggy hollows between the hills, the highest of which rises to 330 feet. Its area is estimated at from 1,600 to 2,000 acres, less than half of it arable, and not more than a third actually under cultivation. The pastures on the aides of the knolls and ravines support a few hundred sheep and a smaller number of cattle. The population in 1901 was 213, engaged in agriculture and fishing.

Iona owes its fame to its association with Columba and the monastery founded there by him in 563. The Irish annals state that the island was given to him by his kinsman, Conall, king of the Dalriad Scots. Bede, however, says he received it from the Picts as a result of his successful missionary labor among them. Bede's statement is the more probable, but possibly both accounts are true, as Iona was debatable ground between the Scots and the Picts. For Columba's work there and the earlier history of the monastery, see the articles COLUMBA; CELTIC CHURCH IN BRITAIN AND IRELAND; ADAMNAN. The island was repeatedly ravaged by the Danes during the ninth and tenth centuries; on one of these occasions (806) sixty-eight monks suffered martyrdom. The ruined buildings were restored again and again with remarkable pertinacity. Between 814 and 831 the monastery was rebuilt with stone and a shrine was erected to St. Columba. In 878 the shrine and relics were taken to Ireland. Queen Margaret rebuilt the monastery between 1059 and 1093. A Benedictine abbey and nunnery were established in the island in 1203. The remains still existing date mostly from the twelfth and thirteenth centuries although the chapel of St. Oran (Odhrain) may be of the time of Queen Margaret. It is of red granite, and has as its western doorway a Norman arch with beak-headed ornament, and stands in the Reilig Odhrain, the ancient burial-place of the Monastery, said also to have been the burial-place of the Scottish and Pictish kings till the time of Malcolm III, (d. 1093), as well as of certain English, Irish, and Norwegian kings. North of this cemetery are the remains of the thirteenth-century Benedictine abbey. In connection RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA with the cloisters is a Norman arcade of somewhat older date. The Church of St. Mary, commonly called the Cathedral, dates probably from the thirteenth century. It is built of red granite, in cruciform shape, with nave, transept, and choir, and has a central tower seventy-five feet in height.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: Besides the authorities mentioned under COLUMBA, CULDEES, especially Reeves (1857), pp. 334-369, 413-433, consult: L. Maclean, A Historical Account of Iona, Edinburgh, 1833; C. A. and J. C. Buckless, The Cathedral or Abbey Church of Iona, London, 1866 (drawings with descriptive letterpress and an account of the early Celtic Church and the mission of St. Columba by A. Ewing, Bishop of Iona and the Isles); the Duke of Argyll, Iona, London, 1870; J. Drummond, Sculptured Monuments in Iona and the West Highlands, Edinburgh, 1881; J. Healy, Insula Sanctorum, pp. 291-363, Dublin, 1890; W. Bright, Chapters of Early English Church History, passim, Oxford, 1897; A. Macmillan, lona, its History and Antiquities, London, 1898.

IRELAND.

The Roman Catholic Church.
The Church of Ireland.
Other Protestant Bodies
History.

Ireland, a large island west of Great Britain, and since 1801 an integral part of the United Kingdom, has an area of 31,790 square miles, and a population (1901) of 4,458,775. It is divided into four provinces: Ulster in the north, Leinster in the east, Munster in the south, and Connaught in the west. The census report of 1901 includes statistics of 309 religious professions, the most important of which are Roman Catholics, 3,308,661; Church of Ireland, 581,089; Presbyterians, 443,276; Methodists, 62,006; Congregationalists or Independents, 10,142; Unitarians, 8,094; Baptists, 7,062; Reformed Presbyterians, 6,532; Jews, 3,898; "Brethren," 3,742; United Free Church of Scotland, 3,147; Friends, 2,731; and "Christians," 2,631.

I. The Roman Catholic Church: The organization of the Roman Catholic Church in Ireland is as follows: archbishopric of Armagh (corresponding to Ulster; founded 455), with the suffragan bishoprics of Ardagh (before 458; united to Clonmacnoise 1729, which was founded before 549), Clogher (506), Derry (1158), Down (499; united to Connor 1442, which was founded 1174), Dromore (c. 510), Kilmore (1136), Meath (520), and Raphoe (885); archbishopric of Dublin (corresponding to Leinster; before 618; raised to archbishopric 1152; united to Glendalough 1215), with the suffragan bishoprics of Ferns (before 632), Kildare (before 519; later united to Leighlin, which was founded 626), and Ossory (538); archbishopric of Cashel (corresponding to Munster, before 458; raised to archbishopric 1152; united to Emly 1562, which was founded before 527), with the suffragan bishoprics of Cloyne (before 604; united to Ross 1430, but separated from it 1849), Cork (606), Kerry and Aghadoe (before 1075), Killaloe (c. 840), Limerick (1106); Ross (before 1172), Waterford (1096; united to Lismore 1363, which was founded 633); and archbishopric of Tuam (corresponding to Connaught, 540 raised to archbishopric 1152; united to Enachdune 1484, which was founded in the seventh century; united to Majo 1578, which was founded 665), with the suffragan bishoprics of Achonry (before 1152), Clonfert (558), Elphin (c. 450), Galway (1831; later united to Kilmacduagh and Kilfenora, which were founded before 620), and Killala (sixth century). The above dates are taken from P. B. Gams, Series Episcoporum Ecclesiae Catholicae (Regensburg, 1872), and in many cases are too early. Authorities differ considerably.

The Roman Catholics maintain 2,420 churches with 3,543 priests, 97 monasteries and 270 nunneries. The elementary schools are for the most part entrusted to the Christian Brethren; each diocese has a seminary for boys; there are besides colleges at Thurles, Waterford, Kilkenny, and Carlow. At Maynooth is situated the College of St. Patrick, and in Dublin, University College. The Catholic University of Ireland consists at present of colleges at Dublin, Maynooth, Blackrock, Carlow, and Clonliffe.

II. The Church of Ireland: This body, before 1871 the established church in Ireland, has two archbishoprics, Armagh, corresponding in a rough way to Ulster and Connaught, and Dublin, corresponding to Leinster and Munster. There are thirteen bishoprics, including the archbishoprics. At the census of 1901 there were 1,617 clergy. The head university for the Church of Ireland is Trinity College, Dublin (founded 1591); there is also Queen's University (founded 1850), with three colleges at Belfast, Cork, and Galway, which are each under the government of a dean. These colleges also have foundations for the Presbyterians and the Wesleyan Methodists. The property of the church is administered by the representative body, consisting of the archbishops and bishops, thirteen clerical and twenty-six lay representatives, also thirteen cooptated members, who can be either clergy or laymen. In their care are all the churches, together with the churchyards, and also the schoolhouses. They also take charge of the payment of all the officials and servants of the church. The government of the church is entrusted to the general synod, which is compered of three classes, the bishops, the clergy, and the laity, which form two houses, the house of bishops, thirteen in number, and the house of representatives, with 208 clerical and 418 lay members. The representatives are chosen every three years. The synod meets yearly in Dublin, but extraordinary meetings may be summoned. Each diocese has also its own synod, which meets at least once a year. These synods are also chosen every three years. The church is divided into parishes, every church with a clergyman and registered vestrymen counting as a parish. Every diocesan synod chooses two clergymen and one layman, who, with the bishop, form a committee of patronage. Each parish on its side names every three years three parochial nominators. When a vacancy occurs in a pastorate the two aforesaid bodies meet together and form a board of nominators, who elect the new incumbent. When a bishopric becomes vacant the archbishop of the province calls together the synod of the diocese, who vote by ballot for a successor. The bishop of the diocese appoints the dean, the canons, the deacons, and the other officers of the cathedral. The collegiate and cathedral church of St. Patrick in Dublin was made the national cathedral (May, 1872), and stands in the same relation to all the dioceses. There are two kinds of spiritual courts of justice, the diocesan courts, and the court of the general synod. A diocesan court consists of the bishop, the chancellor, who is appointed for life, and two members of the synod, one from the clergy and one from the laity. These men choose for five years three clerical and three lay co-members. The court of the general synod consists of one of the archbishops, who alternate with each other, one bishop, and three lay judges. Three additional members are chosen from the general synod. The constitutions and canons of the church are like those of the Church of England.

III. Other Protestant Bodies: The Presbyterians are found chiefly in Ulster, about ninety-six per cent. of them being in that province. The largest body, the Presbyterian Church of Ireland, numbers 36 presbyteries, 647 ministers, and 569 congregations with 106,342 communicants. In the Sunday Schools there are 8,354 teachers and 97,647 scholars. The church administers two theological colleges, with fourteen professors. The Baptist Union of Ireland numbered, in 1908, 2,980 members, and had 39 churches and 40 chapels. The Wesleyan Methodist Church gave as the number of their members in 1907, 28,826; they had 133 stations in ten districts. See articles on the separate denominations.

IV. History: For the early history of the church in Ireland see CELTIC CHURCH IN BRITAIN AND IRELAND. At the time of the Reformation, during the reign of Henry VIII., an attempt wag made to correct some of the abuses of the church in Ireland, but the Reformation did not meet with much popular favor, owing in a large measure to fear that only the English language could be used in church. Through the reigns of Henry VIII., Edward VI., and Elizabeth various attempts were made to introduce the English liturgy, and the government proceeded with great severity against the Roman Catholics. Under Mary there was a reaction in favor of the Roman Catholics. At the accession of James I. the Roman Catholics, thinking that he favored them, tried to expel the Protestants from the island. The king, however, suppressed the attempts, confiscating the estates of many Roman Catholics, especially in Ulster, and settling Scotch Presbyterians in their place. During the Civil War and the Commonwealth, as also during the reign of Charles I., there were many rebellions and consequent suppressions of the Roman Catholics in Ireland. At the Revolution the Roman Catholics were filled with hope, and many Protestants had to flee the country. William Ill., however, finally completed the conquest of Ireland, and from that epoch until recent times the Roman Catholics were discriminated against in many ways. Gradually, however, the restrictions against them have been removed. Just as the Roman Catholics were discriminated against, so the Protestant Church, as the state church, was granted many favors. These have been done away with from time to time, and at last, July 26, 1868, the Irish Church Act was passed, taking effect Jan. 1, 1871. This act disestablished the church and disolved its union with the Church of England. Compensation was made for all vested interests, including even the annual grants for the Roman Catholic college at Maynooth and the Regium Donum granted to the Presbyterians by James I.

BBLIOGRAPHY: For the early history see CELTIC CHURCH IN BRITAIN AND IRELAND and the literature given there. For recent data consult the Irish Clergy List (annual); The Irish Catholic Directory (annual); and the Year Books of the English bodies which carry on work in Ireland. Consult further: H. Seddall, The Church of Ireland, Dublin, 1886· J. T. Ball Fingal and its Churches Dublin, 1888; idem The Reformed Church of Ireland, London, 1890; R. Walsh, Fingal and its Churches, Dublin, 1888; T. Olden, The Church of Ireland London, 1892; M. J. F. McCarthy, Rome in Ireland ib. 1904· M. O'Riordan, Catholicity and Progress in Ireland, Dublin 1905· M. J. F. McCarthy, Priests and People in Ireland, London, 1908.

IRELAND, JOHN: Church of England, dean of Westminster; b. at Ashburton (20 m. n.e. of Plymouth), England, Sept. 8, 1761; d. at Westminster Sept. 2, 1842. He studied at the free grammar-school of Ashburton, and at Oriel College, Oxford (B.A., 1783; M.A., 1810; B. D. and D.D., 1810). After serving a small curacy near Ashburton for a short period, he traveled on the continent as private tutor; was vicar of Croydon, and reader and chaplain to the earl of Liverpool, 1793-1816; held a prebend in Westminster Abbey, 1802; became subdean as well as theological lecturer, 1806; and dean, 1816. He was rector at Islip in Oxfordshire, and dean of the Order of the Bath, 1816-35. Acquiring considerable wealth, he used it with great generosity, founding scholarships at Oxford and prizes at Westminster School, and furthering free education. He held the crown at the coronations of George IV, and William IV. He left sums for a new church at Westminster, and for a new professorship at Oxford. He was the author of Five Discourses, containing certain Arguments for and against the Reception of Christianity by the ancient Jews and Greeks (London, 1796); Paganism and Christianity Compared, in a Course of Lectures to the King's Scholars at Westminster, in the Years 1806-07-08 (1809); and The Plague of Marseilles in . . . 1720 (1834).

IRENAEUS.

Life (§ 1).

His Principal Literary work, "Against Heresies" (§ 2).

Other writings (§ 3).

His Theology and Polity (§ 4).

His Position as a Practical Churchman (§ 5).

1. Life.

Irenaeus, bishop of Lyons, is the most important witness to ecclesiastical tradition before Eusebius. He came originally from Asia Minor, which was connected in many ways with the Church of Gaul, and died after 190. Little that is certain is known about him until 177, in which year the imprisoned confessors of Lyons chose him as the bearer of a letter to Eleutherus of Rome concerning the Montanist controversy. If the fact that the confessors call him not only their brother, but their "companion," is partly a reminiscense of Rev. i. 9, it still seems probable that he did not wholly escape the persecution; and it may have been a design to save his valuable life that inspired the choice of him to go to Rome. He had probably then been a presbyter of the church at Lyons for several years, since immediately after his return he was chosen bishop, to succeed Pothinus, who had perished in the persecution. In this capacity he wrote his principal work about 185, and sent a letter about 190 to Victor of Rome, who had broken off communion with the churches of Asia Minor over the Quartodeciman controversy, as well as to other bishops. There is no further definite knowledge of his later years. Jerome is the first to mention him as a martyr, and then only incidentally, and not improbably on the basis of the expression quoted above from the letter of the confessors. Hippolytus, Tertullian, Eusebius, and other writers who would have been likely to mention the fact of his martyrdom, say nothing about it. There has been a prolonged controversy, which is still unsettled, as to the date of his birth and the length of his life. While Bodwell, Grebe, and more recently Zahn have put his birth near the beginning of the second century, Massuet, Lipsius, Ziegler, and Harnack have attempted to fix it near the middle. It must be remembered that the date of the death of Polycarp is now practically settled for 155. The principal data may be briefly summarized as follows: If Irenaeus became bishop in 177, he must have been at least forty, and was therefore probably born before 137 rather than after. His implication (V., xxx. 3) that the Apocalypse was written "almost in his own lifetime" is, all things considered, irreconcilable with the theory that he was born forty or fifty years after the probable date of its composition (before the death of Domitian in 96). Again, in his letter to Florinus (Eusebius, Hist. eccl., V., xx. 5), he speaks of having seen him at Smyrna in the emperor's train when he himself was still but a boy. Now, for various reasons, this emperor must have been Hadrian, who visited Asia Minor in 123 and 129, in the latter of which years the meeting must have taken place. All that Irenaeus tells of his recollections of Polycarp at this period shows that he must have been at least twelve or fifteen, and thus was probably born about 115. He implies distinctly that his intercourse with and instruction by Polycarp lasted for a number of years, very likely from about 129 to 150; and the same conclusion follows from what he tells of the teaching received in Asia Minor from certain disciples of the apostles. After all necessary sifting has been applied to the passages referring to this, there remain two (IV., xxvii. 1-32 and V., xxxiii. 3, 4) which can be understood only as asserting that he had this oral instruction from more than one of such disciples and when he was of an age to take it in and be deeply impressed by it. Neither he nor any tradition mentions the reaching of an unusually great age by any member of this group except Polycarp; if the others died considerably earlier, say before 145, he must before that date have been of an age to profit by their teaching. Finally, in an appendix to the Martyrium Polycarpi (found in a manuscript at Moscow), which is almost certainly written by the Pionius (q.v.) who was the author of a Vita Polycarpi before 400, the statement is found, based upon Irenaeus's own works, that he was teaching in Rome at the time of the death of Polycarp, and that a voice like a trumpet told him, at the very hour, of the decease of his master in Smyrna. Whatever may be thought of this last assertion, there is no reason to doubt the general statement; and the account which he himself gives of Polycarp's visit to Rome in 154 evidently comes from one who was there himself at the time. The chronological results indicated above may thus be taken as fairly established.

2. His Principal Literary Work, "Against Heresies."

It is impossible to assign all of Irenaeus's multifarious literary activity to the different periods of his life as long as so much of his work is lost. His principal work is the "Refutation and Subversion of knowledge Falsely so Called," generally referred to as "Against Heresies." It consists of five books, and is preserved in its entirety only in a Latin version, the date of which requires further in vestigation; there is sufficient evidence that the original was still extant in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. There are, however, long extracts in the original Greek in Epiphanius, numerous smaller quotations in other writers, and consider able portions incorporated without acknowledgment in the "Refutation" of Hippolytus. The occasion of the work was given by the official position of Irenaeus at Lyons. Some disciples of Marcus, who himself belonged to the school of Valentinus, had come into the Rhône country, and the Church of that region was troubled by the writings of Florinus, the Roman presbyter who had embraced the Valentinian teachings. The immediate cause of the work was the request of a friend and colleague at a distance for precise information about these same teachings and help in refuting them. The work was not originally intended to be so large; but it grew under his hand. Even in its present extent, it does not fully carry out the plan promised; and Grabe's hypothesis that the complete work is not extant is not without foundation, especially since the present conclusion of v. 32 is wanting in some Latin manuscripts. With great clearness of thought and expression, Irenaeus takes no trouble m the main outline to keep within the narrow bounds of a preconceived plan, but allows himself to be carried swiftly forward by the current of his thought. There is no attempt at literary art; the subject is everything to him. Although he is prepared to find a wide circle of readers he writes in the first instance for his brother in the faith. The latter was chiefly concerned with the teaching of Valentinus, and it is this which accordingly occupies the leading place, both in the exposition and the refutation. Others, however, are touched on and traced back to their sources as far as Simon Magus; and the doctrines of Valentinus can not be controverted without at least incidental discussion of the contemporary one of Marcion. For his facts he depends not only upon his personal intercourse with disciples of Valentinus, but also upon their writings, which he sometimes quotes verbally, but more often summarizes freely. He is acquainted with the older church treatises against heresy, but is dissatisfied with their insufficient knowledge of the Valentinian position; in his treatment of other heresies, he may have borrowed from these treatises to some extent, as he quotes incidentally from Justin's treatise against Marcion and from a polemical poem directed against Marcus.

3. Other Writings.

Of a considerable number of other works of Irenaeus what is known is gathered from scattered citations in Eusebius and others. They may be briefly enumerated as follows: (1) An admonition to Florinus "On the Divine Sovereignty, or God not the Author of Evil," written when Florinus was still in the communion of the Church, for he is warned that his teachings are irreconcilable with its doctrine, and that "not even heretics outside the Church have ventured to assert such things." (2) A "Treatise on the Ogdoad," occasioned by Florinus, but not addressed to him. The loan of this work is specially regrettable, since Irenaeus seems in it to have dwelt in detail on his relation to the first post-apostolic generation. (3) An epistle to a certain Blastus in Rome "On Schism." According to the pseudo-Tertullian this man was a Quartodeciman, according to Pacian a Greek by birth and a Montanist. (4) Among, or connected with, the letters which Irenaeus wrote to various bishops at the time of the paschal controversy may be placed that which, according to a Syriac fragment, "he wrote to an Alexandrian, showing that it was right to celebrate the feast of the Resurrection on Sunday." (5) The letter to Victor of Rome concerning this same controversy. (6) A letter "On Faith" to Demetrius, a deacon of Vienne. (7) According to Eusebius (v. 26), an apology, addressed to the Greeks, "On Knowledge." (8) A treatise, mentioned in Eusebius, Hist. eccl., V. xxvi., dedicated to a certain Marcianus, possibly the author of the Martyrium Polycarpi, on the apostolic preaching. [This work, which is of the nature of a dogmatic discussion of the apostolic teaching, and is quite an extensive work, has been discovered in Armenian translation in the Church of the Mother of God in Eriwan, and edited with German translation by Ter-Mekert-tschian and Ter-Minassiantz in T U, xxxi. 1 (1907). The manuscript dates from the second half of the thirteenth century, and contains about two-thirds of the entire work. From what language the translation was made is not clear, but Syriac is indicated.] (9) A book of various discourses. (10) Oecumenius gives an extract from a work in which Irenaeus is supposed to relate the martyrdom of Sanctus and Blandina. Allowing for a confusion of Blandina and Biblias, this agrees with the letter of the church of Lyons on the martyrdoms of 177, of which he may well have been the author, though Eusebius (V., xiv.-xix. 25) did not think it necessary to mention the fact. (11) A treatise against the theory that matter is eternal. The exposition of Canticles, of which a Syriac fragment exists, is of doubtful authenticity, while the four fragments published in 1715 by Pfaff, chancellor of Tübingen, have been finally shown by Harnack to be forgeries of Pfaff's. It is not known whether Irenaeus carried out his intention (expressed Ill., xii. 12) of writing a special treatise against Marcion.

4. His Theology and Polity.

The extent and variety of the interests of which a glimpse has been given renders it impossible to attempt here a complete exposition of the theology and church polity of Irenaeus. It is unfortunate that, outside of scanty fragments, only a single polemical work of his is extant, and that for the most part not in the original. Here he appears as a stout defender of church doctrine against Gnosticism. If he is compared with the other members of the school to which he belonged, with Papias or with Polycarp, the manner appears striking in which he combines with firm adhesion to the faith of these simple men a remarkable accessibility to the most varied elements of culture that were within his reach. He makes no parade of secular learning; he declines to be a teacher of "barbaric philosophy " like other apologists from Aristides to Clement; but he surpasses them all in soundness of judgment, acuteness of perception, and clearness of exposition. In fact, he is the first writer of the post-apostolic period who deserves the title of a theologian. In pure theology he stands far above Athanasius and Cyril, and can be compared only with Origen and Augustine. The balanced security of his attitude is remarkable. When the Phrygian peasants disturbed first the scene of his early years, and then the whole Church with their fanatical prophecies and their preaching of a gloomy penance, he did not lose his head. In union with the Church of Lyons and its imprisoned confessors, he warned Eleutherus of Rome not to condemn without examination a religious movement which linked itself to the age of the apostles by valuable inheritances. When the Alogi, in opposition to Montanism, attempted to banish from the Church all prophecy, and the Apocalypse with it, he took a firm stand against them; but he did not become a Montanist. Again, in his judgment of the pagan polity, he did not desert the line marked out by Christ himself and by Paul, and followed (as he points out) by John in the Apocalypse. The Roman Empire is to him no more Antichrist than the world and the flesh necessarily belong to the devil.

5. His Position as a Practical Churchman.

As a practical churchman he was no less admirable than as a theologian. His sermons are lost; but that a collection of them should have been in existence 150 years after his death is enough to show that he deserves a prominent place in the history of homiletics. He learned Celtic in order to speak to the heathen about Lyons, and thus has a place also in the history of missionary effort. His devotion to the immediate duties of his restricted and outlying diocese did not prevent him from having much at heart the welfare of the Church at large, from feeling at home in Rome or Ephesus. His evident love for the ancient Church of his native home did not blind him to the special significance and vocation of the Church at Rome, based upon the position and history of the city. In the paschal controversy he deserted the traditional custom of the Church of his boyhood, because he saw that the Western practise was more appropriate to the essential center-point of the Easter celebration; but he stood out firmly against over-emphasizing such differences, and against the combined ignorance and assumption of Pope Victor. The unity of the Church, for whose sake he prizes the tradition carried on by the episcopal succession in the great apostolic churches, is according to him perfectly consistent with large freedom and diversity in ecclesiastical customs and with mutual independence of the autonomous bodies which compose the universal Church. After the perversion of doctrine by the Gnostics, he saw the greatest peril to this unity in a rigidity that strove for constrained uniformity, whether it manifested itself in the refusal of the Quartodeciman Blastus to yield in Rome to the prevalent custom in regard to Easter, or in the attitude of the Roman bishop, with whom he nevertheless agreed. Polemical theologian though he was, he yet verified his name (Irenaeus, "Peaceful") by seeking the peace of the Church amid all his controversies. His actual influence upon the development of the Church was greater than that of perhaps any other teacher of the first three centuries. He did much to protect it, first against the dissolution threatened by the Valentinian speculations, which came in largely under the cover of external conformity; then against provincial narrow-mindedness and ignorant fanaticism; and finally against the ambition of the Roman see to grasp at a despotic universal monarchy.

(T. ZAHN.)

BIBLIOGRAPHY: The best modern edition of the Works of Irenćus is by W. Wigan Harvey, 2 vols., Cambridge, 1877, and perhaps the next best is by A. Stieren, 2 vols., Leipsic, 1853. The editio princeps is by Erasmus, Basel, 1526 (often reprinted, contains the Lat. version of the Adv. haer.). Succeeding editions were by N. Gallasius, Paris, 1570 (the first edition with the fragments of the Greek); F. Feuardent, Cologne, 1596 and later; J. E. Grabe, Oxford, 1702 (one of the best); the Benedictine edition of R. Massuet, Paris, 1712 and Venice, 1734 (also exceedingly good). Vol. iii. of the Oxyrhyncus Papyri by Grenfell and Hunt issued by the Egypt Exploration Fund for 1902-03 contains fragments, on which cf. E. Nestle in the Munich Allgemeine Zeitung, no. 249. Note also Eisspideixin tou apostolou kerugmatos, in armenischer Version entdeckt, ed. K. Ter-Mekerttschian and E. Ter-Minassiantz, in TU, xxxi (1907; cf. § 3, no. 8 above).

On the life of Irenaeus and various phases of his activities and works consult: the introductions to the various editions of his works; DCB, iii. 253-279 (elaborate and well worth consulting); H. Dodwell, Dissertationes in Irenaeum, Oxford, 1689; J. Alexander, The Primitive Doctrine of Christ's Divinity, London, 1727; E. Burton Testimonies of the Ante-Nicene Fathers to the Divinity of Christ, pp. 68-111, Oxford. 1826; J. Beaven, Life and Writings of St. Irenaeus, London, 1841; L. Duncker, Des heiligen Irenäus Christologie, Göttingen, 1843; K. Graul, Die christliche Kirchs an der Schwelle des irenaischen Zeitalters, Leipsic, 1860; H. Ziegler, Des Irenäus Lehre von der Autorität der Schrift, der Tradition and der Kirche, Berlin, 1868; idem, Irenäus der Bischof von Lyon, ib. 1871; R. A. Lipsius, Die Zeit des Irenäus und die Entstehung der altkatholischen Kirche, Munich, 1872; H. L. Mansel, Gnostic Heresies, London, 1875; J. B. Lightfoot, in Contemporary Review, Aug., 1876; A. Gilloud, S. Irenée et son temps, Lyon, 1876; C. J. H. Ropes, in Bibliotheca Sacra, Apr., 1877 (deals with the nationality of Irenaeus); E. Montet, La Légende d'Irence, Geneva, 1880; C. E. Freppel, S. Irenée et l'éloquence chrétienne dans la Gaule, Paris, 1886; F. W. Farrar, Lives of the Fathers, i. 67-93, New York, 1889; J. Werner, Der Paulinismus des Irenäus, in TU, vi. 2, 1889; J. Kunze, Die Gotteslehre des Irenaus, Leipsic, 1891; idem, De historiae gnosticismi fontibus, ib. 1894; T. Zahn, Forschungen zur Geschichte des Kanons, iv. 247-283, ib. 1891; A. Camerlynck, S. Irenée et Ie canon du N. T., Paris; 1896; A. Harnack, Die Pfaff'schen Irenäus Fragmente, in TU, xx. 3, 1900; idem, Litteratur, consult the Index (very full); idem, Dogma, passim, consult the Index; Ceillier, Auteurs sacrés, i. 495-519, ii. 537, 543-544; Neander, Christian Church, i. 679-682 et passim; Schaff, Christian Church, ii. 746 sqq.; Moeller, Christian Church, i. 106, 158, 199 sqq.; and the Church histories of the period.

IRENAEUS, CHRISTOPH: Follower of Matthias Flacius (q.v.); b. at Schweidnitz (31 m. s.w. of Breslau), Silesia, c. 1522; d, probably at Buchenbach (between Hall and Rothenburg-on-the-Tauber), Württemberg, c. 1595. From May, 1544, he studied at Wittenberg, where he was enrolled as Christofferus Harem. After being rector of schools at Bernburg (1545-47) and Aschersleben, he became M. A. at Wittenberg, Feb. 14, 1549. Late in 1552 he became deacon and was ordained by Bugenhagen. In 1559 he became archdeacon, and began his very extensive activity as theological author about this time. In the spring of 1582 he was called as pastor to Eisleben. Here, as a strict Lutheran, he was highly esteemed by the counts of Mansfeld and the congregation, and became acquainted with the followers of Flacius. In 1566 John William of Saxony called him to be court preacher, first in Coburg, then in Weimar. Irenäus utilized this appointment to obtain positions for the Flacians at the university, in the Church, and in the chancery, and advocated the doctrine of Flacius at the Altenburg Colloquy, Oct. 21, 1568-Mar. 9, 1569. Mörlin, Chemnitz, and Jakob Andrew tried in vain to win him from Flacius. When the Evangelical princes complained of the Flacians in 1570, Irenäus was transferred as superintendent to Neustadt-on-the-Orla, but persisted in his usual way, and when menaced with an investigation, escaped to Mansfield in 1572. His old friends did not stand by him, and Archbishop Sigismund of Magdeburg now intervened. Irenäus eluded his soldiers, Dec. 31, 1574, and thenceforth traversed Germany as an "exile for Christ." Though seven times banished before 1590, he continued striving with unbroken courage, and above all opposed the Formula of Concord, its authors, subscribers, and defenders. In 1575 he was expelled from his native town, whereupon he sojourned in Hesse and along the Lower Rhine. In 1579 he was at Frankfort, and finally found refuge with Eberhard of Stetten at Buchenbach. Count Wolfgang of Hohenlohe constrained him to a colloquy with Andreä, at Langenburg, Aug. 8, 1581, and then insisted upon his withdrawal from Buchenbach. At the close of 1582, he obtained a call to the Lower Austrian Church at Horn, but on Aug. 12, 1585, the Flacians one and all were notified of their discharge. Irenäus returned to Buchenbach, and occupied himself with literary work. He was a noble, talented, and learned man, but a classic example of the rabies theologorum which converts a single article of Christian faith into a central dogma, as he did with the doctrine of Flacius on original sin. His best strength was spent in vituperation and railing, and, in his inequity of judgment he was even carried into falsehood, so that his best book, Der Spiegel des ewigen Lebens (1572), loses thereby in value.

G. BOSSERT.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: B. Raupach, Evangelisches Oesterreich, nebst Presbyterologia Austriaca, pp 69-73, and Nachtrag, Zwiefache Zugabe, p. 43, 3 vols., Hamburg, 1741-44 (the best biography, containing also a useful bibliography); J. G. Leuckfeld, Hist. Spangengbergensis, pp. 37-38, Quedlinburg, 1716; W . Preger, Matthias Flacius Illyricus und seine Zeit, 2 vols., Erlangen, 1859-61; ZHT, xix (1850), 3 sqq., 218 sqq.; ADB, xiv. 582.

IRENE: Byzantine empress; b. at Athens 752; d. in Lesbos Aug. 9, 803. In 769 she married Leo, afterward Leo IV., and, upon his death in 780, she became regent during the minority of Constantine VI. The first years of her regency were marked by disastrous wars against the Arabians, to whom she was forced to pay annual tribute. In the iconoclastic controversies of the time (see IMAGES AND IMAGE-WORSHIP, II.) she had secretly been favorable to images even during Leo's lifetime, and after his death she set herself to reverse the iconoclastic legislation of Constantine V. Accordingly, having gained control of the Eastern Church by judicious appointments to bishoprics, she called the seventh ecumenical council to meet at Constantinople in 786. Owing to the iconoclastic zeal of the soldiers here the council was transferred to Nicća in 787, and image-worship was then reestablished without opposition (see NICĆA, COUNCILS OF). In 790 the government was wrested from Irene by her son, Constantine VI., but by 792 she was again in power, ruling conjointly with Constantine. After five years of secret warfare between mother and son, Irene finally gained the upper hand and had Constantine blinded and thrown into a dungeon in 797. Her own extravagant reign came to an end in 802, when she was overthrown by Nicephorus and banished to the Isle of Lesbos. Here she earned a meager living by spinning. At the time of her fall she was negotiating a marriage with Charlemagne, with a view to uniting the Eastern with the Western Empire. Her services in the interest of image-worship won her the position of a saint in the Greek Church. Her day is Aug. 15.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: Gibbon, Decline and Fall, v. 191-192; KL, vi. 873; Krumbacher Geschichte, pp. 99, 964-965, 1074; Ceillier, Auteurs sacrés, xii. 135-136, xiii. 619, 628.

IRION, PAUL: German Evangelical Synod; b. near Marthasville, Mo., Oct. 28, 1860. He was educated at Blackburn University, Carlinville, Ill. (1873-75), Washington University, St. Louis, Mo. (1875-76), Elmhurst College, Elmhurst, Ill. (A.B., 1879), and Missouri College, near Marthasville, Mo. (1882). In 1882 he was ordained to the ministry, and after being assistant pastor of St. John's Evangelical Church, Michigan City, Ind., from March to June, 1882, and of Bethel Evangelical Church, Freedom Township, Mich., from June to Nov., 1882, then full pastor, and is now pastor of St. John's, Michigan City, Ind. From 1888 to 1895 he was secretary of the Michigan district of his denomination, of which he is, theologically, an orthodox member, and in 1890 was the official compiler of the census for the Evangelical Synod. He has also been president of the Michigan district of the German Evangelical Synod since 1895.

IRISH ARTICLES: The Thirty-nine Articles of the Church of England were not introduced in Ireland till the time of Charles I. In their place a shorter collection of eleven articles was published in 1566 by authority of the deputy and the archbishops and bishops. At the first convocation of the Irish Episcopal Church (1613-15) a series of 104 articles was adopted and approved by the deputy in 1615, which was probably composed by James Ussher, then at the head of the theological faculty in Dublin (afterward archbishop of Armagh). They are important as proving the decided Calvinism of the Irish Church at that time, and still more so as the connecting link between the Thirty-nine Articles and the Westminster Confession, and as the chief source of the latter, "as is evident from the general order, the headings of chapters and subdivisions, and the almost literal agreement of language in the statement of several of the most important doctrines." By a decree of the convocation, the teaching of any doctrine contrary to these articles was forbidden. But the Irish convocation of 1635, under the lead of the Earl of Strafford, lord-lieutenant of Ireland, and his chaplain, John Bramhall, formally adopted the Thirty-nine Articles, and quietly ignored the others. Archbishop Ussher required subscription to both. Eventually, however, the Irish articles were lost eight of, and no mention was made of them, when, in the beginning of the nineteenth century, the United Church of England and Ireland was organized.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: P. Schaff, Creeds of Christendom, i. 662-665, iii. 526-544, New York, 1877; T. Olden, The Church of Ireland, 323-324, 342-344, 352-354, Lonon, 1892.

IRISH SISTERS OF CHARITY. See ENGLISH LADIES.

IRREGULARITY: In canon law, a defect or impediment which excludes a person otherwise qualified from due reception or exercise of holy orders. Canonists divide these into two classes, irregularities through defect and through fault. Under the former come (1) those through natal defects, affecting all who are not born of a legitimate or at least a putative marriage, and removable by subsequent legitimation or by taking monastic vows. (2) Through bodily defects, affecting those whom illness or mutilation has rendered incapable of performing sacred functions, or of performing them without lowering the dignity of the office or giving offense to the people. (3) Through defects in age, when the canonical age (q.v.) has not been attained. (4) Through defects in knowledge, when the requisite knowledge for the order in question is lacking. (5) Through defects of faith, affecting neophytes and those not yet confirmed, who are presumably insufficiently established in the faith. (6) Through sacramental defects, arising from certain conditions in regard to a previous marriage of the candidate. (7) Ex defectu perfectae lenitatis, attaching to those who (though in a lawful way) have contributed to the death or maiming of a fellow-man, such as soldiers, criminal judges, prosecutors, jurymen, or witnesses, but not physicians and surgeons. (8) Through defects in reputation. (9) Through defects in the matter of liberty, preventing the ordination of slaves without their masters' consent, married men without that of their wives, or guardians and trustees before release from their obligations. Irregularity through faults occurs as a consequence of criminal acts publicly known or proved before a court or of certain misdeeds, even if not known; the latter include the killing or maiming of another person, heresy, apostasy, abuse of the sacraments of baptism or orders; and the same effect is produced by what is technically known as constructive bigamy, the marriage (if consummated) with any woman not a virgin, which, though not forbidden by ordinary law, is yet considered a sufficient declension from the ideal of marriage (cf. Lev. xxi. 13, 14) to disqualify a man for ordination. In case a man has been ordained in spite of his irregularity, his orders are valid, but he is not permitted to exercise them. Dispensation from irregularity can be granted as a rule by the pope alone?only in some exceptional cases by the bishop.

(P. HINSCHIUS†.)

BIBLIOGRAPHY: Bingham. Origines, IV., iii.-vii.; L. Thomassin, Vetus et nova ecclesiae disciplina, II., i. 62-63, 3 vols., Paris, 1728; F. E. a Boenninghausen, Tractatus juridicocanonicus de irregularitatibus, part iii.. Münster, 1867; P. Hinschius, Das Kirchenrecht . . . in Deutschland, i. 7 sqq., Berlin. 1869; E. Friedberg, Lehrbuch des . . . Kirchenrechts, pp. 134 sqq., Leipsic, 1895.

IRVING, EDWARD: Scotch Presbyterian, usually regarded as the founder of the Catholic Apostolic Church (q.v.), whose members are Life in Scotland. popularly known as Irvingites; b. at Annan (15 m. e.s.e. of Dumfries), Dumfriesshire, Aug. 4, 1792; d. in Glasgow Dec. 7, 1834. At thirteen he was sent to the University of Edinburgh, and at seventeen he became a teacher of mathematics in the school at Haddington. A year later he took charge of a new academy at Kirkcaldy, but still kept up his theological studies and a more or less regular attendance on the university lectures. It was at this period that he made the acquaintance of Thomas Carlyle (the author, to be distinguished from a later apostle of the same name), who has left the most vivid picture of his development. In 1815 he passed his theological examinations and received a license to preach from the presbytery of Kirkcaldy. After three years, not very successful as a preacher, and weary of teaching, he went back to Edinburgh and occupied himself with linguistic and scientific studies. He was seriously thinking of going as a missionary to Persia when, in Oct., 1819, the position was offered him of assistant to Dr. Chalmers at St. John's, Glasgow. Overshadowed by Chalmers, and unpopular with the majority of the congregation, he was glad to exchange this position in 1822 for that of minister of the small congregation in London connected with a Scotch asylum in. Hatton Garden. He received ordination at the hands of the presbytery of Annan, and took his leave of Glasgow in a remarkable sermon which called for a complete revision of the methods of Christian preaching.

In London he at once made an impression, which was partly due to his striking appearance; he was over six feet tall, his pale face framed Success in London. in dark locks which fell almost to his shoulders. No one could hear him without being conscious of a powerful and dominating personality. His flowery, rhetorical style soon attracted a large circle of hearers, for which the little church was too small. A new one was built in Regent Square, and for a time he was the fashionable preacher of London. He appealed especially to the educated classes; and it was to them that he spoke in his first published work, For the Oracles of God, Four Orations. For Judgment to Come, an Argument in Nine Parts (London, 1823). The attention attracted by his writings increased his popularity, and at the same time heightened his self-consciousness; he felt himself called to be the prophet of his people, and scornfully rejected the well-meant warnings of many members of the Evangelical party.

The upheaval of the French Revolution had aroused in England a strong tendency to apocalyptic and millenarian thought, which Joins Drummond's Circle. found expression in numerous writings. Among those most strongly impressed by this thought was Henry Drummond (q.v.), a rich banker who had gathered around him a circle of like-minded friends, devoted to gaining general recognition for their apocalyptic views. Irving adopted the singular exegesis and the whole train of thought of Drummond's circle, which opened to him an entirely new field as a preacher of repentance. In a long discourse, later printed with enlargements (Babylon and Infidelity Foredoomed of God, Glasgow, 1826), preached at the anniversary of the Continental Society in 1825, he developed these thoughts and foretold the second coming of the Lord for the year 1864. Next he published, with an introduction of 200 pages, a recasting of a work published pseudonymously in 1818 by Lacunza, a Spanish ex-Jesuit, under the title The Coming of Messiah in Glory and Majesty (London, 1827). Meantime a regular "school of the prophets" had gathered around him, who, from the end of 1826, met annually at Drummond's country-seat of Albury, near Guildford. From 1829 to 1833 they published a periodical, The Morning Watch, a Journal of Prophecy.

A sectarian tendency soon developed. Irving had been saying from 1824 on that since the fivefold office of apostles, prophets, evangelists, Rise of Irvingites. pastors, and teachers had disappeared from the Church, the Holy Ghost had deserted it. Irving thus showed an increasing tendency to depart from the principles of Scotch Presbyterianism. He now denied predestination; following the High-church teaching of Hooker, he felt himself a priest and required his people so to regard him; and toward the end of 1827 he gave utterance to Christological views which were regarded as the grossest heresy, speaking of the "sinful substance" of the body of Christ. In defense of his view, he wrote a long rhetorical treatise on the Incarnation which forms the third and fourth parts of his Sermons, Lectures, and Occasional Discourses (3 vols., London, 1828). This attitude, combined with his apocalyptic vagaries, damaged his position in London. About this time a union of prayer was formed to beseech a new outpouring of the Holy Spirit, and Irving's assistant, Alexander Scott, expressed the hope that the special charismata of the primitive Church might once more be bestowed in answer to these supplications. Fresh excitement was aroused by two preaching-tours of Irving's through Scotland in 1828 and 1829, and in Mar., 1830, occurred the phenomena elsewhere detailed (see CATHOLIC APOSTOLIC CURCH), which were taken as a fulfilment of these hopes. At least a commission from London, of which the lawyer Cardale was the most prominent member, accepted them as the expected renewal of the primitive gifts, and a confirmation of the whole trend of apocalyptic preaching. Similar phenomena now occurred at gatherings in Cardale's house; prophecy and speaking with tongues became more and more frequent. Irvine attempted for a time to keep these manifestations separate from the church services proper, while he welcomed them and made use of the messages thus delivered, and looked to the revival of the offices already recognized as essential. But revelation succeeded revelation, and presently Irving could no longer hold back the growing enthusiasm. In Oct., 1831, it took possession of his church, amid scenes of great excitement. When Irving was summoned, in 1830, before the general presbytery of the Scotch churches in London to answer for his Christological views, and denied their jurisdiction, appealing to the general synod in Scotland, his own presbytery had stood by him. But now it accused him of violation of the liturgical ordinances in allowing women, and men who were not properly ordained ministers, to speak in his church. Sentence of deposition was pronounced on May 2, 1832. Four days later Irving began independent services in a hall with about 800 communicants, and in October he removed to a remodeled studio in Newman Street, leaving behind him the last remnants of the old Presbyterian order.

Though Irving was the "angel" of the Church, the voices of the prophets left him little hearing. Cardale, Drummond, and the prophet Irving Superseded. Taplin took the lead of the movement, and the new organization proceeded rapidly. New functionaries were created as the Spirit bade, on the analogy of New Testament indications, and presently there were six other congregations in London, forming, with Irving's, the counterpart of the seven churches of the Apocalypse. Irving accepted the whole development in faith, although he had conceived the apostolic office as something different, which should not interfere with the independence of himself as the "angel." But he had lost control of the movement, and those who now led it lost no opportunity of humiliating the man to whose personality they had owed so much. When the sentence of deposition was confirmed by the presbytery of Annan, and then by the Scottish general synod, and he returned to London strong in the consciousness of his call by God to the office of angel and pastor of the church, he was not allowed to baptize a child, but was told to wait until, on the bidding of the prophets, he should be again ordained by an apostle. His health was now failing, and his physician ordered him, in the autumn of 1834, to winter in the south. He went, however, to Scotland, where the prophets had promised him great success in the power of the Spirit, and died in Glasgow, where he is buried in the crypt of the cathedral.

(T. KOLDE.)

BIBLIOGRAPHY: Irving's Collected Writings were edited by his nephew, G. Carlyle, 5 vols., London, 1864-65. Besides the. literature under CATHOLIC APOSTOLIC CHURCH, especially the biography by Mrs. Oliphant, and Carlyle's Reminiscences, consult D. Brown, Personal Reminiscences of Edward Irving, in Expositor, 1887; C. K. Paul, in Biographical Sketches London, 1883; W. A. Smith, "Shepherd" Smith, the Universalist, London, 1892.

IRVINGITES. See CATHOLIC APOSTOLIC CHURCH; and IRVING, EDWARD.

ISAAC (Hebr. yizlutk, more rarely yishak, the laugher"; LXX, lsaak, Vulg. Isaac): the son of Abraham and Sarah, who served as an object for testing his father's faith and obedience. He was born (according to P) in Abraham's hundredth year and in Sarah's ninetieth. Gen. xxi. 6 (E?)—cf. xvii. 17 (P), xviii. 12 sqq. (J)—brings the name into connection with his birth. Abraham's obedience was shown in the circumcision of the boy eight days after his birth (Gen. xxi. 4, P), and in his readiness to sacrifice, at God's command, this son for whom he had so ardently longed (chap. xxii.). Isaac in this submitted to the will of his father, just as he did later in his marriage with Rebekah, although he was then forty years old. Few details are given in regard to the remainder of Isaac's life, and he appears as a rather weak copy of his father. He manifested a lesser fondness for journeying, since his travels were confined to the southern portion of the land, the Negeb, and the neighboring territory. In this desolate region, the well Lahai-roi (Gen. xxiv. 62; the modern Munailah), Gerar, the Philistine city (xxvi. 1; the modern Jerar), the valley of Gerar (xxvi. 17), Beersheba (xxvi. 23), and finally Hebron (xxxv. 27), are places where he sojourned for a time. When at Gerar, according to Gen. xxvi. 7 sqq., he had an experience with King Abimelech similar to his father's (Gen. xx. 1 sqq., E, xii. 10 sqq., J). The similarity of the three accounts does not necessarily imply that they are variations of the same incident; but borrowings and substitutions may have taken place in oral tradition.

Isaac was characterized, as contrasted with Abraham, by a certain advance in civilization. In Gerar he devoted himself both to the raising of flocks and herds and to agriculture. His food was game and his drink was wine, while Abraham obtained the latter only from some other prince. Isaac appeared always as pacifically inclined, yielding to his envious neighbors when they disputed with him the possession of wells, and yet he enjoyed a singular respect on the part of strangers, who considered it desirable to be on friendly footing with the "blessed of the Lord" (Gen. xxvi. 28 sqq.). The principal significance of Isaac is that he carried over the divine blessing of the covenant from Abraham to Jacob, the ancestor of Israel. After his wife had been for a long time barren (Gen. xxv. 21), twin children of very different characters, Esau and Jacob, were granted to him in answer to his prayer. Although the father clung to the elder, when old and blind he was forced by the stratagem of his wife to bestow upon his younger son, Jacob , the blessing which had been bequeathed to him by Abraham (Gen. xxvi. 3 sqq., 24). Isaac showed little independence either at home or abroad, in place of which his submission to the decrees of the Almighty gave him his position between Abraham the faithful and Jacob, the champion of the faith. In this trio Isaac represents that pious fidelity which guards the inherited blessing, more occupied with its preservation than with any idea of further gain. For later Jews he appears as "the chief of the bound and tortured" (Midrash to Esther), that is, the prototype of martyrs.

The Story of Isaac is made up from the three Pentateuchal sources, which agree essentially in their narratives and guarantee the historical character of Isaac's personality. His name does not yield to the explanation that it belonged to a divinity or a tribe, the significance "he laughs" being inappropriate to both.

The designation of God as "the fear of Isaac" (Gen. xxxi. 42, 53) is peculiar. Since this "fear" was sworn by, it must mean "divinity," corresponding to the Greek sebas in the sense of sebasma, "an object of awe or reverence."

(C. VON ORELLI.)

BIBLIOGRAPHY: A. Bernstein, Ursprung der Sagen von Abraham, lsaak und Jakob, Berlin, 1871; J. Popper, Ursprung des Monotheisrnus, pp. 261 sqq., ib. 1879; J. B. Mozley, Ruling Ideas in Early Ages, chaps. ii.-iii., New York, 1879; E. C. A. Riehm, Handwörterbuch des biblischen Altertums, pp. 791-792, Leipsic, 1893; G. B. Gray, Studies in Hebrew Proper Names, p. 214, London, 1896; G. Maspero, Struggle of the Nations, p. 68, ib. 1896; DB, ii. 483-485; EB, ii. 2174-2179 (stimulating); JE, vi. 616-618. Consult also the appropriate sections in works on the history of Israel and the commentaries on Genesis.

ISAAC OF ANTIOCH: The name of a writer (perhaps of several writers) of the early Syrian Church. Jacob of Edessa (cf. W. Wright, Catalogue of the Syriac Manuscripts in the British Museum, ii. 603-604, London, 1871) distinguishes three of the name, two whom he calls orthodox and a third whom he styles a Chalcedonian heretic. The first was a disciple of Ephraem, and went to Rome in the time of Arcadius; on his return he was kept for some time in prison in Constantinople, and later became presbyter of Amida. The second, presbyter of Edessa, went to Antioch in the time of the Emperor Zeno and the patriarch Peter the Fuller (see MONOPHYSITES, §§ 4 sqq.), and preached against the Nestorians, taking his text from a parrot which he had heard screech the trisagion with the addition "crucified for us." The third, also from Edessa, was orthodox in the time of Bishop Paul (512 sqq.), but Nestorian under Asclepius (522 sqq.). Gennadius knows of two writers of the name. The second (De vir. ill., lxvi.), presbyter of Antioch, lived to an advanced age and wrote much, including an elegy on the fall of Antioch (459); he died under Leo and Majorian (between 459 and 461). Zacharias Rhetor (ed. K. Ahrens and G. Krüger, Leipsic, 1889, p. *20) mentions "Isaac, the teacher of Syria," with Dada in the time of Arcadius and Theodosius. Dionysius of Telmahre knows of poems by Isaac on the capture of Rome by the Goths (410) and the secular games of 404. Johannes bar Shushan (d. 1073), who collected the writings of Isaac, calls him a disciple of Ephraem's disciple, Zenobius. There is an edition of his works (incomplete) by G. Bickell (2 vols., Giessen, 1873-77); thirty-seven productions out of about two hundred are given, including a poem of not less than 2,136 lines on the parrot and the trisagion, and another of 1,928 lines on repentance. A volume of Isaac's homilies has been published by P. Bedjan (Paris, 1903).

E. NESTLE.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: J. S. Assemani, Bibliotheca orientalis, i. 207-304, Rome, 1719; P. Zingerle, in TQ, lii (1870), 92-114; G. Cardahi, Liber thesauri de arte poetica Syrorum, pp. 21-25, Rome, 1875; W. Wright, Short Hist. of Syriac Literature, pp. 51-54, London, 1894; R. Duval, Littérature syriaque, pp. 340-341, Paris, 1900; DCB, iii. 295-296.

ISAAC OF NINEVEH: Bishop of Nineveh in the seventh century. He was made bishop by the patriarch George (660-680), in succession to Moses, but retired after five months, and died, almost blind from much study, in the monastery of Rabban Shabor. One of his works exists in Syriac, Arabic, and Ethiopic, and also in a Greek translation by two monks, Patricius and Abraham, of the monastery of Mar Saba, southeast of Jerusalem, and published by Nicephorus (Leipsic, 1770; in MPG, lxxxvi. 799-888). A Latin translation under the title Isaac Syrus, liber de contemptu mundi in fifty-three chapters is in the Bibliotheca magna (Cologne, 1618, VI., ii. 688; Gallandi, Bibliotheca, xii. 3). Another work entitled "Letter to the Holy Father Simon in the Wonderful Mountain" is published in Greek in Mai's Nova Bibliotheca, vol. viii., part 3 (Rome, 1871), pp. 156-188; it is interesting for its information about Malpat of Edessa, the originator of the Messalians, and the knowledge it shows of apocalyptic literature.

E. NESTLE.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: The earlier literature, viz., J. S. Assemani, Bibliotheca orientalis, i. 44, Rome, 1719; W. Wright, Short Hist. of Syriac Literature, London, 1894; and J. B. Chabot, De S. Isaaci Ninivitae vita, scriptis et doctrina, Paris, 1892, is to be corrected by Jésusdenah, évęgue de Bacrah, le livre de la chasteté, ed. J. B. Chabot, Rome 1896, cf. J. B. Chabot in Revue sémitique, 1896, p. 254. Consult also: DCB, iii. 291-292; W. Wright, Catalogue of Syriac MSS., ii. 569-581, London, 1870-72.

ISAAC BEN SHESHET BARFAT: Spanish Jewish talmudist; b. at Valencia in 1326; d. at Algiers in 1408. He studied at Barcelona, where he also began his life-work, early gaining a reputation as a talmudist and being called upon for legal opinions. When fifty he became rabbi, removed later to Saragossa, and thence to Valencia. In 1391, in consequence of persecution of the Jews, he fled, going to Algiers, where he was made rabbi. He was the author of 417 "responsa" which have been highly valued by competent authorities, published as She 'elot u-Teshlebot (Constantinople, 1546-47); and possibly of an unpublished commentary on the Pentateuch.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: JE, vi. 631-632.

ISAACS, ABRAM SAMUEL: Jewish rabbi; b. in New York City Aug. 30, 1852. He was educated at New York University (B.A., 1871) and the University of Breslau (1878), and since 1886 has been connected with New York University, where he has been professor of Hebrew (1886-94) and German (since 1887). He was also preacher to the East 86th Street Synagogue, New York City, in 1886-87, and since 1896 has been rabbi of B'nai Jeshurun Congregation, Paterson, N. J. He was editor of The Jewish Messenger from 1878 to 1903, and has written, Life and Writings of Moses Chaim Luzzatto (New York 1878) and Stories from the Rabbis (New York, 1894).

ISAIAH.

The Prophet and his Times.
The Book of Isaiah.
1. Its Place in the Canon.
2. The Text.
3. The Critical View.
I. The Prophet and His Times: The name rendered "Isaiah" in English has in the Hebrew two forms, Yesha'yah, and Yesha'yahu, the latter in his book, II Kings xviii.-xxi., and I Chron. xxv. 3, 15, xxvi. 25, II Chron. xxvi. 22, xxxii. 32, the former in I Chron. iii. 21; Neh. xi. 7. In the Septuagint it varies greatly, taking the forms lesias, lessias, Ioseas, Hesaias, Isaias, Osaias. The derivations and meanings given are quite varied.

Outside the book called by his name and II Kings xviii.-xxi., Isaiah the prophet is mentioned only twice in the Bible. II Chron, xxvi. 22 1. Reports Concerning Isaiah. states that the acts of Uzziah of Judah were written down by Isaiah the prophet, the son of Amoz. The method of citation here deviates from the usual formula, so that either incompleteness or defacement of the text is suspected, while the Septuagint lacks the phrase " son of Amoz " and has further variations. The passage adds nothing to knowledge of the prophet gained elsewhere. It has been taken, in connection with Isa. i. 1, as ground for the conjecture that the prophet lived through the entire reigns of the four kings mentioned, and that Isa. vi. tells of a renewed call of the prophet after a period of quietness. This is favored by the position of chap. vi., and modern students are inclined to attribute chaps, i.-v. wholly or in part to the early years of Uzziah. II Chron. xxxii. 32 speaks of a record in the "Vision of Isaiah" of the deeds of Hezekiah which is in the Book of Kings. The Septuagint, Vulgate, and Targum place an "and" before "in the book," thus mentioning two sources. It is to be noticed that "Vision of Isaiah" was the title of the canonical Book of Isaiah (Isa. i. 1). The passage was early taken as indicating an independent "Vision of Isaiah," and an apocryphal book of that character was cited by Origen, and is perhaps the "Martyrdom (or Ascension) of Isaiah" known in the Ethiopic (see PSEUDEPIGRAPHA, OLD TESTAMENT, II. 34), dealing with the martyrdom of Isaiah under Manasseh. This tradition of a martyrdom appears also in the Gemara (Yebamot 49b) as drawn from "an early genealogical record" and due to a condemnation of certain utterances of the prophet. Another tradition connects the death of Isaiah with his condemnation of the act of Manasseh recorded in II Kings xxi. 7, and brings into relation with this event the passage Isa. lxvi. 1 sqq., and a prediction of the coming of Nebuchadrezzar to destroy the temple. This aroused the wrath of Manasseh, who ordered the prophet to be brought and slain. Isaiah fled and took refuge in the heart of a tree, which closed about him and hid him. But his pursuers sawed through the tree until the blood of the prophet flowed forth as water. The passages II Kings xxi. 16, xxiv. 3-4 are brought into relation with this tradition and the event is said to have occurred on Tammuz 17, corresponding to July 6, given in the Roman Catholic calendar (cf. ASB, July, ii. 250 sqq.; A. Klostermann, Das Datum des Martyrium Jesaias im römischen Kalendar, in TSK, 1880, pp. 536 sqq.). The one tradition of value seems to be that which places his death in the reign of Manasseh.

This tradition may be brought into connection with the title of the book by way of defining the period of activity of the prophet. To 2. Chronology of the Period. the period of the four kings mentioned in the title may be added an undefined but short period under Manasseh, and Isa. vi. 1 is often taken as indicating the entry of Isaiah upon prophetic work in the last year of Uzziah. Supposing that he was then twenty years old, his age at the accession of Manasseh would be eighty-one; thus: the destruction of Jerusalem was in 586 B.C., the, eleventh year of Zedekiah; then, according to the reckoning of the Book of Kings, Manasseh began to reign in 696 B.C., Hezekiah in 725 B.C., Ahaz in 741 B.C., Jotham in 757 B.C., and the death of Uzziah would fall in 758 B.C. [or 757]; the siege of Samaria under Shalmaneser began in the fourth year of Hezekiah, 722 B.C., and its capture by Sargon in Hezekiah's sixth year, 720 B.C. If it is assumed, as is most probable, that the sign on the dial of Ahaz is to be connected with the eclipse of Mar. 14, 711 B.C. (F. K. Ginzel, Spezieller Kanon der Sonnen- und Mondfinsternisse, Berlin, 1899), visible in Jerusalem, then the foregoing statements in general and the assignment of the year 711 B.C. for the healing of Hezekiah tally with astronomical data. Therefore the embassy from Merodach-baladan (Isa. xxxix. 1) would fall at the earliest in 711 B.C., and Hezekiah's determination to throw off Assyrian overlordship would fall in 710 B.C. The Ptolemaic Canon allows to a Mardokempados twelve years as king of Babylon, and to his conqueror, Sargon, five years; then the last year of Mardokempados is the thirty-eighth of the era of Nabonassar, and the first year of Sargon is 709 B.C. Then that the "king of Babylon," Merodach-baladan (Isa. xxxix. 1), is not an indefinite usurper of that name, but that the Mardokempados of the Ptolemaic Canon is the Merodach-baladan of the Assyrian inscriptions does not imply error either in that he is called "son of Yakin" in the Canon or that he is called "son of Baladan" in Isa. xxxix. The former is accounted for by his capital being at Bit Yakin or Dur Yakin, evidently taken as named for an eponymous ancestor, and the latter may have arisen from a like connection with a supposed ancestor mentioned in the second element of his own name. Thus the Assyrian data harmonize with the foregoing calculations. According to contract tablets adduced by G. Smith (Assyrian Eponym Canon, London, 1875, pp. 86-87), Sargon's fourteenth year fell in the eponymate of Samashupahir, and his fifteenth year as king of Assyria is stated to have been his third as king of Babylon; his thirteenth year over Assyria was therefore his first over Babylon, i.e., 709 B.C., and his reign over Assyria began 722-721 B.C.; Sargon's seventeenth and last regnal year was 705 B.C., and the first of his successor, Sennacherib, was 704 B.C. The Eponym Canon and the Ptolemaic Canon give assistance from this point on. From Assyrian records it is clear that the regnal year of Sargon began in the middle of an eponymate. The discrepancy between the Biblical date of 720 B.C. and the apparent Assyrian of 722 B.C. is explained partly by confusion between the beginning of the eponymous year and the regnal year of the king, and partly by a transposition occurring in the Canon lists. Concerning the relation of Shalmaneser to his predecessor, Tiglath-Pileser, nothing can be said, as the Canons fail here. But if the first regnal year of Sennacherib fell in the last part of the eponymate of Nabudinipus and the first part of the latter's successor's, Sennacherib can not have made an expedition to the West in Hezekiah's fourteenth year (Isa. xxxvi. 1), which expedition he states that he made in his own third year, when he shut Hezekiah up "like a bird in a cage" (Schrader, KAT, p. 293). If it be assumed that Sennacherib's full regnal year is meant, it might fall in 702-701 B.C., and with this would agree the supposition that the surely erroneous dating in Hezekiah's fourteenth year of Isa. xxxvi. 1 is due to a previous mention of his twenty-fourth year. So that in 702 B.C., according to the Assyrian basis, began the Assyrian subjection of Judah and Hezekiah.

Then Isaiah's activity as a prophet would fall between 758 and 690 B.C. at the latest, a period of singular moment. The Assyrians, in 3. External Events. their conquest of Syria and Palestine, laid a basis for further conquests in the northwest and southwest, hindered, however, by the danger from the Medes and other peoples in their rear. By the movements which went on about them, the Jews were brought into contact with world politics, and in the Book of Isaiah the fortunes of distant and neighboring peoples receive larger notice than had been customary. The northern kingdom fell from the high estate it achieved under Jeroboam II. after a career in which the most contradictory state policies had been pursued. It had become identified with an attempt to unite Syria, Israel, and Judah against Assyria, in which the refusal of Judah had led to an attempt to set aside the Davidic dynasty in Judah. Uzziah had thought to strengthen his own kingdom by securing his boundaries with fortresses and by heaping up the means and materials of war to furnish material guaranties for the faith of the Jews in the security of the city of Yahweh and of the dynasty. Ahaz preferred to depend upon the clemency of the Assyrian king. Hezekiah rejected this means of quiet, and put his trust in Yahweh without using human means.

The lessons of the period for the pious of Israel and of all times are that Yahweh reaches the ends corresponding to his being through 4. Relation of Events to Faith. the history of his people and of the world. It does not follow that he repudiates his people or his promises to their fathers, nor yet that he makes the foundation of his kingdom dependent upon the hegemony of any earthly state where his worship should be conducted. While he permitted the Davidic kingdom to fall apart and Jerusalem to become the capital of the smaller division, allowed Israel's land to receive a new population, and the Davidic king to become a vassal of Assyria, while he brought to nought Sennacherib's plans against Jerusalem, the purpose seemed to be to purify the faith of the people that his might and will should ordain healing or destruction. The Israelites had supposed God's interests bound up with those of his people in his land and its institutions. But they had to learn through discipline that the people to whom his promises came and to whom they applied was a people which corresponded in its essence to his own sanctity and were not dependent upon mere fleshly hopes. It contravened past experience that he who had promised to be the savior of his people should permit them to be beaten and subdued, while to tyrants whose purpose he hated he had given the victory. The kingdom of Jeroboam, founded on cunning and force, was no better than other kingdoms; nor was the kingdom of Judah, with its externals of sacrifice, that to which he had made his promises. Of course, the conquerors, who thanked themselves and their gods for the victory, were even less fitted to be his servants. The destruction of the foe at the pinnacle of his greatness and the restoration of his people were to reveal the fulfilment of his promises, no more to be endangered by the rule of sin.

Yet Yahweh had not given over his land, destroyed his people, laid in ruins the house of David and Jerusalem, burned up the world and 6. Ideals Underlying Prophecies. destroyed mankind in order to create a new earth. Rather the idea was that symbolized by the plant world, where the dying vegetation promises new life by its seeds and its shoots. So in the dying Israel there was an imperishable remainder, which was to survive destruction and to live again in unassailable dominion, to be menaced neither by sin nor the anger of God. The people which had been destroyed was to be awakened to new life, and the house of David was to rise to renewed kingly power in the son of a young woman. But this was to take form neither in nation, state, nor race. The germ can be considered only as an invisible church known only to Yahweh. And since in Israel the prophet of Yahweh is he who learns the will of Yahweh in the conditions of things and translates the dark sayings of God as uttered in the events of history, so the people gathered by the prophet's word and unified by it is the indestructible Zion, the enduring remainder of Israel which makes the prophet's teachings the ground of its inner life. The prophet is the medium of this new life. His conduct in life, his hope in sorrow, are the prefigurement and pledge of that which is destined for the community.

Such a person does Isaiah appear in the testimony, direct and indirect, which his book carries. Outside of the reports of his life already considered, 6. Isaiah's Life and Character. it may be gathered that he was a citizen of Jerusalem; that he had several children, one of whom, a son, must have been born in Jotham's reign (vii. 3), and another during the Syrian-Ephraimitic war (viii. 1 sqq.); that he regarded wife, children, and the events of family life as living pictures and true signs of the prophecies he uttered; that he looked back upon the hour of consecration pictured in chap. vi. as pivotal, and as conditioning his inner life (viii. 11 sqq.). Since his care and hopes were so different from those which public life offered, he deemed it his duty to implant in continuing security in the heart of a receptive circle, for use in the future, the divine knowledge which had come to him.

In chap, vii., in the midst of the Syrian-Ephraimitic crisis, Isaiah sought in vain to direct the policy of the Davidic house away from dependence upon Assyria to trust in Yahweh, and in chap. viii. testified that the waters of Shiloah were sufficient to withstand the turbulence of Rezin and Pekah, and they did not need the addition of the flood of Assyrian might, which would overflow the land it was designed to protect. Later Isaiah again sought to stem the course of public events among his people by glowing predictions of positive success. Such a case is presented in the reign of Hezekiah when the foe was drawn away from Jerusalem and the danger to the city was averted by the catastrophe which befell the enemy.

II. The Book of Isaiah.—1. Its Place in the Canon: In the Hebrew Bible Isaiah stands first in the division of the so-called later prophets and precedes Jeremiah and Ezekiel evidently upon the ground of priority in history, but in the Septuagint it is preceded by the book of the Minor Prophets (cf. Jerome, Ad Paulinum, Prologus galeatus). The Hebrew order is confirmed by the treatment in Ecclus, xlviii. 22-xlix. 10. The Talmudic tract Baba bathra (col. xiv., col. 2) makes Jeremiah follow Kings and puts Isaiah between Ezekiel and the Twelve according to the principle which arranges books approximately in order of length. Reasons for this difference in order are variously given: Vitringa thought that the placing of Jeremiah first was due to the tradition that Jeremiah had composed the Books of Kings; Lightfoot alleged apologetic interests which used the order in which Jeremiah stood first to show that Matt. xxvii. 9 was not in error, since the whole of the prophetic canon might then be called after the name of the first book; still others thought it might be due to the fact that after Jeremiah and Ezekiel had taken form, Isaiah had been changed or that it had taken form only in the time of Cyrus. But these methods of reasoning are not conclusive.

2. The Text: The variety of contents and style, the idealistic character of the oracles and the originality of thought have from earliest 1. Its Condition. times made this book difficult to understand. Much read and often edited, it could not maintain its original form, and it became the object of an exegesis which sought to come to an understanding with the traditional text as an inviolable and sacred thing. The condition of the text in chaps, xl.-lxvi. may be seen in Klostermann's commentary (Munich, 1893) of chaps. xxxvi.-xxxix. in the same author's commentary on the parallel section in Kings (Munich, 1887) and in TSK, 1884. And revision of the whole text of chaps. i.-xxxv. is required before exegesis can be securely founded, an especially difficult task, for which the test of meter and artistic form, so often suggested, is of very little value. Indeed, changes of form by the prophet or his disciples are not excluded from consideration; for example, in the great picture of the judgment under the figure of an earthquake in xxiv., at verse 7 there is the beginning of an alphabetical elegy in six-lined strophes, the first two strophes of which are present and complete, while of the third only the first half is given. Similarly in xxiii. 16 only the beginning of a known song is cited, and this may explain the break at the end of xxiv. 12.

Not to be disregarded are the paraphrases of Jonathan, the fragments of Aquilas, Theodotion, and Symmachus as they have come 2. Causes and Kinds of Errors. down with the marginal notes of the Hexapla and from the notes of Jerome. These will at times serve to indicate the introduction of errors in later times. Thus, Jonathan indicates in viii. 14 the loss of "for you" after "he shall be," a conclusion supported not only by the Vulgate, but by the second person in the Septuagint. Doubled readings or translations in these texts are often a guide to the original text, since they point to a misreading or a misunderstanding of a reading to which such misunderstanding is a direct guide, as in xxxiii. 7, where "their valiant ones" was read by the translators in a double sense as the object of fear and as the subject, which led to further changes in the text of the verse. The Septuagint shows a similar doubled reading in ii. l6b through a mistake of the eye involving further changes in the text. Sometimes a doubled reading is merely a mistake in copying produced by itacism, as in viii. 23, codex 304. But a critical text of the Septuagint will show that sometimes the translator in deciphering his Hebrew exemplar has in a surprising manner gone wrong through too great confidence in his apprehension of the context. Such a case is presented in viii. 7-8. Examinations of the Septuagint make it perfectly clear that its present text is the result of a long period of correction of a text which sought to give the sense of the prophetical deliverances without having a sure insight into the meaning and the form of the original. But the early text together with the corrections themselves and the differences between them often put the student upon the track of a better Hebrew text than the one which has been transmitted. There is in mind here not only the 111 of xxix. 3 in the Septuagint, which alone explains why Yahweh, who is beleaguering Ariel in verse 1, has made mention of the siege of Ariel by David in early times, but also the toi agapetoi sou of xxvi. 17. In this latter case the 11`t'~, which apparently lay before the translator, goes back to an original IVA which belonged to verse 18 and marks 112V:-.as superfluous, suggested indeed by the doubled G1a of Jonathan.

Such cases as this, which are frequent, are sufficient to enable the student to correct the errors and sometimes the gaps which occur in the synagogue text of the Hebrew. Again, the original of x. 11 was doubtless originally "shall I not also do so to Samaria and her idols and to Jerusalem and her images." The present text sets the lot of Samaria as a type and prophecy of the lot of Jerusalem, and pictures the fall of Samaria as a past event, which is the result of a redaction which changed the text of the prophet to square with a later historical situation. Mistakes of pointing are also to be noted, as when 1bD0 in i. 7 is thus pointed as a noun instead of iln6fd'I as a verb, or in x. 13 the waw in VOW and 't''ft1 is given the simple shewa instead of kamets. Still worse is the pointing 1a1 for `111 in ix. 8, for which the Septuagint has thanatos, "death," which corresponds closely to the "pestilence" for which the proposed reading stands. Accentuation and vocalization are both astray in ix. 1, "in the former time," where for 11317 should be read (11)J1y5 and the words should be joined with the clause which goes before. Part of the errors of text are due to the difficulties which underlay the consonantal form. This especially occurs in transferring an initial 7 to the end of the preceding word, but appears also in the loss of the letter in the middle or end of a word, as when C51410t for t115 hN`1N was given the form n5H'1m. A similar case occurs in viii. 6, where the double reading J1NV'J 11N1V(b) came to be written lltittltV(D), and then was changed into rite Iblft. Other changes are caused by the inclusion in the text of notes originally made in the margin, for a case of which cf. vii. 8-9 with verse 4. With such enlargements of the text correspond also gaps, which are the result of carelessness or chance, or which rest upon intended shortening of the reading or upon customary abbreviations. A case of the last is found in viii. 21, where "curse by their king and their God" should read "curse the house of their king and their God," where the letter beth, represented in the English by "by," is an abbreviation or a mistake for beth, "house." Between "for" and "head" in viii. 8 has fallen out the word xlo~t, "I will take away." If, as in the last case cited, a word may fall out, so frequently from a word a letter may be missing, of which numerous examples might be cited. To these causes of change may be added exchanges of letters which either look or sound alike. Thus, in xi. 4, j?'1y demanded by the parallelism appears as r1K, and in i. 7, xxv. 2, and xxix. 5, instead of a''Tt there appears b'1t. Intentional amendment appears in the change from the third person to the first in v. 3-6, influenced by verse 2. Indeed, the riddles of interpretation in whole sections of Isaiah, such as the six deliverances of chaps. xxviii.-xxxv., the section xxiv.-xxvii., and their relation to other parts of the book require as a preliminary to their solution the amendment of the text, which is a preliminary to the work of the higher criticism and the determination of the time to which these sections belong.

3. Authorship: It is evident that a prophet who intervened in public affairs in crises so important, whose experiences were so large, who, 1. Prophetic Authorship in General. even in the quiet of private life, was unwearyingly diligent in instructing a band of disciples with a broad future in view, employed writing not only for the purpose of extending his personal activity beyond his immediate environment, as, for example, to the Israelites in exile, to the end that they might have his words of comfort in their original form, but that he had an outlook upon the more distant future. This must have been especially the case when the subject matter was issued at the joining-point of the past and the future when old things were becoming new, when the utterances were needed as a means of recognizing God's work at the time and for the time. It must have been in such a spirit that the prophets wrote their books and unified their earlier utterances in written discourse. They were enabled in this way to supplement by adding historical notices and even to refer to the words of earlier prophets. Since, in the book ascribed to Isaiah, there exist in the first person recollections of the fifty-second year of Uzziah, and in close connection with these and in similar style discourses which relate to affairs at least sixteen years later in the time of Ahaz, and inasmuch as these latter approve themselves as Isaianic by their congruity with the activities and character of Isaiah as shown in chaps. xxxvi.-xxxvii., and further, since in this book there appear whole series of addresses parallel in matter with the occasions of the time, and setting forth the same main idea, it is a fair presumption that Isaiah undertook a collection of his prophecies. The question is whether the present book contains only his sayings, or contains them in full, or in their original order. Until this is settled, it is of little use to quote what Sirach, Ambrosius, Jerome, Cyril, and others down to the present have said as to the worth of Isaiah from a Christian, ethical, or esthetic standpoint.

To judge of all this a thoroughly new working over is required, a historical investigation, and for this there is no better and no other 2. Interrelations of i.-xxxv. and xl, lxvi. starting-point than the section in chaps. xxxvi-xxxix., a trustworthy narrative which has found place also in the Books of Kings (xviii. 13 sqq.). This narrative is interjected by the compiler of the book between two well-arranged collections of anonymous addresses, the first of which have relation to the Assyrian period and correspond to the contents of chaps. xxxvi.-xxxvii., while the second series has relation to the Babylonian side and corresponds to chap. xxxix. The second of the two series of addresses begins with a command to give comfort as the first closed with encouragement (xxxv. 3 sqq.); the second comes to a close in an opposition of Edom and Zion (lx. 1-lxiii. 6) just as does the first (xxxiii. 13-xxxv. 10). Since in both the general view of the Holy Land and Jerusalem is that of a desolate and depopulated region, to be repeopled by the return of the exiled, doubtless the editor meant to convey the idea that, of both parts, the Isaiah of xxxvi.-xxxix. is the prophetic author. It is therefore unscientific arbitrariness, instead of setting apart chaps. xxviii.-lxvi, and employing chaps. xxviii.-xxxix. as the key to xl.-lxvi., to break off after xxxv.-xxxix. and to imagine oneself in a new region. He who reads xxxv. 3-4 does not stumble at xl. 1; and only he who reads xxviii.-xxxix. can understand xlviii. 3-11, and can regard the same prophet as basing a second prediction upon the fulfilment of the first. He can apply xlii. 19 to the downfall of the northern kingdom, and xliii. 8-10 to the deliverance from Sennacherib, and Ivi. 9-Ivii. 21 to the end of the Isaianic times. Whoever dares to read the six addresses of a nameless prophet in xxviii.-xxxv. beginning with "Woe" and to regard them as Isaianic as a whole and to follow this out in such alleged exilic pieces as xxxiv.-xxxv. has no philosophical reason for the timidity with which he refuses to recognize xl.-Ixvi. as also Isaianic. A hindrance to this has been the obviousness with which Cyrus is mentioned even by name, and the assurance with which the downfall of Babylon and the freeing of the Israelites is announced, predictions which the modern construction of all elements of the prophetic consciousness on the basis of our knowledge of his times seem to make impossible. But the Servant of Yahweh who is named Righteous is as concretely and definitely indicated as Cyrus and his relations to Babylon and Israel; and the hegemony of the restored Jerusalem and the repopulating of the Holy Land is more definitely portrayed than the downfall of Babylon. And, although the one fits better with Jesus of Nazareth, and the other with the Jerusalem of Herod's time, at least in externals, than with any other prophet or with the Jerusalem of any other time, yet the refusal is made so to relate the connections. If the enthusiastic utterances of a prophet work out into realization 500 years later, why could they not with reference to Cyrus? In fact, the book does not predict a coming victor to bear the name of Cyrus, but says of one who has come that he is the realization of predictions made long before for Jerusalem; the victory and success of Cyrus had been so directly indicated that it was evident that he could use his victory only as Yahweh willed, and the honor was to come not to him, but to Yahweh and his people. Thus Yahweh had laid violent hands upon the prophet when he seized upon the Isaianic period in which to bring before the prophet's vision this picture of the future. Isaiah realized that the present conqueror had been predicted long before as called from the East to carry out Yahweh's purposes of punishment, but that he had been driven back when in wilfulness he had attempted to go farther than Yahweh's purposes had carried. Why, then, should he not foresee a second conqueror, coming from the East and more completely realizing God's designs, who, by the very misfortunes which he brought, should create the desire in the heathen world for Yahweh, the only healing God, who is to be found in the midst of his people (xlv. 14-25)? And why should he not foresee the prophet who should so complete the work of renovation as to bring about the regeneration of the community? And to what prophet could ouch a vision so appropriately have come as to Isaiah, a man who, in the midst of the most untoward circumstances, could see around him the promise of a brilliant and righteous future?

If this be true, a new exposition of chaps. xl.-lxvi. is required (the view-point of which was indicated in the Lutherische Zeitschrift, 1876) 3. Authorship Substantially Isaianic. and a new investigation of the framework. But it will not do to resolve the section into a threefold arrangement, each part having nine chapters. As the first part is introduced by xl. 1-11, the second part is prefaced by xlviii. 16-22. The more naturally the investigation proceeds, the surer does it become that xl.-lxvi. does not as such proceed from Isaiah, but that it arranges and works over older prophecies. The tendency of modern criticism is to distinguish the "Servant of Yahweh section" and a "Trito-Isaiah," and, indeed, as many Isaiahs as differences in style suggest; yet by retaining for them the name Isaiah this criticism follows a correct instinct. The editor urges chaps. xxxvi.-xxxix. upon the reader as the key to the meaning of both xl.-lxvi. and xxviii.-xxxv., and as the vindication of these parts as Isaianic in substance.

It appears from the book of Isaiah that at least from the thirteenth year of Hezekiah till after the 4. Isaianic Authorship of xxviii.-xxxv. campaign of Sennacherib the prophet wielded a weighty and acknowledged authority with king, court, and priests, that he made predictions which were observably realized, that he assured the continuance of Jerusalem and Judah beyond the period of Assyrian stress and storm, while Assyria was to become a possession of Babylon; but besides this, it is clear that Hezekiah's resolution to withstand the Assyrian demands rested upon Isaiah's warnings and promises, and that the prophet was the responsible guarantor of a seemingly impossible fortunate issue. Indeed, xxxvii. 26 indicates a prediction by Isaiah of the Assyrian victories before Sennacherib's appearance. Upon the verification of this word of Yahweh as the Lord of the world was built the assurance that in the very moment when Assyrian victories were made the basis of belief that Yahweh was overcome the impotence of the Assyrian against him would be made manifest, and this dispensation would reveal decisively Yahweh's relation to Jerusalem and to the Davidic house. In view of this, the six woes which appear indissolubly woven together in chaps. xxviii.-xxxv. impress one as rendering exactly the historical position of the Isaiah of chaps. xxxvi.-xxxix. and as belonging to the texture of thought which is there demonstrably that of Isaiah. It maybe asked whether these were put together by the prophet or by one of his disciples out of his deliverances. A doubt has been raised by the passage xxx. 6-7, a piece which is related to the "burdens" of chaps. xxi.-xxii.; but the interconnection of xxx. 5 with verse 8 indicates a continuity of thought. Moreover, chaps. xxxiii.-xxxv. are inseparably bound together, as was long ago recognized by Ewald; the direction in xxxiv. 1 sqq. to all peoples to listen to the story of the coming judgment is parallel to that in xxxiii. 13 warning the nations to take to heart the judgment upon the Assyrian host. If they do this, they may be exempt from the general judgment to be executed upon the peoples hostile to Yahweh, which is to find its chief exemplification in the punishment of Idumea (xxxiv. 6). Yet when Ewald remarked that xxxv. must be regarded as Isaianic, while of xxxiv. so much can not be certainly affirmed, he was within the bounds of probability, since it is likely that the prophet here used earlier predictions. The passage xxxiv.-xxxv. would never have been taken for exilic had not first the waste in xxxv. been arbitrarily and unnaturally regarded as the desert between Babylon and Judea, and if, in the second place, the "book of Yahweh" of xxxiv. 16 had not been foolishly regarded as the book of our prophet. This book is indeed the book of the kingdom, in which the future world-king Yahweh has entered the names of his peoples with their provinces (Ps. Ixxxvii.), a book that was known to Isaiah, (iv. 3); while the play of this pictorial representation of the depopulation of a land exactly corresponds to that in xxxiii. 23, in xxx. 32-33, 23-24, and to the taunting, enigmatical character which all these discourses show. If now chaps, xxxiii.-xxxv. belong together as a sixth discourse, Isaiah is the originator, and the present arrangement corresponds to his intention. Then the foreign elements, whether by another author or by himself from another occasion, can not be separated from the whole. It is a distortion to regard xxviii. 1-6 as an oracle concerning Samaria; rather is xxviii. the first of six oracles about Judah and Jerusalem, dating from the time before the fall of the northern kingdom as a state, and belonging with iv. 2 sqq., as the resemblance between that passage and xxviii. 5--6 shows. It is true that here, as in ii.-iv., the prophet has employed other oracles, either his own or those of another prophet; moreover, to remove xxviii. 1-6 would leave what followed without a beginning and destroy the cycle of oracles. Accordingly the prophet and the editor of these six deliverances are essentially the same, while the relation is different from that in xl.-Ixvi. But the editor put these passages before xxxvi.-xxxix. as he put xl.-lxvi. after them because of their formally and essentially similar situation. Isaiah could not publish this book without indicating his part in it; and it is possible that Isa. i. was the introduction to the book xxviii.-xxxv. when Isaiah or his disciple published it as a monument of his activity in the brilliant prophetic period of Hezekiah for the following generation, and that the editor inserted between i. and xxviii. the parts which have their own titles (ii. 1 and xiii. 1).

5. Chapters ii.-xii.

There is now in our possession an assured basis from which to consider and decide how far the two sections ii.-xii. and xiii.-xxvii., which bear Isaiah's name, do so with justice. There is not only a large number of parallels with chaps. xxviii.-xxxix., but there is a remarkable agreement in situation, in spite of the intermingling of varied fragments and complete sections. There come out particularly the ingratitude and obstinacy of Judah and Jerusalem and the consequently necessary purging by punishment (ii.-iv.). It seems credible that Isaiah himself arranged ii.-iv.; and as he surely wrote vi. and xii. as components of a connected whole, all the individual parts of v.-xii. are traceable to him, though that interpolations have taken place need not be denied. It is possible that these last were, according to the custom of the times, attributed to Isaiah, and that the editor had the book in manuscript form before him in which the individual pieces had been inserted unintelligently among others which were then laid aside or put in other connections, and that transpositions were made which brought these parts into positions earlier or later in the book than they originally occupied.

6. Chap. xiii.-xxvii.

In the second part, which separates into the four "burdens" of xiii.-xviii. and the six of xix.-xxiii., there are certain guiding threads which come both from i.-xii. and from xxviii.-xxxv. The "burden" of the beasts of the South in xxx. 6 sqq. finds its counterparts in the "burdens" of xix.-xxiii.; and xxxiv. 1 sqq. agrees with xviii. 3. On the other hand, the note of the leveling of the heights found in chap ii. is repeated in xix. and xxiii., while the doing away of the lordship of Jacob and of the remains of Damascus in xviii. 12 sqq. is anticipated in viii. 7-10. Indeed, chap. xviii. comes into connection with both xi. 11 and lxvi. 20-21 in its thought of the return of the Hebrews from distant lands. The "burdens" are marked out from all other prophetic oracles by the fact that they bear the impress of having been delivered in the ecstatic state, and besides this they deal with the immense or the distant in time. They take on a different coloring entirely from those prophecies which come out of the prophet's own life or relate to the history of the times. Thus it comes about that they are separated from the other deliverances of the prophet and appear as cycles of deliverances distinguished by their tone. So their titles arise from a catchword, or a subject, or a locality, or an emblem some of which can be shown to rest upon mistakes of the text (xxi. 1). Under these circumstances it is necessary to ask whether they are arranged after the literary ideas of the prophet Isaiah. It is remarkable that the oracle on Philistia (xiv. 29 sqq.), the people on the western border, passes on in xv.-xvi. to Moab and Edom, on the east and southeast, and in xvii. 1 to Damascus and the Holy Land in order to portray the extreme need in Israel and the overpowering revolution in the salvation of Jerusalem (xviii. 7). This corresponds to the way in which Amos reached the expression of the judgment upon Israel (Amos i.-ii). In xv.-xvi. Isaiah has so remodeled an old prophecy that it now has a relation to the foregoing "burden"; x. 5-12 is specifically Isaianic, so that the arrangement of at least three of these "burdens" is his. But there is a clear connection of these with the oracle in xvii. 12-xviii. 7, which shows a deliverance in Zion and the substitution of the government of a Davidic rule in place of that of the condemned tyrant of the peoples. This tyrant, the king of the satirical song in xiv. 4 sqq., is an ideal representation of the tyranny which is opposed to God, which subdues the world and oppresses God's people, but is cast into the depth of Hades. By his overthrow Yahweh frees the world of its incubus, and Zion becomes the refuge of the peoples under the Davidic dynasty. Similarly, the downfall of Babylon is pictured in xiii., and it is possible that in chap xix. the tyrant who oppresses the Egyptians is this same ideal tyrant by whose overthrow Egypt is to become a province of Canaan. The explanation of the position of xxi.-xxii. between the entirely parallel "burdens" of xix.-xx. and xxiii. is more difficult. In xxi. clearly the fate of heathen cities is determined by the decrees of Yahweh, for the execution of which the watchers are waiting. Chap. xxii. shows a contrast in the view of the valley of vision, where the watcher bewails the coming misfortune, while in the second part the expectations of Shebna for a quiet death and honorable burial in a chosen place are predicted to be baseless. The two chapters seem to show the necessity of the purgation of sin through death, out of which resurrection is to come. But this is related to the portrayal in xxiv. The succeeding chapters seem to portray like processes through which alike Israel and the nations are to pass the particular judgments upon the nations which have been passed in review being generalized until there comes into view the salvation of the once rejected people, awakened into new life (xxvi. i-19, cf. ix. 2). So that in the second half the ruling idea is the universal kingdom of Yahweh as it arises out of the judgment of the nations and the humiliation of human might and centers of power, the earthly representation of which is the throne and city of David rained to a glorious eminence.

7. Results of the Investigation.

The transmission and arrangement of this book demand of the reader that he view as the source of its peculiar prophetic content and as its predictive subject the historically known Isaiah, who orally and by writing sought to mold public opinion and reared up by esoteric instruction the followers and disciples (viii. 16 sqq., lix. 21) who were heirs of his prophecy to continue his testimony. These heirs of Isaianic prophecy received his testimony and made it fruitful partly by publishing in book form his oral and written testimony for "Judah and Jerusalem" (i. 1), and partly by reproducing in the circles of the faithful the esoteric instruction given them (xlviii. 16) and making it the basis and guide of their addresses. In order to preserve essentially and in completeness the testimony of Isaiah, these developments of Isaianic contents required later fixation in writing and union with the then existing book of Isaiah. Since the author of the addition in Ixiii. 7-lxvi. 24, whose theodicy reproduces Isaianic declarations, looked back upon the destruction of the temple, and since the preacher of xli. 1 sqq. had seen the victorious march of Cyrus, the origin of the present book is later than 550 B.C. This method of treating the Isaianic deliverances, apart from other results, was worked out in abbreviations (as in ii.-iv.), enrichment (as in the lyrics of the Deutero-Isaiah), and reinterpretation (e.g., xiv. 5 sqq.). In view of these results fuller justice is done the book if its relation to the historical Isaiah is the guide to its exegesis than if the tradition regarding its authorship is disregarded and its authors are scattered along through the centuries.

(AUGUST KLOSTERMANN.)

III. The Critical View:
1. The Problem.

The Book of Isaiah in its present form is very generally regarded as possessing a certain unity of plan and purpose. The traditional view has from time immemorial discovered, in this unity, the pen of a single author, Isaiah, the contemporary of Hezekiah, while recent critical scholarship maintains that this writing was arranged and edited by some unknown scribe or scribes, acting as diaskeuasts in the first quarter of the first century B.C. In a little over a quarter of a century, after Döderlein (1775) in his commentary on Isaiah first threw serious doubt on the genuineness of Isa. xl.-lxvi., a fragmentary hypothesis of the origin of this prophetic work gradually gained in popularity. The latter view was first enunciated by Koppe in his notes to Bishop Lowth's work on Isaiah (1779-81). Koppe's theory, that the canonical Book of Isaiah was made up of eighty-five fragments, never won general acceptance as it was strenuously opposed by the Hebraist Gesenius and the commentator Hitzig. But a new form of the fragmentary hypothesis (see below, §§ 3 sqq.), differing materially from that of Koppe, has won many adherents among Biblical scholars since it vas brilliantly advocated by Duhm (1892), Cheyne (1895), and Marti (1900).

2. Structure of the Book.

To understand fully the history of critical opinion, and especially its latest phases, one must note the structure of the book. All commentators, modern as well as ancient, have observed the threefold division into which the Book of Isaiah naturally falls: (1) i.-xxxv., (2) xxxvi.-xxxix., (3) xl.- lxvi. The second of these groups, giving an account of Isaiah's activity in the crisis produced by Sennacherib's invasion, 701 B.C., was excerpted from the Book of Kings. Chapters xxxvi.- xxxix. form the dividing line between the two main sections of the work. The passages on one side differ from those on the other in historical background, point of view, theological conceptions, diction and phraseology. The earlier chapters reflect the historical changes and movements of 740-701 B.C.; the monarchs mentioned—Hezekiah, Sargon (xx. 1), Sennacherib (xxxvi., xxxvii. 17, 21, 37), and Merodach-Baladan (xxxix. 1)—are those of the eighth century. In the third section (xl.-lxvi.) Cyrus is in the flood tide of his victorious career (xliv. 28, xlv.; cf. xli. 2-3, 25, etc.); the Assyrian has disappeared from the stage of history, and in his stead Israel's oppressors are the Babylonians (xliii. 14, 25, xlvii. 1 sqq., xlviii. 14, 20). In the third section Jerusalem is described as lying in ruins and desolate (xliv. 26b, lviii. 12, lxi. 4, lxiii. 18, lxiv. 10-11), while in the first part she is still standing, the object of her enemies' attacks and the special ward of Jehovah (i.-xxix. 1-8, 36-39). In addition to these distinguishing features, the two parts differ greatly in spirit; the latter is a book of consolation, the very first word being " comfort " (xl. 1), while the former is made up of threatening and judgment, the tone of arraignment struck in chap. i. appearing in one form or other clear through to chap. xxxv. While in this connection stress is not laid upon the fact that the phraseology is in striking contrast, as this frequently leads to a mechanical argument, the difference in diction may not be passed over lightly, as the careful reader notices the change even in the English version, while one accustomed to using Hebrew almost instinctively notes the passing from a piece of literature in a style " condensed, lapidary and plastic," to one that is clear and flowing. In chaps. i.xxxix. the emphasis is laid upon the majesty of Yahweh (ii. 10 sqq., 17, 19 sqq., x. 5 sqq., etc.), in xl.-lxvi. on his infinitude (xl. 12-26-x1i. 4, etc.), in the third section the personal Messiah is depicted as the righteous and suffering servant (xlii. 1-4, xlix. 1-6, l. 4-9, Iii. 13-liii. 12) instead of the ideal king of the future (vii. 14, ix. 1-6, xi. 1-5).

Such differences as these were deemed valid grounds for dating Isa. xl.-lxvi. in the sixth century by almost every great commentator of the last century (Gesenius, Ewald, Knobel, Dillmann, Delitzsch in his last edition, Cheyne, Orelli,
S. Results Duhm, G. A. Smith). Dillmann characterized this view as results of modern literary investigation." Since Delitzsch in the fourth edition of his commentary (1889) went over to this position, it may truthfully be said that no scientific exegetical work has held to the traditional view of the unity of the Book of Isaiah. In America the assignment of Isa. xl.-lxvi. to the sixth century was strenuously opposed in magazine articles by Prof. W. H. Green of Princeton (Presbyterian and Reformed Review, vol. iii.), but this school of theology has produced no work of exposition on the prophecies of Isaiah since the appearance of that commentary of first rank by J. A. Alexander (1846,rev. ed. 1865). The argument from " the analogy of prophecy " worked this complete revolution in critical opinion. That a prophet primarily addresses his contemporaries; that, however far he may project himself into the future, his point of departure is his own age; that he paints the distant scene of the remotest future in the colors of his own day; that he plants his feet firmly upon the events of his own time, before he attempts to scan the distant horizon these are principles recognized as axiomatic by all interpreters of prophecy. If they are correctly assumed, Isa. xl.-lxvi. can not be assigned to Isaiah, the son of Amoz. In fact, the exilic background of these chapters has been recognized by some of the most zealous defenders of the Isaianic authorship, but it has been attributed to "the prophet's ideal point of view" (Keil; cf. Hengstenberg).

Having attained this result, criticism did not halt, for the argument from the analogy of prophecy will not leave the first part of the work intact (chaps. i.-xxxv.). As early as Eichhorn (1783) it was applied to this section, and resulted 4. Analysis of Isaiah i.- xxxix. in the denial of the genuineness of a number of passages. (1) The oracle on the fall of Babylon (xiii. 1 xiv. 23) was assigned to the Babylonian exile, because the Medes are mentioned as the instruments of the destruction (xiii. 17), and Babylon is described as the supreme world power of that age (xiii. 11, 19, xiv. 4-5, 12 sqq., 16-17). (2) In the critical disposition of passages, xxi. 1-10 is naturally associated with xiii. 1-xiv. 23, for in it the prophet describes the fall of Babylon, and refers to Elam and Media (verse 2) in terms which would be more natural to a prophet of the sixth century than to Isaiah of the eighth. (3) With these two sections just noted go chaps. xxxiv. and xxxv. The latter is a beautiful lyric which is a mosaic of phrases and imagery borrowed from Deutero-Isaiah (the title provisionally assigned to the author of part three); the former is assigned to the exile, because of the bitter hatred and dire vengeance against Edom which it breathes (xxxiv. 5 sqq., 8 sqq.; cf. Ps. cxxxvii. 7). (4) While, in regard to the section Isa. xxiv.-xxvii. there is a general agreement that it is not the work of Isaiah, no consensus of opinion has been reached as to the age to which it should be assigned. Conservative critics are inclined to be satisfied with placing it in the days of the Persian empire. Dates, varying from the reign of Darius Hystaspis (520-485) to that of Artaxerxes Ochus (359-339), have been given. Here the argument from Biblical theology overshadows that based upon the analogy of prophecy. No explicit historical references occur; the imagery is apocalyptic in character, which in itself points to the age of the decay of prophecy. The writer's ideas of the future life-immortality, xxv. 8, and the resurrection, xxvi. 19--are distinct advances on those of Isaiah's age, but the traces of Persian angelology commonly alleged are not so evident. Critical opinion is divided about the age of chap. xxiii. The only reason for denying the Isaianic character of this passage is the occurrence of the phrase "Behold the land of the Chaldeans " (verse 13). The text is extremely uncertain and has led to emendations; instead of Chaldeans, Ewald suggested Canaanites, and Duhm offers Chittim. It may justly be regarded as an Isaianic passage to be assigned either to 723 or to 701 B.C.

Such was the view of critical scholarship before the rise of the modern fragmentary hypothesis which has been advocated by Duhm and Marti in their commentaries (1892, 1900), and by Cheyne in his Introduction to the Book of Isaiah (1895). These three exegetes leave only a very small part of chaps. i.-xxRix, to Isaiah, and Cheyne has tersely enunciated the principles and results of this school It is too bold to maintain that we still have any collection of Isaianic prophecies which in its present form goes book to the period of the prophet" (EB, ii. 2194). Cheyne in his Introduction to the Book of Isaiah assigns only the following passages of i.-xxxix. to Isaiah: i. 5-31, ii. 6-21, iii. 1, 4-5, 8-9 (2-3, 6-7 may be Isaianic), 12-15, 16-17, 24, v. 1-14, 17-22, 23-25b, 26-29, vi. 1-13, vii. 2-8a, 9-14, 16, 18-20, viii. 1-4, 5-6, 7a, 8-18, ix. 7-12, 15-x. 4, x. 5-9, 13,-14, 28-32, xiv. 24-27 (omit 25b), 29-32, xvi. 14, xvii. 1-6, 9-14, xviii. 1-6, xx. 1, 3-6, xxi. 16 sqq., xxii. 1-5, 6-9a, 11b-14, 15a, 16-18, xxiii. 1-2, 3(?), 4, 6-12, 14, xxviii. 1-4, 7-19, 21-22, xxix. 1-4a, 6, 9-10, 13-14, xxix. 15, xxx. 1-7a, 8-17b, xxxi. 1-5a.

5. Analysis of lsaiah xl.-lxvi.

Before the advent of this fragmentary school, Isa. xl.-lxvi. was looked upon as a literary unity, and was attributed to a single prophet, commonly termed the "Great Unknown of the Exile" or Deutero-Isaiah. This prophecy was regarded as falling into three sections marked by the refrain xlviii. 22, Ivii. 21 (Rückert Hitzig, and Delitzsch). Ewald first propounded a theory, the forerunner of the one now to be considered. He maintained that Isa. xl.-Ixvi. was a collection of "pamphlets or fly-leaves which the surging stream of time drew forth, one after another, from the prophet." The writer arranged these pamphlets in two books, xl.-xlviii., xlix.-Ix., to which were added an epilogue, Ixi. i-Ixiii. 6, and an appendix, lxiii. 7-lxvi. 24. According to Ewald, Deutero-Isaiah borrowed xl. 1, 2, Iii. 13-liii. 12, Ivi. 9-lvii. 11 from a prophet of Manasseh's reign, and lvii. 1-lix. 20 from a contemporary of Ezekiel. Dillmann and his school have always stood for the substantial unity of this section of the Book of Isaiah (cf. Dillmann's Kommentar, ed. Kittel, Leipsic, 1898). The earlier efforts to deny the unity of Deutero-Isaiah bore fruit in the commentary of Duhm already mentioned. In this epoch-making book, Duhm maintained that Isa. xl.-lxvi. is the work of three different writers. (1) Deutero Isaiah is reduced to xl, lv., and then one-fourth of its contents is subtracted as later additions. Deutero-Isaiah is supposed to have written his work about 540 B.C. in Lebanon or Phenicia. Duhm regards the following verses as later additions: xl. 5, 31b, xli. 5, xlii. 12, 15-24, xliii. 20b, 21, xliv. 9-20, 28b, xlv. 10, 13b, xlvi. 6-8, xlvii. 3a, 14b, xlviii. 1 in part, 2, 4, 5b, 7b, 8b-10, 16b-19, 22, l. 10, 11, li. 11, 16, 18, Iii. 3-6, liv. 15, 17b, Iv. 3a, 7. (2) From chaps. xl.-Iv. several passages, the so-called "Servant of Yahweh Songs" (xlii. 1-4, xlix. 1-6, I. 4-9, Iii. 13-liii. 12), were exscinded and assigned to a later date. Duhm takes pains to show that these lyrics are dependent on Jeremiah, Job, and Deutero-Isaiah, although the last-named does not show any acquaintance with them. The Servant of Yahweh Songs were read by Trito-Isaiah, and influenced Malachi; the literary connections thus traced point to a member of the Jewish Church of the first half of the fifth century B.C. as their author. Marti differs from Duhm in regarding these songs as an integral part of Deutero-Isaiah. (3) The closing section, chaps. Ivi.-lxvi., is attributed to a third writer, who is designated Trito-Isaiah. He writes in the same measure as Deutero-Isaiah, imitates his style, and agrees with him in proclaiming the future glory of Jerusalem. From the internal evidence, it is argued that he was a resident of Jerusalem, and wrote shortly before the mission of Nehemiah. It is to be noted that Cheyne analyzes this section, and regards it as a compilation from several sources.

6. Conclusion.

Sanity and common sense suggest that the literary criticism of the fragmentists has overreached itself. The arguments from the analogy of prophecy and Biblical theology as applied by Cheyne, Duhm, and Marti necessarily imply a minute knowledge of history such as we do not possess. While this is true, historical criticism has reached some assured results. It has been proved that chaps. xxxvi.-xxxix, were excerpted from the Book of Kings, and certain passages of chaps. i.-xxxix. can not have been written by Isaiah (see above). The literary history of chaps. xl.-lxvi, is not as simple as it once was supposed to be. Of these chapters, xl.-lv. may confidently be assigned to Deutero-Isaiah, xl.-xlviii, being written in the exile (c. 546), and xlix.-lv. in Palestine shortly after the return. The manner and date of origin of lvii.-lxvi. can not be determined with certainty; probably they were written in the age of Ezra and Nehemiah, and were the product of a school of writers rather than of a single pen.

JAMES A. KELSO.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: On the Life and Times of Isaiah the best work is S. R. Driver, Isaiah, his Life and Times, London, 1893. Consult further: A. H. Sayce, Life and Times of Isaiah Illustrated by Contemporary Monuments, ib. 1889; J. Meinhold, Jesaia und seine Zeit, Freiburg, 1898; R. Sinker, Hezekiah and His Age, ib. 1897; F. Küchler, Die Stellung des Propheten Jesaia zum Politik seiner zeit, Tübingen, 1906; DB, ii. 485-486; EB, ii. 2180-2190; JE, vi. 635-636; F. Wilke, Jesaja und Assur, Leipsic, 1905.

On the text consult A. Klostermann Deuterojesaja, Munich, 1893; T. K. Cheyne, Notes and Criticisms on the Hebrew Text of Isaiah London, 1868; idem Isaiah, in SBOT; idem, Critica Biblica, London, 1904; R. L. Ottley, Book of Isaiah according to the LXX., 2 vols., New York, 1904-07; G. H. Box, The Book of lsaiah, London, 1908.

The two best commentaries on the book are by F. Delitzsch, 2 vols., Leipsic, 1889, Eng. transl., 2 vols., London, 1891-92 (conservative), and J. Skinner, in Cambridge Bible, 2 vols., Cambridge, 1896-98 (critical). The book has been constantly the subject of comment, the most noteworthy of which is contained in the works of C. Vitringa, 2 vols., Basel, 1732; R. Lowth, London, 1778 and often (marked out new tines by introducing the subject of the poetry of the book); W. Gesenius, 2 vols., Leipsic, 1821 (philological); F. Hitzig, Heidelberg, 1833; F. J. V. D. Maurer, Leipsic, 1835; E. Henderson, London, 1857; H. Ewald, Stuttgart, 1868, Eng. transl., London, 1875-80; K. A. Knobel, ed. L. Diestel, Leipsic, 1872; J. A. Alexander, 2 vols., New York, 1875; W. Kay, in Bible Commentary, New York, 1875; B. Neteler, Münster, 1878; F. W. Weber, Nördlingen, 1876; S. R. Driver and A. Neubauer, The 53d Chapter of Isaiah according to Jewish Interpreters, 2 vols., Oxford 1876-77; A. le Hir, Paris, 1877; S. Sharpe, London, 1877; W. Urwick, The Servant of Jehovah, ls, Iii. 13-liii. 12, Edinburgh, 1877; T. R. Birks, London 1878; A. Heiligstedt, Halle, 1878; K. W. E. Nägelsbach, Bielefeld, 1877 Eng. transl., New York, 1878 (in Lange); F. Köstlin Berlin, 1879; J. W. Nutt, Commentary on Isaiah by Rabbi Eleazer of Beaugenci, with Notice of Mediaeval French and Spanish Exegesis, London, 1879; J. M. Rodwell, ib. 1881; T. K. Cheyne, The Book of Isaiah Chronologically Arranged, London, 1884; Commentary, 2 vols., ib. 1881-84; G. A. Smith, 2 vols., 1890; H. G. Mitchell, Isaiah i.-xii., New York, 1897; A. Dillmann ed. R. Kittel, Leipsic, 1898; E. König, The Exiles' Book of Consolation, Edinburgh 1899; A. Condamin, Paris, 1905.
On the subject of the "Servant" consult: J. Forbes, The Servant of the Lord in ls. xl.-lxvi., Edinburgh, 1870; M. Schian, Die Ebed-Jahweh-Lieder in Jes. 40-66, Leipsic, 1894; K. Budde, Die sogenannten Ebed-Jahwe-Lieder, Giessen, 1900; F. Giesebrecht, Der Knecht Jahwes des Deuterojesaia, Königsberg, 1902; H. Roy, Israel und die Welt in Jes. 40-55, . . . Ebed-Jahwe-Frage, Leipsic, 1903; G. C. Workman, The Servant of Jehovah; or, the Passion-Prophecy of Scripture, London, 1907.

For Criticism and Introduction the most thorough-going work is T. K. Cheyne, Introduction to the Book of Isaiah, London, 1895. Various questions and phases are discussed in: C. P. Caspari. Beiträge zur Einleitung in das Buch Jesaja, Berlin, 1848; Löhr, Zur Frage über die Echtheit von Jesaias 40-66, 3 parts, Berlin, 1878-80; H. Krüger, La Théologie d'Esaie 40-66, Paris, 1881; J. Barth, Beiträge zur Erklärung des Jesaja, Carlsruhe, 1885; H. Guthe, Das Zukunftsbild des Jesaia, Leipsic, 1885; F. Giesebrecht, Beiträge zur Jesaia-Kritik, Göttingen, 1890; J. Kennedy, A Popular Argument for the Unity of lsaiah, London, 1891; J. Ley, Jes. 40-66, Marburg, 1893; G. C. M. Douglas, Isaiah One and His Book One, London, 1895: M. Brückner, Komposition des . . . Jes. 28-33, Halle, 1897; J. Meinhold, Die lsajaerzählungen Jes. 36-39, Göttingen, 1898; A. Bertholet, Zu Jesaja 53, Tübingen, 1899; E. Littmann, Ueber die Abfassungszeit des Tritojesaia, Freiburg, 1899; E. Selim, Das Rätsel des deuterojesajanischen Buches, Leipsic, 1908; Smith, Prophets; DB, ii. 485-499; EB, ii. 2189-2208; JE, vi. 636-642; and the general works on Introduction to the Bible and to the O. T., and on O. T. Theology.

ISAIAH, MARTYRDOM OF. See PSEUDEPIGRAPHA, IV., 34.

ISENMANN (more correctly Isenmenger or Eisenmenger), JOHANN: German reformer; b. at Schwäbisch Hall (35 m. n.e. of Stuttgart), Württemberg, c. 1495; d, at the monastery of Anhausen on the Brenz (near Heidenheim, in Württemberg, 20 m. n.n.e. of Ulm) Feb. 18, 1574. He studied at the University of Heidelberg in Apr., 1514, became dean of the classical faculty on Dec. 20, 1521; was called to Hall as pastor in the spring of 1524, and then wrought for twenty-four years with Brenz for the Reformation in that place. The festival of Corpus Christi was abolished in 1524; at Christmas, 1525, the Lord's Supper was observed by Evangelical rite; and in 1526, an Evangelical liturgy was introduced. Isenmann took an eager part in the Syngramma Suevicum in 1525 (see BRENZ, JOHANN, § 2). He became superintendent in 1542. At the beginning of 1546 he reformed the imperial town of Wimpfen. Heavy tribulation ensued from the Schmalkald War, with the emperor's triumphant entrance to Hall, Dec., 1546; and the situation grew still more dangerous during the Interim, which both Isenmann and Brenz rejected. When the Spaniards came, the council had to dismiss Evangelical preachers. In July, 1549, Isenmann removed to Württemberg, and became preacher at Urach. Soon afterward he became pastor at Tübingen, and general superintendent of the southwest district. He enjoyed the confidence of the new duke. In 1551 he went with Jakob Beurlin (q.v.) to Langensalza and Leipsic to have the Württemberg Confession subscribed by Melanchthon and the theologians of Wittenberg and Leipsic. In the summer of 1557 he accompanied the duke to the diet at Frankfort, and collaborated in the great Apologia confessionis Wirtembergicae, In 1558 he was appointed abbot at Anhausen, where he spent the remainder of his life.

G. BOSSERT.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: L. M. Fischlin, Memoria theologorum Wirtembergensium, i. 53, Leipsic, 1710; J. Hartmann and C. Jäger, Johann Brenz, 2 vols., Hamburg, 1840-42; T. Pressel, Anecdota Brentiana, 2 vols., Tübingen, 1868; G. Bossert, Das Interim in Württemberg, Halle, 1895; ADB, xiv. 634.

ISHBOSHETH: According to II Sam. ii.-iv. a son of Saul, whom his uncle, Abner, set on the throne of Israel at Mahanaim after the slaughter by the Philistines at Gilboa. In I Chron. viii. 33, ix. 39 he is called Esh-baal (Hebr. Eshba'al, a contraction of Ishba'al, "man of the Lord," i.e., of Yahweh); when the use of the name "Baal" was shunned, and bosheth, "shame," substituted for it (see BAAL, § 5), the form Ishbosheth became common. That in the Hebrew text the original form was lshba'al is shown by the translations of Aquila, Symmachus, Theodotion, Itala, and the Septuagint codex 93 Holmes. The original form remains in Chronicles probably because those books were read and copied less frequently than Samuel. The Chronicler names Ishbosheth fourth of the sons of Saul after Jonathan, Malchi-shua and Abinadab. I Sam. xxxi. 2 does not name him, I Sam. xiv. 49 names Jonathan, Ishui, and Malchi-shua. The order here indicates that Ishbosheth was the youngest son of Saul, and that is the more probable since he was dependent upon Abner, since there is no mention of his wife or children, and since he is not named among Saul's sons who were in the battle with the Philistines. The age given him in II Sam. ii. 10 does not agree with the indications of the context, according to which David and Jonathan were not yet forty years old at the time of the battle of Gilboa; the item belongs to the later chronological insertions.

Abner, a cousin of Saul, after the battle of Gilboa sought to save for Israel as much as he might of Saul's achievements, and had Ishbosheth set up as king beyond the Jordan at Mahanaim, where he was recognized by Gilead, Asher, Jezreel, Ephraim, and Benjamin—practically all Israel. Judah and the South had made David king there, though under tributary relations with the Philistines; and for his possessions west of the Jordan Ishbosheth was also a vassal of the Philistines. The strife which arose between Israel and Judah, the first indication of which is given in II Sam. ii. 12 sqq., was suffered by the overlords, and continued with increasing success for David. Finally Abner took offense at the complaint of Ishbosheth because the former had married one of Saul's concubines, and told Ishbosheth that he would influence Israel to choose David king, a threat which he proceeded to fulfil. David thereupon demanded of Ishbosheth the return of his former wife, Michal, thus forcing recognition of his relationship to Saul's household, the way having been paved by negotiations between himself and Abner (II Sam. iii. 12 sqq.). At the defection of Abner Ishbosheth lost heart, and he was soon after assassinated by two of his military officers, who thought in this way to secure their own advancement. They carried his head to David; but being a member of the house of Saul, David at once punished the murder by the execution of the murderers.

This is the course of the Judaic narrative in II Sam. ii.-iv. Were the Ephraimitic account extant, possibly the coloring of the story might be somewhat changed. Two points in the story appear trustworthy: that David wished to be recognized as the son-in-law of Saul, and that he was innocent of the death of Ishbosheth. The length of Ishbosheth's reign was probably a little less than that of David in Hebron (II Sam. vi. 5).

(H. GUTHE.)

BIBLIOGRAPHY: A. Kamphausen, in ZATW, vi (1886), 43-97; the literature under SAMUEL, BOOKS OF; and the pertinent sections of the works cited under AHAB.

ISHMAEL (Hebr. Yishma'el, "God hears"; LXX., Ismael): The son of Abraham by Hagar (q.v.), an Egyptian slave. He was born in the house of Abraham and was included in the covenant of circumcision (Gen. xvii. 25, P). Since, however, it was the will of God that Isaac should be the sole heir of the covenant blessings, the Lord commanded Abraham to accede to the demands of his wife Sarah that Ishmael be driven from the house. After this enforced flight, a divine revelation came to Hagar (Gen. xxi., E), as she was driven to despair for her son, who was dying of thirst in the "desert of Beersheba." That this vision is only another version of that recounted in chap. xvi. (Hupfeld, Dillmann and others) can not be maintained, since the details of the divine appearance are entirely different and there is also a difference between the chronology of P and that of E, the former (Gen. xvii. 25) making Ishmael at least fifteen years of age at the time, while E (Gen. xxi.) regards him as still a child of tender years (cf. the LXX. of xxi. 14 which says expressly: "and she placed the child upon her shoulder").

The especial importance of Ishmael lies in the relation of his descendants to Israel. They were to have no claim on the promised inheritance of the people of God, but were destined to multiply and spread. These descendants are characterized by the words of the angel concerning the ancestor himself (Gen. xvi. 12): "And he will be a wild man; his hand will be against every man, and every man's hand against him," thus sketching with a few strokes the spirit and manner of life of the Bedouins. According to Gen. xvi. 12, they were to dwell farther to the eastward than their brothers, and in fact they had possession of the desert east of Palestine, occupying also the country to the south, from the Persian Gulf to the northeastern boundary of Egypt. They spread put over the whole of northern Arabia, and therefore their ethnic designation, Ishmaelites, is used generally for the tribes of northern Arabia, including also the Midianites. Twelve peoples of northern Arabia are derived from Ishmael in Gen. xxv. 12 sqq. (P), where the genealogy is more ethnographic than is usually the case in the histories of the patriarchs. Ishmael is, however, a primitive personal name which occurs in ancient Arabic inscriptions, and in this case the leader gave his name to the tribe, although all the groups of peoples which are brought into connection with him were not his actual descendants. That Israel recognized its blood-relationship with these tribes rests upon a correct tradition. The Mohammedan Arabs, who proudly reckon Ishmael among their ancestors, say that he and his mother were buried n the Kaaba at Mecca (Abulfeda, Historia anteislamica, ed. H. O. Fleischer, pp. 24 sqq., Leipsic, 1831; E. Pocock, Specimen historiae Arabum, pp. 6-7, 177, 506-507, Oxford, 1806; B. d' Herbelot, Bibliothčque orientale, Maestricht, 1776, s.vv. "Hagar," "Ismael," "Ischak").

(C. VON ORELLI.)

BIBLIOGRAPHY: Consult, besides the literature under ISAAC and ARABIA: A. H. Sayee, Higher Criticism and the Monuments, pp. 201-202, London, 1894; T. P. Hughes, Dictionary of Islam, pp. 216-220, ib. 1896; DB, ii. 502-505; EB, ii. 2211-2215; the appropriate sections in works on the history of Israel and the commentaries on Genesis.

ISHTAR. See ASHTORETH; ASSYRIA, VII.; BABYLONIA, VII., 2, § 7, 3, § 5.

ISIDORE MERCATOR: A fictitious person, the alleged author of the Pseudo-Isidorian Decretals (q.v.). He was formerly erroneously identified with Isidore of Seville; hence the name Pseudo-Isidore.

ISIDORE OF PELUSIUM: Egyptian abbot; b. at Alexandria, probably before 370; d. near Pelusium (135 m. e. of Alexandria) about 440. He was presbyter and abbot in a cloister at the east mouth of the Nile, not far from Pelusium. It can not be proved that he was a pupil of John Chrysostom; but he was spiritually akin to him, and highly valued his writings. There are preserved more than 2,000 of his letters, mostly brief notes, but frequently of great length, which show him to have been a highly esteemed spiritual counselor, thoroughly aglow with holy earnestness; a very shepherd of souls, and a teacher versed in Scripture.

Isidore was an example of Greek monasticism in its noblest form. For him the practical philosophy of the disciples of Christ (i. 63 and elsewhere) throve only in withdrawal from the world, in voluntary poverty and abstinence. The soul could not discern God (i. 402) in the bustle of everday life; only in the utmost emancipation from worldly wants did it approach divine freedom (ii. 19). Yet asceticism and flight from the world did not alone suffice: the garland of all virtues must be woven in monasticism, the peculiar dangers of which, however, did not escape Isidore. But though retired from the world, he still took part in the need and perils of Christianity, supporting, exhorting, wherever he could reach with his written message. He appeared to great advantage in his attitude toward Cyril of Alexandria. While at one with him in dogmatic opposition to Nestorius, he still perceived Cyril's intriguing spirit, and warned him against blind passion (i. 310); frankly warning the emperor, too, against the disorder provoked by the interference of his courtiers in dogmatic affairs (i. 311). But when Cyril, content with the fact that Nestorius had been dropped by the Antiochians, allowed some dogmatic concessions to his opponents, he had to hear the admonition from Isidore that he should stand fast, and not himself become a heretic (i. 324). Isidore took to heart the dignity of the priesthood, and with great earnestness did he remind negligent ecclesiastics of their serious accountability. He thus very persistently rebuked Bishop Eusebius of Pelusium and his clergy, because they trafficked in priestly offices, suffered their congregations to decay, chose rather to build sumptuous churches than to care for the poor, and caused offense by their scandalous behavior. In patriarchal fashion, moreover, he concerned himself with all manner of human needs, nor feared, in so doing, the great of this earth. He fervently exhorted the emperor to mildness and liberality (i. 35). For the weal of the town, he addressed himself to the civil authorities (ii. 25), and interceded with their masters in behalf of slaves who fled to him for protection. Of literary training himself, he granted that the Christian, like the bee, might suck honey from the teachings of the philosophers (ii. 3).

Dogmatically orthodox, and a zealous opponent of all heresies, he directed his attention especially toward the doctrinal questions of weight for practical Christianity (sin, freedom, grace). He was of greater significance, however, as an exegete. For him the Scriptural truth was the heavenly treasure in earthen vessels. The expositor should approach his task with devout conviction; dwelling not upon separate words, but on the entire connection. Still he was given to many an arbitrary allegory: particularly in his Christological views of passages in the Old Testament. At the same time, in the exposition of the Old Testament he would not have the historical sense annulled by the mystical and prophetic; and he made attempts besides at explanations of points of grammar and subject matter.

G. KRÜGER.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: An ed. of the Opera was published Paris, 1638, and in MPG, lxxviii. 103-1046, 1647-1674. Consult: ASB, Feb., i. 468-473; J. Fessler, lnstitutiones patrologiae, ed. B. Jungmann, ii. 2, pp. 128-143, Innsbruck, 1896; DCB, iii. 315-320; Tillemont, Mémoires, xv. 97-119, 847; C. A. Heumann, De lsidori Pelusiotae, Göttingen, 1737; Fabricius-Harles, Bibliotheca Graeca, x. 480-494, Hamburg, 1807; H. A. Niemeyer, De lsidori Pelusiotae, Halle, 1825, and MPG, lxxviii. 9-102; P. B. Glück, Isidoris Pelusiotae summa doctrinae moralis, Würzburg, 1848; L. Bober, De arte hermeneutica lsidoris Pelusiotae, Cracow, 1878; O. Bardenhewer, Patrologie, pp. 353-354, Freiburg, 1894; K L, vi. 964-969.

ISIDORE OF SEVILLE: Isidore, archbishop of Seville and encyclopedist, was born about 560, the place unknown; d. at Seville, Spain, Life. Apr. 4, 636. He was a scion of a distinguished Roman family which had fled from Carthagena during the Gothic invasion, and was educated, after the death of his parents, by his brother Leander, whom he succeeded, apparently about 600, as archbishop of Seville. He attended the synod held by King Gundemar in 610, and presided over those held by King Sisebut at Seville in 619 and the famous Fourth Synod of Toledo under Sisenand in 633 (see TOLEDO, SYNODS OF).

Isidore's chief importance, however, was as an author, and his learning embraced the entire range possible in his age and country. His Influence and Importance. Neither originality nor independent investigation, neither keen criticism nor elegance of presentation could be expected from him, but his manifold interest, reading, and diligence in collecting, excerpting, and compiling from all departments of theological and secular learning are unparalleled. His position in history is determined primarily by two works, the Libri sententiarum, the first dogmatics of the Latin Church, sad the Etymologiae, the source of linguistic and practical knowledge for centuries, so that he became the schoolmaster of the Middle Ages. Gradually he became the national hero of the Spanish Church, and to him were attributed the Old Spanish or Mozarabic liturgy, the collection of Spanish canons upon which was based the forgery of the pseudo-Isidore, and even the collection of the laws of the West Gothic kings. The Roman Catholic Church, despite the weakness of the bonds which then united Spain and Rome, holds that he was a pupil of Gregory the Great, that he was vicar-apostolic in Spain, received the pallium, and took part in a Roman synod. Yet it is quite possible that he did not recognize the council of 553, and that he treated Justinian merely as a heretic who sought to overthrow the Chalcedonian Creed; while he did not mention the papacy in his ecclesiastical handbook, and he was even slightly heterodox in his views of the sacraments and grace.

The works of Isidore are thus enumerated according to a list by Braulio (in MPL, lxxxi. 15 sqq.), which seems, in the main, to follow His Writings. chronological order: (1) Prooemiorum liber unus, an introduction to the Bible, consisting of a brief prologue on the canon in general and short tables of contents of the individual books. (2) De ortu et obitu patrum, or De vita et morte sanctorum utriusque Testamenti, short biographies of eighty-five characters of the Bible, sixty-four from the Old Testament and twenty-one from the New. The authenticity of the work has been doubted, but without sufficient reason. (3) Officiorum libri duo; usually called De officiis ecclesiasticis, written about 610, one of the most important works of Isidore for theology and ecclesiastical archeology. The first book, entitled De origine officiorum, discusses the origin and the authors of ecclesiastical worship, while the second, De origine ministeriorum, is devoted to the duties of the orders of clergy and various estates in life. (4) De nominibus legis et evangeliorum liber, evidently identical with the Allegoriae quaedam sanctae scripturae of the manuscripts and editions, and containing an allegorical interpretation of 129 names and passages from the Old Testament and 121 from the New. The work is of great value for the art and literature of the Middle Ages. (5) De haeresibus liber, which is probably identical with the list of Jewish and Christian heresies given in the fourth and fifth chapters of the eighth book of the Etymologiae. (6) Sententiarum libri tres, the chief theological work of its author, and the first Latin compend of faith and morals, chiefly in excerpts from Augustine and Gregory the Great. The first book is dogmatic in content, and treats of such subjects as the qualities of God, the origin of evil, the soul, and Christ, the seven rules of exegesis, the difference between the Testaments, creeds, baptism, the sacrament, and eschatology (but with no mention of purgatory). The second and third books are ethical the former general and the latter special. The first discusses, among other subjects, the cardinal virtues, grace, election, conversion, backsliding, repentance, sin, conscience, virtue and vice. The last book discusses the estates of the Christian life, divine judgments, temptation, prayer, asceticism, temporal authorities, the brevity of human life, and similar topics. (7) Contra Judaeos libri duo, or De fide catholica adversus Judaeos, written at the request of his sister Florentina, and establishing the truth of the Christian religion from the prophecies of the Old Testament with special reference to the Jewish question in Spain. (8) Monasticae regulae liber, a system not differing essentially from the Benedictine rule, although in no way related to it. (9) Quaestionum in Vetus Testamentum libri duo, a mystical and allegorical interpretation of the Old Testament, consisting entirely of excerpts from Origen, Victorinus, Ambrose, Jerome, Augustine, Fulgentius, Cassian, and especially from Gregory the Great. (10) De viris illustribus sive de scriptoribus ecclesiasticis, a continuation of the works of Jerome and Gennadius. It contains the biographies of fourteen Spaniards and thirty-two non-Spaniards, but is written for the most part in a superficial manner and composed in great measure of excerpts (which are frequently incorrect) from Rufinus, Cassiodorus, and Victor of Tunnuna, or from the works of the authors whom Isidore discusses. (11) Chronicorum a principio mundi usque ad tempus suum liber, from the creation to the Emperor Heraclius and King Sisebut (616), based on Julius Africanus, Eusebius-Jerome, and Victor of Tunnuna, while its division according to the "six ages of the world" was taken from Augustine's City of God. The work is extant in two recensions, as well as in an abridgment forming the fifth chapter of the Etymologiae. (12) Historia Gothorum, Vandalorum et Suevorum, also in two redactions, and containing a brief, but valuable, account of these three peoples, especially of the Goths from the earliest times to the fifth year of King.Swintila (626). (13) Libri differentiarum duo, the first an alphabetical list of synonymous or homonymous words with their meanings, and the second an elucidation of various concepts. (14) Synonymorum libri duo, or according to Ildefonsus, Libri lamentationum, a collection of words and phrases in the form of a dialogue between the sinful soul and comforting "reason," which points it to penance and the forgiveness of sins. (15) De natural rerum, written at the request of King Sisebut and dedicated to him. In its forty-five chapters it contains the most noteworthy facts concerning the elements, the heavenly bodies, the weather, the divisions of the earth, and the like, the material being drawn in great part from Suetonius, Ambrose, the pseudo-Clementine writings, and Augustine (16) De numeris liber, a mystic interpretation of the numbers from one to sixty and their significance in Scripture, nature, and history. The work is important for the history of the symbolism of figures. (17) Etymologiarum sive originum libri viginti, the culmination of all the works of its author, his other writings being either preparations or extensions of individual parts of this book. It formed the great encyclopedia of Isidore's period, and derived its name from the etymology prefixed to each article. The work is divided into twenty books treating of the following subjects: i. grammar; ii. rhetoric and dialectics; iii. arithmetic, geometry, music, and astronomy; iv. medicine; v. jurisprudence and chronology, with a brief universal history; vi. Bible, inspiration, the canon, sacraments, liturgy, Easter, feasts, libraries, manuscripts, books, writing-material, and the like; vii. a compead of theology, God, the Trinity, angels and men, patriarchs, prophets, apostles, martyrs, clerks, and monks; viii. church and synagogue, religion and faith, heresy and schism, Jewish and Christian heretics, gentile philosophers, poets, sibyls, magicians, and gods; ix. various peoples and languages, offices and forms of government, marriages and relationships; x. Latin lexicon, with an explanation of about 500 words in alphabetical order; xi. mankind; xii. animals; xiii. the composition and motion of the world; xiv. divisions of the earth, lands, and mountains; xv. cities; xvi. earth and stone, gems and metals, weights and measures; xvii. agriculture, plants, and grain; xviii. war, weapons, games; xix. ships, buildings, clothing, adornment; xx. food, drink, furniture, and agricultural implements. Isidore's chief sources were Cassiodorus, Boethius, Varro, Solinus, Pliny, Hyginus, Servius, Lactantius, Tertullian, and especially the Prata of Suetonius, but much was written from memory, thus accounting for many of the inaccuracies of the work. The Etymologiae remained the great work of reference for hundreds of years, and was practically copied by Rabanus in his encyclopedic De universo (844), while it was profoundly admired by John of Salisbury in the twelfth century. Compiler and plagiarist though he may have been, it has been well said that centuries would have remained in darkness if Isidore had not let his light shine.

In addition to the works already enumerated, Isidore is said to have written many smaller treatises, and others still have been ascribed to him, such as the Quaestiones de Veteri et Novo Testamento and the De ordine creaturarum, De contemptu mundi, and an interpretation of the Song of Solomon. A number of Latin poems are ascribed to him, but with little warrant, and hymns to Agatha and other martyrs are included among the Mozarabic hymns. Several of his letters are still extant, and contain much of biographical and contemporary interest.

(R. SCHMID.)

BIBLIOGRAPHY: Lists of literature are given in C. U. J. Chevalier, Sources historiques du moyan-âge, p. 1127 Paris, 1877 sqq.; J. E. B. Mayor, Bibliographical Clue to Latin Literature, p. 212, London, 1875; Potthast, Wegweiser, pp. 687-689. The best edition of his works is by F. Arevali, 7 vols., Rome, 1797-1803, reproduced in MPL, lxxxi.-lxxxiv. Others are by M. de La Bigne, Paris, 1580; J. de Breul and J. Grial, Paris, 1601; by Grial and Gomez, Madrid, 1778. Consult: N. Antonio, Bibliotheca Hispana vetus, ed. P. Bayer, Madrid, 1788; J. C. F. Bahr, Geschichte der römischen Literatur, supplement, i. 111-113, Carlsruhe, 1838; C. E. Bourret, L'ÉcoIe chrétienne de Seville, pp. 59-193, Paris, 1855; C. F. Montalembert, Les Moines de l'occident, ii. 200-218, 5 vols., Paris, 1860-67, Eng, transl., i. 421-424, Boston, 1872; P. Gams, Kirchengeschichte Spaniens, ii. 2, pp. 102-113, Regensburg, 1874; H. Hertzberg, Die Historien und Chroniken des Isidorus von Sevilla, Göttingen, 1874; Wattenbach, DGQ, i (1885), 81-83, i (1893), 84-86; A. Ebert, Geschichte der Literatur des Mittelalters, i. 588-602, Leipsic, 1889; W. Smith, Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology, ii. 627-630, London, 1890; W. S. Teuffel, Geschichte der römischen Literatur, pp 1292-1295, Leipsic, 1890; C. Cañal, San lsidoro, Seville, 1897; Ceillier, Auteurs sacrés, xi. 710-728 Neander, Christian Church, iii. 151-153 et passim; Schaff, Christian Church, iv. 662-669 et passim; KL, vi. 969-976; DCB, iii. 305-313. The first two volumes of the edition of his works by Arevali gather up the various accounts of the life and add critical comments.
ISIDORIAN DECRETALS. See PSEUDO-ISIDORIAN DECRETALS.

ISIDORUS MERCATOR. See ISIDORE MERCATOR.

ISKANDARUNAH. See PHENICIA, PHENICIANS, I. § 2.

ISLAM. See MOHAMMED, MOHAMMEDANISM.
ISRAEL, HISTORY OF.
1. Biblical History.
2. Post-Biblical History.
  1. General Survey.
  2. The Early Period.
    Conditions after the war; Jabneh (§ 1).
    The Last Insurrections (§ 2).
    Rise of the Babylonian School (§ 3).
    The Two Talmudic Collections; The Masorah (§ 4).
  3. The Middle Period.
    In the Orient and Italy (§ 1).
    In Spain; Rise of Jewish Culture (§ 2).
    Jewish Scholars in Spain (§ 3).
    Temporal Situation in Spain to 1469 (§ 4).
    The Inquisition in Spain (§ 5).
    Jews in France (§ 6).
    In England (§ 7).
    In Italy (§ 8).
    In Germany (§ 9).
    Revival of Messianism (§ 10).
    Jews in Poland (§ 11).
  4. The New Period.
  5. Jews in America
    Early Settlements (§ 1).
    In the United States, 1800-80 (§ 2).
    Reform, Educational, and Charitable Movements (§ 3).
    The New Immigration Since 1880 (§ 4).
    The Press; General Conditions (§ 5).
I. Biblical History: Primitive history as set forth in Genesis takes the form of the history of families. In Semitic nomadic life the family is 1. Primitive History. the unit from which the tribe is conceived as developing. Consequently the Hebrews regarded the nations of the world as the results of ramifications from a single stock. It is debated how far the history of families as given in Genesis is to be taken as historical, and how far the genealogical scheme depends upon observed ethnographic relationships. In the story of the different stocks, while in general little of personal life appears, the forms of the patriarchs stand out full of individuality, and the attempt is not successful to read the experiences attributed to them in certain situations and in individualistic form as the doings of a tribe or a people. Moreover, the sobriety and exactness of detail in these narratives is such as to differentiate them from the poetizing sagas in which folk-lore celebrates the eponymous ancestors to whom the origins of the peoples are traced. It lies on the face of these narratives that they are only fragments of traditions which had for a long time been transmitted orally, and in the course of this transmission the lesser figures have dropped from the account and only the great personalities have remained. But the memory of such personalities as Abraham (q.v.), the father of the nation with whom is associated the migration from the Euphrates to Canaan, or Jacob (q.v.), who endured hard service in the Aramaic territory and earned the blessing of God as the father of a numerous progeny, or Joseph (q.v.), through whose vicissitudes the settlement in Egypt was brought about, remained a permanent possession essentially constant in form. For the historicity of the person of Abraham it may be said that his history is not discordant with what Assyrian-Babylonian history demands, and the story of Joseph is accordant with what is known of Egyptian history.

In Genesis Abraham is the descendant and spiritual heir of Shem. According to Gen. x. 21 sqq. he shares this descent with a group of nations, all of whom (except Elam and Lud) are related in language and blood to the Hebrews and are still known as Semites. In Gen. xiv. 13 Abraham 2. The Abrahamic History. is called "the Hebrew," and according to the Biblical representation the Israelites were in early times called Hebrews by other peoples, especially by the Egyptians. The connotation of this term Hebrew is narrower than that of Semite, but broader than that of Israelite, though its exact meaning is not established. It can hardly mean "those who dwell beyond the Jordan" (Stade and E. Meyer), but is better brought into relation with the river Euphrates and related to the Assyrian expression "across the river." The equating of the Hebrew form 'Ibhrirm with the Egyptian 'Apriu is questionable; more likely is the equivalency of the Hebrew form with the Habiri of the Amarna Tablets, though the signification of Habiri must not be restricted to the forefathers of the Hebrews. The existence of the Hebraic nomadic family life in Canaan was arduous, according to the concordant testimony of the sources. The people often had to change their dwelling-places to secure pasturage. Still more difficult was their situation in times of famine, as when they had to transfer themselves to Egypt, at that time the granary of the region, and found themselves subject to oppression and placed under disabilities (Gen. xx. 11), It was a necessity of this kind which brought about the settlement of the entire Jacob clan in Egypt, in the northwestern part known as Goshen, the later "Arab Dome district" about Phakusa, the present Saft el-Henneh, a region not yet definitely marked out (E. Naville, Goshen and the Shrine of Saft el Henneh, London, 1887). While little is known of the people during their stay there, the circumstances were so favorable that they developed into a nation which yet was not politically organized in national form, but lived under the patriarchal government of tribal sheiks. On the religious side much must have been borrowed from the orderly state in which they were. While a part of the people followed pastoral occupations, another part settled down to agricultural life (Num. xi. 5), and something of the industrial accomplishment of the Egyptians must have been acquired. That the Israelites showed a greater receptivity and productivity in respect to culture than their near relatives, the Edomites and Moabites, is due in part to their sojourn in Egypt. The pre-Mosaic period was a preparation also for the theocratic and national cult of later times: The preaching of Moses must have had a basis in the knowledge of contemporary Hebrews; and the sources unitedly attribute to the patriarchs acquaintance with the God of the covenant, though he was called by other names. This God of the patriarchs was invisible, exalted, not bound to any one land, though he revealed himself in definite localities which were therefore holy, and was the possessor of heaven and earth (Gen. xiv. 19), dwelling in heaven and ruling the earth. The recollection clung that Abraham had been called from a relationship where idolatry was the rule (Josh. xxiv. 2, 14). The uniqueness of God was not theoretically developed, but was rather a practical monotheism which permitted to the Hebrews worship of him alone. The stone worship and totemism some find in Genesis is discovered only through wilful exegesis and eisegesis. Even in the naive anthropomorphisms of Gen. xi., xviii.-xix. there are evidences of an exalted conception of God. These religious ideas were not derived from Egypt, for they differ entirely from Egyptian conceptions, though that the Hebrews derived some things from the Egyptians is clear from Josh. xxiv. 14; Ezek. xx. 7 sqq., but that the calf worship had such an origin is improbable (see CALF, THE GOLDEN).

In the region granted them by the Egyptians, the Hebrew shepherds lived in relative independence and grew strong. Into this situation 3. The Sojourn in Egypt. was injected the circumstance simply is expressed in Ex. i. 8 as the rise of a king who knew not Joseph. This is doubtless to be connected with the expulsion of the Hyksos from Egypt and the antiforeign sentiments of the new dynasty. The half-nomads in the northeast were subjected to the corvée and put to building fortresses and storehouses; and since this did not suffice to reduce their strength, the slaughter of the male children was ordered. Thus what had been a welcome asylum became a place of slavery under the hardships of which the Hebrews groaned. Liberation from this situation is attributed by a unanimous tradition to Moses. The period of the oppression is with growing assurance asserted to be that of Rameses II., whose name is connected with so many building-enterprises and monuments. In that case his son and successor, Meneptah, was the Pharaoh of the Exodus (see EGYPT, I., 4, § 3). Apparently against this is an inscription of Meneptah telling of an expedition in which he has destroyed Syria and Israel (the latter for the only time found mentioned on Egyptian monuments). If the reference is to Israel, then Israel must already have been living in Canaan, and the Exodus must have taken place earlier. This agrees better with Hebrew tradition, which (I Kings vi. 1) reckoned 480 years between the Exodus and the building of Solomon's temple, which would place the Exodus c. 1440 B.C., therefore in the time of Amenophis II.; and this agrees again with the statement of Manetho, who records the expulsion of the lepers under a king of this name. One circumstance, indeed, tells against this earlier date, viz., the frequent occurrence in the Pentateuch of the name Rameses (Gen. xlvii. 11; Ex. i. 11, xii. 37; Num, xiii. 3, 5). Further, against the late dating of the Exodus is the fact that the tribal name Asher appears in an inscription of Seti, father of Rameses (c. 1350 B.C.), according to which that tribe must have had its residence in the neighborhood of Lebanon. The supposition that this tribe departed alone from Egypt is improbable. The text takes no account of the explanation by recent critics of the Seti and Meneptah inscriptions. This is to the effect that the Hebrew tribes whose descent was traced to concubines of Jacob were those who, already settled in Canaan in prehistoric times, were absorbed at a comparatively late period, to which fact is due the less honorable account of their origin. The tribes mentioned in the inscriptions were in that case not among the refugees in Egypt or the Hebrews of the Exodus, but had maintained their residence in Canaan, where they were assailed by Seti and Meneptah. This is supported by the legend

CLARENCE AUGUSTINE BECKWITH, D.D. (Department of Systematic Theology) HENRY KING CARROLL, LL.D. (Department of Minor Denominations) JAMES FRANCIS DRISCOLL, D.D. (Department of Liturgics and Religious Orders)		JAMES FREDERIC McCURDY, PH.D., LL.D. (Department of the Old Testament) HENRY SYLVESTER NASH, D.D. (Department of the New Testament) ALBERT HENRY NEWMAN, D.D., LL.D. (Department of Church History)
FRANK HORACE VIZETELLY, F.S.A. (Department of Pronunciation and Typography)

THE NEW

SCHAFF-HERZOG

ENCYCLOPEDIA

RELIGIOUS KNOWLEDGE

SAMUEL MACAULEY JACKSON, D.D., LL.D.

LEFFERTS A. LOETSCHER, Ph.D., D.D.

BAKER BOOK HOUSE

GRAND RAPIDS, MICHIGAN

THE NEW

SCHAFF-HERZOG ENCYCLOPEDIA

RELIGIOUS KNOWLEDGE

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL APPENDIX—VOLS. I-VI

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

ENCYCLOPEDIA OF RELIGIOUS KNOWLEDGE

INQUISITION.

I. In the Older Church:

II. The Inquisition is the Middle Ages: 1. Organization and Competence.

2. Relation to the Secular Powers.

3. In Italy.

4. France.

5. Spain.

6. Germany, the Netherlands, and England.

III. The Inquisition and the Counter-Reformation: 1. The Reformation Suppressed in Italy.

2. In Spain and the Netherlands.

INSCRIPTIONS.

I. Egyptian Inscriptions: 1. Forms and Character.

2. Number, Age, and Contents.

3. The Rosetta Stone and Decipherment.

4. Illustration of the Bible.

II. Cuneiform Inscriptions: 1. The Name; Area Covered by the Script.

2. Discoveries; Decipherment of Persian.

3. Decipherment of Babylonian-Assyrian.

4. Origin and Character of the Script.

III. Christian Inscriptions:

1. Ancient Christian Inscriptions: 1. Methods of Writing.

2. Languages Employed.

3. Contents.

4. Value of the Material.

2. Medieval and Later inscriptions:

3. History of Epigraphy: 1. The Early Period.

2. The Nineteenth Century.

INSPIRATION.

1. Jewish Doctrine.

2. Early Christian Doctrine.

3. The Scholastic Period.

4. The Reformalion.

5. Post-Reformation Development.

6. Modern Development.

7. The Bible and Inspiration.

8. Nature and Method of Inspiration.

9. The Theory of Plenary Inspiration.

10. The Theory of Partial Inspiration.

11. Criteria of Inspiration.

12. Modern Tendencies and Developments.

Appearance in England and Germany.

German Societies.

Johann Friedrich Rock.

Revival after 1820 and Emigration to America.

3. The Leipsic Interim:

Definition.

Strict Sense Inapplicable to New Testament.

Examples from the Gospels.

Further Examples.

The Earlier Practise.

The Contest in Germany.

France.

England.

IRELAND.

IRENAEUS.

1. Life.

2. His Principal Literary Work, "Against Heresies."

3. Other Writings.

4. His Theology and Polity.

5. His Position as a Practical Churchman.

ISAIAH.

5. Chapters ii.-xii.

II. The Inquisition is the Middle Ages:
1. Organization and Competence.

III. The Inquisition and the Counter-Reformation:
1. The Reformation Suppressed in Italy.

I. Egyptian Inscriptions:
1. Forms and Character.

II. Cuneiform Inscriptions:
1. The Name; Area Covered by the Script.

1. Ancient Christian Inscriptions:
1. Methods of Writing.

3. History of Epigraphy:
1. The Early Period.

III. The Critical View:
1. The Problem.