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         Title: NPNF1-11. Saint Chrysostom: Homilies on the Acts of the Apostles
                and the Epistle to the Romans
    Creator(s):
                Schaff, Philip (1819-1893) (Editor)
   Print Basis: Edinburgh: T&T Clark
        Rights: Public Domain
 CCEL Subjects: All; Early Church; Sermons; Proofed
    LC Call no: BR60 .S4
   LC Subjects:

                Christianity

                Early Christian Literature. Fathers of the Church, etc.
     __________________________________________________________________

   A SELECT LIBRARY

   OF THE

   NICENE AND

   POST-NICENE FATHERS

   OF

   THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.

   EDITED BY

   PHILIP SCHAFF, D.D., LL.D.,

   PROFESSOR OF CHURCH HISTORY IN THE UNION THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY, NEW
   YORK.

   IN CONNECTION WITH A NUMBER OF PATRISTIC SCHOLARS OF EUROPE AND
   AMERICA.

   VOLUME XI

   SAINT CHRYSOSTOM:

   HOMILIES ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES AND

   THE EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS

   T&T CLARK

   EDINBURGH

   __________________________________________________

   WM. B. EERDMANS PUBLISHING COMPANY

   GRAND RAPIDS, MICHIGAN
     __________________________________________________________________

   Preface to the American Edition.

   ------------------------

   In the preparation of this volume of Chrysostom's Homilies on Acts and
   Romans, the effort has been to improve the Oxford edition by some
   changes and corrections, and by the addition of critical and
   explanatory notes. The translation remains substantially unchanged.
   Frequent minor changes have, however, been made in phraseology, where
   it has seemed to me that the sense could thereby be made plainer.
   Archaic and obsolescent words or expressions have often been replaced
   by more idiomatic modern language. In Biblical quotations where the
   translation was an inaccurate rendering of the original, I have
   substituted either the Revised Version or a translation conformed to
   the recent critical texts. A considerable number of errors in the
   English edition have been corrected. The imperfect state of the
   original text of the Homilies on Acts is a serious embarrassment, alike
   to translator and editor, in this part of the work. Often the reports
   of the discourses are in hopeless confusion, and it is impossible to
   determine confidently the meaning of what has been reported, much less
   of what the preacher originally said. Happily this remark applies to
   only a part of the exposition.

   The notes which I have added are intended to bring modern criticism
   into relation with the statements of Chrysostom upon points of special
   difficulty or importance. Sometimes they are added by way of correction
   to what is stated in the text. More frequently however, they are
   intended to present briefly the opinions of critical interpreters upon
   disputed or doubtful points, and thus to supplement for the modern
   reader the practical expositions of these books of the New Testament.
   At other times it has seemed desirable to explain matters which are but
   lightly touched upon in the text or passed over without explanation or
   notice. There is frequent occasion to observe how the spiritual insight
   of the great preacher has led him, in the case of difficult passages,
   to a right discernment of the same sense which critical exegesis
   discovers. I trust that these brief annotations, touching upon a great
   variety of points, may contribute somewhat to the usefulness of the
   edition.

   These notes are distinguished from those of the English editors by
   having appended to them the initials, G. B. S.

   The annotations of the English editors which are so copious upon the
   Homilies on Acts have been, with trifling exceptions, retained and the
   references have been, so far as possible, adapted to the American
   edition. It is obvious, however, that this adaptation could not be
   perfectly made because but few of the volumes of the American edition
   of the Homilies had appeared when this volume was prepared for the
   press. References to English editions of works not yet accessible in an
   American edition were, of necessity, left unchanged. Some
   small-portions of the work of the English editors which seemed to have
   no present value have been omitted. It is not improbable that still
   other omissions might well have been made, but the editor has been slow
   to follow his own judgment in this particular in dealing with the
   conscientious and painstaking labors of the Oxford editors.

   It will be noticed that the English notes to the Homilies on Romans are
   few and brief. These have been retained with such adaptations as could
   be made, and the American editor has added a considerable number of
   statements of critical opinions, together with such explanations of the
   course of thought and connections of ideas in difficult passages of the
   Epistle, as seemed desirable and useful. In the Homilies on Romans the
   state of the text is such and the work of the translators so well
   performed, that one is rarely at a loss to perceive the author's
   meaning; the nature and limitations of his exposition, however, seem to
   call for occasional supplementing and correction.

   The indexes have been carefully revised. Topics which seemed
   unimportant and texts which are merely quoted or alluded to, without
   being explained, have often been omitted. By this process of revision
   the size of the indexes has been considerably reduced. It is hoped that
   they will be found sufficient to guide those who consult the volume to
   what is said upon the main themes which find place in it.

   George B. Stevens.

   Yale University, New Haven, March, 1889.
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   the homilies

   of

   St. john Chrysostom,

   archbishop of constantinople,

   on the

   ACTS OF THE APOSTLES,

   translated, WITH NOTES AND INDICES, by

   rev. J. WALKER, m.a.,

   of BRASENOSE college;

   rev. J. sheppard, m.a.,

   of oriel college, oxford; and

   rev. h. browne, m.a.,

   of corpus christi college, cambridge.

   revised, with notes, by

   rev. GEORGE B. STEVENS, Ph.D., d.d.,

   professor IN YALE UNIVERSITY.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Preface to Part I. of the Oxford Edition.

   ------------------------

   The present volume of St. Chrysostom on the Acts of the Apostles has
   been delayed for some time by the difficulty of fixing the Text. Some
   farther account of the grounds on which this has been done will be
   given in the Preface to Part II. (vid. infra.) It may suffice for the
   present to say, that these Homilies appear to have been less carefully
   reported than usual, and published without a revision by the Author.
   The printed text was formed for the most part (Erasmus's Latin Version
   entirely) from a manuscript, said to be of the tenth century, in which
   these Homilies are given in a very different form, evidently the work
   of a later hand, and intended to make them read more smoothly. The
   earlier text, shown to be such by internal evidence, and alone followed
   in the Catena and all other ancient extracts and compilations, is
   preserved in other mss. and appears to have been in general disregarded
   by former editors, from its difficulty. The Translation was originally
   made from Savile's Text, by the Rev. J. Walker, M.A. of Brasenose
   College, and the Rev. J. Sheppard, M.A. of Oriel College, Oxford. The
   Editors are much indebted to the Rev. H. Browne, M.A. of Corpus Christi
   College, Cambridge, who has restored the Text and corrected the
   Translation accordingly, the difference being frequently so great as to
   require a passage to be translated anew. He has likewise undertaken to
   prepare the Greek Text for publication, and to supply the prefatory
   matter. Many passages will still be found imperfect and unsatisfactory,
   but it has been thought better to leave them evidently so, than to
   resort to uncertain conjectures. A few conjectural emendations,
   however, have been admitted into the Text, and many more suggested.

   C. Marriott.

   Oxford, Feast of St. James. 1851.

   ----------------------------------------
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   Preface to Part II. of the Oxford Edition.

   ------------------------

   The manifestly imperfect condition in which these Homilies have come to
   us may partly be accounted for by the circumstances of the times in
   which they were preached. It was in the Easter weeks of the third year
   of his residence at Constantinople as Archbishop, that St. Chrysostom
   began this course of Sermons; and during all the remaining part of that
   year (a.d. 400), the Capital of the East was kept in constant trouble
   and alarm by the revolt of Gainas and the Goths. Moreover, scarcely had
   the preaching commenced, when the complaints from the Churches of Asia
   Minor were brought (May, 400) before the Metropolitan See, which
   business during many months painfully occupied the Archbishop's
   thoughts, and eventually demanded his presence at Ephesus. Few of St.
   Chrysostom's Sermons were originally prepared in writing: certainly
   these were not: and as certainly the text, drawn up by no skilful hand
   from notes taken during the preaching, can never have been revised by
   the Preacher himself. This was a serious disadvantage: for these
   Homilies, if only from the novelty of the subject, stood especially in
   need of revision. The Acts of the Apostles, though read in the churches
   in the season between Easter and Pentecost, were seldom preached upon;
   and we find St. Chrysostom complaining in the opening of these
   Homilies, as also on an earlier occasion at Antioch, that this portion
   of the Scriptures was not so much read as it ought to be, nay, that
   there were "many to whom this Book was not even known." (p. 1 and note
   l). Hence it is not surprising, if the Preacher was not always
   understood; and, in fact, the attentive reader will not unfrequently
   see reason to suspect, that the scribe (or "reporter,") from whose
   notes the text was formed, did not rightly apprehend the sense of what
   he heard. Nor has the transcriber (or "redactor") remedied the defects,
   whatever they may have been, of the original report. On the contrary,
   in other ways, of which we shall have to speak presently, he has often
   perplexed the sense, and sometimes entirely misrepresented the
   Preacher's meaning.

   The earliest mention of our Homilies is by Cassiodorus (a.d. 514), who
   relates, that with the assistance of friends he caused "the fifty-five
   Homilies on the Acts, by St. John, Bishop of Constantinople," to be
   translated into Latin, Opp. t. ii. p. 544. This version unfortunately
   is lost. [1] In the Canons of the Fifth and Sixth General Councils, St.
   Chrysostom's view of the Seven Deacons in the Acts is cited at length
   from Hom. xiv. (p. 91). John of Damascus, de Fid. Orthod. iii. 15,
   (a.d. 730), cites as from the second of these Homilies a passage which
   appears in the first, being the comment on i. 9. Photius has an entry
   in the Bibliotheca relating to them, but by some mistake the number is
   given as fifty. Of the Catena on the Acts, compiled by a certain
   Andreas Presbyter of unknown age and country, but not later than the
   tenth century (for there is a manuscript of that age), a large
   proportion is taken from St. Chrysostom: and the Commentaries of
   OEcumenius (990) and Theophylact (1077) are in many places formed from
   the Catena: as also are the Scholia in mss. of the Acts. To these may
   be added the Florilegium or Eclogae, a compilation the date of which is
   unknown, but certainly not later than the first half of the eleventh
   century. The Author of this work seems to have resorted to our Homilies
   once only (Hom. xix. p 139): but there, he, as all the rest who have
   been mentioned, used the text which in the notes we call the old text,
   and from which the present Translation is made.

   For there is another and a widely different text, by which alone,
   unfortunately, these Homilies have been known in modern times, except
   by the few who have had access to Manuscripts. In the National Library
   at Paris there is (No. 729) a manuscript (in our notes marked E, in
   Par. Ben. 2, D), which the Parisian Editor describes thus: Quorum (of
   six mss. on the Acts) antiquissimus, olim Colb. nunc Reg. 729, saec.
   X., nitide et accurate scriptus, desinit in hom. quinquagesima. (This
   is a mistake; it reaches to the end of the 55th.) Of the other mss. he
   assigns A. B. C (No. 725, 6, 7), to the twelfth, fourteenth and
   thirteenth centuries respectively. These, and a copy in the Library of
   New College (N), contain the old text. Two others D, F, (728, and 73
   suppl.) exhibit a text compiled from old and new, and with alterations
   peculiar to itself. Of the six Parisian mss. a full collation was made
   for "the Library of the Fathers:" of N we have at present but a partial
   collation.

   The ms. E. came into the hands of Erasmus, and from it he made his
   Latin version, down to the end of Hom. liii. and there for some reason
   which is not explained he goes off to the other text, of which he has
   nowhere taken notice in the preceding Homilies. Of this work he says in
   an Epistle to Tonstal, Bishop of Durham: Ex Chrysostomo in Acta
   verteram homilias tres; cujus operae me poenituit, cum nihil hic
   viderem Chrysostomi. Tuo tamen hortatu recepi codicem in manum; sed
   nihil unquam legi indoctius. Ebrius ac stertens scriberem meliora.
   Habet frigidos sensiculos nec eos satis commode potest explicare. In
   his Preface, however, he considerably abates the severity of this
   censure, and contents himself with hinting a doubt whether the work be
   St. Chrysostom's: quod stylus concisum quiddam et abruptum habeat, id
   quod a phrasi Chrysostomi videtur alienum: si docti tamen censebunt
   opus Chrysostomo dignum, libenter hoc ego quicquid est suspicionis
   ponam.

   Of the Greek text, the editio princeps, that of Commelin, professes to
   be formed from manuscripts Biblioth. Palatinae Bavarae, Augustanae,
   Pistorianae, of which at present we are unable to give any account.
   Perhaps Commelin's leading ms. was of a composite order: such however
   is his text; for it occasionally deserts E, to which, as a general
   rule, it closely adheres. This was inconsistent, for the circumstances
   of the two texts are such, that one or other ought to be followed
   throughout. There can be no valid reason for alternating between the
   two: for they are not different reports of the same matter, such that
   between them one might hope to approximate to the truth: the one is a
   refashionment of the other, and where it differs, it does so, not
   because its framer had a more correct report of the Sermons, but
   because he wished to improve upon the materials which lay before him in
   the other text.

   Commelin's text, in substance, is retained in all the subsequent
   editions. Savile, from the New College ms. has corrected words and
   phrases here and there, but in the main his text is still that of the
   editio princeps. (He describes it as composed from the New College ms.,
   another belonging to J. A. de Thou (Thuanus), et tertio non ita pridem
   excuso in Germania.) The edition of Morel (which commonly goes under
   the name of Fronto Ducaeus) repeats Commelin, but without Savile's
   emendations: and the Benedictines (here not Montfaucon), though they
   profess to have collated the Parisian mss., have reprinted with but
   slight improvements, and with not a few disimprovements, the text of
   Morel. In the Parisian reprint of the Benedictine Chrysostom (Par. Ben.
   2), the Editor has occasionally, but not constantly, recurred to the
   manuscripts, rarely gives the preference to the text of A. B. C., and
   constantly assumes the inferiority of those copies, in contents and
   authenticity as well as in antiquity, to the manuscript (E), which
   furnished the Latin version of Erasmus, and in substance, as we have
   explained, the printed text of the original.

   Had the Editors collated the manuscript copies of these Homilies--a
   labor from which they, or those whom they employed, seem to have
   shrunk--they would probably have reversed their estimate of the
   relative value of the two recensions. The general superiority of the
   other text in point of sense and coherence, notwithstanding its
   frequent abruptness and uncouthness, is too evident to be called in
   question. Had they also collated the Catena, OEcumenius, Theophylact,
   and the Scholia, they would have found the external testimony to be
   coincident with the internal evidence to the higher antiquity as well
   as greater authenticity of the text which (for the most part unknown)
   they rejected. It would have been seen that this, besides being, with
   all its faults, incomparably better, was the older of the two; and that
   the other could claim no higher antiquity than that of the manuscript
   (said to be of the tenth century) in which it appears: that it is the
   work of some scribe, who, offended by the manifest abruptness and
   ruggedness of the earlier text, set himself to smooth out the
   difficulties, and to make it read more easily. For this is clearly the
   true state of the case. With this view, the scribe sometimes alters
   words and phrases, sometimes transposes: often omits, where he found
   something that he did not understand, oftener still amplifies, or
   rather dilutes: and interpolates matter which sometimes is demonstrably
   borrowed with little disguise from the Catena (see p. 113, note 1; 279,
   note 3; 280, note 2); or which, when it is his own, is little worth. In
   short, he has thought more of sound than of sense, and if he could make
   a passage run smoothly to the ear, has given himself little concern
   whether St. Chrysostom was likely to have so thought, or so expressed
   himself. The notes appended to our Translation will abundantly
   substantiate this censure. To have noted all the variations, either of
   the printed text, or of E alone, would have been a task as unprofitable
   as it was wearisome: perhaps as it is, we have given more than enough
   to vindicate the claims of the older text. If any one desires larger
   materials for comparison, Erasmus' Latin version, which, except in the
   two last Homilies, keeps close to E, will show that the text which we
   represent in our Translation is, with all its imperfections,
   incomparably the better of the two. Even if it were otherwise and were
   the alterations not, as they mostly are, disfigurements, but,
   considered in themselves, decided improvements, still our duty was
   plain: the text which came to us accredited by all the testimony known
   to be extant, we were not at liberty to reject in favor of an alien
   recension, unknown to the Ancients, and, as far as our evidence goes,
   unheard of before the tenth century. Therefore, in forming the text for
   this Translation we have entirely dismissed E, except where it has
   preserved readings which came strictly under the description of
   "various readings."

   But while confining ourselves to that older text, we were not to leave
   unnoticed its more patent defects and errors. We could not but
   perceive, that we had before us an unrevised report of St. Chrysostom's
   Sermons, which, especially in the Expositions, was frequently
   imperfect--sometimes, indeed, little more than a set of rough notes
   thrown together, with, apparently, little or no attempt at arrangement.
   So far as this imperfection was caused by the reporter's negligence or
   incapacity, there was no remedy: and leaving the matter as we found it,
   or, at most, inserting in the text the marks of a lacuna, we have only
   ventured, in the notes, to surmise what may have been the general
   purport of St. Chrysostom's remarks. In other places, where the defects
   of our sources seemed to be rather chargeable upon the redactor, we
   have sought to apply a remedy, sometimes, but rarely, by conjectural
   emendation; very often by inserting portions of sacred text or other
   connecting matter in [], and also by transposing parts which had fallen
   out of their true order. For it seems that the original transcript from
   the reporter's notes was defective in these two regards. (1) The
   reporter would frequently omit to note in his tablets the keimenon or
   some other text of Scripture, or would indicate it in the shortest
   possible way by a word or two at the beginning and ending of the
   passage, intending to insert it afterwards at his leisure. It appears,
   however, that in many places this was either not done at all, or done
   in the wrong place. Hence where the text seemed incurably defective or
   perplexed, we have often been able to restore coherency by the simple
   expedient of inserting texts which were omitted, or else, by removing
   the texts altogether, and redistributing them among the comments.
   Almost any page of the Translation, especially in the Recapitulations,
   will illustrate this remark.

   (2) It often happens, that the order of the comments both in the first
   and in the second exposition (or recapitulation), does not follow the
   order of the texts. Of course the Preacher might be supposed to have
   sometimes returned upon his own steps, but it was scarcely conceivable
   that St. Chrysostom should have delivered an Exposition perplexed, as
   we often found it, by disjointed remarks thrown together without the
   slightest method. It was necessary therefore to consider whether it
   might not be possible to educe something like connected exposition, by
   assuming that the reporter's notes had been transcribed from his
   tablets in a wrong order. Where it could be seen that one sentence or
   portion was given as comment on such a verse, another on some other
   verse, and so on, some clue to the true order was given us in the
   sequence of the texts themselves. Even so, the difficulties which beset
   this part of our task were greater than can be readily estimated by any
   one who has not tried it. Sometimes the complication resisted all
   attempts at disentanglement. We are far from supposing that we have
   done all that might have been done in this way: but it is hoped that
   the labor which has been bestowed has not been altogether wasted, and
   that the restoration will carry with it its own evidence. And as in
   these attempts we have indicated by letters the order in which the
   trajected parts lie in the manuscripts, the reader in every case has
   the means of forming his own judgment. In the first seventeen Homilies,
   we have only now and then resorted to this method: not because it was
   less needed there, but because we had not then so clearly perceived
   what was the state of the case, and what was practicable in this way.
   The eighteenth furnishes a remarkable instance, pp. 116-120. Let any
   one read it in the order denoted by the letters, i.e. the six parts
   marked (a) consecutively, then the seven parts marked (b), inserting in
   the third of the latter (see p. 116, note 3), the comment on v. 25,
   from page 117, ("And they when they had testified," etc., to "when the
   Samaritans believed,") and he will have the entire "recapitulation" or
   second exposition of the history of the Samaritans and Simon Magus as
   it appears in the mss.--which he will plainly perceive could not have
   proceeded in that form from St. Chrysostom. The same matter, read as we
   have arranged it, will be found to form a continuous exposition, not
   indeed perfect, for the dislocated state into which it had fallen seems
   to have led to further corruptions on the part of the scribes: but at
   any rate coherent, and with the parts fitting into each other.
   Moreover, if the fourteen parts, as here arranged, be numbered 1. 2. 3.
   etc., it will be seen that the order in which they lie in the mss. is
   1. 3. 5: 8. 10. 12: 2. 4. 6: 14: 7. 9. 11. 13., whence it seems that
   the derangement proceeded by some kind of method. The like was often
   found to be the case in subsequent instances. In p. 229, the trajection
   is 1. 3. 5. 7. 9. 11. 13: 2. 4. 6. 8. 10. 12: i.e., the transcriber
   missed the alternate portions, and brought them all together at the
   end. In p. 229 (before the series just noticed), and 260, it is 3. 2.
   1., and in 170, 4. 3. 2. 1., i. e. three, and four, parts read in
   reverse order. In a great number of instances the transposition is only
   of two parts, 2. 1: sometimes repeated as in 235, 2. 1., 1: 2. 1: 234,
   2. 1: 1: 2. 1: 2. 1: 196, 2. 1: 1: 2. 1: 1: 2. 1: 1: 2. 1. A form of
   frequent occurrence is 2. 4., 1. 3., as in 188, 220, 225, 247; and
   combined with others as in 213, 2. 4. 1. 3. 2. 1: in 275, 2. 1: 1: 2.
   4. 1. 3. and 183, 2. 1: 1: 2. 4. 1. 3: 2. 1. There is the like
   regularity in the scheme 2. 1. 4. 3., p. 125; and 3. 1. 4. 2. p. 216,
   301. In the last Homily, which is extremely confused, the trajection
   seems to yield this very regular scheme, 2. 4. 6. 1. 3. 5: 1: 5. 3. 1.
   6. 4. 2. In other instances where the trajection is less regular, or
   does not seem to follow a rule, as in 151, 4. 1. 3. 2: 152, 3. 2. 4. 1:
   242, 4. 6. 1. 3. 5. 7. 2. 8: 250, 2. 1. 4. 8. 5. 3. 6. 9. 7. and in
   298, 316, 321 (on which three see the notes), the transcriber may have
   gone wrong on other grounds, and not, as in the generality of
   instances, from mistaking the order in which the reporter had set the
   matter on his tablets. The trajections we have attempted to remedy
   occur mostly in the expository parts. In the Ethica it often appeared
   to us, that the coherency might be greatly improved by transposition,
   but the evidence of the true order was more precarious here, than where
   the sequence of the texts furnished a clue; in these parts, therefore,
   we have rarely ventured upon applying this remedy.

   In these ways it is hoped that something has been done towards
   presenting these Homilies in a form nearer to that in which they were
   delivered, than the form in which they are exhibited in the
   unadulterated manuscripts, much more in the printed editions. The task
   was arduous, and we are far from supposing that our labors have always
   been successful; but at least we have not spared pains and diligence.
   The Translation was a work only less difficult than the reconstruction
   of the text. Here again much indulgence is needed on the score of the
   difficulty of producing a version, which, while it represented the
   original with its roughnesses and defects, should not be altogether
   unreadable. We have attempted, however, to give faithfully, though not
   always literally, the sense, or what seemed to be the sense, of our
   materials.

   As a commentary on the Acts of the Apostles, this Work stands alone
   among the writings of the first ten centuries. The Expositions of St.
   Clement of Alexandria (in the Hypotyposes), of Origen, of Diodorus of
   Tarsus, and St. Chrysostom's teacher, Theodore of Mopsuestia, as well
   as of Ammonius and others whose materials are used in the Catena, have
   perished. Those who are acquainted with the characteristic qualities of
   St. Chrysostom's exegesis, will perceive here also the same
   excellencies which mark his other expository works--especially the
   clear and full exposition of the historical sense, and the exact
   appreciation of the rhetorical momenta in the discourses of St. Peter,
   St. Stephen, St. James and St. Paul, as recorded in the Acts. Of the
   Ethica it is perhaps not too much to affirm, that not the most finished
   work of St. Chrysostom will be found to furnish more of instruction and
   interesting matter (apart from the expression) than will be found in
   these Homilies, on the religious and moral subjects of which they
   treat: for example, On the delay of Baptism, On spiritual indolence and
   excuses derived from the cessation of Miraculous Grace, On the nature
   and uses of Miracles, On Prayer, On the Study of the Scriptures, On
   Alms, On Anger and Gentleness, Against Oaths and Swearing, and many
   others. Nor does any work exhibit a livelier portraiture of the
   character and life of the great Preacher and Bishop, and of the manners
   of the times in which his lot was cast.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1] From the same Cassiodorus there is extant a short work on the Acts
   under the title Complexiones Actuum Apostolorum; but this is merely a
   brief syllabus of the history, and contains nothing in which we could
   trace a reference to St. Chrysostom's Exposition.
     __________________________________________________________________

   a commentary

   on

   the acts of the apostles,

   By St. John Chrysostom,

   Archbishop of constantinople. [2]

   ------------------------
     __________________________________________________________________

   Homily I.

   Acts I. 1, 2

   "The former treatise have I made, O Theophilus, concerning all things
   which Jesus began both to do and to teach, until the day on which,
   having given charge to the Apostles, whom He had chosen, by the Holy
   Spirit, He was taken up."

   To many persons this Book is so little known, both it and its author,
   that they are not even aware that there is such a book in existence.
   [3] For this reason especially I have taken this narrative for my
   subject, that I may draw to it such as do not know it, and not let such
   a treasure as this remain hidden out of sight. For indeed it may profit
   us no less than even the Gospels; so replete is it with Christian
   wisdom and sound doctrine, especially in what is said concerning the
   Holy Ghost. Then let us not hastily pass by it, but examine it closely.
   Thus, the predictions which in the Gospels Christ utters, here we may
   see these actually come to pass; and note in the very facts the bright
   evidence of Truth which shines in them, and the mighty change which is
   taking place in the disciples now that the Spirit has come upon them.
   For example, they heard Christ say, "Whoso believeth on Me, the works
   that I do shall he do also, and greater works than these shall he do"
   (John xiv. 12): and again, when He foretold to the disciples, that they
   should be brought before rulers and kings, and in their synagogues they
   should scourge them, and that they should suffer grievous things, and
   overcome all (Matt. x. 18): and that the Gospel should be preached in
   all the world (Ib. xxiv. 14): now all this, how it came to pass exactly
   as it was said, may be seen in this Book, and more besides, which He
   told them while yet with them. Here again you will see the Apostles
   themselves, speeding their way as on wings over land and sea; and those
   same men, once so timorous and void of understanding, on the sudden
   become quite other than they were; men despising wealth, and raised
   above glory and passion and concupiscence, and in short all such
   affections: moreover, what unanimity there is among them now; nowhere
   any envying as there was before, nor any of the old hankering after the
   preeminence, but all virtue brought in them to its last finish, and
   shining through all, with surpassing lustre, that charity, concerning
   which the Lord had given so many charges saying, "In this shall all men
   know that ye are My disciples, if ye love one another." (John xiii.
   35.) And then, besides, there are doctrines to be found here, which we
   could not have known so surely as we now do, if this Book had not
   existed, but the very crowning point of our salvation would be hidden,
   alike for practice of life and for doctrine.

   The greater part, however, of this work is occupied with the acts of
   Paul, who "laboured more abundantly than they all." (1 Cor. xv. 10.)
   And the reason is, that the author of this Book, that is, the blessed
   Luke, was his companion: a man, whose high qualities, sufficiently
   visible in many other instances, are especially shown in his firm
   adherence to his Teacher, whom he constantly followed. [4] Thus at a
   time when all had forsaken him, one gone into Galatia, another into
   Dalmatia, hear what he says of this disciple: "Only Luke is with me."
   (2 Tim. iv. 10.) And giving the Corinthians a charge concerning him, he
   says, "Whose praise is in the Gospel throughout all the Churches." (2
   Cor. viii. 18.) Again, when he says, "He was seen of Cephas, then of
   the twelve," and, "according to the Gospel which ye received" (1 Cor.
   xv. 5, 1), he means the Gospel of this Luke. [5] So that there can be
   no mistake in attributing this work to him: and when I say, to him, I
   mean, to Christ. [6] And why then did he not relate every thing, seeing
   he was with Paul to the end? We may answer, that what is here written,
   was sufficient for those who would attend, and that the sacred writers
   ever addressed themselves to the matter of immediate importance,
   whatever it might be at the time: it was no object with them to be
   writers of books: in fact, there are many things which they have
   delivered by unwritten tradition. Now while all that is contained in
   this Book is worthy of admiration, so is especially the way the
   Apostles have of coming down to the wants of their hearers: a
   condescension suggested by the Spirit who has so ordered it, that the
   subject on which they chiefly dwell is that which pertains to Christ as
   man. For so it is, that while they discourse so much about Christ, they
   have spoken but little concerning His Godhead; it was mostly of the
   Manhood that they discoursed, and of the Passion, and the Resurrection,
   and the Ascension. For the thing required in the first instance was
   this, that it should be believed that He was risen, and ascended into
   heaven. As then the point on which Christ himself most insisted was, to
   have it known that He was come from the Father, so is it this writer's
   principal object to declare, that Christ was risen from the dead, and
   was received up into Heaven, and that He went to God, and came from
   God. For, if the fact of His coming from God were not first believed,
   much more, with the Resurrection and Ascension added thereto, would the
   Jews have found the entire doctrine incredible. Wherefore gently and by
   degrees he leads them on to higher truths. Nay, at Athens Paul even
   calls Him man simply, without saying more (Acts xvii. 31). For if, when
   Christ Himself spoke of His equality with the Father, they often
   attempted to stone Him, and called Him a blasphemer for this reason, it
   was little to be expected that they would receive this doctrine from
   the fishermen, and that too, with the Cross coming before it.

   But why speak of the Jews, seeing that even the disciples often upon
   hearing the more sublime doctrines were troubled and offended?
   Therefore also He told them, "I have many things to say unto you, but
   ye cannot bear them now." (John xvi. 12.) If those could not, who had
   been so long time with Him, and had been admitted to so many secrets,
   and had seen so many wonders, how was it to be expected that men, but
   newly dragged away from altars, and idols, and sacrifices, and cats,
   and crocodiles (for such did the Gentiles worship), and from the rest
   of their evil ways, should all at once receive the more sublime matters
   of doctrine? And how in particular should Jews, hearing as they did
   every day of their lives, and having it ever sounded in their ears,
   "The Lord thy God is one Lord, and beside Him is none other" (Deut. vi.
   4): who also had seen Him hanging nailed on the Cross, nay, had
   themselves crucified and buried Him, and not seen Him even risen: when
   they were told that this same person was God and equal with the Father,
   how should they, of all men, be otherwise than shocked and revolted?
   Therefore it is that gently and little by little they carry them on,
   with much consideration and forbearance letting themselves down to
   their low attainments, themselves the while enjoying in more plentiful
   measure the grace of the Spirit, and doing greater works in Christ's
   name than Christ Himself did, that they may at once raise them up from
   their grovelling apprehensions, and confirm the saying, that Christ was
   raised from the dead. For this, in fact, is just what this Book is: a
   Demonstration of the Resurrection: [7] [8] this being once believed,
   the rest would come in due course. The subject then and entire scope of
   this Book, in the main, is just what I have said. And now let us hear
   the Preface itself.

   "The former treatise have I made, O Theophilus, of all that Jesus began
   both to do and to teach." (v. 1) Why does he put him in mind of the
   Gospel? To intimate how strictly he may be depended upon. For at the
   outset of the former work he says, "It seemed good to me also, having
   had perfect understanding of all things from the very first, to write
   unto thee in order." (Luke i. 3.) Neither is he content with his own
   testimony, but refers the whole matter to the Apostles, saying, "Even
   as they delivered them unto us, which from the beginning were
   eyewitnesses and ministers of the word." (Luke i. 2.) Having then
   accredited his account in the former instance, he has no need to put
   forth his credentials afresh for this treatise, seeing his disciple has
   been once for all satisfied, and by the mention of that former work he
   has reminded him of the strict reliance to be placed in him for the
   truth. For if a person has shown himself competent and trustworthy to
   write of things which he has heard, and moreover has obtained our
   confidence, much more will he have a right to our confidence when he
   has composed an account, not of things which he has received from
   others, but of things which he has seen and heard. For thou didst
   receive what relates to Christ; much more wilt thou receive what
   concerns the Apostles.

   What then, (it may be asked), is it a question only of history, with
   which the Holy Spirit has nothing to do? Not so. For, if "those
   delivered it unto us, who from the beginning were eyewitnesses and
   ministers of the word;" then, what he says, is theirs. And why did he
   not say, As they who were counted worthy of the Holy Spirit delivered
   them unto us;' but "Those who were eyewitnesses?" Because, in matter of
   belief, the very thing that gives one a right to be believed, is the
   having learned from eyewitnesses: whereas the other appears to foolish
   persons mere parade and pretension. And therefore John also speaks
   thus: "I saw, and bare record that this is the Son of God." (John. i.
   34.) And Christ expresses Himself in the same way to Nicodemus, while
   he was dull of apprehension, "We speak that we do know, and testify
   that we have seen; and no one receiveth our witness." (Ib. iii. 11.)
   Accordingly, He gave them leave to rest their testimony in many
   particulars on the fact of their having seen them, when He said, "And
   do ye bear witness concerning Me, because ye have been with Me from the
   beginning." (John xv. 27.) The Apostles themselves also often speak in
   a similar manner; "We are witnesses, and the Holy Spirit which God hath
   given to those that obey Him." (Acts ii. 32); and on a subsequent
   occasion, Peter, still giving assurance of the Resurrection, said,
   "Seeing we did eat and drink with Him." (Acts x. 41.) For they more
   readily received the testimony of persons who had been His companions,
   because the notion of the Spirit was as yet very much beyond them.
   Therefore John also at that time, in his Gospel, speaking of the blood
   and water, said, he himself saw it, making the fact of his having seen
   it equivalent, for them, to the highest testimony, although the witness
   of the Spirit is more certain than the evidence of sight, but not so
   with unbelievers. Now that Luke was a partaker of the Spirit, is
   abundantly clear, both from the miracles which even now take place; and
   from the fact that in those times even ordinary persons were gifted
   with the Holy Ghost; and again from the testimony of Paul, in these
   words, "Whose praise is in the Gospel" (2 Cor. viii. 18); and from the
   appointment to which he was chosen: for having said this, the Apostle
   adds, "But also appointed of the Churches to travel with us with this
   grace which is administered by us." [9]

   Now mark how unassuming he is. He does not say, The former Gospel which
   I preached, but, "The former treatise have I made;" accounting the
   title of Gospel to be too great for him; although it is on the score of
   this that the Apostle dignifies him: "Whose praise," he says, "is in
   the Gospel." But he himself modestly says, "The former treatise have I
   made--O Theophilus, of all that Jesus began both to do and to teach:"
   not simply "of all," but from the beginning to the end; "until the
   day," he says, "in which He was taken up." And yet John says, that it
   was not possible to write all: for "were they written, I suppose," says
   he, "that even the world itself could not contain the books written."
   (John xxi. 25.) How then does the Evangelist here say, "Of all?" He
   does not say "all," but "of all," as much as to say, "in a summary way,
   and in the gross;" and "of all that is mainly and pressingly
   important." Then he tells us in what sense he says all, when he adds,
   "Which Jesus began both to do and to teach;" meaning His miracles and
   teaching; and not only so, but implying that His doing was also a
   teaching.

   But now consider the benevolent and Apostolic feelings of the writer:
   that for the sake of a single individual he took such pains as to write
   for him an entire Gospel. "That thou mightest have," he says, "the
   certainty of those things, wherein thou hast been instructed." (Luke i.
   4.) In truth, he had heard Christ say, "It is not the will of My Father
   that one of these little ones should perish." (Matt. xviii. 14.) And
   why did he not make one book of it, to send to one man Theophilus, but
   has divided it into two subjects? For clearness, and to give the
   brother a pause for rest. Besides, the two treatises are distinct in
   their subject-matter.

   But consider how Christ accredited his words by His deeds. Thus He
   saith, "Learn of Me, for I am meek and lowly in heart." (Ib. xi. 29.)
   He taught men to be poor, [10] [11] and exhibited this by His actions:
   "For the Son of Man," He says, "hath not where to lay His head." (Ib.
   viii. 20.) Again, He charged men to love their enemies; and He taught
   the same lesson on the Cross, when He prayed for those who were
   crucifying Him. He said, "If any man will sue thee at the law, and take
   away thy coat, let him have thy cloak also" (Ib. v. 40): now He not
   only gave His garments, but even His blood. In this way He bade others
   teach. Wherefore Paul also said, "So as ye have us for an example."
   (Philip. iii. 17.) For nothing is more frigid than a teacher who shows
   his philosophy only in words: this is to act the part not of a teacher,
   but of a hypocrite. Therefore the Apostles first taught by their
   conduct, and then by their words; nay rather they had no need of words,
   when their deeds spoke so loud. Nor is it wrong to speak of Christ's
   Passion as action, for in suffering all He performed that great and
   wonderful act, by which He destroyed death, and effected all else that
   He did for us.

   "Until the day in which He was taken up, after that He, through the
   Holy Spirit, had given commandments unto the Apostles whom He had
   chosen. After He had given commandments through the Spirit" (v. 2);
   i.e. they were spiritual words that He spake unto them, nothing human;
   either this is the meaning, or, that it was by the Spirit that He gave
   them commandments. [12] Do you observe in what low terms he still
   speaks of Christ, as in fact Christ had spoken of Himself? "But if I by
   the Spirit of God cast out devils" (Matt. xii. 28); for indeed the Holy
   Ghost wrought in that Temple. Well, what did He command? "Go ye
   therefore," He says, "make disciples of all the nations, baptizing them
   into the Name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost;
   teaching them to observe all things whatsoever I have commanded you."
   (Ib. xxviii. 19, 20.) A high encomium this for the Apostles; to have
   such a charge entrusted to them, I mean, the salvation of the world!
   words full of the Spirit! And this the writer hints at in the
   expression, "through the Holy Ghost" (and, "the words which I spake
   unto you," saith the Lord, "are Spirit") (John vi. 63); thus leading
   the hearer on to a desire of learning what the commands were, and
   establishing the authority of the Apostles, seeing it is the words of
   the Spirit they are about to speak, and the commandments of Christ.
   "After He had given commandments," he says, "He was taken up." He does
   not say, ascended;' he still speaks as concerning a man. It appears
   then that He also taught the Disciples after His resurrection, but of
   this space of time no one has related to us the whole in detail. St.
   John indeed, as also does the present writer, dwells at greater length
   on this subject than the others; but none has clearly related every
   thing (for they hastened to something else); however, we have learnt
   these things through the Apostles, for what they heard, that did they
   tell. "To whom also He shewed Himself alive." Having first spoken of
   the Ascension, he adverts to the Resurrection; for since thou hast been
   told that "He was taken up," therefore, lest thou shouldest suppose Him
   to have been taken up by others [13] , he adds, "To whom He shewed
   Himself alive." For if He shewed Himself in the greater, surely He did
   in the minor circumstance. Seest thou, how casually and unperceived he
   drops by the way the seeds of these great doctrines? [14]

   "Being seen of them during forty days." He was not always with them
   now, as He was before the Resurrection. For the writer does not say
   "forty days," but, "during forty days." He came, and again disappeared;
   by this leading them on to higher conceptions, and no longer permitting
   them to stand affected towards Him in the same way as before, but
   taking effectual measures to secure both these objects, that the fact
   of His Resurrection should be believed, and that He Himself should be
   ever after apprehended to be greater than man. At the same time, these
   were two opposite things; for in order to the belief in His
   Resurrection, much was to be done of a human character, and for the
   other object, just the reverse. Nevertheless, both results have been
   effected, each when the fitting time arrived.

   But why did He appear not to all, but to the Apostles only? [15]
   Because to the many it would have seemed a mere apparition, inasmuch as
   they understood not the secret of the mystery. For if the disciples
   themselves were at first incredulous and were troubled, and needed the
   evidence of actual touch with the hand, and of His eating with them,
   how would it have fared in all likelihood with the multitude? For this
   reason therefore by the miracles [wrought by the Apostles] He renders
   the evidence of His Resurrection unequivocal, so that not only the men
   of those times--this is what would come of the ocular proof--but also
   all men thereafter, should be certain of the fact, that He was risen.
   Upon this ground also we argue with unbelievers. For if He did not rise
   again, but remains dead, how did the Apostles perform miracles in His
   name? But they did not, say you, perform miracles? How then was our
   religion (ethnos) instituted? For this certainly they will not
   controvert nor impugn what we see with our eyes: so that when they say
   that no miracles took place, they inflict a worse stab [16] upon
   themselves. For this would be the greatest of miracles, that without
   any miracles, the whole world should have eagerly come to be taken in
   the nets of twelve poor and illiterate men. For not by wealth of money,
   not by wisdom of words, not by any thing else of this kind, did the
   fishermen prevail; so that objectors must even against their will
   acknowledge that there was in these men a Divine power, for no human
   strength could ever possibly effect such great results. For this He
   then remained forty days on earth, furnishing in this length of time
   the sure evidence of their seeing Him in His own proper Person, that
   they might not suppose that what they saw was a phantom. And not
   content with this, He added also the evidence of eating with them at
   their board: as to signify this, the writer adds, "And being at table
   [17] with them, He commanded." [18] (v. 4.) And this circumstance the
   Apostles themselves always put forth as an fallible token of the
   Resurrection; as where they say, "Who did eat and drink with Him."
   (Acts x. 41.)

   And what did He, when appearing unto them those forty days? Why, He
   conversed with them, says the writer, "concerning the kingdom of God."
   (v. 3.) For, since the disciples both had been distressed and troubled
   at the things which already had taken place, and were about to go forth
   to encounter great difficulties, He recovered them by His discourses
   concerning the future. "He commanded them that they should not depart
   from Jerusalem, but wait for the promise of the Father." (v. 4.) First,
   He led them out to Galilee, afraid and trembling, in order that they
   might listen to His words in security. Afterwards, when they had heard,
   and had passed forty days with Him, "He commanded them that they should
   not depart from Jerusalem." Wherefore? Just as when soldiers are to
   charge a multitude, no one thinks of letting them issue forth until
   they have armed themselves, or as horses are not suffered to start from
   the barriers until they have got their charioteer; so Christ did not
   suffer these to appear in the field before the descent of the Spirit,
   that they might not be in a condition to be easily defeated and taken
   captive by the many. Nor was this the only reason, but also there were
   many in Jerusalem who should believe. And then again that it might not
   be said, that leaving their own acquaintance, they had gone to make a
   parade among strangers, therefore among those very men who had put
   Christ to death do they exhibit the proofs of His Resurrection, among
   those who had crucified and buried Him, in the very town in which the
   iniquitous deed had been perpetrated; thereby stopping the mouths of
   all foreign objectors. For when those even who had crucified Him appear
   as believers, clearly this proved both the fact of the crucifixion and
   the iniquity of the deed, and afforded a mighty evidence of the
   Resurrection. Furthermore, lest the Apostles should say, How shall it
   be possible for us to live among wicked and bloody men, they so many in
   number, we so few and contemptible, observe how He does away their fear
   and distress, by these words, "But wait for the promise of the Father,
   which ye have heard of Me." (v. 4.) You will say, When had they heard
   this? When He said, "It is expedient for you that I go away; for if I
   go not away, the Comforter will not come unto you." (John xvi. 7.) And
   again, "I will pray the Father, and He shall send you another
   Comforter, that He may abide with you." (ib. xiv. 16.)

   But why did the Holy Ghost come to them, not while Christ was present,
   nor even immediately after his departure, but, whereas Christ ascended
   on the fortieth day, the Spirit descended "when the day of Pentecost,"
   that is, the fiftieth, "was fully come?" (Acts ii. 1.) And how was it,
   if the Spirit had not yet come, that He said, "Receive ye the Holy
   Ghost?" (John xx. 22.) In order to render them capable and meet for the
   reception of Him. For if Daniel fainted at the sight of an Angel (Dan.
   viii. 17), much more would these when about to receive so great a
   grace. Either this then is to be said, or else that Christ spoke of
   what was to come, as if come already; as when He said, "Tread ye upon
   serpents and scorpions, and over all the power of the devil." (Luke x.
   19.) But why had the Holy Ghost not yet come? It was fit that they
   should first be brought to have a longing desire for that event, and so
   receive the grace. For this reason Christ Himself departed, and then
   the Spirit descended. For had He Himself been there, they would not
   have expected the Spirit so earnestly as they did. On this account
   neither did He come immediately after Christ's Ascension, but after
   eight or nine days. It is the same with us also; for our desires
   towards God are then most raised, when we stand in need. Accordingly,
   John chose that time to send his disciples to Christ when they were
   likely to feel their need of Jesus, during his own imprisonment.
   Besides, it was fit that our nature should be seen in heaven, and that
   the reconciliation should be perfected, and then the Spirit should
   come, and the joy should be unalloyed. For, if the Spirit being already
   come, Christ had then departed, and the Spirit remained; the
   consolation would not have been so great as it was. For in fact they
   clung to Him, and could not bear to part with Him; wherefore also to
   comfort them He said, "It is expedient for you that I go away." (John
   xvi. 7.) On this account He also waits during those intermediate days,
   that they might first despond for awhile, and be made, as I said, to
   feel their need of Him. and then reap a full and unalloyed delight. But
   if the Spirit were inferior to the Son, the consolation would not have
   been adequate; and how could He have said, "It is expedient for you?"
   For this reason the greater matters of teaching were reserved for the
   Spirit, that the disciples might not imagine Him inferior.

   Consider also how necessary He made it for them to abide in Jerusalem,
   by promising that the Spirit should be granted them. For lest they
   should again flee away after His Ascension, by this expectation, as by
   a bond, He keeps them to that spot. But having said, "Wait for the
   promise of the Father, which ye have heard of Me," He then adds, "For
   John truly baptized with water, but ye shall be baptized with the Holy
   Ghost not many days hence." (v. 4, 5.) For now indeed He gives them to
   see the difference there was betwixt Him and John, plainly, and not as
   heretofore in obscure hints; for in fact He had spoken very obscurely,
   when He said, "Notwithstanding, he that is least in the kingdom of
   heaven is greater than he:" but now He says plainly, "John baptized
   with water, but ye shall be baptized with the Holy Ghost." (Matt. xi.
   11.) And he no longer uses the testimony, but merely adverts to the
   person of John, reminding the disciples of what he had said, and shows
   them that they are now become greater than John; seeing they too are to
   baptize with the Spirit. Again, He did not say, I baptize you with the
   Holy Ghost, but, "Ye shall be baptized:" teaching us humility. For this
   was plain enough from the testimonyof John, that it was Christ Himself
   Who should baptize: "He it is that shall baptize you with the Holy
   Ghost and with fire" (Luke iii. 16.); wherefore also He made mention of
   John. [19]

   The Gospels, then, are a history of what Christ did and said; but the
   Acts, of what that "other Comforter" said and did. Not but that the
   Spirit did many things in the Gospels also; even as Christ here in the
   Acts still works in men as He did in the Gospels: only then the Spirit
   wrought through the Temple, now through the Apostles: then, He came
   into the Virgin's womb, and fashioned the Temple; now, into Apostolic
   souls: then in the likeness of a dove; now, in the likeness of fire.
   And wherefore? Showing there the gentleness of the Lord, but here His
   taking vengeance also, He now puts them in mind of the judgment
   likewise. For, when need was to forgive, need was there of much
   gentleness; but now we have obtained the gift, it is henceforth a time
   for judgment and examination.

   But why does Christ say, "Ye shall be baptized," when in fact there was
   no water in the upper room? Because the more essential part of Baptism
   is the Spirit, through Whom indeed the water has its operation; in the
   same manner our Lord also is said to be anointed, not that He had ever
   been anointed with oil, but because He had received the Spirit.
   Besides, we do in fact find them receiving a baptism with water [and a
   baptism with the Spirit], and these at different moments. In our case
   both take place under one act, but then they were divided. For in the
   beginning they were baptized by John; since, if harlots and publicans
   went to that baptism, much rather would they who thereafter were to be
   baptized by the Holy Ghost. Then, that the Apostles might not say, that
   they were always having it held out to them in promises (John xiv. 15,
   16), (for indeed Christ had already discoursed much to them concerning
   the Spirit, that they should not imagine It to be an impersonal Energy
   or Operation, (energeian anupostaton) that they might not say this,
   then, He adds, "not many days hence." And He did not explain when, that
   they might always watch: but, that it would soon take place, He told
   them, that they might not faint; yet the exact time He refrained from
   adding, that they might always be vigilant. Nor does He assure them by
   this alone; I mean, by the shortness of the time, but withal by saying,
   "The promise which ye have heard of Me." For this is not, saith He, the
   only time I have told you, but already I have promised what I shall
   certainly perform. What wonder then that He does not signify the day of
   the final consummation, when this day which was so near He did not
   choose to reveal? And with good reason; to the end they may be ever
   wakeful, and in a state of expectation and earnest heed.

   For it cannot, it cannot be, that a man should enjoy the benefit of
   grace except he watch. Seest thou not what Elias saith to his disciple?
   "If thou see me when I am taken up" (2 Kings ii. 10), this that thou
   askest shall be done for thee. Christ also was ever wont to say unto
   those that came unto Him, "Believest thou?" For if we be not
   appropriated and made over to the thing given, [20] neither do we
   greatly feel the benefit. So it was also in the case of Paul; grace did
   not come to him immediately, but three days intervened, during which he
   was blind; purified the while, and prepared by fear. For as those who
   dye the purple first season with other ingredients the cloth that is to
   receive the dye, that the bloom may not be fleeting; [21] so in this
   instance God first takes order that the soul shall be thoroughly in
   earnest, and then pours forth His grace. On this account also, neither
   did He immediately send the Spirit, but on the fiftieth day. Now if any
   one ask, why we also do not baptize at that season of Pentecost? we may
   answer, that grace is the same now as then; [22] but the mind becomes
   more elevated now, by being prepared through fasting. And the season
   too of Pentecost furnishes a not unlikely reason. What may that be? Our
   fathers held Baptism to be just the proper curb upon evil
   concupiscence, and a powerful lesson for teaching to be sober-minded
   even in a time of delights.

   As if then we were banquetting with Christ Himself, and partaking of
   His table, let us do nothing at random, but let us pass our time in
   fastings, and prayers, and much sobriety of mind. For if a man who is
   destined to enter upon some temporal government, prepares himself all
   his life long, and that he may obtain some dignity, lays out his money,
   spends his time, and submits to endless troubles; what shall we
   deserve, who draw near to the kingdom of heaven with such negligence,
   and both show no earnestness before we have received, and after having
   received are again negligent? Nay, this is the very reason why we are
   negligent after having received, that we did not watch before we had
   received. Therefore many, after they have received, immediately have
   returned to their former vomit, and have become more wicked, and drawn
   upon themselves a more severe punishment; when having been delivered
   from their former sins, herein they have more grievously provoked the
   Judge, that having been delivered from so great a disease, still they
   did not learn sobriety, but that has happened unto them, which Christ
   threatened to the paralytic man, saying, "Behold thou art made whole:
   sin no more, lest a worse thing come unto thee" (John v. 14): and which
   He also predicted of the Jews, that "the last state shall be worse than
   the first." (Matt. xii. 45.) For if, saith He, showing that by their
   ingratitude they should bring upon them the worst of evils, "if I had
   not come, and spoken unto them, they had not had sin" (John xv. 22); so
   that the guilt of sins committed after these benefits is doubled and
   quadrupled, in that, after the honour put upon us, we show ourselves
   ungrateful and wicked. And the Laver of Baptism helps not a whit to
   procure for us a milder punishment. And consider: a man has gotten
   grievous sins by committing murder or adultery, or some other crime:
   these were remitted through Baptism. For there is no sin, no impiety,
   which does not yield and give place to this gift; for the Grace is
   Divine. A man has again committed adultery and murder; the former
   adultery is indeed done away, the murder forgiven, and not brought up
   again to his charge, "for the gifts and calling of God are without
   repentance" (Rom. xi. 29); but for those committed after Baptism he
   suffers a punishment as great as he would if both the former sins were
   brought up again, and many worse than these. For the guilt is no longer
   simply equal, but doubled and tripled. [23] Look: in proof that the
   penalty of these sins is greater, hear what St. Paul says: "He that
   despised Moses' law died without mercy, under two or three witnesses:
   of how much sorer punishment, suppose ye, shall he be thought worthy,
   who hath trodden under foot the Son of God, and hath counted the blood
   of the covenant an unholy thing, and hath done despite unto the Spirit
   of grace?" (Heb. x. 28, 29.)

   Perhaps we have now deterred many from receiving baptism. Not however
   with this intention have we so spoken, but on purpose that having
   received it, they may continue in temperance and much moderation. But I
   am afraid,' says one. If thou wert afraid, thou wouldest have received
   and guarded it. Nay,' saith he, but this is the very reason why I do
   not receive it,--that I am frightened.' And art thou not afraid to
   depart thus? God is merciful,' saith he. Receive baptism then, because
   He is merciful and ready to help. But thou, where to be in earnest is
   the thing required, dost not allege this mercifulness; thou thinkest of
   this only where thou hast a mind to do so. And yet that was the time to
   resort to God's mercy, and we shall then be surest of obtaining it,
   when we do our part. For he that has cast the whole matter upon God,
   and, after his baptism, sins, as being man it is likely, he may, and
   repents, shall obtain mercy; whereas he that prevaricates with God's
   mercy, and departs this life with no portion in that grace, shall have
   his punishment without a word to be said for him. But how if he
   depart,' say you, after having had the grace vouchsafed to him?' He
   will depart empty again of all good works. [24] For it is impossible,
   yes, it is in my opinion impossible, that the man who upon such hopes
   dallied with baptism should have effected ought generous and good. And
   why dost thou harbor such fear, and presume upon the uncertain chance
   of the future? Why not convert this fear into labor and earnestness,
   and thou shalt be great and admirable? Which is best, to fear or to
   labor? Suppose some one to have placed thee, having nothing to do, in a
   tottering house, saying, Look for the decaying roof to fall upon thy
   head: for perhaps it will fall, perhaps not; but if thou hadst rather
   it should not, then work and inhabit the more secure apartment: which
   wouldest thou have rather chosen, that idle condition accompanied with
   fear, or this labor with confidence? Why then, act now in the same way.
   For the uncertain future is like a decayed house, ever threatening to
   fall; but this work, laborious though it be, ensures safety.

   Now God forbid that it should happen to us to fall into so great
   straits as to sin after baptism. However, even if aught such should
   happen, God is merciful, and has given us many ways of obtaining
   remission even after this. But just as those who sin after baptism are
   punished for this reason more severely than the Catechumens, so again,
   those who know that there are medicines in repentance, and yet will not
   make use of them, will undergo a more grievous chastisement. For by how
   much the mercy of God is enlarged, by so much does the punishment
   increase, if we do not duly profit by that mercy. What sayest thou, O
   man? When thou wast full of such grievous evils, and given over,
   suddenly thou becamest a friend, and wast exalted to the highest honor,
   not by labors of thine own, but by the gift of God: thou didst again
   return to thy former misconduct; and though thou didst deserve to be
   sorely punished, nevertheless, God did not turn away, but gave
   unnumbered opportunities of salvation, whereby thou mayest yet become a
   friend: yet for all this, thou hast not the will to labor. What
   forgiveness canst thou deserve henceforth? Will not the Gentiles with
   good reason deride thee as a worthless drone? For if there be power in
   that doctrine of yours, say they, what means this multitude of
   uninitiated persons? If the mysteries be excellent and desirable, let
   none receive baptism at his last gasp. For that is not the time for
   giving of mysteries but for making of wills; the time for mysteries is
   in health of mind and soundness of soul. For, if a man would not prefer
   to make his will in such a condition; and if he does so make it, he
   gives a handle for subsequent litigation (and this is the reason why
   testators premise these words: "Alive, in my senses, and in health, I
   make this disposal of my property:"), how should it be possible for a
   person who is no longer master of his senses to go through the right
   course of preparation for the sacred mysteries? [25] For if in the
   affairs of this life, the laws of the world would not permit a man who
   was not perfectly sound in mind to make a will, although it be in his
   own affairs that he would lay down the law; how, when thou art
   receiving instruction concerning the kingdom of heaven, and the
   unspeakable riches of that world, shall it be possible for thee to
   learn all clearly, when very likely too thou art beside thyself through
   the violence of thy malady? And when wilt thou say those words [26] to
   Christ, in the act of being buried with Him when at the point to depart
   hence? For indeed both by works and by words must we show our good will
   towards Him. (Rom. vi. 4.) Now what thou art doing is all one, as if a
   man should want to be enlisted as a soldier, when the war is just about
   to break up; or to strip for the contest in the arena, just when the
   spectators have risen from their seats. For thou hast thine arms given
   thee, not that thou shouldest straightway depart hence, but that being
   equipped therewith, thou mayest raise a trophy over the enemy. Let no
   one think that it is out of season to discourse on this subject,
   because it is not Lent now. Nay, this it is that vexes me, that ye look
   to a set time in such matters. Whereas that Eunuch, barbarian as he was
   and on a journey, yea on the very highway, he did not seek for a set
   time (Acts viii. 27); no, nor the jailer, though he was in the midst of
   a set of prisoners, and the teacher he saw before him was a man
   scourged and in chains, and whom he was still to have in his custody.
   (ib. xvi. 29.) But here, not being inmates of a jail, nor out on a
   journey, many are putting off their baptism even to their last breath.

   Now if thou still questionest that Christ is God, stand away from the
   Church: be not here, even as a hearer of the Divine Word, and as one of
   the catechumens: [27] but if thou art sure of this, and knowest clearly
   this truth, why delay? Why shrink back and hesitate? For fear, say you,
   lest I should sin. But dost thou not fear what is worse, to depart for
   the next world with such a heavy burden? For it is not equally
   excusable, not to have gotten a grace set before you, and to have
   failed in attempting to live uprightly. If thou be called to account,
   Why didst thou not come for it? what wilt thou answer? In the other
   case thou mayest allege the burden of thy passions, and the difficulty
   of a virtuous life: but nothing of the kind here. For here is grace,
   freely conveying liberty. But thou fearest lest thou shouldest sin? Let
   this be thy language after Baptism: and then entertain this fear, in
   order to hold fast the liberty thou hast received; not now, to prevent
   thy receiving such a gift. Whereas now thou art wary before baptism,
   and negligent after it. But thou art waiting for Lent: and why? Has
   that season any advantage? Nay, it was not at the Passover that the
   Apostles received [28] the grace, but at another season; and then three
   thousand (Luke says,) and five thousand were baptized: (ch. ii. 41; iv.
   4, and ch. x.) and again Cornelius. Let us then not wait for a set
   time, lest by hesitating and putting off we depart empty, and destitute
   of so great gifts. What do you suppose is my anguish when I hear that
   any person has been taken away unbaptized, while I reflect upon the
   intolerable punishments of that life, the inexorable doom! Again, how I
   am grieved to behold others drawing near to their last gasp, and not
   brought to their right mind even then. Hence too it is that scenes take
   place quite unworthy of this gift. For whereas there ought to be joy,
   and dancing, and exultation, and wearing of garlands, when another is
   christened; the wife of the sick man has no sooner heard that the
   physician has ordered this, than she is overcome with grief, as if it
   were some dire calamity; she sets up the greatest lamentation, and
   nothing is heard all over the house but crying and wailing, just as it
   is when condemned criminals are led away to their doom. The sick man
   again is then more sorely grieved; and if he recovers from his illness,
   is as vexed as if some great harm had been done to him. For since he
   had not been prepared for a virtuous life, he has no heart for the
   conflicts which are to follow, and shrinks at the thought of them. Do
   you see what devices the devil contrives, what shame, what ridicule?
   Let us rid ourselves of this disgrace; let us live as Christ has
   enjoined. He gave us Baptism, not that we should receive and depart,
   but that we should show the fruits of it in our after life. How can one
   say to him who is departing and broken down, Bear fruit? Hast thou not
   heard that "the fruit of the Spirit is love, joy, peace?" (Gal. v. 22.)
   How comes it then that the very contrary takes place here? For the wife
   stands there mourning, when she ought to rejoice; the children weeping,
   when they ought to be glad together; the sick man himself lies there in
   darkness, and surrounded by noise and tumult, when he ought to be
   keeping high festival; full of exceeding despondency at the thought of
   leaving his children orphans, his wife a widow, his house desolate. Is
   this a state in which to draw near unto mysteries? answer me; is this a
   state in which to approach the sacred table? [29] Are such scenes to be
   tolerated? Should the Emperor send letters and release the prisoners in
   the jails, there is joy and gladness: God sends down the Holy Ghost
   from Heaven to remit not arrears of money, but a whole mass of sins,
   and do ye all bewail and lament? Why, how grossly unsuitable is this!
   Not to mention that sometimes it is upon the dead that the water has
   been poured, and holy mysteries flung upon the ground. However, not we
   are to blame for this, but men who are so perverse. I exhort you then
   to leave all, and turn and draw near to Baptism with all alacrity, that
   having given proof of great earnestness at this present time, we may
   obtain confidence for that which is to come; whereunto that we may
   attain, may it be granted unto us all by the grace and mercy of our
   Lord Jesus Christ, to Whom be glory and power for ever and ever. Amen.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [3] St. Chrys. had made the same complaint at Antioch in the Homilies
   (a.d. 387) in Principium Actorum, etc. t. iii. p. 54. "We are about to
   set before you a strange and new dish....strange, I say, and not
   strange. Not strange; for it belongs to the order of Holy Scripture:
   and yet strange; because peradventure your ears are not accustomed to
   such a subject. Certainly, there are many to whom this Book is not even
   known (pollois goun to biblion touto oude gnorimon esti) and many again
   think it so plain, that they slight it: thus to some men their
   knowledge, to some their ignorance, is the cause of their
   neglect......We are to enquire then who wrote it, and when, and on what
   subject: and why it is ordered (nenomothetetai) to be read at this
   festival. For peradventure you do not hear this Book read [at other
   times] from year's end to year's end."

   [4] The two reasons which Chrysostom urges for the study of the Acts
   are also the two chief grounds upon which modern criticism depends for
   establishing not only the general trust-worthiness of the book, but
   also its authorship by Luke. They are in substance, (1) The continuity
   of the history as connected with the gospels and, particularly,
   coincidences of style, matter and diction with the third gospel, and
   (2) The remarkable undesigned coincidences of statement between the
   Acts and Pauline Epistles which exclude the possibility of
   inter-dependence. From Col. i. 11, 14; Philem. 24; 2 Tim. iv. 11, we
   learn that Luke was a close companion of Paul. In the part of the Book
   of Acts which treats especially of the work of Paul, the writer
   frequently refers to himself in the use of the first person plural as
   an associate of the apostle (vid. xvi. 10; xx. 6 sq.; xxi. 1 sq.;
   xxvii. 1). These considerations demonstrate the fitness of Luke to
   prepare such a treatise as the Acts and render the supposition of his
   authorship plausible. When they are combined with those mentioned under
   (1) and when the dedication of both books to a certain Theophilus is
   considered, the argument becomes very cogent and complete.--G.B.S.

   [5] The reference in the Text of the expression: "the Gospel which ye
   received," (1 Cor. xv. 1) to Luke's "gospel" is, of course, groundless.
   Paul speaks of it as the gospel which he preached unto them. It is "his
   gospel" as in Rom. ii. 16; xvi. 25; Gal. i. 11, etc. The use of
   euangelion to denote a book is post-apostolic.--G.B.S.

   [6] Hom. in Princip. Act. p. 54. "First we must see who wrote the
   Book....whether a man, or God: and if man, let us reject it; for, Call
   no man master upon earth:' but if God, let us receive it."

   [7] Hom. cur in Pentec. Acta legantur, t. iii. p. 89. E. "The
   demonstration of the Resurrection is, the Apostolic miracles: and of
   the Apostolic miracles this Book is the school."

   [8] The statement that the Acts is a "Demonstration of the
   Resurrection" has a certain profound truth, but is incorrect if
   intending to assert that such was the conscious purpose of the author.
   The resurrection of Jesus is a prominent theme in the Apostolic
   discourses but the book is no more designed primarily to prove the
   resurrection than are the Epistles to the Romans and Corinthians. The
   immediate purpose of the book is to record the labors and triumphs of
   the Apostolic Church as supplementary to the narrative of the teaching
   and work of Jesus (i. 1, 2). The events narrated presuppose the
   resurrection and would have been impossible without it.--G.B.S.

   [9] Chrys. states too confidently that "the brother" whose praise is
   referred to in 2 Cor. viii. 18, is Luke. It cannot be determined who
   this "brother" was. See Meyer in loco. Other conjectures are: Barnabas,
   Mark, Erastus, and an actual brother of Titus.--G.B.S.

   [10] Ms. C. has oiktirmonas, merciful; the rest, aktemonas, without
   possessions, which is certainly the true reading. Thus in the Sermon de
   futurae Vitae deliciis, where Chrys. discourses largely on the harmony
   of Christ's teaching and actions, he says, Palin aktemosunen paideuon,
   hora pos dia ton ergon auten epideiknutai, legon, Hai alopekes, k. t.
   l.

   [11] "He taught them to be poor." Here we have a tinge of asceticism.
   Even if we suppose that the beatitude of the poor refers to literal
   poverty (Luke vi. 20) as well as to poverty in spirit (Matt. v. 3), it
   is still incorrect to say that Jesus taught his disciples that poverty
   was in itself a virtue. The ascetic principle is of heathen, not of
   Christian origin. It is noticeable that Chrys. quotes no passage to
   sustain his statement.--G.B.S.

   [12] The latter is doubtless the correct interpretation. (So Meyer,
   Hackett). Cf. Matt. xii. 28; John iii. 34; Luke iv. 1.--G.B.S.

   [13] i.e. as OEcumenius explains in l. ina me tis nomise eterou ounamei
   touto genesthai, lest any should suppose this to have been done by the
   power of another, he adds, to show that it was His own act, To whom
   also, etc.

   [14] It is more than doubtful whether the mention of the resurrection
   is introduced (i. 3 sq.) for the purpose of meeting sceptical
   objections. The writer will rather make it the point of departure for
   his subsequent narrative. He has mentioned the ascension; the
   resurrection is the other great event and he will introduce a resume of
   the more important circumstances which happened during the period
   between these two events and which have an important bearing upon the
   history about to be related.--G.B.S.

   [15] Chrys. seems to overlook the appearance "to above five hundred
   brethren at once," 1 Cor. xv. 6.--G.B.S.

   [16] Peripeirousi, ms. C. and Cat. (see 1 Tim. vi. 9, pierced
   themselves through with many sorrows), and in this sense Hom. in Matt.
   455 B. 463 A. The word is used as here, ibid. 831 C. where several mss.
   have pantachou he plane heauten peripeirei, for heaute peripiptei.

   [17] Sunalizomenos. In the margin of E.V. "Eating together with them."
   The Catena here and below, had pr. man. the other reading,
   sunaulizomenos, but corrected in both places. St. Chrys. so takes the
   word, Hom. in Princip. Act. S:11.767 E. in Joann. 522 D. OEcumen. in 1.
   explains it, toutesti koinonon halon, koinonon trapezes, "Partaking of
   the salt, partaking of the table."

   [18] Chrys. here follows the interpretation which derives sunalizomenos
   (i. 4) from sun and hals (salt) hence, eating together. So several
   ancient authorities as Vulgate (convesceus) and even modern, as Meyer.
   But the preferable derivation is from sun and hales (crowded), hence to
   be assembled, to meet with (sc. autois). So Olshausen, Hackett,
   Lechler, Thayer's Lex. and most modern authorities.--G.B.S.

   [19] So mss. C. F. D. and the Catena. The others have monou autou, "of
   him (John) alone," not of his testimony.

   [20] 'Ean gar me oikeiothomen pros to didomenon. Erasm. Nisi rei datae
   addicti fuerimus.

   [21] Hoi ten halourgida baptontes....hina me exitelon genetai to
   anthos. Comp. Plat. Republ. iv. vol. i. p. 289. Stallb. Oukoun oistha,
   en d' ego, hoti hoi bapheis, epeidan boulethosi bapsai eria host' einai
   halourga, proton men eklegontai ek tosouton chromaton mian phusin ten
   ton leukon, epeita proparaskeuazousi ouk olige para skeu& 219;
   therapeusantes hopos dexetai hoti malista to anthos, kai houto de
   baptousi.

   [22] The question, fully expressed, is, Why do we baptize, not at
   Pentecost, but on Easter Eve?' And the answer is, Because the lenten
   fast forms a meet preparation for the reception of baptism. And
   moreover, there is a reason which weighed with our fathers, in respect
   of this season of the fifty days, the time of the Church's great
   festivity. The baptism newly received would restrain the neophytes from
   giving loose to carnal lusts; having prepared them to keep the feast
   with a holy and awful gladness.' It should be borne in mind, that these
   Homilies were commenced during the Pentekoste, i.e. the period of fifty
   days between Easter and Pentecost; at which season the Book of Acts was
   usually read in the Churches.

   [23] This view, that baptism cleansed from all sin, and that,
   therefore, sin after baptism was far more heinous and hard to be
   forgiven, held wide sway in the early church and operated as a powerful
   motive for the delay of baptism. The reception of the grace of baptism
   involves this increased liability to deadlier sin. For this reason
   Tertullian had urged its postponement. "And so according to the
   circumstances and disposition, and even age, of each individual, the
   delay of baptism is preferable; principally, however, in the case of
   little children." "If any understand the weighty import of baptism,
   they will fear its reception more than its delay," etc. De Baptismo,
   xviii. Chrys. did not carry the idea to this length.--G.B.S.

   [24] Ti oun han kataxiotheis phesin apeleusetai palin kenos
   katorthomaton, Cod. C, and so A, but with apeleuse In the latter
   recension this sentence is omitted, and instead of it, we have, Ti de
   tauta kata tes seautou soterias proballe; But why dost thou put forth
   such pretences against thine own salvation?' Chrys. had just said,
   apelthon amoiros tes charitos apairaiteton hexei ten timorion. The
   objector (with the usual prevaricating formula, ti oun e& 129;n to kai
   to; Hom. in Matt. 229 D.) says: ti oun an kataxiotheis, sc. tes
   charitos apelthe; to which Chrys. answers: 'Apeleusetai palin kenos
   katorthomaton: He will depart as empty of good works as he was before
   his baptism: adding, For it is, I think, utterly impossible that such
   an one [though he should live ever so long after baptism] would have
   wrought out his own salvation.

   [25] Meta akribeias mustagogeisthai: alluding to the katechesis
   mustagogike, i.e. the course of instruction by which the catechumens
   were prepared for baptism. See the Catechetical Discourses of St. Cyril
   of Jerusalem.

   [26] Ta rh& 208;mata ekeina: i.e. not (as Ben. seems to interpret)
   "Buried with Christ;" as if this were part of the form of words put
   into the mouth of the person to be baptized; but the words, "I renounce
   thee, O Satan, and all thy angels, and all thy service, and all thy
   pomp: and I enlist myself with Thee, O Christ." St. Chrysost. Serm. ad
   pop. Antioch, xxi. p. 244. The words, "buried with Him," serve to show
   more clearly the absurdity of such delay: "we are buried with Christ in
   His death,' that we may rise again to newness of life, not that we
   should pass at once from the spiritual burial to the literal."

   [27] The catechumens were allowed to be present at the first part of
   the service (Missa catechumenorum); and were dismissed after the
   Sermon, before the proper Prayers of the Church, or Missa Fidelium.

   [28] Katexiothesan tes charitos, as above, p. 8, note 1, ti oun an
   kataxiotheis;

   [29] The Holy Communion, administered immediately after baptism.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Homily II.

   Acts I. 6

   "When they therefore were come together, they asked of Him, saying,
   Lord, wilt Thou at this time restore again the kingdom to Israel?"

   When the disciples intend to ask anything, they approach Him together,
   that by dint of numbers they may abash Him into compliance. They well
   knew that in what He had said previously, "Of that day knoweth no man"
   (Matt. xxiv. 36), He had merely declined telling them: therefore they
   again drew near, and put the question. They would not have put it had
   they been truly satisfied with that answer. For having heard that they
   were about to receive the Holy Ghost, they, as being now worthy of
   instruction, desired to learn. Also they were quite ready for freedom:
   for they had no mind to address themselves to danger; what they wished
   was to breathe freely again; for they were no light matters that had
   happened to them, but the utmost peril had impended over them. And
   without saying any thing to Him of the Holy Ghost, they put this
   question: "Lord, wilt Thou at this time restore the kingdom to Israel?"
   They did not ask, when? but whether "at this time." So eager were they
   for that day. Indeed, to me it appears that they had not any clear
   notion of the nature of that kingdom; for the Spirit had not yet
   instructed them. [30] And they do not say, When shall these things be?
   but they approach Him with greater honour, saying, "Wilt Thou at this
   time restore again the kingdom," as being now already fallen. For there
   they were still affected towards sensible objects, seeing they were not
   yet become better than those who were before them; here they have
   henceforth high conceptions concerning Christ. Since then their minds
   are elevated, He also speaks to them in a higher strain. For He no
   longer tells them, "Of that day not even the Son of Man knoweth" (Mark
   xiii. 32); but He says, It is not for you to know the times or the
   seasons which the Father hath put in His own power (Acts i. 7.) Ye ask
   things greater than your capacity, He would say. And yet even now they
   learned things that were much greater than this. And that you may see
   that this is strictly the case, look how many things I shall enumerate.
   What, I pray you, was greater than their having learned what they did
   learn? Thus, they learned that there is a Son of God, and that God has
   a Son equal with Himself in dignity (John v. 17-20); they learned that
   there will be a resurrection (Matt. xvii. 9); that when He ascended He
   sat on the right hand of God (Luke xxii. 69); and what is still more
   stupendous, that Flesh is seated in heaven, and adored by Angels, and
   that He will come again (Mark xvi. 19); they learned what is to take
   place in the judgment (Matt. xvi. 27); learned that they shall then sit
   and judge the twelve tribes of Israel (Luke xxi. 27); learned that the
   Jews would be cast out, and in their stead the Gentiles should come in
   (Matt. xix. 28). For, tell me, which is greater? to learn that a person
   will reign, or to learn the time when? (Luke xxi. 24). Paul learned
   "things which it is not lawful for a man to utter" (2 Cor. xii. 4);
   things that were before the world was made, he learned them all. Which
   is the more difficult, the beginning or the end? Clearly to learn the
   beginning. This, Moses learned, and the time when, and how long ago:
   and he enumerates the years. And [31] the wise Solomon saith, "I will
   make mention of things from the beginning of the world." And that the
   time is at hand, they do know: as Paul saith, "The Lord is at hand, be
   careful for nothing." (Phil. iv. 5). These things they knew not [then],
   and yet He mentions many signs (Matt. ch. xxiv). But, as He has just
   said, "Not many days hence," wishing them to be vigilant, and did not
   openly declare the precise moment, so is it here also. However, it is
   not about the general Consummation that they now ask Him, but, "Wilt
   Thou at this time," say they, "restore the kingdom to Israel?" And not
   even this did He reveal to them. They also asked this [about the end of
   the world] before: and as on that occasion He answered by leading them
   away from thinking that their deliverance was near and, on the
   contrary, cast them into the midst of perils, so likewise on this
   occasion but more mildly. For, that they may not imagine themselves to
   be wronged, and these things to be mere pretences, hear what He says:
   He immediately gives them that at which they rejoiced: for He adds:
   "But ye shall receive power, after that the Holy Ghost is come upon
   you; and ye shall be witnesses unto Me both in Jerusalem, and in all
   Judea, and in Samaria, and unto the uttermost part of the earth." (Acts
   i. 8.) Then, that they may make no more enquiries, straightway He was
   received up. Thus, just as on the former occasion He had darkened their
   minds by awe, and by saying, "I know not;" here also He does so by
   being taken up. For great was their eagerness on the subject, and they
   would not have desisted; and yet it was very necessary that they should
   not learn this. For tell me, [32] which do the Gentiles most
   disbelieve? that there will be a consummation of the world, or that God
   is become man, and issued from the Virgin? [33] But I am ashamed of
   dwelling on this point, as if it were about some difficult matter. Then
   again, that the disciples might not say, Why dost thou leave the matter
   in suspense? He adds, "Which the Father hath put in His own power." And
   yet He declared the Father's power and His to be one: as in the saying,
   "For as the Father raiseth up the dead and quickeneth them, even so the
   Son quickeneth whom He will." (John v. 21.) If where need is to work,
   Thou actest with the same power as the Father; where it behooves to
   know, dost Thou not know with the same power? Yet certainly to raise up
   the dead is much greater than to learn the day. If the greater be with
   power, much more the other.

   But just as when we see a child crying, and pertinaciously wishing to
   get something from us that is not expedient for him, we hide the thing,
   and show him our empty hands, and say, "See, we have it not:" the like
   has Christ here done with the Apostles. But as the child, even when we
   show [34] him [our empty hands], persists with his crying, conscious he
   has been deceived, and then we leave him, and depart, saying, "Such an
   one calls me:" and we give him something else instead, in order to
   divert him from his desire, telling him it is a much finer thing than
   the other, and then hasten away; in like manner Christ acted. [35] The
   disciples asked to have something, and He said He had it not. And on
   the first occasion he frightened them. Then again they asked to have it
   now: He said He had it not; and He did not frighten them now, but after
   having shown [36] [the empty hands], He has done this, and gives them a
   plausible reason: [37] "Which the Father," He says, "hath put in his
   own power." What? Thou not know the things of the Father! Thou knowest
   Him, and not what belongs to Him! And yet Thou hast said, "None knoweth
   the Father but the Son" (Luke x. 25); and, "The Spirit searcheth all
   things, yea, the deep things of God" (1 Cor. ii. 10); and Thou not know
   this! But they feared to ask Him again, lest they should hear Him say,
   "Are ye also without understanding?" (Matt. xv. 26.) For they feared
   Him now much more than before. "But ye shall receive power, after that
   the Holy Ghost is come upon you." As in the former instance He had not
   answered their question (for it is the part of a teacher to teach not
   what the disciple chooses, but what is expedient for him to learn), so
   in this, He tells them beforehand, for this reason, what they ought to
   know, that they may not be troubled. In truth, they were yet weak. But
   to inspire them with confidence, He raised up their souls, and
   concealed what was grievous. Since he was about to leave them very
   shortly, therefore in this discourse He says nothing painful. But how?
   He extols as great the things which would be painful: all but saying,
   "Fear not': for ye shall receive power, after that the Holy Ghost is
   come upon you; and ye shall be witnesses unto Me both in Jerusalem, and
   in all Judea, and in Samaria." For since he had said, "Go not into the
   way of the Gentiles, and into any city of the Samaritans enter ye not"
   (Matt. x. 5), what there He left unsaid, He here adds, "And to the
   uttermost part of the earth;" and having spoken this, which was more
   fearful than all the rest, then that they may not again question Him,
   He held His peace. "And having this said, while they beheld, He was
   taken up; and a cloud received Him out of their sight" (v. 9). Seest
   thou that they did preach and fulfil the Gospel? For great was the gift
   He had bestowed on them. In the very place, He says, where ye are
   afraid, that is, in Jerusalem, there preach ye first, and afterwards
   unto the uttermost part of the earth. Then for assurance of what He had
   said, "While they beheld, He was taken up." Not "while they beheld" did
   He rise from the dead, but "while they beheld, He was taken up."
   Inasmuch, however, as the sight of their eyes even here was not
   all-sufficient; for in the Resurrection they saw the end, but not the
   beginning, and in the Ascension they saw the beginning, but not the
   end: because in the former it had been superfluous to have seen the
   beginning, the Lord Himself Who spake these things being present, and
   the sepulchre showing clearly that He is not there; but in the latter,
   they needed to be informed of the sequel by word of others: inasmuch
   then as their eyes do not suffice to show them the height above, nor to
   inform them whether He is actually gone up into heaven, or only
   seemingly into heaven, see then what follows. That it was Jesus Himself
   they knew from the fact that He had been conversing with them (for had
   they seen only from a distance, they could not have recognized Him by
   sight), [38] but that He is taken up into Heaven the Angels themselves
   inform them. Observe how it is ordered, that not all is done by the
   Spirit, but the eyes also do their part. But why did "a cloud receive
   Him?" This too was a sure sign that He went up to Heaven. Not fire, as
   in the case of Elijah, nor fiery chariot, but "a cloud received Him;"
   which was a symbol of Heaven, as the Prophet says; [39] "Who maketh the
   clouds His chariot" (Ps. civ. 3); it is of the Father Himself that this
   is said. Therefore he says, "on a cloud;" in the symbol, he would say,
   of the Divine power, for no other Power is seen to appear on a cloud.
   For hear again what another Prophet says: "The Lord sitteth upon a
   light cloud" (Is. xix. 1). For [40] it was while they were listening
   with great attention to what He was saying, and this in answer to a
   very interesting question, and with their minds fully aroused and quite
   awake, that this thing took place. Also on the mount [Sinai] the cloud
   was because of Him: since Moses also entered into the darkness, but the
   cloud there was not because of Moses. And He did not merely say, "I
   go," lest they should again grieve, but He said, "I send the Spirit"
   (John xvi. 5, 7); and that He was going away into heaven they saw with
   their eyes. O what a sight they were granted! "And while they looked
   stedfastly," it is said, "toward heaven, as he went up, behold, two men
   stood by them in white apparel; which also said, Ye men of Galilee, why
   stand ye gazing up into heaven? This same Jesus, which is taken up from
   you into heaven"--they used the expression "This" demonstratively,
   saying, "this Jesus, which is taken up from you into heaven, shall
   thus"--demonstratively, "in this way"--"come in like manner as ye have
   seen Him going into heaven." (v. 10, 11.) Again, the outward appearance
   is cheering ["in white apparel"]. They were Angels, in the form of men.
   And they say, "Ye men of Galilee:" they showed themselves to be trusted
   by the disciples, by saying, "Ye men of Galilee." For this was the
   meaning: else, what needed they to be told of their country, who knew
   it well enough? By their appearance also they attracted their regard,
   and shewed that they were from heaven. But wherefore does not Christ
   Himself tell them these things, instead of the Angels? He had
   beforehand told them all things; ["What if ye shall see the Son of Man]
   going up where He was before?" (John vi. 62).

   Moreover the Angels did not say, whom you have seen taken up,' but,
   "going into heaven:" ascension is the word, not assumption; the
   expression "taken up," [41] belongs to the flesh. For the same reason
   they say, "He which is taken up from you shall thus come," not, "shall
   be sent," but, "shall come. He that ascended, the same is he also that
   descended" (Eph. iv. 10). So again the expression, "a cloud received
   Him:" for He Himself mounted upon the cloud. Of the expressions, some
   are adapted to the conceptions of the disciples, some agreeable with
   the Divine Majesty. Now, as they behold, their conceptions are
   elevated: He has given them no slight hint of the nature of His second
   coming. For this, "Shall thus come," means, with the body; which thing
   they desired to hear; and, that he shall come again to judgment "thus"
   upon a cloud. "And, behold, two men stood by them." Why is it said,
   "men?" Because they had fashioned themselves completely as such, that
   the beholders might not be overpowered. "Which also said:" their words
   moreover were calculated for soothing: "Why stand ye gazing up into
   heaven?" They would not let them any longer wait there for Him. Here
   again, these tell what is greater, and leave the less unsaid. That "He
   will thus come," they say, and that "ye must look for Him from heaven."
   For the rest, they called them off from that spectacle to their saying,
   that they might not, because they could not see Him, imagine that He
   was not ascended, but even while they are conversing, would be present
   ere they were aware. For if they said on a former occasion, "Whither
   goest Thou?" (John xiii. 36) much more would they have said it now.
   [42]

   "Wilt Thou at this time," say they, "restore the kingdom to Israel?"
   (Recapitulation). They so well knew his mildness, that after His
   Passion also they ask Him, "Wilt thou restore?" And yet He had before
   said to them, "Ye shall hear of wars and rumors of wars, but the end is
   not yet," nor shall Jerusalem be taken. But now they ask Him about the
   kingdom, not about the end. And besides, He does not speak at great
   length with them after the Resurrection. They address then this
   question, as thinking that they themselves would be in high honor, if
   this should come to pass. But He (for as touching this restoration,
   that it was not to be, He did not openly declare; for what needed they
   to learn this? hence they do not again ask, "What is the sign of Thy
   coming, and of the end of the world?" for they are afraid to say that:
   but, "Wilt Thou restore the kingdom to Israel?" for they thought there
   was such a kingdom), but He, I say, both in parables had shown that the
   time was not near, [43] and here where they asked, and He answered
   thereto, "Ye shall receive power," says He, "when the Holy Ghost is
   come upon you. Is come upon you," not, "is sent," [to shew the Spirit's
   coequal Majesty. How then darest thou, O opponent of the Spirit, to
   call Him a creature [44] ?]. "And ye shall be witnesses to Me." He
   hinted at the Ascension. ["And when he had spoken these things. [45] ]
   Which they had heard before, and He now reminds them of. ["He was taken
   up."] Already it has been shown, that He went up into heaven. ["And a
   cloud, etc."] "Clouds and darkness are under His feet," (Ps. xviii. 9;
   xcvii. 2) saith the Scripture: for this is declared by the expression,
   "And a cloud received Him:" the Lord of heaven, it means. For as a king
   is shown by the royal chariot, so was the royal chariot sent for Him.
   ["Behold, two men, etc.] That they may vent no sorrowful exclamations,
   and that it might not be with them as it was with Elisha, (2 Kings ii.
   12) who, when his master was taken up, rent his mantle. And what say
   they? "This Jesus, which is taken up from you into heaven, shall thus
   come." And, "Behold, two men stood by them." (Matt. xviii. 16.) With
   good reason: for "in the mouth of two witnesses shall every word be
   established" (Deut. xvii. 6): and these utter the same things. And it
   is said, that they were "in white apparel." In the same manner as they
   had already seen an Angel at the sepulchre, who had even told them
   their own thoughts; so here also an Angel is the preacher of His
   Ascension; although indeed the Prophets had frequently foretold it, as
   well as the Resurrection. [46]

   Everywhere it is Angels as at the Nativity, "for that which is
   conceived in her," saith one, "is by the Holy Ghost" (Matt. i. 20): and
   again to Mary, "Fear not, Mary." (Luke i. 30.) And at the Resurrection:
   "He is not here; He is risen, and goeth before you." (ib. xxiv. 6.)
   "Come, and see!" (Matt. xxviii. 6.) And at the Second Coming. For that
   they may not be utterly in amaze, therefore it is added, "Shall thus
   come." (ib. xxv. 31.) They recover their breath a little; if indeed He
   shall come again, if also thus come, and not be unapproachable! And
   that expression also, that it is "from them" He is taken up, is not
   idly added. [47] And of the Resurrection indeed Christ Himself bears
   witness (because of all things this is, next to the Nativity, nay even
   above the Nativity, the most wonderful: His raising Himself to life
   again): for, "Destroy," He says, "this Temple, and in three days I [48]
   will raise it up." (John ii. 19.) "Shall thus come," say they. If any
   therefore desires to see Christ; if any grieves that he has not seen
   Him: having this heard, let him show forth an admirable life, and
   certainly he shall see Him, and shall not be disappointed. For Christ
   will come with greater glory, though "thus," in this manner, with a
   body [49] ; and much more wondrous will it be to see Him descending
   from heaven. But for what He will come, they do not add.

   ["Shall thus come," etc.] This is a confirmation of the Resurrection;
   for if he was taken up with a body, much rather must He have risen
   again with a body. Where are those who disbelieve the Resurrection? Who
   are they, I pray? Are they Gentiles, or Christians? for I am ignorant.
   But no, I know well: they are Gentiles, who also disbelieve the work of
   Creation. For the two denials go together: the denial that God creates
   any thing from nothing, and the denial that He raises up what has been
   buried. But then, being ashamed to be thought such as "know not the
   power of God" (Matt. xxii. 29), that we may not impute this to them,
   they allege: We do not say it with this meaning, but because there is
   no need of the body. Truly it may be seasonably said, "The fool will
   speak foolishness." (Is. xxxii. 6.) Are you not ashamed not to grant,
   that God can create from nothing? If he creates from matter already
   existing, wherein does He differ from men? But whence, you demand, are
   evils? Though you should not know whence, ought you for that to
   introduce another evil in the knowledge of evils? Hereupon two
   absurdities follow. For if you do not grant, that from things which are
   not, God made the things which are, much more shall you be ignorant
   whence are evils: and then, again, you introduce another evil, the
   affirming that Evil (ten kakian) is uncreated. Consider now what a
   thing it is, when you wish to find the source of evils, to be both
   ignorant of it, and to add another to it. Search after the origin of
   evils, and do not blaspheme God. And how do I blaspheme? says he. When
   you make out that evils have a power equal to God's; a power uncreated.
   For, observe what Paul says; "For the invisible things of Him from the
   creation of the world are clearly seen, being understood by the things
   that are made." (Rom. i. 20.) But the devil would have both to be of
   matter, that there may be nothing left from which we may come to the
   knowledge of God. For tell me, whether is harder: to [50] take that
   which is by nature evil (if indeed there be ought such; for I speak
   upon your principles, since there is no such thing as evil by nature),
   and make it either good, or even coefficent of good? or, to make of
   nothing? Whether is easier (I speak of quality); to induce the
   non-existent quality; or to take the existing quality, and change it
   into its contrary? where there is no house, to make the house; or where
   it is utterly destroyed, to make it identically exist again? Why, as
   this is impossible, so is that: to make a thing into its opposite. Tell
   me, whether is harder; to make a perfume, or to make filth have the
   effect of perfume? Say, whether of these is easier (since we subject
   God to our reasonings: nay, not we, but ye); to form eyes, or to make a
   blind man to see continuing blind, and yet more sharp-sighted, than one
   who does see? To make blindness into sight, and deafness into hearing?
   To me the other seems easier. Say then do you grant God that which is
   harder, and not grant the easier? But souls also they affirm to be of
   His substance. Do you see what a number of impieties and absurdities
   are here! In the first place, wishing to show that evils are from God,
   they bring in another thing more impious than this, that they are equal
   with Him in majesty, and God prior in existence to none of them,
   assigning this great prerogative even to them! In the next place, they
   affirm evil to be indestructible: for if that which is uncreated can be
   destroyed, ye see the blasphemy! So that it comes to this, either [51]
   that nothing is of God if not these; or that these are God! Thirdly,
   what I have before spoken of, in this point they defeat themselves, and
   prepare against themselves fresh indignation. Fourthly, they affirm
   unordered matter to possess such inherent (epitedeioteta) power.
   Fifthly, that evil is the cause of the goodness of God, and that
   without this the Good had not been good. Sixthly, they bar against us
   the ways of attaining unto the knowledge of God. Seventhly, they bring
   God down into men, yea plants and logs. For if our soul be of the
   substance of God, but the process of its transmigration into new bodies
   brings it at last into cucumbers, and melons, and onions, why then the
   substance of God will pass into cucumbers! And if we say, that the Holy
   Ghost fashioned the Temple [of our Lord's body] in the Virgin, they
   laugh us to scorn: and if, that He dwelt in that spiritual Temple,
   again they laugh; while they themselves are not ashamed to bring down
   God's substance into cucumbers, and melons, and flies, and
   caterpillars, and asses, thus excogitating a new fashion of idolatry:
   for let it not be as the Egyptians have it, "The onion is God;" but let
   it be, "God in the onion"! Why dost thou shrink from the notion of
   God's entering into a body? [52] It is shocking,' says he. Why then
   this is much more shocking. But, [53] forsooth, it is not shocking--how
   should it be?--this same thing which is so, if it be into us! But thy
   notion is indeed shocking.' Do ye see the filthiness of their
   impiety?--But why do they not wish the body to be raised? And why do
   they say the body is evil? By what then, tell me, dost thou know God?
   by what hast thou the knowledge of existing things? The philosopher
   too: by means of what is he a philosopher, if the body does nothing
   towards it? Deaden the senses, and then learn something of the things
   one needs to know! What would be more foolish than a soul, if from the
   first it had the senses deadened? If the deadening of but a single
   part, I mean of the brain, becomes a marring of it altogether; if all
   the rest should be deadened, what would it be good for? Show me a soul
   without a body. Do you not hear physicians say, The presence of disease
   sadly enfeebles the soul? How long will ye put off hanging yourselves?
   Is the body material? tell me. "To be sure, it is." Then you ought to
   hate it. Why do you feed, why cherish it? You ought to get quit of this
   prison. But besides: "God cannot overcome matter, unless he (sumplakhe)
   implicate himself with it: for he cannot issue orders to it (O
   feebleness!) until he close with it, and (stathhe) take his stand (say
   you) through the whole of it!" And a king indeed does all by
   commanding; but God, not by commanding the evil! In short, if it were
   unparticipant of all good, it could not subsist at all. For Evil cannot
   subsist, unless it lay hold upon somewhat of the accidents of Virtue:
   so that if it had been heretofore all unmixed with virtue, it would
   have perished long ago: for such is the condition of evils. Let there
   be a profligate man, let him put upon himself no restraint whatever,
   will he live ten days? Let there be a robber, and devoid of all
   conscience in his dealings with every one, let him be such even to his
   fellow-robbers, will he be able to live? Let there be a thief, void of
   all shame, who knows not what blushing is, but steals openly in public.
   It is not in the nature of evils to subsist, unless they get some small
   share at least in good. So that hereupon, according to these men, God
   gave them their subsistence. Let there be a city of wicked men; will it
   stand? But let them be wicked, not only with regard to the good, but
   towards each other. Why, it is impossible such a city should stand.
   Truly, "professing themselves to be wise, they became fools." (Rom. i.
   22.) If bodily substance be evil, then all things visible exist idly,
   and in vain, both water and earth, and sun, and air; for air is also
   body, though not solid. It is in point then to say, "The wicked have
   told me foolish things." (Ps. cxix. 85.) But let not us endure them,
   let us block up our ears against them. For there is, yea, there is, a
   resurrection of bodies. This the sepulchre which is at Jerusalem
   declares, this the pillar [54] to which He was bound, when He was
   scourged. For, "We did eat and drink with Him," it is said. Let us then
   believe in the Resurrection, and do things worthy of it, that we may
   attain to the good things which are to come, through Christ Jesus our
   Lord, with Whom to the Father, and the Holy Ghost together, be power,
   honor, now and for ever, world without end. Amen.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [30] The emphatic position of en to chrono touto as well as the answer
   of Jesus shows that the disciples' earnest hope and expectation were
   that their Lord should, during their life-time, personally organize a
   kingdom on the basis of the Jewish theocracy. Chrys. is explicit in
   pointing out their incorrect conception of the kingdom of Christ, but
   does not here explain the specifically Jewish character of that
   conception. In the early disciples we behold the constant struggle of
   the Christian spirit to break away from the forms of Jewish
   nationalism.--G.B.S.

   [31] Cod. C. omits this sentence here, and inserts it below (p. 12),
   where it is evidently out of place. The passage referred to seems to be
   Ecclus. 51, 8.

   [32] The connection must be supplied: e.g. It was not that this point
   of knowledge was too high for them; for, as has been shown, they knew
   already, or were soon to know, things much higher than this, and which
   their hearers would find much harder to believe. For tell me, etc.

   [33] Here C. has the sentence: "Also the wise Solomon saith, etc." p.
   ii, note 1.

   [34] Kai deiknunton hemon, C. the modern text has me.

   [35] These illustrations, which seem to admit a half deceptive element
   in our Lord's conversations, are as little justified by the passage in
   hand as by the character of Jesus. What Jesus promises, viz.: the Holy
   Spirit, is not promised in order to "divert" the disciples from their
   desire, but to assure to them a greater blessing than they then knew
   how to anticipate. The disciples wish a temporal kingdom with personal
   prerogatives; Jesus promises them the Spirit of Truth and opens before
   them the life of spiritual growth and usefulness. The illustration
   would have been more appropriate, had Chrys. said: "The child persists
   in his crying, but Jesus quiets him by giving him something far better
   than he had asked."--G.B.S.

   [36] 'Alla meta to deixai (as above, kai deiknunton hemon, sc. gumnas
   tas cheiras), touto pepoieken, sc. phobei. The mss. except C and A, and
   the Edd. have ho before pepoieken, which gives no sense.

   [37] Chrys. therefore explains these sayings of our Lord (polemically
   against the Arians) as oikonomia: i.e. the thing said is not
   objectively true, but the morality of all actions depends on the
   subjective condition of the proairesis or purpose (para ten ton
   chromenon proairesin gignetai phaulon e kalon, de Sacerdot. 1. 8.), so
   that where this is right and good, a deception is lawful. This lax view
   of the morality of Truth was very general in the Greek Church: not so
   in the early Latin Church. See the two Treatises of St. Augustine, De
   Mendacio ("Lib. of Fathers," Seventeen Short Treatises of St. Aug.) The
   stricter doctrine however is maintained by St. Basil, who in his
   shorter Monastic Rule peremptorily condemns all oikonomia, and pious
   fraud (officiosium mendacium) of every description, on. the ground that
   all falsehood is from Satan, John v. 44. and that our Lord has made no
   distinction between one sort of lying and another. Again, the monk
   Johannes of Lycopolis in Egypt: "All falsehood is foreign from Christ
   and Christian men, be it in a small or in a great matter: yea, though a
   good end be served by it, it is never to be allowed, for the Saviour
   hath declared, that all lying is from the Wicked One." Pallad, Hist.
   Lausiac in Bibl. Patr. t. xiii. p. 965.

   [38] Porrothen gar ouk enen idontas gnonai; i.e. had they but seen the
   Ascension from a distance, and not been conversing with the Lord at the
   moment of His Assumption. Cod. E. transposes the clause to the end of
   the sentence; meaning that they could not by mere sight have been
   cognizant of the fact of His ascension into heaven.

   [39] Ps. civ. 3. ho titheis nephei ten epibasin autou: "Who maketh on a
   cloud His stepping," or, "going."

   [40] At first sight it looks as if this sentence were out of place
   here. But the connection may be thus explained: this circumstance, of
   the cloud, is not idle, but very significant; and the minds of the
   disciples were alive to its import, as betokening His Godhead. True,
   might it not also be said of Moses on the mount Sinai, that a cloud
   received him out of their sight? For "Moses entered into the darkness,"
   Exod. xx. 21. But the cloud there was because of Him, "where God was,"
   not because of Moses.

   [41] i.e. the Angels had before used the phrase of assumption: but this
   does not express the whole matter; therefore, to show that it is the
   act of His own Divine power, they now say, going and afterwards express
   it that He will come, not that He will be sent. He ascended, as He
   descended, by His own Divine power. So again it is said, "A cloud
   received Him:" but in this He was not passive; as God He stepped upon
   the cloud: epebe alluding to the expression in the Psalm above cited,
   titheis ten epibasin.

   [42] All the Editions and the Latin Versions connect with this the
   following sentence: "Much more would they have said now, Dost Thou at
   this time restore the kingdom to Israel?" But it is evident, that at
   this point begins the recapitulation, or renewed exposition. It is in
   fact a peculiarity of these Discourses, that Chrys. having gone through
   the exposition of the text, often, as here, goes over the same ground
   again, usually with some such formula as, "But let us look through what
   has been said from the beginning."

   [43] The reference here must be to such parables as: "The Sower," "The
   Leaven," "The Grain of Mustard Seed." (Matt. xiii. 1-43), and the
   parable of the Growing Seed (Mark iv. 26-29), all of which seem to
   represent the progress of his truth as a long and slow development. To
   these might be added such expressions as heos tes sunteleias tou ai&
   242;nos (Matt. xxviii. 20) and heos eschatou tes ges (Acts i.
   8).--G.B.S.

   [44] This sentence is from the later recension.

   [45] The text of these Homilies is often greatly confused by the
   omission, especially in the recapitulations, of the words on which
   Chrys. is commenting.

   [46] Here Erasmus has followed another reading (of E.), the very
   reverse in sense; "And if indeed the Prophets did not foretell this, be
   not astonished, for it was superfluous to say any thing individually
   about this, being necessarily involved in the idea of the resurrection,
   (te anastasei sunnooumenes)."

   [47] In the later recension it is added: "but is declaratory of His
   love towards them, and of their election, and that He will not leave
   those whom He has chosen."

   [48] John ii. 19; ego egero auton, Chrys. adding the pronoun for
   emphasis.

   [49] The emphasis of the houtos and hon tropon is better preserved if
   we interpret them to mean visibly, or with the accompaniment of a
   cloud, in reference to the nephele (9), rather than merely (as Chrys.)
   "with a body." They had not raised the question as to his coming with
   or without a body. What they wanted to know was whether he was coming
   in such a way that they could recognize him.--G.B.S.

   [50] The text in both classes of manuscripts, and in the Edd., needs
   reformation. The argument is, If good and evil be, as the Manichaeans
   say, both self-subsistent, then evil must subsist for ever. For if, as
   they affirm, God cannot create out of nothing, neither can He change a
   thing into its opposite; nay, much less, for this is harder than that.
   In E. (the text of the Edd.) the reading is, to phusei kakon kalon
   kalon poisai (ei ge ti esti kathhu uma" gar lego: phusei gar ouden espi
   poisai kakon kalou sunergon) to ex ouk onton: which as usual in this
   ms. is an attempt to explain the meaning, but is not what the context
   requires. in C. A. (the original text) to phusei kakon poiesai (ei ge
   ti esti; kath' humas gar lego; phusei gar ouden esti poiesai kakon e
   kalon kai kalou sunergon) e to [ouk. A.` ex ouk onton. Read, to phusei
   kakon (ei ge ti esti; kath' humas gar lego; phusei gar ouden esti
   kakon) poiesai e kalon e kai kalou sunergon.

   [51] ^Oste ananke e meden tou Theou einai ei me tauta; & 217; kai Theon
   einai. For so it seems the passage should be read, for which the mss.
   have e ei me tauta, and then in the older text, e kai Theon einai, for
   which the modern recension, D. E. F. and Edd. have e kai Theon me
   einai.

   [52] ten ensomatosin tou Theou. Edd. metensomatosin. But the Manichees
   affirmed a metensomatosin of the particle of the Divine Substance, the
   human soul; viz. the more polluted soul transmigrates into other men,
   and animals (Archelai et Manet. Disput. S:. ix. Routh, Rell. Sacc. iv.
   161.), but in the last stage of the process of its purgation, into
   vegetable substances less attached to the earth by roots, such as
   gourds, etc. in which the Divine particle is self-conscious and
   intelligent (see the following note), whereas in animal substances it
   is brutified. In this sense it is said above, he metens. ekbainei eis
   sikuous k. t. l. What they denied was, an ensomatosis Theou by
   Incarnation.

   [53] 'All' ouk aischron; pos gar; hoper (om. A.) an eis hemas genetai;
   to de son ontos aischron. Edd. all' ouk aischron; pos; hoper gar an eis
   hemas genetai ontos aischron. Erasmus; An non hoc turpe est? Quomodo
   non turpe sit in Deum, quod, si nobis contingat, revera turpe futurum
   sit? Ben. Quandoquidem si in nobis fiat, vere turpe est. i.e. For, that
   same which, if it take place in us, is indeed shocking [how should it
   not be so in God?]. The exclamation, Eidete surpheton asebeias! seems
   to imply either that ontos aischron is part of the Manichaean's reply,
   or that something is omitted. Perhaps the reporter wrote, to de s.
   hontos aischron, meaning soma: "But the body, etc." An eis hemas
   genetai can hardly be, as taken by Erasm., quod si nobis contingat,
   i.e. that our substance should migrate into plants, etc. but rather, if
   it be into us that this (embodying of the Divine Substance) takes
   place. For illustration of the Manichaean tenets here alluded to, comp.
   Euod. de Fid. adv. Manich. S:35. (Opp. St. Augustin., Append. t. viii.
   Ben.) Non Deus Manichaei luctum pateretur de partis suae abscissione
   vel amissione; quam partem dicunt quum in fructibus vel in herbis
   fuerit, id est, in melone, vel beta, vel talibus rebus, et principium
   suum et medietatem et finem nosse, cum autem ad carnem venerit omnem
   intelligentiam amittere; ut propterea magister hominibus missus sit,
   quia stulta in illis facta est pars Dei, etc "Then the God of the
   Manichaean would not suffer grief in consequence of the cutting off or
   loss of part of his substance; which part, they say, if it be in fruits
   or in herbs, as in the melon or beet or such-like, knows its beginning
   and middle and end; but when it comes to flesh, loses all intelligence:
   so that the reason why the Teacher was sent to men was, because in them
   the particle of God was stultified, etc." And Commonitor, de recip.
   Manich. Art. 3. (ibid.) ut credatur pars Dei polluta teneri in
   cucumeribus et melonibus et radiculis et porris et quibusque vilissimis
   herbulis, etc.

   [54] to xulon entha prosedethe kai emastigothe. The Pillar of
   Flagellation' is exhibited in the Latin Choir of the Church of the Holy
   Sepulchre.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Homily III.

   Acts I. 12

   "Then returned they unto Jerusalem from the mount called Olivet, which
   is from Jerusalem a sabbath day's journey."

   "Then returned they," it is said: namely, when they had heard. For they
   could not have borne it, if the angel had not (huperetheto) referred
   them to another Coming. It seems to me, that it was also on a
   sabbath-day [55] that these things took place; for he would not thus
   have specified the distance, saying, "from the mount called Olivet,
   which is from Jerusalem a sabbath day's journey," unless they were then
   going on the sabbath-day a certain definite distance. "And when they
   were come in," it says, "they went up into an upper room, where they
   were making their abode:" so they then remained in Jerusalem after the
   Resurrection: "both Peter, and James, and John:" no longer is only the
   latter together with his brother mentioned, [56] but together with
   Peter the two: "and Andrew, and Philip, and Thomas, Bartholomew, and
   Matthew, and James (the son) of Alphaeus, and Simon Zelotes, and Judas,
   (the brother) of James." [57] (v. 13.) He has done well to mention the
   disciples: for since one had betrayed Christ, and another had been
   unbelieving, he thereby shows that, except the first, all of them were
   preserved.

   "These were all continuing with one accord in prayer together with the
   women." (v. 14.) For this is a powerful weapon in temptations; and to
   this they had been trained. ["Continuing with one accord."] Good.
   (kalhos). Besides, the present temptation directed them to this: for
   they exceedingly feared the Jews. "With the women," it is said: for he
   had said that they had followed Him: "and with Mary the mother of
   Jesus." (Luke xxiii. 55.) How then [is it said, that "that disciple"]
   took her to his own home" (John xix. 26), at that time? But then the
   Lord had brought them together again, and so returned. [58] "And with
   His brethren." (John xvii. 5.) These also were before unbelieving. "And
   in those days," it says, "Peter stood up in the midst of the disciples,
   and said." (v. 15.) Both as being ardent, and as having been put in
   trust by Christ with the flock, and as having precedence in honor, [59]
   he always begins the discourse. ("The number of the names together were
   about an hundred and twenty.) Men and brethren," he says, "this
   Scripture must needs have been fulfilled, which the Holy Ghost spake
   before," [60] [etc.] (v. 16.) Why did he not ask Christ to give him
   some one in the room of Judas? It is better as it is. For in the first
   place, they were engaged in other things; secondly, of Christ's
   presence with them, the greatest proof that could be given was this: as
   He had chosen when He was among them, so did He now being absent. Now
   this was no small matter for their consolation. But observe how Peter
   does everything with the common consent; nothing imperiously. And he
   does not speak thus without a meaning. But observe how he consoles them
   concerning what had passed. In fact, what had happened had caused them
   no small consternation. For if there are many now who canvass this
   circumstance, what may we suppose they had to say then?

   "Men and brethren," says Peter. For if the Lord called them brethren,
   much more may he. ["Men," he says]: they all being present. [61] See
   the dignity of the Church, the angelic condition! No distinction there,
   "neither male nor female." I would that the Churches were such now!
   None there had his mind full of some worldly matter, none was anxiously
   thinking about household concerns. Such a benefit are temptations, such
   the advantage of afflictions!

   "This Scripture," says he, "must needs have been fulfilled, which the
   Holy Ghost spake before." Always he comforts them by the prophecies. So
   does Christ on all occasions. In the very same way, he shows here that
   no strange thing had happened, but what had already been foretold.
   "This Scripture must needs have been fulfilled," he says, "which the
   Holy Ghost by the mouth of David spake before." He does not say, David,
   but the Spirit through him. See what kind of doctrine the writer has at
   the very outset of the book. Do you see, that it was not for nothing
   that I said in the beginning of this work, that this book is the Polity
   of the Holy Spirit? "Which the Holy Ghost spake before by the mouth of
   David." Observe how he appropriates (oikeihoutai) him; and that it is
   an advantage to them, that this was spoken by David, and not by some
   other Prophet. "Concerning Judas," he says, "which was guide." Here
   again mark the philosophical temper of the man: how he does not mention
   him with scorn, nor say, "that wretch," "that miscreant:" but simply
   states the fact; and does not even say, "who betrayed Him," but does
   what he can to transfer the guilt to others: nor does he animadvert
   severely even on these: "Which was guide," he says, "to them that took
   Jesus." Furthermore, before he declares where David had spoken, he
   relates what had been the case with Judas, that from the things present
   he may fetch assurance of the things future, and show that this man had
   already received his due. "For he was numbered," says he, "with us, and
   had obtained part of this ministry. Now this man acquired a field out
   of the reward of iniquity." (v. 17, 18.) He gives his discourse a moral
   turn, and covertly mentions the cause of the wickedness, because it
   carried reproof with it. [62] And he does not say, The Jews, but, "this
   man, acquired" it. For since the minds of weak persons do not attend to
   things future, as they do to things present, he discourses of the
   immediate punishment inflicted. "And falling headlong, he burst asunder
   in the midst." He does well to dilate not upon the sin, but upon the
   punishment. "And," he says, "all his bowels gushed out." This brought
   them consolation. [63] "And it was known unto all the dwellers at
   Jerusalem; insomuch as that field is called in their proper tongue
   Aceldama, that is to say, the field of blood." (v. 19). Now the Jews
   [64] gave it this name, not on this account, but because of Judas;
   here, however, Peter makes it to have this reference, and when he
   brings forward the adversaries as witnesses, both by the fact that they
   named it, and by saying, "in their proper tongue," this is what he
   means.

   Then after the event, he appositely brings in the Prophet, saying, "For
   it is written in the Book of Psalms, Let his habitation be desolate,
   and let no man dwell therein" (v. 20) (Ps. lxix. 25): this is said of
   the field and the dwelling: "And his bishopric let another take; that
   is, his office, his priesthood. So that this, he says, is not my
   counsel, but His who hath foretold these things. For, that he may not
   seem to be undertaking a great thing, and just such as Christ had done,
   he adduces the Prophet as a witness. "Wherefore it behooves of these
   men which have companied with us all the time." (v. 21.) Why does he
   make it their business too? That the matter might not become an object
   of strife, and they might not fall into contention about it. For if the
   Apostles themselves once did this, much more might those. This he ever
   avoids. Wherefore at the beginning he said, "Men and brethren. It
   behooves" to choose from among you. [65] He defers the decision to the
   whole body, thereby both making the elected objects of reverence and
   himself keeping clear of all invidiousness with regard to the rest. For
   such occasions always give rise to great evils. Now that some one must
   needs be appointed, he adduces the prophet as witness: but from among
   what persons: "Of these," he says, "which have companied with us all
   the time." To have said, the worthy must present themselves, would have
   been to insult the others; but now he refers the matter to length of
   time; for he says not simply, "These who have companied with us," but,
   "all the time that the Lord Jesus went in and out among us, beginning
   from the baptism of John unto that same day that He was taken up from
   us, must one be ordained to be a witness with us of His resurrection"
   (v. 22): that their college (ho choros) might not be left mutilated.
   Then why did it not rest with Peter to make the election himself: what
   was the motive? This; that he might not seem to bestow it of favor. And
   besides, he was not yet endowed with the spirit. "And they appointed
   two, Joseph called Barsabus, who was surnamed Justus, and Matthias."
   (v. 23.) Not he appointed them: but it was he that introduced the
   proposition to that effect, at the same time pointing out that even
   this was not his own, but from old time by prophecy; so that he acted
   as expositor, not as preceptor. "Joseph called Barsabus, who was
   surnamed Justus." Perhaps both names are given, because there were
   others of the same name, for among the Apostles also there were several
   names alike; as James, and James (the son) of Alphaeus; Simon Peter,
   and Simon Zelotes; Judas (the brother) of James, and Judas Iscariot.
   The appellation, however, may have arisen from a change of life, and
   very likely also of the moral character. [66] "They appointed two," it
   is said, "Joseph called Barsabus, who was surnamed Justus, and
   Matthias. And they prayed, and said; Thou, Lord, which knowest the
   hearts of all men, show whether of these two thou hast chosen, that he
   may take part of this ministry and Apostleship, from which Judas by
   transgression fell, that he might go to his own place." (v. 24, 25.)
   They do well to mention the sin of Judas, thereby showing that it is a
   witness they ask to have; not increasing the number, but not suffering
   it to be diminished. "And they gave forth their lots" (for the spirit
   was not yet sent), "and the lot fell upon Matthias: and he was numbered
   with the eleven Apostles." (v. 26.)

   "Then," it says, "returned they unto Jerusalem from the mount called
   Olivet (Recapitulation), ["which [67] is nigh to Jerusalem, at the
   distance of a sabbath-day's journey:"] so that there was no long way to
   go, to be a cause of alarm to them while yet trembling and fearful.
   "And when they were come in, they went up into an upper room." They
   durst not appear in the town. They also did well to go up into an upper
   room, as it became less easy to arrest them at once. "And they
   continued," it is said, "with one accord in prayer." Do you see how
   watchful they were? "Continuing in prayer," and "with one accord," as
   it were with one soul, continuing therein: two things reported in their
   praise. ["Where [68] they were abiding," etc., to, "And Mary the Mother
   of Jesus and His brethren."] Now Joseph perhaps was dead: for it is not
   to be supposed that when the brethren had become believers, Joseph
   believed not; he who in fact had believed before any. Certain it is
   that we nowhere find him looking upon Christ as man merely. As where
   His mother said, ["Thy father and I did seek thee sorrowing." (Luke ii.
   48.) And upon another occasion, it was said,] "Thy mother [69] and thy
   brethren seek thee." (Matt. xiii. 47.) So that Joseph knew this before
   all others. And to them [the brethren] Christ said, "The world cannot
   hate you, but Me it hateth. (John vii. 7.)

   Again, consider the moderation of James. He it was who received the
   Bishopric of Jerusalem, and here he says nothing. Mark also the great
   moderation of the other Apostles, how they concede the throne to him,
   and no longer dispute with each other. For that Church was as it were
   in heaven: having nothing to do with this world's affairs: and
   resplendent not with wails, no, nor with numbers, but with the zeal of
   them that formed the assembly. They were "about an hundred and twenty,"
   it says. The seventy perhaps whom Christ Himself had chosen, and other
   of the more earnest-minded disciples, as Joseph and Matthias. (v. 14.)
   There were women, he says, many, who followed Him. (Mark xv. 41.) ["The
   number of the names together.] Together [70] " they were on all
   occasions.

   ["Men and brethren," etc.] Here is forethought for providing a teacher;
   here was the first who ordained a teacher. He did not say, We are
   sufficient.' So far was he beyond all vain-glory, and he looked to one
   thing alone. And yet he had the same power to ordain as they all
   collectively. [71] But well might these things be done in this fashion,
   through the noble spirit of the man, and because prelacy then was not
   an affair of dignity, but of provident care for the governed. This
   neither made the elected to become elated, for it was to dangers that
   they were called, nor those not elected to make a grievance of it, as
   if they were disgraced. But things are not done in this fashion now;
   nay, quite the contrary.--For observe, they were an hundred and twenty,
   and he asks for one out of the whole body: with good right, as having
   been put in charge of them: for to him had Christ said, "And when thou
   art converted, strengthen thy brethren." (Luke xxii. 32, Ben.)

   "For he was numbered with us," (prhotos tou pragmatos authentei absent
   from A.B.C ) says Peter. On this account it behooves to propose
   another; to be a witness in his place. And see how he imitates his
   Master, ever discoursing from the Scriptures, and saying nothing as yet
   concerning Christ; namely, that He had frequently predicted this
   Himself. Nor does he mention where the Scripture speaks of the
   treachery of Judas; for instance, "The mouth of the wicked and the
   mouth of the deceitful are opened against me" (Ps. cix. 1.); but where
   it speaks only of his punishment; for this was most to their advantage.
   It shows again the benevolence of the Lord: "For he was numbered with
   us" (thouto gar autous malista hophelei; Deiknusi palin A.B.C ), he
   says, "and obtained his lot of this ministry." He calls it everywhere
   "lot," showing that the whole is from God's grace and election, and
   reminding them of the old times, inasmuch as God chose him into His own
   lot or portion, as of old He took the Levites. He also dwells upon the
   circumstances respecting Judas, showing that the reward of the
   treachery was made itself the herald of the punishment. For he
   "acquired," he says, "a field out of the reward of the iniquity."
   Observe the divine economy in the event. "Of the iniquity," he says.
   For there are many iniquities, but never was anything more iniquitous
   than this: so that the affair was one of iniquity. Now not only to
   those who were present did the event become known, but to all
   thereafter, so that without meaning or knowing what they were about,
   they gave it a name; just as Caiaphas had prophesied unconsciously. God
   compelled them to call the field in Hebrew "Aceldama." (Matt. xxvi.
   24.) By this also the evils which were to come upon the Jews were
   declared: and Peter shows the prophecy to have been so far in part
   fulfilled, which says, "It had been good for that man if he had not
   been born." We may with propriety apply this same to the Jews likewise;
   for if he who was guide suffered thus, much more they. Thus far however
   Peter says nothing of this. Then, showing that the term, "Aceldama,"
   might well be applied to his fate, he introduces the prophet, saying,
   "Let his habitation be desolate." For what can be worse desolation than
   to become a place of burial? And the field may well be called his. For
   he who cast down the price, although others were the buyers, has a
   right to be himself reckoned owner of a great desolation. [72] This
   desolation was the prelude to that of the Jews, as will appear on
   looking closely into the facts. For indeed they destroyed themselves by
   famine, and killed many, and the city became a burial-place of
   strangers, of soldiers, [73] for as to those, they would not even have
   let them be buried, for in fact they were not deemed worthy of
   sepulture.

   "Wherefore of these men which have companied with us," continues Peter.
   Observe how desirous he is they should be eye-witnesses. It is true
   indeed that the Spirit would shortly come; and yet great care is shown
   with regard to this circumstance. "Of these men," he says, "which have
   companied with us, all the time that the Lord Jesus went in and out
   among us." He shows that they had dwelt with Christ, not simply been
   present as disciples. In fact, from the very beginning there were many
   that then followed Him. Observe, for instance, how this appears in
   these words: "One of the two which heard John speak, and followed
   Jesus.--All the time," he says, "that the Lord Jesus went in and out
   among us, beginning from the baptism of John." (John i. 40.) True! for
   no one knew what preceded that event, though they did learn it by the
   Spirit. "Unto that same day that He was taken up from us, must one be
   ordained to be a witness with us of His resurrection." [74] He said
   not, a witness of the rest of his actions, but a witness of the
   resurrection alone. For indeed that witness had a better right to be
   believed, who was able to declare, that He Who ate and drank, and was
   crucified, the same rose again. Wherefore it was needed that he should
   be a witness, not only of the time preceding this event, nor only of
   what followed it, and of the miracles; the thing required was, the
   resurrection. For the other matters were manifest and acknowledged, but
   the resurrection took place in secret, and was manifest to these only.
   And they do not say, Angels have told us; but, We have seen. [75] For
   this it was that was most needful at that time: that they should be men
   having a right to be believed, because they had seen.

   "And they appointed two," it is said. [76] Why not many? That the
   feeling of disappointment might not reach further, extending to many.
   Again, it is not without reason [77] that he puts Matthias last; he
   would show, that frequently he that is honourable among men, is
   inferior before God. And they all pray in common saying, "Thou, Lord,
   which knowest the hearts of all men, show. Thou," not "We." And very
   seasonably they use the epithet, "heart-knowing:" for by Him Who is
   this [78] must the choice be made. So confident were they, that
   assuredly one of them must be appointed. They said not, Choose, but,
   "Show the chosen one;" knowing that all things were foreordained of
   God; "Whom Thou didst choose: one of these two," say they, "to have his
   lot in this ministry and apostleship." For there was besides another
   ministry (diakonia). "And they gave them their lots." For they did not
   yet consider themselves to be worthy to be informed by some sign. [79]
   And besides, if in a case where neither prayer was made, nor men of
   worth were the agents, the casting of lots so much availed, because it
   was done of a right intention, I mean in the case of Jonah (Jonah i.
   7); much more did it here. Thus, [80] did he, the designated, fill up
   the company, complete the order: but the other candidate was not
   annoyed; for the apostolic writers would not have concealed [that or
   any other] failings of their own, seeing they have told of the very
   chief Apostles, that on other occasions they had indignation (Matt. xx.
   24; Matt. xxvi. 8), and this not once only, but again and again.

   Let us then also imitate them. And now I address no longer every one,
   but those who aim at preferment. If thou believest that the election is
   with God, be not displeased. (Mark x. 14, 21; xiv. 4.) For it is with
   Him thou art displeased, and with Him thou art exasperated: it is He
   who has made the choice; thou doest the very thing that Cain did;
   because, forsooth, his brother's sacrifice was preferred, he was
   indignant, when he ought to have felt compunction. However, that is not
   what I mean here; but this, that God knows how to dispense things for
   the best. In many cases, thou art in point of disposition more
   estimable than the other but not the fit person. Besides, on the other
   hand, thy life is irreproachable, and thy habits those of a
   well-nurtured man, but in the Church this is not all that is wanted.
   Moreover, one man is adapted for one thing, another for another. Do you
   not observe, how much discourse the holy Scripture has made on this
   matter? But let me say why it is that the thing has become a subject of
   competition: it is because we come to the Episcopate not as unto a work
   of governing and superintending the brethren, but as to a post of
   dignity and repose. Did you but know that a Bishop is bound to belong
   to all, to bear the burden of all; that others, if they are angry, are
   pardoned, but he never; that others, if they sin, have excuses made for
   them, he has none; you would not be eager for the dignity, would not
   run after it. So it is, the Bishop is exposed to the tongues of all, to
   the criticism of all, whether they be wise or fools. He is harassed
   with cares every day, nay, every night. He has many to hate him, many
   to envy him. Talk not to me of those who curry favor with all, of those
   who desire to sleep, of those who advance to this office as for repose.
   We have nothing to do with these; we speak of those who watch for your
   souls, who consider the safety and welfare of those under them before
   their own. Tell me now: suppose a man has ten children, always living
   with him, and constantly under his control; yet is he solicitous about
   them; and a bishop, who has such numbers, not living under the same
   roof with him, but owing obedience to his authority--what does he not
   need to be! But he is honored, you will say. With what sort of honor,
   indeed! Why, the paupers and beggars abuse him openly in the
   market-place. And why does he not stop their mouths then? Yes, very
   proper work, this, for a bishop, is it not? [81] Then again, if he do
   not give to all, the idle and the industrious alike, lo! a thousand
   complaints on all sides. None is afraid to accuse him, and speak evil
   of him. In the case of civil governors, fear steps in; with bishops,
   nothing of the kind. As for the fear of God, it does not influence
   people, as regards them, in the least degree. Why speak of the anxiety
   connected with the word and doctrine? the painful work in Ordinations?
   Either, perhaps, I am a poor wretched incompetent creature, or else,
   the case is as I say. The soul of a Bishop is for all the world like a
   vessel in a storm: lashed from every side, by friends, by foes, by
   one's own people, by strangers. Does not the Emperor rule the whole
   world, the Bishop a single city? Yet a Bishop's anxieties are as much
   beyond those of the emperor, as the waters of a river simply moved, by
   the wind are surpassed in agitation by the swelling and raging sea. And
   why? because in the one case there are many to lend a hand, for all
   goes on by law and by rule; but in the other there is none of this, nor
   is there authority to command; but if one be greatly moved, then he is
   harsh; if the contrary, then he is cold! And in him these opposites
   must meet, that he may neither be despised, nor be hated. Besides, the
   very demands of business preoccupy him: how many is he obliged to
   offend, whether he will or not! How many to be severe with! I speak not
   otherwise than it is, but as I find it in my own actual experience. I
   do not think there are many among Bishops that will be saved, but many
   more that perish: and the reason is, that it is an affair that requires
   a great mind. Many are the exigencies which throw a man out of his
   natural temper; and he had need have a thousand eyes on all sides. Do
   you not see what a number of qualifications the Bishop must have? to be
   apt to teach, patient, holding fast the faithful word in doctrine (see
   1 Tim. iii. 2-9; Tit. i. 7-9). What trouble and pains does this
   require! And then, others do wrong, and he bears all the blame. To pass
   over every thing else: if one soul depart unbaptized, does not this
   subvert all his own prospect of salvation? The loss of one soul carries
   with it a penalty which no language can represent. For if the salvation
   of that soul was of such value, that the Son of God became man, and
   suffered so much, think how sore a punishment must the losing of it
   bring! And if in this present life he who is cause of another's
   destruction is worthy of death, much more in the next world. Do not
   tell me, that the presbyter is in fault, or the deacon. The guilt of
   all these comes perforce upon the head of those who ordained them. Let
   me mention another instance. It chances, that a bishop has inherited
   from his predecessor a set of persons of indifferent character. [82]
   What measures is it proper to take in respect of bygone transgressions
   (for here are two precipices) so as not to let the offender go
   unpunished, and not to cause scandal to the rest? Must one's first step
   be to cut him off? There is no actual present ground for that. But is
   it right to let him go unmarked? Yes, say you; for the fault rests with
   the bishop who ordained him. Well then? must one refuse to ordain him
   again, and to raise him to a higher degree of the ministry? That would
   be to publish it to all men, that he is a person of indifferent
   character, and so again one would cause scandal in a different way. But
   is one to promote him to a higher degree? That is much worse.

   If then there were only the responsibility of the office itself for
   people to run after in the episcopate, none would be so quick to accept
   it. But as things go, we run after this, just as we do after the
   dignities of the world. That we may have glory with men, we lose
   ourselves with God. What profit in such honor? How self-evident its
   nothingness is! When you covet the episcopal rank, [83] put in the
   other scale, the account to be rendered after this life. Weigh against
   it, the happiness of a life free from toil, take into account the
   different measure of the punishment. I mean, that even if you have
   sinned, but in your own person merely, you will have no such great
   punishment, nothing like it: but if you have sinned as bishop, you are
   lost. Remember what Moses endured, what wisdom he displayed, what good
   deeds he exhibited: but, for committing one sin only, [84] he was
   bitterly punished; and with good reason; for this fault was attended
   with injury to the rest. Not in regard that the sin was public, but
   because it was the sin of a spiritual Ruler (iereos) cf. S.); for in
   truth we do not pay the same penalty for public and for hidden faults.
   (Aug in Ps. xcix. 6.) The sin may be the same, but not the (zemia) harm
   of it; nay, not the sin itself; for it is not the same thing to sin in
   secret and unseen, and to sin openly. But the bishop cannot sin
   unobserved. Well for him if he escape reproach, though he sin not; much
   less can he think to escape notice, if he do sin. Let him be angry, let
   him laugh, or let him but dream of a moment's relaxation, many are they
   that scoff, many that are offended, many that lay down the law, many
   that bring to mind the former bishops, and abuse the present one; not
   that they wish to sound the praise of those; no, it is only to carp at
   him that they bring up the mention of fellow-bishops, of presbyters.
   Sweet, says the proverb, is war to the inexperienced; but [85] it may
   rather be said now, that even after one has come out of it, people in
   general have seen nothing of it: for in their eyes it is not war, but
   like those shepherds in Ezekiel, we slay and devour. (Ezek. xxxiv. 2.)
   Which of us has it in his power to show that he has taken as much care
   for the flocks of Christ, as Jacob did for Laban's? (Gen. xxxi. 40.)
   Which of us can tell of the frost of the night? For talk not to me of
   vigils, and all that parade. [86] The contrary plainly is the fact.
   Prefects, and governors (huparchoi kai toparchai) of provinces, do not
   enjoy such honour as he that governs the Church. If he enter the
   palace, who but he is first? If he go to see ladies, or visit the
   houses of the great, none is preferred to him. The whole state of
   things is ruined and corrupt. I do not speak thus as wishing to put us
   bishops to shame, but to repress your hankering after the office. For
   with what conscience, [87] (even should you succeed in becoming a
   bishop, having made interest for it either in person or by another),
   with what eyes will you look the man in the face who worked with you to
   that end? What will you have to plead for your excuse? For he that
   unwillingly, by compulsion and not with his own consent, was raised to
   the office, may have something to say for himself, though for the most
   part even such an one has no pardon to expect, [88] and yet truly he so
   far has something to plead in excuse. Think how it fared with Simon
   Magus. What signifies it that you give not money, if, in place of
   money, you pay court, you lay many plans, you set engines to work? "Thy
   money perish with thee!" (Acts viii. 20.) Thus was it said to him, and
   thus will it be said to these: your canvassing perish with you, because
   you have thought to purchase the gift of God by human intrigue! But
   there is none such here? And God forbid there should be! For it is not
   that I wish any thing of what I have been saying to be applicable to
   you: but just now the connexion has led us on to these topics. In like
   manner when we talk against covetousness, we are not preaching at you,
   no, nor against any one man personally. God grant it may be the case,
   that these remedies were prepared by us without necessity. The wish of
   the physician is, that after all his pains, his drugs may be thrown
   away because not wanted: and this is just what we desire, that our
   words may not have been needed, and so have been spoken to the wind, so
   as to be but words. I am ready to submit to anything, rather than be
   reduced to the necessity of using this language. But if you like, we
   are ready to leave off; only let our silence be without bad effects. No
   one, I imagine, though he were ever so vainglorious, would wish to make
   a display of severity, when there is nothing to call for it. I will
   leave the teaching to you: for that is the best teaching, which teaches
   by actions. [89] For indeed the best physicians, although the sickness
   of their patients brings them in fees, would rather their friends were
   well. And so we too wish all to be well. (2 Cor. xiii. 7.) It is not
   that we desire to be approved, and you reproved. I would gladly
   manifest, if it were possible, with my very eyes, the love which I bear
   to you: for then no one would be able to reproach me, though my
   language were ever so rough. "For speech of friends, yea, were it
   insult, can be borne;" [90] more "faithful are the wounds of a friend,
   rather than the ready kisses of an enemy. (Prov. xxvii. 6.) There
   nothing I love more than you, no, not even light itself. I would gladly
   have my eyes put out ten thousand times over, if it were possible by
   this means to convert your souls; so much is your salvation dearer to
   me than light itself. For what profit to me in the rays of the sun,
   when despondency on your account makes it all thick darkness before my
   eyes? Light is good when it shines in cheerfulness, to a sorrowful
   heart it seems even to be a trouble. How true this is, may you never
   learn by experience! However, if it happen to any of you to fall into
   sin, just stand by my bedside, when I am laid down to rest and should
   be asleep; see [91] whether I am not like a palsied man, like one
   beside himself, and, in the language of the prophet, "the light of mine
   eyes, it also is gone from me. (Ps. xxxviii. 10.) For where is our
   hope, if you do not make progress? where our despondency, if you do
   excellently? I seem to have wings, when I hear any thing good of you.
   "Fulfil ye my joy." (Phil. ii. 2.) This one thing is the burden of my
   prayers, that I long for your advancement. But that in which I strive
   with all is this, that I love you, that I am wrapped up in you, that
   you are my all, father, mother, brethren, children. Think not then that
   any thing that has been said was said in a hostile spirit, nay, it is
   for your amendment. It is written "A brother assisted by his brother is
   as a strong city." (Prov. xviii. 19.) Then do not take it in disdain:
   for neither do I undervalue what you have to say. I should wish even to
   be set right by you. For all (Edd. all we') ye are brethren, and One is
   our Master: yet even among brothers it is for one to direct, while the
   others obey. Then disdain it not, but let us do all to the glory of
   God, for to Him belongs glory for ever and ever. Amen.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [55] This must be taken as a hasty remark, unless (which is not likely)
   a sabbath extraordinary is meant.

   [56] The meaning seems to be, "he is not content to mention only James
   and John with Peter, but gives the full list of the Apostles."

   [57] The meaning of 'Ioudas 'Iakobou (i. 13, cf. Luke vi. 16) is a
   disputed point. Whether the genitive denotes the relation of brother or
   son has never been decided. The interpretation of the English
   translators is allowed to stand because it is, probably, the more
   common one and has many able modern exegetes in its favor among whom
   are Buttmann, Gram. N.T. Gk. (Eng. Trans.) p. 94. and, more doubtfully,
   Winer, N.T. Gram. (Eng. Trans.) p. 190. It is, however, certain that
   usage is strongly in favor, of supplying huios. The former view
   identifies this Judas with the author of the Epistle (Jud. i. 1) and is
   that of our older English Trans. The latter understands this Judas to
   be the son of an unknown James and is favored by Thayer's Lex., Meyer
   and the Revised Vs. To me this view seems probably correct.--G.B.S.

   [58] Palin de sunagagon autous outos katelthen. So the older text: i.e.
   When they were scattered every man to his own home, that disciple had
   taken her eis ta idia. But after the Resurrection Christ had gathered
   them together, and so (with all assembled) had returned to the usual
   place or mode of living.

   [59] Protimoteros, b.c.: protimomenos A. and Catena: tou chorou protos,
   E. D. F. Comp. Hom. in Matt. liv. t. ii. 107. "What then saith the
   mouth of the Apostles, Peter? He, the ever ardent, the coryphaeus of
   the choir of the Apostles."

   [60] Chrys. seems to have read on to the end of the chapter. The rest
   of the citation being omitted in the mss. the remodeller of the text
   makes alterations, and adds matter of his own, to make the exposition
   run smoother. "Why did he not ask Christ, alone, to give him some one
   in the place of Judas? And why of their own selves do they not make the
   election?" Then instead of beltion gegone loipon proton men gar, k. t.
   l. he has, beltion loipon en gegonos o Petros autos eautou, k. t. l.
   "Peter has now become a better man than he was. So much for this point.
   But as to their request to have their body filled up not simply, but by
   revelation, we will mention two reasons; first," etc.

   [61] Edd. "Wherefore he uses this address, they all being present." But
   the old text has simply panton paronton, i.e., all, both men and women.
   Chrys. is commenting on the address andres adelphoi as including the
   women also who were before said to be present. Comp. Hom. in Matt.
   lxxiii. p. 712, B. on the separation of men and women in the Churches.

   [62] lanthanontos legei ten aitian, paideutiken ousan: i.e. "in
   speaking of the wages of Judas, he indicates, that the Jews, by whom he
   was hired, were the authors of the wickedness: but because this carried
   reproof, he does it covertly, by implication." In the next sentence, he
   goes on to another point of the exposition, Kai ou legei, k. t. l. i.e.
   "And observe also, that with the same wise forbearance, he says it not
   of the Jews, but of Judas, that a piece of ground was all that was
   gotten by this wickedness: now, in fact, not Judas earned this, but the
   Jews." The modern text has ou legei gar.

   [63] Touto paramuthian ekeinois ephere. Something seems to be omitted
   here.

   [64] Here also Chrys. seems to be imperfectly reported. His meaning may
   be gathered from what is said further on, in the recapitulation: i.e.
   in giving the field that name, "because it was the price of blood"
   (Matt. xxvii. 8), they unconsciously prophesied; for indeed the reward
   of their iniquity was this, that their place became an Aceldama.

   [65] So A. B. C. and the Catena. The other text has ex hemon, which is
   less apposite.

   [66] Allos de kai metaboles biou, isos de kai proaireseos en he
   onomasia. i.e. St. Luke gives both the names Joseph (or Joses) and
   Justus, perhaps for the sake of distinction. The name (as Latin) may
   have been given in consequence of a change of life (viz. of
   circumstances), and (as meaning the Just') perhaps also from a change
   of character (proairesis.)--Or, proairesis (biou) may be opposed to
   metabole biou and then the meaning would be, that the name may have
   related to a change, i.e. reformation of life, or perhaps to his
   original choice or moral purpose of life. But isos de kai seems best to
   suit the former explanation.

   [67] This clause of the text is added, though wanting in our mss. The
   comment is, hoste mede makran badizousin hodon phobon tina genesthai
   tremousin eti kai dedoikosin autois: i.e. "so that not being a long way
   for them walking, it was not, etc.," which construction being somewhat
   obscure, the modern text has, touto phesin, hina deixe hoti makran ou
   badizousin hodon, hos phobon tina me genesthai tremousin eti kai
   dedoikosin autois.

   [68] Here again, as usual, in the renewed exposition, the text is
   omitted.

   [69] E meter sou kai hoi adelphoi sou ezetoumen se. A. C. ho pater sou
   k. t. l. B. For ezet. we must read zetousin. The passage referred to is
   Matt. xiii. 47, where however it is not Mary that speaks, but "A
   certain person said unto Him, Behold, Thy mother and Thy brethren stand
   without seeking to speak with Thee." In the Homily on that passage,
   Chrys. interprets that Mary presented herself on that occasion ouden
   oudepo peri autou mega phantazomene, "having as yet no high idea of His
   Person," and that both she and His brethren, hos anthropo proseichon
   psilo "looked upon Him as mere man." In the same way he adverts to that
   incident here, for contrast with the higher faith of Joseph; but as the
   statement, "His mother said," is not accurate, the modern text
   substitutes the passage, Luke ii. 48, and reads, he meter elegen, 'Ego
   kai ho pater sou odunomenoi ezetoumen se. It seems that Chrys. cited
   this passage also (hence our mss. have ezetoumen for zetousi), meaning,
   that it was not Joseph who said this, but Mary.--OEcumenius, however,
   gives a different turn to this passage of St. Chrys. "And if Joseph had
   been alive, he too would have been present; especially as he never,
   like his sons (hoi ex autou viz. the adelphoi), entertained a doubt of
   the mystery of the Incarnation. But it is manifest that he was long
   dead; since even on the occasion when, as Jesus was teaching, His
   kinsfolk demanded to see Him, Joseph was not present. For what says the
   Gospel? "Thy mother and thy brethren without seek thee;" but not also,
   Thy father.

   [70] 'Epi to auto: a comment on v. 15.

   [71] Kaitoige isotupon hapasin eiche ten katastasin, which Erasm.
   justly renders, Quanquam habebat jus constituendi por omnibus: i.e. the
   ordination by St. Peter singly, would have been as valid as the
   ordination by the whole body. D. F. have kaitoi oude, i.e. and yet he
   possessed a power of ordaining, in which they were not all upon a par
   with him: which reading is accepted by Morel. Sav. and Ben., and is
   rendered by the last, Quanquam non pari forma apud omnes ejus vigebat
   auctoritas. This reading originated in a mistake as to the meaning of
   the other, as if that asserted only that St. Peter had the same power
   of ordaining as any of the rest.

   [72] kurios eremoseos megales. Something perhaps is wanting between
   kur. and er. m. Indeed the text seems to consist of little more than a
   few rough notes.

   [73] Taphos gegonen he polis ton xenon, ton stratioton. In the
   defective state of the text it is not easy to conjecture what this can
   mean. Perhaps, alluding to the words in St. Matthew, "a place to bury
   strangers in." St. Chrys. may have explained, that the strangers were
   not heathen (ekeinous gar oud' an eiasan taphenai, they would not have
   allowed such to be buried in or by the Holy City, much less have
   provided a place of burial for them), but foreign Jews: and if in
   taphos gegonen he polis he alludes to the description in Josephus, B.
   J. v. 12. 3. and 13. 7. this explanation of the term "strangers" would
   be the more apposite, as the myriads who perished in the siege were
   assembled from all parts of the world. The soldiers' seem to be the
   mercenaries on the side of the Jews: five thousand Idumaeans are
   mentioned, B. J. v. 6. 1.

   [74] The requirement for the apostolic office is here clearly
   indicated. The candidate must have associated with Christ and his
   apostles during the period from John's baptism to the Lord's ascension,
   i.e. during His public ministry. The character of the apostolate is
   also significantly implied in the term martus tes anastaseos autou. The
   resurrection was the great central theme of apostolic teaching and
   preaching (vid. Acts iv. 2, 33; xvii. 18, 32).--G.B.S.

   [75] Here the Edd. have hemeis; pothen delon; ex hon thaumatourgoumen.
   "ourselves: how is this proved? by the miracles we work." C. has not
   these words, which are not needed, but rather disturb the sense.

   [76] The words of the text (v. 23) Kai estesan duo are better rendered
   "put forward" (Rev. Vs.) than "appointed." (A.Y.) The meaning is that
   the company chose two persons as candidates, leaving the decision
   between them to the lot.--G.B.S.

   [77] Ouch haplos de prostithesin ekeinon, D. and E. have ouch haplos de
   ou protithesin ekeinon, according to which the sense would be the same:
   "Not without reason does he avoid putting Matthias first."

   [78] Here the Edd. add, ouchi ton exothen, "not by those without:" but
   these words are not found in our mss. of either text, nor in the
   Catena.

   [79] So, except E. all our mss. and the Catena: and Morel. Ben. But
   Sav. and Par. "they did not yet think themselves worthy to make the
   election by themselves: wherefore they desire to be informed by some
   sign." An unnecessary alteration; for the sign means some miraculous
   token. So OEcumen.

   [80] Mss. and Edd. pollo mallon entautha eplerose ton choron, apertise
   ten taxin. The Catena adds ho anadechtheis (anadeichtheis), which we
   have adopted.

   [81] Edd. Panu ge. Ou gar episkopou legeis ergon. Read Panu ge (ou
   gar;) episk. leg. ergon.

   [82] Sumbainei tina kleron diadexasthai andron mochtheron. The
   expression below, hoti mochtheros tis esti shows that the and. mochth.,
   ill-conditioned men,' are clerks. The offences meant seem to have been
   before ordination: and the difficulty is, How to deal with a clerk who
   ought not to have been ordained at all? You cannot cut him off from the
   order of clergy, there being no present actual delinquency to justify
   such a step. Then suppose you do not call him to account for the past,
   on the ground that the bishop who ordained him must be answerable: what
   are you to do, when this man should in the regular course be advanced
   to a higher order of the ministry? To refuse to ordain him, would be to
   publish his unworthiness, and call attention to the scandal of his
   having been ordained in the first instance: to advance him, would be
   even worse.

   [83] Here the Edd. add antisteson ten geennan, "put in the other
   balance--hell:" which, however, is not found in any of our mss.

   [84] hina hen hamarte hamartema monon, ekolazeto pikros. On this
   peculiar construction, see Field, Adnotat, in Hom. in Matt. p. 404.
   E.--In the next sentence St. Chrys. in applying the term hiereus to
   Moses, does not mean that Moses was a Priest, but that he held a
   station similar in some regards to that of Bishops afterwards. Aaron
   was properly the High Priest, but Moses was a type of Christian
   Bishops, considered as Chief Pastors and Rulers.

   [85] Mallon de nun oude meta to ekbenai delos tois pollois; ou gar
   estin autois polemos; & 135;lla kata tous poimenas ekeinous, k. t. l.
   Perhaps Chrys. is not fully reported here. The meaning seems to be:
   "The proverb, glukus ho polemos apeirois, may well be applied here; it
   is a fine thing to be a bishop, to those who have not tried it. Little
   do people think what this war is, before they have entered into it. But
   in our times, not only pro tou embenai, but even meta to ekbenai, after
   a good bishop has gone through with it, the generality of people do not
   see that there has been any war in the case. We bishops, in their view,
   are like Ezekiel's shepherds. And no marvel, for many among us are
   such." The author of the modern text has given a different turn to the
   sentiment. Here it is: "The same may well be said in the present case;
   or rather, we do say it before we have entered into the contest; but
   after we have embarked in it, we become not even visible to the
   generality. For to us now there is no war, against those who oppress
   the poor, nor do we endure to battle in defence of the flock; but like
   those shepherds, etc."

   [86] Vigils were celebrated in C.'s time with much pomp. A grand
   ceremonial of this kind was held in the first year of his episcopate,
   at the translation of the relics.

   [87] Poi& 251; gar suneidoti an (l. kan) gene spoudasas e, k. t. l. The
   meaning is strangely mistaken by the Lat. transl. Erasm. has, Quem enim
   conscium adibis si vel, etc. Ben. Quo uteris conscio si ambias vel,
   etc. The poiois ophthalmois following might have shown the meaning, not
   to mention the ungrammatical rendering of an gene spoudasas.

   [88] See de Sacerdot, lib. iv. in the opening, where this question is
   considered at length.

   [89] Parachoreso tes didaskalias himin: I will cede the teaching to
   you; let it be yours to teach by your actions, which is the more potent
   teaching.

   [90] Ta gar para philon legomena, Kan hubris e, phoreta. Apparently a
   quotation.

   [91] Edd. apuloimen ei me: "May I perish if, etc." but none of our mss.
   have this word.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Homily IV.

   Acts II. 1, 2

   "And when the day of Pentecost was fully come, they were all with one
   accord in one place. And suddenly there came a sound from heaven."

   Dost thou perceive the type? What is this Pentecost? The time when the
   sickle was to be put to the harvest, and the ingathering was made. See
   now the reality, when the time was come to put in the sickle of the
   word: for here, as the sickle, keen-edged, came the Spirit down. For
   hear the words of Christ: "Lift up your eyes," He said, "and look on
   the fields, for they are white already to harvest." (John iv. 35.) And
   again, "The harvest truly is great, but the laborers are few." (Matt.
   ix. 38.) But as the first-fruits of this harvest, He himself took [our
   nature], and bore it up on high. Himself first put in the sickle.
   Therefore [92] also He calls the Word the Seed. "When," it says, "the
   day of Pentecost was fully come" (Luke viii. 5, 11): that is, when at
   the Pentecost, while about it, in short. [93] For it was essential that
   the present events likewise should take place during the feast, that
   those who had witnessed the crucifixion of Christ, might also behold
   these. "And suddenly there came a sound from heaven." (v. 2.) Why did
   this not come to pass without sensible tokens? For this reason. If even
   when the fact was such, men said, "They are full of new wine," what
   would they not have said, had it been otherwise? And it is not merely,
   "there came a sound," but, "from heaven." And the suddenness also
   startled them, and [94] brought all together to the spot. "As of a
   rushing mighty wind:" this betokens the exceeding vehemence of the
   Spirit. "And it filled all the house:" insomuch that those present both
   believed, and (Edd. toutous) in this manner were shown to be worthy.
   Nor is this all; but what is more awful still, "And there appeared unto
   them," it says, "cloven tongues like as of fire." (v. 3.) Observe how
   it is always, "like as;" and rightly: that you may have no gross
   sensible notions of the Spirit. Also, "as it were of a blast:"
   therefore it was not a wind. "Like as of fire." For when the Spirit was
   to be made known to John, then it came upon the head of Christ as in
   the form of a dove: but now, when a whole multitude was to be
   converted, it is "like as of fire. And it sat upon each of them." This
   means, that it remained and rested upon them." For the sitting is
   significant of settledness and continuance.

   Was it upon the twelve that it came? Not so; but upon the hundred and
   twenty. For Peter would not have quoted to no purpose the testimony of
   the prophet, saying, "And it shall come to pass in the last days, saith
   the Lord God, I will pour out of My spirit upon all flesh: and your
   sons and your daughters shall prophesy, and your young men shall see
   visions, and your old men shall dream dreams." (Joel ii. 28.) "And they
   were all filled with the Holy Ghost." (v. 4.) For, that the effect may
   not be to frighten only, therefore is it both "with the Holy Ghost, and
   with fire. And began to speak with other tongues, as the Spirit gave
   them utterance." (Matt. iii. 11.) They receive no other sign, but this
   first; for it was new to them, and there was no need of any other sign.
   "And it sat upon each of them," says the writer. Observe now, how there
   is no longer any occasion for that person to grieve, who was not
   elected as was Matthias, "And they were all filled," he says; not
   merely received the grace of the Spirit, but "were filled. And began to
   speak with other tongues, as the Spirit gave them utterance." It would
   not have been said, All, the Apostles also being there present, unless
   the rest also were partakers. For were it not so, having above made
   mention of the Apostles distinctively and by name, he would not now
   have put them all in one with the rest. For if, where it was only to be
   mentioned that they were present, he makes mention of the Apostles
   apart, much more would he have done so in the case here supposed. [95]
   Observe, how when one is continuing in prayer, when one is in charity,
   then it is that the Spirit draws near. It put them in mind also of
   another vision: for as fire did He appear also in the bush. "As the
   Spirit gave them utterance, apophthengesthai (Exod. iii. 2.) For the
   things spoken by them were apophthegmata, profound utterances. "And,"
   it says, "there were dwelling at Jerusalem Jews, devout men." (v. 5.)
   The fact of their dwelling there was a sign of piety: that being of so
   many nations they should have left country, and home, and relations,
   and be abiding there. For, it says, "There were dwelling at Jerusalem
   Jews, devout men, out of every nation under heaven. Now when this was
   noised abroad, the multitude came together, and were confounded. (v.
   6.) Since the event had taken place in a house, of course they came
   together from without. The multitude was confounded: was all in
   commotion. They marvelled; "Because that every man heard them speak in
   his own language. And they were amazed," it says, "and marvelled,
   saying one to another, Behold, are not all these which speak
   Galileans?" (v. 7-13.) They immediately turned their eyes towards the
   Apostles. "And how" (it follows) "hear we every man in our own tongue,
   wherein we were born? Parthians, and Medes, and Elamites, and the
   dwellers in Mesopotamia, and in Judea, and Cappadocia, in Pontus, and
   Asia, Phrygia, and Pamphylia, in Egypt, and in the parts of Libya about
   Cyrene:" mark how they run from east to west: [96] "and strangers of
   Rome, Jews and proselytes, Cretes and Arabians, we do hear them speak
   in our tongues the wonderful works of God. And, they were all amazed,
   and were in doubt, saying one to another, What meaneth this? Others
   mocking said, These men are full of new wine." O the excessive folly! O
   the excessive malignity! Why it was not even the season for that; for
   it was Pentecost. For this was what made it worse: that when those were
   confessing--men that were Jews, that were Romans, that were proselytes,
   yea perhaps that had crucified Him--yet these, after so great signs,
   say, "They are full of new wine!"

   But let us look over what has been said from the beginning.
   (Recapitulation.) "And when the day of Pentecost," etc. "It filled," he
   says, "the house." That wind pnoe was a very pool of water. This
   betokened the copiousness, as the fire did the vehemence. This nowhere
   happened in the case of the Prophets: for to uninebriated souls such
   accesses are not attended with much disturbance; but "when they have
   well drunken," then indeed it is as here, but with the Prophets it is
   otherwise. [97] (Ez. iii. 3.) The roll of a book [98] is given him, and
   Ezekiel ate what he was about to utter. "And it became in his mouth,"
   it is said, "as honey for sweetness." (And [99] again the hand of God
   touches the tongue of another Prophet; but here it is the Holy Ghost
   Himself: (Jer. i. 9) so equal is He in honor with the Father and the
   Son.) And again, on the other hand, Ezekiel calls it "Lamentations, and
   mourning, and woe." (Ez. ii. 10.) To them it might well be in the form
   of a book; for they still needed similitudes. Those had to deal with
   only one nation, and with their own people; but these with the whole
   world, and with men whom they never knew. Also Elisha receives the
   grace through the medium of a mantle (2 Kings xiii.); another by oil,
   as David (1 Sam. xvi. 13); and Moses by fire, as we read of him at the
   bush. (Exod. iii. 2.) But in the present case it is not so; for the
   fire itself sat upon them. (But wherefore did the fire not appear so as
   to fill the house? Because they would have been terrified.) But the
   story shows, that it is the same here as there. [100] For you are not
   to stop at this, that "there appeared unto them cloven tongues," but
   note that they were "of fire." Such a fire as this is able to kindle
   infinite fuel. Also, it is well said, Cloven, for they were from one
   root; that you may learn, that it was an operation sent from the
   Comforter. [101]

   But observe how those men also were first shown to be worthy, and then
   received the Spirit as worthy. Thus, for instance, David: [102] what he
   did among the sheepfolds, the same he did after his victory and trophy;
   that it might be shown how simple and absolute was his faith. Again,
   see Moses despising royalty, and forsaking all, and after forty years
   taking the lead of the people (Exod. ii. 11); and Samuel occupied there
   in the temple (1 Sam. iii. 3); Elisha leaving all (1 Kings xix. 21);
   Ezekiel again, made manifest by what happened thereafter. [103] In this
   manner, you see, did these also leave all that they had. They learnt
   also what human infirmity is, by what they suffered; they learnt that
   it was not in vain they had done these good works. (1 Sam. ix. and xi.
   6.) Even Saul, having first obtained witness that he was good,
   thereafter received the Spirit. But in the same manner as here did none
   of them receive. Thus Moses was the greatest of the Prophets, yet he,
   when others were to receive the Spirit, himself suffered diminution.
   [104] But here it is not so; but just as fire kindles as many flames as
   it will, so here the largeness of the Spirit was shown, in that each
   one received a fountain of the Spirit; as indeed He Himself had
   foretold, that those who believe in Him, should have "a well of water
   springing up into everlasting life." (John iv. 14.) And good reason
   that it should be so. For they did not go forth to argue with Pharaoh,
   but to wrestle with the devil. But the wonder is this, that when sent
   they made no objections; they said not, they were "weak in voice, and
   of a slow tongue." (Exod. iv. 10.) For Moses had taught them better.
   They said not, they were too young. (Jer. i. 6.) Jeremiah had made them
   wise. And yet they had heard of many fearful things, and much greater
   than were theirs of old time; but they feared to object.--And because
   they were angels of light, and ministers of things above ["Suddenly
   there came from heaven," etc.] To them of old, no one "from heaven"
   appears, while they as yet follow after a vocation on earth; but now
   that Man has gone up on high, the Spirit also descends mightily from on
   high. "As it were a rushing mighty wind;" making it manifest by this,
   that nothing shall be able to withstand them, but they shall blow away
   all adversaries like a heap of dust. "And it filled all the house." The
   house also was a symbol of the world. "And it sat upon each of them,"
   [etc.] and "the multitude came together, and were confounded." Observe
   their piety; they pronounce no hasty judgment, but are perplexed:
   whereas those reckless ones pronounce at once, saying, "These men are
   full of new wine." Now it was in order that they might have it in their
   power, [105] in compliance with the Law, to appear thrice in the year
   in the Temple, that they dwelt there, these "devout men from all
   nations." Observe here, the writer has no intention of flattering them.
   For he does not say that they pronounced any opinion: but what? "Now
   when this was noised abroad, the multitude came together, and were
   confounded." And well they might be; for they supposed the matter was
   now coming to an issue against them, on account of the outrage
   committed against Christ. Conscience also agitated their souls, the
   very blood being yet upon their hands, and every thing alarmed them.
   "Behold, are not all these which speak Galileans?" For indeed this was
   confessed. ["And how hear we"] so much did the sound alarm them.
   ["Every man in our own tongue," etc.] for it found the greater part of
   the world assembled there. ["Parthians and Medes," etc.] This nerved
   the Apostles: for, what it was to speak in the Parthian tongue, they
   knew not but now learnt from what those said. Here is mention made of
   nations that were hostile to them, Cretans, Arabians, Egyptians,
   Persians: and that they would conquer them all was here made manifest.
   But as to their being in those countries, they were there in captivity,
   many of them: or else, the doctrines of the Law had become disseminated
   [among] the Gentiles in those countries. [106] So then the testimony
   comes from all quarters: from citizens, from foreigners, from
   proselytes. "We do hear them speak in our tongues the wonderful works
   of God." For it was not only that they spoke (in their tongues), but
   the things they spoke were wonderful. [107] Well then might they be in
   doubt: for never had the like occurred. Observe the ingenuousness of
   these men. They were amazed and were in doubt, saying, "What meaneth
   this?" But "others mocking said, These men are full of new wine'" (John
   viii. 48), and therefore mocked. O the effrontery! And what wonder is
   it? Since even of the Lord Himself, when casting out devils, they said
   that He had a devil! For so it is; wherever impudent assurance exists,
   it has but one object in view, to speak at all hazards, it cares not
   what; not that the man should say something real and relevant to the
   matter of discourse, but that he should speak no matter what. ["They
   are full of new wine."] Quite a thing of course (is not it?), [108]
   that men in the midst of such dangers, and dreading the worst, and in
   such despondency, have the courage to utter such things! And observe:
   since this was unlikely; because they would not have been drinking much
   [at that early hour], they ascribe the whole matter to the quality (of
   the wine), and say, "They are full" of it. "But Peter, standing up with
   the eleven, lifted up his voice, and said unto them." In a former place
   [109] you saw his provident forethought, here you see his manly
   courage. For if they were astonished and amazed, was it not as
   wonderful that he should be able in the midst of such a multitude to
   find language, he, an unlettered and ignorant man? If a man is troubled
   when he speaks among friends, much more might he be troubled among
   enemies and bloodthirsty men. That they are not drunken, he shows
   immediately by his very voice, that they are not beside themselves, as
   the soothsayers: and this too, that they were not constrained by some
   compulsory force. What is meant by, "with the eleven?" They expressed
   themselves through one common voice, and he was the mouth of all. The
   eleven stood by as witnesses to what he said. "He lifted up his voice,"
   it is said. That is, he spoke with great confidence, that they might
   perceive the grace of the Spirit. He who had not endured the
   questioning of a poor girl, now in the midst of the people, all
   breathing murder, discourses with such confidence, that this very thing
   becomes an unquestionable proof of the Resurrection: in the midst of
   men who could deride and make a joke of such things as these! What
   effrontery, think you, must go to that! what impiety, what
   shamelessness! [110] For wherever the Holy Spirit is present, He makes
   men of gold out of men of clay. Look, I pray you, at Peter now: examine
   well that timid one, and devoid of understanding; as Christ said, "Are
   ye also yet without understanding?" (Matt. xv. 16) the man, who after
   that marvellous confession was called "Satan." (Ib. xvi. 23.) Consider
   also the unanimity of the Apostles. They themselves ceded to him the
   office of speaking; for it was not necessary that all should speak.
   "And he lifted up his voice," and spoke out to them with great
   boldness. Such a thing it is to be a spiritual man! Only let us also
   bring ourselves into a state meet for the grace from above, and all
   becomes easy. For as a man of fire falling into the midst of straw
   would take no harm, but do it to others: not he could take any harm,
   but they, in assailing him, destroy themselves. For the case here was
   just as if one carrying hay should attack one bearing fire: even so did
   the Apostles encounter these their adversaries with great boldness.

   For what did it harm them, though they were so great a multitude? Did
   they not spend all their rage? did they not turn the distress upon
   themselves? Of all mankind were ever any so possessed with both rage
   and terror, as those became possessed? Were they not in an agony, and
   were dismayed, and trembled? For hear what they say, "Do ye wish to
   bring this man's blood upon us?" (Acts v. 28.) Did they [111] (the
   Apostles) not fight against poverty and hunger: against ignominy and
   infamy (for they were accounted deceivers): did they not fight [112]
   against ridicule and wrath and mockery?--for in their case the
   contraries met: some laughed at them, others punished them;--were they
   not made a mark for the wrathful passions, and for the merriment, [113]
   of whole cities? exposed to factions and conspiracies: to fire, and
   sword, and wild beasts? Did not war beset them from every quarter, in
   ten thousand forms? And were they any more affected in their minds by
   all these things, than they would have been at seeing them in a dream
   or in a picture? [114] With bare body they took the field against all
   the armed, though against them all men had arbitrary power [against
   them, were]: terrors of rulers, force of arms, in cities and strong
   walls: [115] without experience, without skill of the tongue, and in
   the condition of quite ordinary men, matched against juggling
   conjurors, against impostors, against the whole throng of sophists, of
   rhetoricians, of philosophers grown mouldy in the Academy and the walks
   of the Peripatetics, against all these they fought the battle out. And
   the man whose occupation had been about lakes, so mastered them, as if
   it cost him not so much ado as even a contest with dumb fishes: for
   just as if the opponents he had to outwit were indeed more mute than
   fishes, so easily did he get the better of them! And Plato, that talked
   a deal of nonsense in his day, is silent now, while this man utters his
   voice everywhere; not among his own countrymen alone, but also among
   Parthians, and Medes, and Elamites, and in India, and in every part of
   the earth, and to the extremities of the world. Where now is Greece,
   with her big pretentions? Where the name of Athens? Where the ravings
   of the philosophers? He of Galilee, he of Bethsaida, he, the uncouth
   rustic, has overcome them all. Are you not ashamed--confess it--at the
   very name of the country of him who has defeated you? But if you hear
   his own name too, and learn that he was called Cephas, much more will
   you hide your faces. This, this has undone you quite; because you
   esteem this a reproach, and account glibness of tongue a praise, and
   want of glibness a disgrace. You have not followed the road you ought
   to have chosen, but leaving the royal road, so easy, so smooth, you
   have trodden one rough, and steep, and laborious. And therefore you
   have not attained unto the kingdom of heaven.

   Why then, it is asked, did not Christ exercise His influence upon
   Plato, and upon Pythagoras? Because the mind of Peter was much more
   philosophical [116] than their minds. They were in truth children
   shifted about on all sides by vain glory; but this man was a
   philosopher, one apt to receive grace. If you laugh at these words, it
   is no wonder; for those aforetime laughed, and said, the men were full
   of new wine. But afterwards, when they suffered those bitter
   calamities, exceeding all others in misery; when they saw their city
   falling in ruins, and the fire blazing, and the walls hurled to the
   ground, and those manifold frantic horrors, which no one can find words
   to express, they did not laugh then. And you will laugh then, if you
   have the mind to laugh, when the time of hell is close at hand, when
   the fire is kindled for your souls. But why do I speak of the future?
   Shall I show you what Peter is, and what Plato, the philosopher? Let us
   for the present examine their respective habits, let us see what were
   the pursuits of each. The one wasted his time about a set of idle and
   useless dogmas, and philosophical, as he says, [117] that we may learn
   that the soul of our philosopher becomes a fly. [118] Most truly said,
   a fly! not indeed changed into one, but a fly must have entered upon
   possession of the soul which dwelt in Plato; for what but a fly is
   worthy of such ideas! The man was full of irony, and of jealous
   feelings against every one else, as if he made it his ambition to
   introduce nothing useful, either out of his own head or other people's.
   Thus he adopted the metempsychosis from another, and from himself
   produced the Republic, in which he enacted those laws full of gross
   turpitude. Let the women, he says, be in common, and let the virgins go
   naked, and let them wrestle before the eyes of their lovers, and let
   there also be common fathers, and let the children begotten be common.
   But with us, not nature makes common fathers, but the philosophy of
   Peter does this; as for that other, it made away with all paternity.
   [119] For Plato's system only tended to make the real father next to
   unknown, while the false one was introduced. It plunged the soul into a
   kind of intoxication and filthy wallowing. Let all, he says, have
   intercourse with the women without fear. The reason why I do not
   examine the maxims of poets, is, that I may not be charged with ripping
   up fables. And yet I am speaking of fables much more ridiculous than
   even those. Where have the poets devised aught so portentous as this?
   But (not to enter into the discussion of his other maxims), what say
   you to these--when he equips the females with arms, and helmets, and
   greaves, and says that the human race has no occasion to differ from
   the canine! Since dogs, he says, the female and the male, do just the
   same things in common, so let the women do the same works as the men,
   and let all be turned upside down. For the devil has always endeavored
   by their means [120] to show that our race is not more honorable than
   that of brutes; and, in fact, some have gone to such a pitch of
   (kenodoxias) absurdity, as to affirm that the irrational creatures are
   endued with reason. And see in how many various ways he has run riot in
   the minds of those men! For whereas their leading men affirmed that our
   soul passes into flies, and dogs, and brute creatures; those who came
   after them, being ashamed of this, fell into another kind of turpitude,
   and invested the brute creatures with all rational science, and made
   out that the creatures--which were called into existence on our
   account--are in all respects more honorable than we! They even
   attribute to them foreknowledge and piety. The crow, they say, knows
   God, and the raven likewise, and they possess gifts of prophecy, and
   foretell the future; there is justice among them, and polity, and laws.
   Perhaps you do not credit the things I am telling you. And well may you
   not, nurtured as you have been with sound doctrine; since also, if a
   man were fed with this fare, he would never believe that there exists a
   human being who finds pleasure in eating dung. The dog [121] also among
   them is jealous, according to Plato. But when we tell them that these
   things are fables, and are full of absurdity, You do not enter
   (enoesate) into the higher meaning,' say they. No, we do not enter into
   this your surpassing nonsense, and may we never do so: for it requires
   (of course! [122] ) an excessively profound mind, to inform me, what
   all this impiety and confusion would be at. Are you talking, senseless
   men, in the language of crows, as the children are wont (in play)? For
   you are in very deed children, even as they. But Peter never thought of
   saying any of these things: he uttered a voice, like a great light
   shining out in the dark, a voice which scattered the mist and darkness
   of the whole world. Again, his deportment, how gentle it was, how
   considerate (epieikes); how far above all vainglory; how he looked
   towards heaven without all self-elation, and this, even when raising up
   the dead! But if it had come to be in the power of any one of those
   senseless people (in mere fantasy of course) to do anything like it,
   would he not straightway have looked for an altar and a temple to be
   reared to him, and have wanted to be equal with the gods? since in fact
   when no such sign is forthcoming, they are forever indulging such
   fantastic conceits. And what, pray you, is that Minerva of theirs, and
   Apollo, and Juno? They are different kinds of demons among them. And
   there is a king of theirs, who thinks fit to die for the mere purpose
   of being accounted equal with the gods. But not so the men here: no,
   just the contrary. Hear how they speak on the occasion of the lame
   man's cure. "Ye men of Israel, why look ye so earnestly on us, as
   though by our own power or holiness we had made him to walk? (ch. iii.
   12.) We also are men of like passions with you. (Ibid. xiv. 14.) But
   with those, great is the self-elation, great the bragging; all for the
   sake of men's honors, nothing for the pure love of truth and virtue.
   (philosophias eneken.) For where an action is done for glory, all is
   worthless. For though a man possess all, yet if he have not the mastery
   over this (lust), he forfeits all claim to true philosophy, he is in
   bondage to the more tyrannical and shameful passion. Contempt of glory;
   this it is that is sufficient to teach all that is good, and to banish
   from the soul every pernicious passion. I exhort you therefore to use
   the most strenuous endeavors to pluck out this passion by the very
   roots; by no other means can you have good esteem with God, and draw
   down upon you the benevolent regard of that Eye which never sleepeth.
   Wherefore, let us use all earnestness to obtain the enjoyment of that
   heavenly influence, and thus both escape the trial of present evils,
   and attain unto the future blessings, through the grace and
   loving-kindness of our Lord Jesus Christ, with Whom to the Father and
   the Holy Ghost be glory, power, honor, now and ever, and to all ages.
   Amen.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [92] i.e. in reference to the harvest. The modern text has, "therefore
   He calls this the harvest:" missing the author's meaning, i.e. the
   allusion to the parable of the sower.

   [93] toutesti, pros te pentekoste peri auten hos eipein Pros, as in the
   phrase, einai v. ginesthai pros tini. Hom. in Matt. 289. B. Field, not.
   and similarly peri as in einai peri ti. Only OEcumen. has preserved the
   true reading, in his comment pros te p.; peri auten ede ten heorten. A.
   B. C. read, pro tes pentekostes peri auten hos eipein: so Cat. but with
   peri for pro. The others, ou pro tes p., alla peri auten, hos eipein.

   [94] In the mss. and Edd. the order of the following sentences is
   confused. It is here restored by bringing the clause, kai pantas ekei
   sunegagen into what appears to be its proper connection, and supplying
   the text to the comment pollen ten rhumen legei tou Pneumatos.

   [95] i.e. if the gift descended only upon the Twelve, there would have
   been specific and distinctive mention of them in this narrative, as
   there was in the former chapter; and with much more reason here than
   there. The writer would not have said merely, They were all together:
   it sat upon each one of them: they were all filled: if he had meant
   that the Spirit came only upon the Apostles.

   [96] i.e. Mark how the enumeration, "Parthians, and Medes," etc., goes
   from east to west. This comment having been transposed to the end of v.
   12, was misunderstood: and E. has instead of it, "Do you see how it
   was, that, as if they had wings, they sped their way through the whole
   world?"

   [97] Ta gar toiauta nephouson men psuchon prospiptonta, ou polu* echei
   ton thorubon; hotan de methusosin tote men houtos, tois prophe* tais de
   heteros. In the modern text, which here also is followed by Erasm. and
   Edd. it is, alla tote men houtos ekeinois, tois prophetais de heteros.
   "But here indeed it is on this wise with them (the disciples), but with
   the Prophets otherwise."--The expression "uninebriated" relates to the
   Old Testament: no such fire there, no mighty rushing wind, no vehement
   commotion: this comes of "the new wine" of the Spirit; hotan
   methusosin, with allusion to John ii. 10.

   [98] So de Sancta Pentecoste, Hom. i. t. ii. 465. "Why does Ezekiel
   receive the gift of prophecy not by the likeness of fire, but by a
   book, while the Apostles receive the gifts by fire? For concerning him
   we read, that one gave him in his mouth a roll of a book, etc.: but
   concerning the Apostles not so, but "there appeared unto them tongues
   as of fire." Why is it a book and writing there, here tongue and fire?
   Because there the Prophet went his way to accuse sins, and to bewail
   Jewish calamities: whereas these went forth to consume the sins of the
   whole world: therefore he received a writing, to call to mind the
   coming calamities: these fire, to burn up the sins of the world, and
   utterly abolish them. For as fire falling among thorns will with ease
   destroy them, even so the grace of the Spirit consumed the sins of
   men."

   [99] This, which we have marked as parenthesis, seems to be out of its
   place: it interrupts what is said about Ezekiel, and besides is not
   relevant to the matter immediately in hand, 'Entautha de auto to Pn. to
   A. k. t. l. would come in more suitably after the mention of the fire
   in the bush, in which God appeared to Moses. And so OEcumenius seems to
   have taken it. "But it is in the likeness of fire, because the Spirit
   also is God, and to prove by this also that the Spirit is of one Nature
   (homophues) with the Father, Who appears in this manner to Moses at the
   bush."

   [100] Oti touto ekeino esti: i.e. The Spirit here given to the
   disciples, is the same that was given to those: but more intense in
   operation; therefore it appears not merely under the emblem of cloven
   tongues, but as tongues of fire.

   [101] Chrys. seems to understand by diamerizomenai (v. 3), divided,
   distributed among the members of the company, rather than of a cloven
   form, a forked appearance, as indicating the shape of the fire-like
   tongues. The former is the preferable interpretation. (So the Rev.
   Vers. vs. A.V.). The latter view cannot explain the singular verb which
   follows, ekathisen.--G.B.S.

   [102] hina deichthe autou gumne he pistis. Not, ut palam fieret fides
   ejus, fides ejus, Ben. but,quo ipsius nuda simplexque fides
   declararetur," Erasm. The meaning seems to be: David after the victory
   over Goliath, when the hearts of the people were turned to him, and he
   might have taken possession of the kingdom to which he was anointed,
   yet did not seek worldly greatness, but chose rather to suffer
   persecutions, etc.: as developed in the Homilies de Davide et Saule, t.
   iv. 752. Below, for anatrephomenon ("Samuel brought up in the temple,")
   A. has anastrephomenon, which we have adopted.

   [103] So C and Cat. B. transposes Elisha and Ezekiel, A. omits the
   clause. Chrys. elsewhere makes it a special praise of Ezekiel, that he
   chose rather to accompany his people into captivity, than to remain in
   his own land: Interp. in Isai. i. t. 1. 2. and ad Stagyr. ii. t. ii.
   228. In this manner then (he would say here), Ez. "left all," and
   having thus given proof of his worth, received the gift of prophecy.
   The modern text reads: "Ezekiel again. And that the case was thus, is
   manifest from what followed. For indeed these also forsook all that
   they had. Therefore they then received the Spirit, when they had given
   proof of their own virtue."--By these (houtoi) we must understand the
   Old Test. saints just mentioned. It should rather have been ekeinoi,
   but Chrys. is negligent in the use of these pronouns. See Hom. in Matt.
   Field. Adnot. p. 709, B.

   [104] 'Elattouto. Alluding to Numb. xi. 17. "I will take of the Spirit
   that is upon thee, and will put it upon them."

   [105] Ina de exe. (Cat. hina deixe.) OEcumen. hina echosi, "that they
   may have it in their power, according to the law of their fathers, to
   appear thrice in the year, etc." The modern text has, epei exen...dia
   touto. "Because it was permitted...therefore."

   [106] 'Ekei de en aichmalosia esan polloi e kai ekei diesparto ta ethne
   ta ton dogmaton. A. B. C. N. As ta ton d taken as apposition to ta
   ethne yields no satisfactory sense, we adopt from the modern text pros
   before ta ethne, and make, as there, ta ton d. the nom. to diesparto.
   And as in the next sentence Chrys. distinguishes citizens, foreign
   (Jews), and proselytes, and there is no mention of the last, unless it
   be in the clause e kai ekei diesparto, we infer that ta ton d. means
   the Law of Moses. "Or also in those countries (Parthia, Media, etc. in
   consequence of the dispersion of the Jews) the Law and its religion had
   been disseminated among the Gentiles. So that from all quarters, etc."
   Thus it is explained how there came to be present at Jerusalem "devout
   men" from Parthia and those other countries: there were many Jews there
   in captivity, and also proselytes of the Law from among the
   Gentiles.--In the modern text the passage is thus altered: "But,
   inasmuch as the Jews were in captivity, it is likely that there were
   then present with them many of the Gentiles: e hoti kai pros ta ethne
   ta ton dogmaton ede katesparto, kai dia touto polloi kai ex auton
   paresan ekei. Or, because ta ton d. had become disseminated among the
   Gentiles also, and therefore many also of them were there present, kata
   mnemen on ekousan. Here ta ton dogmaton is taken to mean the doctrines
   of the Christian Faith:' as Erasmus renders the passage, Sive quod ad
   gentes quoque fidei dogmata seminata fuerint, et hanc ob causam
   complures ex iis aderant ut memorarent quae audierant. It can hardly be
   supposed that St. Chrysostom meant to represent that some of these
   Parthians, Medes, etc. were Gentiles who had heard in their own country
   the tidings of the Faith of Christ, and therefore were present at
   Jerusalem: yet this is what he is made to say in this text.

   [107] It is impossible to gain from this language any clear view of the
   author's opinion of the gift of tongues. The uncertainty of the text
   here still further embarrasses the subject. That the narrative means
   that they received at Pentecost a miraculous gift of speaking foreign
   languages, is now almost unanimously maintained by modern scholars. The
   difficult question as to the gift of tongues as referred to in 1 Cor.
   xiv. should not lead to a weakening or explaining away of such
   unmistakable expressions as heterais glossais (4), hemeterais glossais
   (11), and te idi& 139; dialekto (6, 8). Cf. Mark xvi. 17.--G.B.S.

   [108] Panu ge (ou gar;) anthropoi k. t. l. See above, p. 47. note u.
   and 66, note c. The modern text has, Panu ge; hoti anthropoi k. t. l.
   Below, "Since this was improbable, therefore, to impose upon the
   hearers, and show that the men are drunken, they ascribe, etc." But in
   the old text it is, hoti ouk an emethusthesan, meaning, "because [so
   early in the day] they would not have been drinking much," (this is the
   force of the tense methusthenai as in John ii. 10) "therefore they
   ascribe all to the quality (of the wine);" because as OEcumen. says,
   explaining this remark of Chrys., the fumes of gleukos mount more
   quickly to the brain, etc. Erasmus, seemingly referring this to
   memestomenoi, translates hebetudini crapulaeque rem totam ascribunt:
   Ben. even more strangely, agendi et loquendi modo totum ascribunt.

   [109] 'Ekei: referring to ch. i. as expounded in Hom. iii. So OEcumen,
   in loc. Ano men ten kedemonian epideiknutai, en hois to plethei
   epitrepei ten eklogen k. t. l.

   [110] Here the modern text (Edd.) enlarges by the additions "to account
   the wonder of the tongues the work of drunkenness? But not a whit did
   this annoy the Apostles; nor did it make them less bold at hearing such
   scoffing. By the presence of the Spirit they were now transformed, and
   were become superior to all bodily considerations."

   [111] The change of subject (from the Jews to the Apostles) is not
   expressed in the original. To remedy the confusion occasioned by this
   negligence, the modern text (Edd.) transposes this part: viz. after the
   sentence ending, "so great a multitude:" it has, "For tell me: did they
   not fight--in a picture?" And then, "What? I pray you; did they not
   exhaust, etc." Clearly the other is the original order. It is shown,
   first, how the Jews were utterly worsted, and how awfully the whole
   posture of affairs was reversed for them; and then, how victoriously
   the preachers of the new Faith maintained their ground against the
   whole world.

   [112] Edd. "Were they not subjected to the ridicule and mockery of
   those present? For in their case both these befel together: for some
   derided them, others mocked." Which is weak enough; but the original
   text could not be retained, because on the supposition that all this
   relates to the Jews then present, the mention of "wrath" and
   "punishment" would be irrelevant.

   [113] Euthumiais, i.e. "bursts of self-complacent mirth" (e.g. at
   Athens), opposed to thumois "explosions of wrath." Ben. without
   specifying the authority, notes a various reading, athumiais, which is
   found in none of the Paris copies, and is quite unmeaning. Edd.
   maniais.

   [114] Ben. interprets: "So unlooked for were these trials, that the
   Apostles seemed to themselves to be dreaming or beholding these things
   in a picture." But when the true order of the text is restored, no such
   far-fetched comment is needed.

   [115] The text is defective here, archonton phoboi, hoplon ischus;
   polesi kai teichesin ochurois. The text of the Edd. has: "And the
   wonder is, that with bare body they took the field against armed men,
   against rulers having power over them: without experience," etc.

   [116] St. Chrysostom's habitual use of the term philosophy is thus
   explained in the index of Mr. Field's edition of the Com. on St. Matt.
   "Philosophy, according to the custom of Chrys. is not Christian piety,
   not the exercise of any virtue, not a pious and chaste life, not virtue
   in general, but that part of virtue, which consists in subduing the
   carnal appetites and affections. Thus to Christian philosophy are to be
   referred: forbearance and long suffering; humblemindedness; contempt of
   wealth; an austere and monastic life; every other mortification
   (apatheia). Its contraries are: emulation (zelotupia, see below), envy
   and vainglory, and all other passions."

   [117] kai philosopha, phesin, hina: "And philosophical,' forsooth:" but
   perhaps it should be kai ephilosophesen hina: "this was the upshot of
   his philosophizing." E tou philosophou psuche: "the soul of the
   philosopher himself (A tou didaskalou), viz. equally with the souls of
   other men, becomes, for instance, a fly," etc. Comp. infra: "our soul
   passes into flies and dogs," etc. and Hom. in Ev. Joann. t. viii. 8. D.
   "they say that the souls of men become flies, gnats, shrubs."--Edd.
   "For what is the benefit from learning that the soul of the
   philosopher," etc. The next sentence (ontos muia--ouk eis muian
   metepipten (sc. he psuche), all' epebaine (sc. muia te en Plat.
   oikouse) psuche seems to mean, He talks of the soul becoming a fly: and
   truly the soul in Plato might be claimed by a fly:' epeb. te ps. as
   e.g. is epibainein te eparchi& 139; to step into possession of, etc.
   Poias gar tauta ou muias; Edd. mataiologias; adding, Pophen de toiauta
   lerein epebaleto; "What could put it into his head to rave in this
   fashion?"

   [118] The author's depreciation of Plato contrasts unfavorably with the
   more generous estimates of a long line of Church Fathers from Justin to
   Augustin.--G.B.S.

   [119] 'Epei ekeino ge kai anerei. Erasmus translates, Quandoquidem et
   illud quod Plato docuit, sustulit: whence Ben. Nam illud Platonis hic
   (Petrus) sustulit: i.e. for Peter's doctrine (of chastity) has made an
   end of that lewd dogma of Plato's. But the following sentence rather
   implies that the meaning is as above given.

   [120] Di' auton, Ben. per illas, which they seem to refer to gunaikes.
   Erasm. per illos, which is doubtless right: by means of the
   philosophers, as below, en tais ekeinon psuchais.

   [121] Kai zeloi par autois ho kuon kata Platona. Edd. have this after
   "polity and laws," where it is clearly out of place, whatever it means.

   [122] Edd. Sphodra ge; ou gar phrenos batheias. Read Sphodra ge (ou
   gar); phr. b. as above, p. 22, note 1, and 28, note 1.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Homily V.

   Acts II. 14

   "Ye men of Judea, and all ye that dwell at Jerusalem, be this known
   unto you, and hearken to my words."

   ["Ye men of Judea, and all ye that dwell at Jerusalem,"] whom the
   writer above described as strangers. Here he directs his discourse to
   those others, the mockers, [123] and while he seems to reason with
   those, he sets these right. For indeed it was divinely ordered that
   "some mocked," that he might have a starting-point for his defence, and
   by means of that defence, might teach. ["And all ye that dwell in
   Jerusalem."] It seems they accounted it a high encomium to dwell in
   Jerusalem too. [124] "Be this," says he, "known unto you, and hearken
   unto my words." In the first instance he made them more disposed to
   attend to him. "For not as ye [125] suppose," says he, "are these
   drunken." Do you observe the mildness of his defence? (v. 15.) Although
   having the greater part of the people on his side, he reasons with
   those others gently; first he removes the evil surmise, and then he
   establishes his apology. On this account, therefore, he does not say,
   "as ye mock," or, "as ye deride," but, "as ye suppose;" wishing to make
   it appear that they had not said this in earnest, and for the present
   taxing them with ignorance rather than with malice. "For these are not
   drunken, as ye suppose, seeing it is but the third hour of the day."
   And why this? Is it not possible at the third hour to be drunken? But
   he did not insist upon this to the letter; for there was nothing of the
   kind about them; the others said it only in mockery. [126] Hence we
   learn that on unessential points one must not spend many words. And
   besides, the sequel is enough to bear him out on this point: so now the
   discourse is for all in common. "But this is that which was spoken by
   the prophet Joel, And it shall come to pass in the last days, saith the
   Lord God. (v. 16, 17. Joel ii. 28.) Nowhere as yet the name of Christ,
   nor His promises but the promise is that of the Father. Observe the
   wisdom: observe the considerate forbearance: (sunkatabasin.) He did not
   pass on to speak at once of the things relating to Christ; that He had
   promised this after His Crucifixion; truly that would have been to
   upset all. And yet, you will say, here was sufficient to prove His
   divinity. True, it was, if believed (and the very point was that it
   should be believed); but if not believed, it would have caused them to
   be stoned. "And I will pour out of My Spirit upon all flesh." He offers
   even to them excellent hopes, if they would have them. And so far, he
   does not leave it to be regarded as the exclusive advantage of himself
   and his company; which would have made them be looked upon with an evil
   eye; thus cutting off all envious feeling. "And your sons shall
   prophesy." And yet, he says, not yours this achievement, this
   distinction; the gift has passed over to your children. Himself and his
   company he calls their sons, and those [whom he is addressing] he calls
   his and their fathers. "And your young men shall see visions, and your
   old men shall dream dreams; and on My servants and on My handmaidens I
   will pour out in those days of My Spirit; and they shall prophesy." So
   far he shows that he and his have found favor, in that they had
   received (kataxiothentas) [the Spirit]; not so they whom he is
   addressing; for that they had crucified [the Lord]. So Christ also,
   willing to mitigate their wrath, said, "By whom do your sons cast out
   devils?" (Matt. xii. 27.) He did not say, My disciples; for indeed it
   seemed a flattering mode of expression. And so Peter also did not say,
   They are not drunk, but speak [127] by the Spirit:' but he takes refuge
   with the prophet, and under shelter of him, so speaks. As for the
   accusation [of drunkenness], he cleared himself of that by his own
   assertion; but for the grace, he fetches the prophet as witness. "I
   will pour out of My Spirit upon all flesh." ["And your sons," etc.] To
   some the grace was imparted through dreams, to others it was openly
   poured forth. For indeed by dreams the prophets saw, and received
   revelations.

   Then he goes on with the prophecy, which has in it also something
   terrible. "And I will show wonders in heaven above, and signs" ["in the
   earth beneath"]. (v. 19.) In these words he speaks both of the judgment
   to come, and of the taking of Jerusalem. "Blood and fire, and vapor of
   smoke." Observe how he describes the capture. "The sun shall be turned
   into darkness, and the moon into blood." (v. 20.) This results from the
   (diatheseos) internal affection of the sufferers. It is said, indeed,
   that many such phenomena actually did occur in the sky, as Josephus
   attests. At the same time the Apostle strikes fear into them, by
   reminding them of the darkness which had lately occurred, and leading
   them to expect things to come. "Before that great and notable day of
   the Lord come." For be not confident, he means to say, because at
   present you sin with impunity. For these things are the prelude of a
   certain great and dreadful day. Do you see how he made their souls to
   quake and melt within them, and turned their laughter into pleading for
   acquittal? [128] For if these things are the prelude of that day, it
   follows that the extreme of danger is impending. But what next? He
   again lets them take breath, adding, "And it shall come to pass, that
   whosoever shall call upon the name of the Lord, shall be saved." (Rom.
   x. 13.) This is said concerning Christ, as Paul affirms, but Peter does
   not venture as yet to reveal this.

   Well, let us look over again what has been said. It is well managed,
   that as against men laughing and mocking, he starts up and begins with,
   "Be this known unto you all and hearken unto my words." But he begins
   by saying, "Ye men of Judea." By the expression 'Ioudhaioi, I take him
   to mean those that lived in Judea.--And, if you please, let us compare
   those expressions in the Gospel, that you may learn what a sudden
   change has taken place in Peter. "A damsel," it is written, "came out
   unto him, saying, Thou also wast with Jesus of Nazareth." And, says he,
   "I know not the Man." And being again questioned, "he began to curse
   and to swear." (Matt. xxvi. 69-72.) But see here his boldness, and his
   great freedom of speech.--He did not praise those who had said, "We do
   hear them speak in our tongues the wonderful works of God;" but by his
   severity towards those others, he made these more earnest, and at the
   same time his address is clear from all appearance of adulation. And it
   is well to remark, on all occasions, however the Apostles may
   condescend to the level of their hearers (sunkatabasis), their language
   is clear from all appearance both of adulation and of insolence: which
   is a difficult point to manage.

   Now that these things should have occurred at "the third hour," was not
   without cause. For [129] the brightness of this fire is shown at the
   very time when people are not engaged in their works, nor at dinner;
   when it is bright day, when all are in the market-place. Do you observe
   also the freedom which fills his speech? "And hearken to my words." And
   he added nothing, but, "This," says he, "is that which was spoken by
   the prophet Joel; And it shall come to pass in the last days." He
   shows, in fact, that the consummation is nigh at hand, and the words,
   "In the last days," have a kind of emphasis. ["I will pour out," etc.]
   And then, that he may not seem to limit the privilege to the sons only,
   he subjoins, "And your old men shall dream dreams." Mark the sequence.
   First sons; just as David said, "Instead of thy fathers, were begotten
   thy sons." (Ps. xlv. 17.) And again Malachi; "They shall turn the
   hearts of the fathers to the children. And on my handmaidens, and on my
   servants." (Mal. iv. 6.) This also is a token of excellence, for we
   have become His servants, by being freed from sin. And great is the
   gift, since the grace passes over to the other sex also, not as of old,
   it was limited to just one or two individuals, as Deborah and Huldah.
   [130] He did not say that it was the Holy Ghost, neither did he expound
   the words of the prophet; but he merely brings in the prophecy to fight
   its own battle. As yet also he has said nothing about Judas; and yet it
   was known to all what a doom and punishment he had undergone; for
   nothing was more forcible than to argue with them from prophecy: this
   was more forcible even than facts. For when Christ performed miracles,
   they often contradicted Him. But when Christ brought forward the
   prophet, saying, "The Lord said unto my Lord, Sit Thou on my right
   hand," they were silent, and "no man," we read, "was able to answer Him
   a word." (Ps. xc. 1.) And on all occasions He Himself also appealed to
   the Scriptures; for instance, "If he called them gods to whom the word
   of God came." (John x. 35.) And in many places one may find this. On
   this account here also Peter says, "I will pour out of my spirit upon
   all flesh;" that is, upon the Gentiles also. But he does not yet reveal
   this, nor give interpretations; indeed, [131] it was better not to do
   so (as also this obscure saying, "I will show wonders in heaven above,"
   put them the more in fear because it was obscure.) And it would have
   been more an offence, had it been interpreted from the very first. Then
   besides, even as plain, he passes over it, wishing to make them regard
   it as such. But after all, he does interpret to them anon, when he
   discourses to them upon the resurrection, and after he has paved the
   way by his discourse. (infra v. 39.) For [132] since the good things
   were not sufficient to allure them, [it is added, "And I will show
   wonders, etc."]. Yet [133] this has never been fulfilled. For none
   escaped then [in that former judgment], but now the faithful did
   escape, in Vespasian's time. And this it is that the Lord speaks of,
   "Except those days had been shortened, not all flesh should be
   saved."--["Blood, and fire, and vapor of smoke."] (Matt. xxiv. 22.) The
   worst to come first; [134] namely, the inhabitants to be taken, and
   then the city to be razed and burnt. Then he dwelt upon the metaphor,
   bringing before the eyes of the hearers the overthrow and the taking.
   "The sun shall be turned into darkness, and the moon into blood." What
   means, the moon turned into blood? It denotes the excess of the
   slaughter. The language is fraught with helpless dismay. (supra p. 32.)
   "And it shall come to pass, every one who shall call upon the name of
   the Lord shall be saved. Every one," he says: though he be priest (but
   he does not vet reveal the meaning), though bond, though free. For
   [135] there is no male nor female in Christ Jesus, no bond, no free.
   (Gal. iii. 28.) Well may it be so, for all these are but shadow. For if
   in king's palaces there is no high-born nor low-born, but each appears
   according to his deeds; and in art, each is shown by his works; much
   more in that school of wisdom (philosophia). "Every one who shall
   invoke." Invoke: not any how, for it is written, "Not every one that
   saith unto Me, Lord, Lord:" but with (diatheseos) inward earnest
   affection, with a life more than commonly good, with the confidence
   which is meet. Thus far, however, he makes the discourse light, by
   introducing that which relates to faith, and that terrible which
   relates to the punishment. [136] For in the invocation is the
   salvation.

   What, I pray you, is this you say? Do you talk of salvation for them
   after the Cross? Bear with me a little. Great is the mercy of God. And
   this very fact does, no less than the resurrection, prove him to be
   God, yea, no less than His miracles--the fact that He calls these to
   Him. For surpassing goodness is, above all things, peculiarly God's
   own. Therefore also He says, "None is good save one, that is, God."
   (Luke xviii. 19.) Only let us not take this goodness for an occasion of
   negligence. For He also punishes as God. In fact, the very punishments
   here spoken of, He brought them to pass, even He who said, "Every one
   who shall call on the name of the Lord, shall be saved." I speak of the
   fate of Jerusalem; [137] that intolerable punishment: of which I will
   tell you some few of the particulars, useful to us in our contest, both
   with the Marcionites and many other heretics. For, since they
   distinguish between Christ a good God, and that evil God [of the Old
   Testament], let us see who it was that effected these things. The evil
   God, taking vengeance for Christ? or not so? How then alien to Him? But
   was it the good God? Nay, but it is demonstrated that both the Father
   and the Son did these things. The Father in many places; for instance,
   when He says in the parable of the vineyard, [138] ["He will miserably
   destroy those wicked husbandmen" (Matt. xxi. 41); again in the parable
   of the marriage feast, the King is said] to send His armies (ib. xxii.
   7): and the Son, when He says, "But those Mine enemies, which would not
   that I should reign over them, bring hither, and slay them before Me."
   (Luke xix. 27.) * * *. [139] And they sent, saying, We will not have
   Thee to reign over us. Would you like then to hear the things which
   actually came to pass? Moreover, Christ Himself also speaks of the
   future tribulations, than which never any thing more dreadful came to
   pass; never any thing more ruthless, my beloved, than the deeds then
   done! [140] And He Himself declared it. For what could you wish to see
   more grievous than these? * * *--probed them with their daggers! [141]
   -- * * * But shall I relate to you the shocking case of the woman, that
   tragic tale? * * * (Joseph. B. J. vi. 3. 4.) Did not the actual events
   cast all misery into the shade? But shall I tell you of famines and
   pestilences? One might speak of horrors without number: nature was
   unknown; law unknown; they outdid wild beasts in ferocity. True, these
   miseries came by the fate of wars; but because God, because Christ so
   willed it to be. These facts will apply both against the Marcionites
   and against those who do not believe that there is a hell: for they are
   sufficient to silence their impudence. Are not these calamities more
   severe than the Babylonian? [142] Are not these sufferings more
   grievous than the famines of that time? Yes, for ["never was the like
   from the beginning of the world"] "no, nor ever shall be such." (Matt.
   xxiv. 21.) And this was Christ's own declaration. In what sense then,
   think ye, is it said that Christ remitted them their sin? [143] Perhaps
   it seems a commonplace question: but do ye solve it.--It is not
   possible to show anywhere, even in fiction, any thing like what the
   reality was here. And had it been a Christian that wrote this history,
   the matter might be regarded with suspicion: but if he was a Jew, and a
   Jewish zealot, and after the Gospel, how can the meaning of the facts
   be otherwise than palpable to all men? For you will see the man, how,
   everywhere, he always extols the concerns of the Jews.--There is
   therefore a hell, O man! and God is good.--Aye, did you shudder at
   hearing these horrors? But these, which take place here, are nothing in
   comparison with what shall be in that world. Once more I am compelled
   to seem harsh, disagreeable, stern. But what can I do? I am set to
   this: just as a severe schoolmaster is set to be hated by his scholars:
   so are we. For would it not be strange indeed, that, while those who
   have a certain post assigned them by kings do that which is appointed
   them, however disagreeable the task may be, we, for fear of your
   censure, should leave our appointed task undone? Another has a
   different work. Of you, many have it for their work, to show mercy, to
   act humanely, to be pleasant and agreeable to the persons to whom you
   are benefactors. But to those to whom we do good, we seem stern and
   severe, troublesome and disagreeable. For we do good, not by the
   pleasure we give, but by the pain we inflict. So it is also with the
   physician: though he indeed is not excessively disagreeable, for the
   benefit afforded by his art is had immediately; ours hereafter. So
   again the magistrate is odious to the disorderly and seditious; so the
   legislator is vexatious to them for whom he makes laws. But not so he
   that invites to enjoyment, not so he that prepares public festivities
   and entertainments, and puts all the people in garlands: no, these are
   men that win acceptance, feasting, as they do, whole cities with all
   sorts of spectacles; contributing largely, bearing all the cost. And
   therefore those whom they have treated, requite them for these
   enjoyments with words of welcome and benediction, with hanging
   (parapetasmata) of tapestries, and a blaze of lamps, and with wreaths,
   and boughs, and brilliant garments. Whereas, at the sight of the
   physician, the sick become sad and downcast: at sight of the
   magistrate, the rioters become subdued: no running riot then, no
   gambolling, except when he also goes over into their ranks. [144] Let
   us see, then, which render the best service to their cities; those who
   provide these festivities, and banquetings, and expensive
   entertainments, and manifold rejoicings; or those who restrain all
   those doings, bearing before them stocks, scourges, executioners,
   dreaded soldiers, and a voice fraught with much terror: and issuing
   orders, and making men hang down their heads, and with the rod
   dispersing the idlers in the market-place. Let us see, I say; these are
   the disagreeable, those the beloved: let us see where the gain rests.
   (lelei.) What comes then of your pleasure-givers? A kind of frigid
   enjoyment, lasting till the evening, and to-morrow vanished; mirth
   ungoverned, words unseemly and dissolute. And what of these? Awe,
   sobriety, subdued thoughts; reasonableness of mind, an end of idleness;
   a curb on the passions within; a wall of defence, next to God, [145]
   against assailants from without. It is by means of these we have each
   our property but by those ruinous festivities we dissipate it. Robbers
   indeed have not invaded it, but vainglory together with pleasure acts
   the part of robber. Each sees the robber carrying off everything before
   his eyes, and is delighted at it! A new fashion of robbery, this, to
   induce people to be glad when one is plundering them! On the other
   part, there is nothing of the kind: but God, as the common Father, has
   secured us as by a wall against all [depredators], both seen and
   unseen. [146] For, "Take heed," saith He, "that ye do not your alms
   before men." (Matt. vi. 1.) The soul learns from the one, [excess;
   [147] from the other] to flee injustice. For injustice consists not
   merely in grasping at more wealth than belongs to us, but in giving to
   the belly more than its needful sustenance, in carrying mirth beyond
   its proper bounds, and causing it to run into frantic excesses. From
   the one, it learns sobriety; from the other, unchastity. For it is
   unchastity, not merely to have carnal intercourse with women, but even
   to look upon a woman with unchaste eyes. From the one, it learns
   modesty; from the other, conceited self-importance. For, "All things,"
   says the Apostle, "are lawful for me, but not all things expedient." (1
   Cor. vi. 12.) From the one, decent behavior; from the other
   unseemliness. For, as to the doings in the theatres, I pass these. But
   to let you see that it is not even a pleasure either, but a grief, show
   me, but a single day after the festival, both those who spent their
   money in giving it, and those who were feasted with spectacles: and you
   shall see them all looking dejected enough, but most of all him, your
   (ekheinon) famous man that has spent his money for it. And this is but
   fair: for, the day before, he delighted the common man, and the common
   man indeed was in high good humor and enjoyment, and rejoiced indeed in
   the splendid garment, but then not having the use of it, and seeing
   himself stripped of it, he was grieved and annoyed; and wanted to be
   the great man, seeing even his own enjoyment to be small compared with
   his. [148] Therefore, the day after, they change places, and now he,
   the great man, gets the larger share in the dejection.

   Now if in worldly matters, amusements are attended with such
   dissatisfaction, while disagreeable things are so beneficial, much more
   does this hold in things spiritual. Why is it that no one quarrels with
   the laws, but on the contrary all account that matter a common benefit?
   For indeed not strangers from some other quarter, nor enemies of those
   for whom the laws are made, came and made these orders, but the
   citizens themselves, their patrons, their benefactors: and this very
   thing, the making of laws, is a token of beneficence and good-will. And
   yet the laws are full of punishment and restraint, and there is no such
   thing as law without penalty and coercion. Then is it not unreasonable,
   that while the expositors of those laws are called deliverers,
   benefactors, and patrons, we are considered troublesome and vexatious
   if we speak of the laws of God? When we discourse about hell, then we
   bring forward those laws: just as in the affairs of the world, people
   urge the laws of murder, highway robbery, and the like, so do we the
   penal laws: laws, which not man enacted, but the Only-Begotten Son of
   God Himself. Let him that hath no mercy, He says, be punished (Matt.
   xviii. 23); for such is the import of the parable. Let him that
   remembereth injuries, pay the last penalty. Let him that is angry
   without cause, be cast into the fire. Let him that reviles, receive his
   due in hell. If you think these laws which you hear strange, be not
   amazed. For if Christ was not intended to make new laws, why did He
   come? Those other laws are manifest to us; we know that the murderer
   and adulterer ought to be punished. If then we were meant only to be
   told the same things over again, where was the need of a heavenly
   Teacher? Therefore He does not say, Let the adulterer be punished, but,
   whoso looketh on with unchaste eyes. And where, and when, the man will
   receive punishment, He there tells us. And not in fine public
   monuments, nor yet somewhere out of sight, [149] did He deposit His
   laws; not pillars of brass did He raise up, and engrave letters
   thereon, but twelve souls raised He up for us, the souls of the
   Apostles, and in their minds has He by the Spirit inscribed this
   writing. This cite we to you. If this was authorized to Jews, that none
   might take refuge in the plea of ignorance, much more is it to us. But
   should any say, "I do not hear, therefore have no guilt," on this very
   score he is most liable to punishment. For, were there no teacher, it
   would be possible to take refuge in this plea; but if there be, it is
   no longer possible. Thus see how, speaking of Jews, the Lord deprives
   them of all excuse; "If I had not come and spoken unto them, they had
   not had sin:" (John xv. 22): and Paul again, "But I say, have they not
   heard? Nay, but into all the earth went forth their sound." (Rom. x.
   18.) For then there is excuse, when there is none to tell the man; but
   when the watchman sits there, having this as the business of his life,
   there is excuse no longer. Nay, rather, it was the will of Christ, not
   that we should look only upon these written pillars, but that we should
   ourselves be such. But since we have made ourselves unworthy of the
   writing, at least let us look to those. For just as the pillars
   threaten others, but are not themselves obnoxious to punishment, nor
   yet the laws, even so the blessed Apostles. And observe; not in one
   place only stands this pillar, but its writing is carried round about
   in all the world. Whether you go among the Indians, you shall hear
   this: whether into Spain, or to the very ends of the earth, there is
   none without the hearing, except it be of his own neglect. Then be not
   offended, but give heed to the things spoken, that ye may be able to
   lay hold upon the works of virtue, and attain unto the eternal
   blessings in Christ Jesus our Lord, with Whom to the Father and Holy
   Ghost together be glory, power, honor, now and ever, world without end.
   Amen.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [123] The ekeinoi, if the old text be correct, are the mockers, but
   these are not "the devout men out of every nation under heaven,"
   therefore hous xenous eipen anotero can hardly be meant to refer to the
   following clause, entaitha pros ekeinous k. t. l. The omission of the
   text-words, and the seeming antithesis of anotero and entautha, caused
   a confusion which the modern text attempts to remedy by transposing
   tous diachl. to the place of toutous. "Whom the writer above called
   strangers, to those Peter here directs his speech, and he seems indeed
   to discourse with those, but corrects the mockers." This just inverts
   Chrysostom's meaning, which is clear enough from the following context.
   He says: "The dwellers in Jerusalem' are especially the devout men out
   of every nation mentioned above, and to instruct these (toutous) is the
   real aim of the discourse, which however is addressed in the first
   instance to the others (ekeinous), whose mockery gave occasion to it.
   St. Peter stands up apparently for the purpose of defending himself and
   his brethren: but this is in fact quite a secondary object, and the
   apology becomes a sermon of doctrine."

   [124] Kai to en I. oikein. Below he explains andres 'Ioudaioi to mean,
   "dwellers in Judea:" therefore the kai seems to mean, "to be not only
   such, but dwellers in Jerusalem also."

   [125] Here our leading ms. after ou gar hos humeis, has apopleroutai,
   phesi, kai hupolambanetai hoti methuousin. "For not as ye."--It is
   fulfilled (he says) and it is supposed that they are drunken!" which
   may have been said by Chrys., but certainly not in this place.

   [126] There is no reason to doubt that the company who witnessed the
   scenes at Pentecost really supposed the Christians to be intoxicated.
   To this opinion they were, of course, the more readily inclined because
   of their prejudice against the new sect. The force of Peter's
   refutation of the charge of drunkenness: "Seeing it is but the third
   hour, etc.," lies partly in the fact that 9 a.m. was too early for any
   such general intoxication, and still more in the fact that the third
   hour was the first hour of prayer, at which time it would have been
   sacrilege to drink to excess.--G.B.S.

   [127] Here the innovator, again mistaking his author's meaning, as if
   it were--Peter did not say, "These are not drunk," but what he did say
   was, "They speak by the Spirit"--finds it necessary to add, Kai ouch
   haplos, And not merely so, but, etc.

   [128] apologian, as in 2 Cor. vii. 11. "Yea, what clearing of
   yourselves."

   [129] i.e. The brightness of the miraculous fire appears at a time when
   there would be many to see it, people not being engaged in their works,
   nor within their houses at their noontide meal. OEcumenius evidently
   had the old text before him, for he gives the same sense with the
   slightest verbal alterations. In the Catena the sense is altered by
   omission of the negatives. "When people are about their work, when
   about their dinner," etc. The innovator (followed by Edd.) makes it
   "For when the brightness of the light is shown, then men are not
   occupied in the business of dinner (ou peri erga...ta peri ariston),
   then the day is cheerful (phaidra, the brisk and stirring time of day),
   then all are in the market." By to lampron tou photos he seems to mean
   bright daylight.

   [130] Here, after eis deuteran, C. has 'Oldan (marg. gr. kai Lobnan.
   hoion Deb. kai Lobnan. B. after Deb. kai 'Oldan adds e Lobnan) It does
   not appear who is meant by this Lobna, unless it originates in some
   strange misconception of 2 Kings xxiii. 31, "daughter of Jeremiah of
   Libnah," LXX. Th. I. ek Lobna. Clem. Alex. Str. i. S:. 136. has no such
   name in his list of Old Testament prophetesses.

   [131] Edd. "For it was not expedient, because this also was obscure. I
   will show, etc. For it frightened them more, being obscure. But if he
   had interpreted, it would even have offended them more."

   [132] What follows in the edited text is obscure and perplexed. The
   original text seems to labor under some defects, besides the omission
   of the passages commented upon.

   [133] Something seems wanting here: e.g. as above, "There were signs in
   heaven, as Josephus relates. This however, in the full sense, has never
   been fulfilled." And then, a reference to the Babylonian compared with
   the Roman judgment.

   [134] First blood, i.e. the taking and slaughter of the inhabitants:
   then, fire, etc., i.e. the burning of the city.

   [135] As B. has this sentence, which is in fact necessary to the sense,
   the omission of it in C. A. may be referred to the homoeoteleuton,
   eleutheros.

   [136] kai (=kaiper, or ei kai?) phoberon to tes kolaseos. i.e. he
   alleviates the severity of his discourse by speaking of the effects of
   faith, at the same time that he shows the fearfulness of the
   punishment. Edd. kai ou phob. krupton to tes kolaseos, i.e. light...and
   not fearful, by withdrawing out of sight what relates to the
   punishment: which however Ben. renders as if it were ou to phob. And
   not concealing the fearfulness, etc."

   [137] It is extremely doubtful if Peter understood by "the great and
   terrible day of the Lord" (20) the destruction of Jerusalem. (Chrys.)
   It probably refers to the Parousia which is thought of as imminent. The
   "last days" then would be the days preceding the Messianic age which is
   to begin at the Parousia. This view harmonizes with the Jewish
   conception and with the Christian expectation that the then existing
   period (aion houtos) was soon to pass into a new age (ai& 241;n
   mellon). The scenes of Pentecost were thought to be the harbingers of
   this consummation and were so significant both of the joys and woes of
   the impending crisis, that the bold imagery of the prophet Joel is
   applied to them. Cf. the prophetic terms in which the destruction of
   Jerusalem is foretold--an event closely associated with the personal
   return of our Lord in Matt. xxiv.--G.B.S.

   [138] hos hotan lege en to ampeloni pempein ta strateumata autou.
   Chrys. is misreported here, for the sending forth of the armies belongs
   to the parable of the marriage of the king's son.

   [139] Something must have been omitted here: viz. a brief exposition of
   the parable here referred to. The innovator endeavors to mend the text,
   by leaving out the following sentence.

   [140] On ouden omoteron gegonen, agapetoi, ton tote pepragmenon
   pragmaton. This may be explained as a negligent construction, but
   perhaps some words are omitted. The next sentence, Kai autos apephenato
   (which phrase is repeated below), refers to Matt. xxiv. 21. "There
   shall be great tribulation, such as has not been from the beginning of
   the world to this time."

   [141] 'Obegiskois (dagger-blades, or spear-heads, or spits) autous
   diepeiran. In Hom. vi. p. 43. infra, we have the phrase tines obeliskoi
   pepuromenoi diepeiran soma. It is evident that something is omitted,
   and no more probable supposition presents itself, than that Chrys. here
   read out from Josephus or Eusebius the description of the famine among
   the besieged (which the reporter of the sermon omitted at the time,
   intending to insert it at his leisure); and that the short sentence in
   the text is the preacher's own parenthetical explanation of some part
   of the description. Thus, B. J. vi. 3. 3. speaking of the cruelties
   practised upon dying wretches suspected of having food concealed about
   their persons, Josephus says: 'Alla kai tous ekpneontas hoi lestai
   diereunon, metis hupo kolpon echon trophen skeptoito ton thanaton
   hauto. Perhaps obeliskois autous diepeiran is C.'s comment upon
   diereunon.--Or, in like manner, it may refer to the description in B.
   J. v. 12. 3. how the lestai, after ransacking the bodies of the dead,
   tried the edges of their swords upon them, etc. Tas te akmas ton xiphon
   edokimazon en tois ptomasi, kai tinas ton errimmenon eti zontas
   dielaunon epi peira tou siderou. Perhaps, however, the expression may
   be taken in a metaphorical sense as in the phrase above cited: "they
   pierced themselves (heautous for autous) as with spits or lancets."

   [142] Against the Marcionites, he says: You say that the God of the Old
   Testament is a cruel God; whereas Christ, the good God, is all
   mildness. Yet was not the Roman judgment upon the Jews inflicted by
   Him? And was it not beyond comparison more ruthless (omoteron, above)
   than the Babylonian or any former judgment, inflicted, as you say, by
   the God of the Old Testament?

   [143] Pos oun phate phesin, i.e. as it is said in the text, "Every one
   that calleth on the name of the Lord shall be saved." The question is
   the same as was put in the beginning of this section: "What? do you
   speak of salvation for them after crucifying the Lord? And this, when
   you have shown us how fearfully that sin was visited?" This question,
   as a very simple one, he leaves the hearers to answer for themselves,
   by distinguishing between believers and unbelievers, the penitent and
   the hardened.--The innovator quite alters the sense; "How then say some
   that Christ remitted them their sin?" which makes the next sentence
   idle.

   [144] Plen hotan kakeinos eis ekeinen metaste ten taxin The meaning is
   obscure: for it may be either, that he is displaced from office
   (metastenai, metastasis are common in this sense), and makes one of the
   stasiazontes; or, that he lays aside the magistrate and demeans himself
   to take part in their excesses. (Taxis is the expression for the
   attendants of any high official, and may perhaps be taken in that sense
   here). Erasmus goes wide of the text: nec exultant eo quod et ille ad
   hoc opus ordinatus est: and so Montf. nec exultantes quod ille ad hoc
   officium sit constitutus.

   [145] meta ton Theon, omitted in the modern text.

   [146] Hom. in Matt. lxxi. p. 699. C. Chrys. describes kenodoxia
   (vainglory) in almsgiving, as the thief that runs away with the
   treasure laid up in heaven. And something of this sort seems to have
   been in his thoughts here, where however his meaning is evidently very
   imperfectly expressed. The texts cited show that ekei, ekeithen, refer
   to something more than, as above, good laws and government in general;
   for here he speaks of the Gospel discipline of the inner man. "Where
   this restraint is, no dissipation of our temporal or spiritual wealth
   has place: for God, as common Father, has raised a wall to keep out all
   robbers both seen and unseen, from all our possessions: from the former
   He guards us, by law and good government; from the latter, by the
   Gospel prohibition of all vainglory: "Take heed that ye do not your
   alms," etc.

   [147] Manthanei psuche enteuthen, opp. to ekeithen as in the following
   sentences: ekeithen sophrosunen manthanei, enteuthen akolasian--&
   157;k. epieikeian, ent. tuphon--& 157;k. kosmioteta, ent. aschemosunen.
   Therefore either something is wanting: e.g. pleonexian; ekeithen, or
   for ent. we must read ekeithen.

   [148] The old text kai ebouleto ekeinos ho analiskon kai ten oikeian
   eupragian mikran horan tros ten ekeinou, evidently requires correction,
   and the emendation assumed in the translation is, kai eb. ekeinos einai
   (ho anal. may perhaps be rejected as a gloss) kai ten oikeian eupr. m.
   horon p. t. ekeinou. Thus the whole passage, from kai ho men idiotes,
   refers to the id. or person feasted, and ekeinos throughout is the
   entertainer. The edited text has: 'Ekeinos de ho anal. kai ten oikeian
   eupr. mikran horan edokei p. t. ekeinou: of which Erasm. makes, Ille
   autem qui sumptus impendit et suam felicitatem parvam cum ea quam ex
   sumptu habebat conspicere putabat. But even if this sense lay in the
   words, it is not easy to see the connection of the following sentence,
   Dia touto, etc., Montf. translates, Qui vero sumptus fecit, suam prae
   illius felicitate parvam putabat, as if ekeinos and ekeinou in the same
   sentence referred to two different and contrasted persons. The meaning
   of the passage is, As, on the day before, the entertainer had to pleon
   tes euthumias, it is but fair that on the following day to pleon tes
   athumias should be transferred to him. This is expressed by Dia touto
   te hust. antididoasin: which however, Erasmus renders, Ideireo sequenti
   die reddunt sibi vestes iterum: Montf. redduntur vestes. (Perhaps there
   is an allusion to the legal phrase antidosis. v. Isocrat. peri antid).

   [149] Eis anathemata oude eis krubden. The modern text has eis axonas
   oude eis, kurbeis, alluding to the peculiar form of tables on which the
   laws of Athens were written. On critical grounds we retain the reading
   of the old text, which, as being the more difficult one, is not likely
   to have been substituted for the other. Ouk eis anathemata; "not on
   public monuments for display." Laws of an Emperor, for instance,
   engraved on handsome monuments, may be called anathemata Oude eis
   krubden, (also an unusual expression), nor yet where no one would see
   them.'
     __________________________________________________________________

   Homily VI.

   Acts II. 22

   "Ye men of Israel, hear these my words."

   ["Ye men of Israel"]: it is not for flattery that he uses this term;
   but, as he has borne hard upon them, he relaxes a little, and puts them
   in mind of their great ancestor [150] [Israel]. Here again he begins
   with an introduction, that they may not become excited, now that he is
   going to make express mention to them of Jesus: for in what preceded,
   there was no reason why they should be excited, while the Prophet was
   the subject of discourse: but the name of Jesus would have given
   offence at the very outset.--And he does not say, "Do as I bid you,"
   but, Hear; as being not at all exacting. And observe how he forbears to
   speak of the high matters, and begins with the very low: "Jesus," he
   says: and then straightway mentions the place He belonged to, being one
   which was held in mean estimation: "Jesus of Nazareth": and does not
   say anything great about Him, nor even such as one would say about a
   Prophet, so far: "Jesus," he says, "of Nazareth, a man proved (to be)
   from God among you." Observe; what great matter was this, to say that
   He was sent from God? [151] For this was the point which on all
   occasions both He and John and the Apostles were studious to show. Thus
   hear John saying: "The same said unto me On whom thou shalt see the
   Spirit descending, and abiding on him, this is He." (John i. 33.) But
   Christ Himself does this to an extreme; Of Myself I am not come, He
   sent Me. (ib. vii. 28.) And everywhere in the Scriptures this seems the
   point most studiously insisted upon. Therefore also this holy leader of
   the blessed company, the lover of Christ, the good shepherd, the man
   put in trust with the keys of heaven, the man who received the
   Spiritual Wisdom, when he has first subdued the Jews by fear; and has
   shown what great things have been vouchsafed to the disciples, and what
   a right they have to be believed, then first proceeds to speak
   concerning Him. Only think what boldness it was to say it, in the midst
   of the murderers--that He is risen! And yet he does not all at once
   say, He is risen; but what?--"He came," says he, "from God: this is
   manifest by the signs which"--he does not yet say, Jesus Himself
   wrought: but what?--"which God wrought by Him in the midst of you." He
   calls themselves as witnesses. "A man proved (to be sent) from God
   among you, by miracles and wonders and signs, which God wrought by him
   in the midst of you, as also ye yourselves know." Then, having fallen
   upon the mention of that their sacrilegious outrage, observe how he
   endeavors to quit them of the crime: "Him," he says, "being by the
   determinate counsel and foreknowledge of God delivered up": (v. 23)
   [adding however,] "ye have taken, and by wicked hands have crucified
   and slain:" for though it was predetermined, still they were murderers.
   [152] ["By the determinate counsel and foreknowledge of God:"] all but
   using the same words as Joseph did; just as he said to his brethren;
   "Be not angry one with another by the way: God sent me hither." (Gen.
   xlv. 5, 24.) It is God's doing. "What of us, then?" (it might be said,)
   "it was even well done on our part." That they may not say this,
   therefore it is that he adds, "By wicked hands ye have crucified and
   slain." [153] Here then he hints at Judas; while at the same time he
   shows them that it was not from any strength of theirs, and would not
   have been, if He had not Himself permitted it: it was God that
   delivered Him up. He has transferred the evil entire upon the head of
   Judas, now already parted from them; for he it was that delivered Him
   over to them by the kiss. Or, "By wicked hands," refers to the
   soldiers: for neither is it simply, "Ye have slain," but, By wicked men
   ye have done this. [154] And observe how everywhere they make it of
   great importance that the Passion should first be confessed. Whom God
   Raised Up (v. 24), says he. This was the great thing; and observe how
   he sets it in the middle of his discourse: for the former matters had
   been confessed; both the miracles and the signs and the slaying--"Whom
   God," says he, "raised up, having loosed the pains of death, because it
   was not possible that He should be kept in its power." It is something
   great and sublime that he has hinted at here. For the expression, "It
   was not possible," even itself is that of one assigning something.
   [155] It shows that death itself in holding Him had pangs as in
   travail, and was sore bestead: [156] whereas, by pains, or,
   travail-pangs, of death, the Old Testament means danger and disaster:
   and that He so rose as never more to die. For the assertion, "Seeing
   that it was not possible that He should be holden of it," means this,
   that His rising was not common to the rest. Then, however, before their
   thoughts can enter at all into his meaning, he brings David upon them,
   an authority which sets aside all human reasoning. "For David saith
   (with reference) to Him." (v. 25.) And observe how, once more, the
   testimony is lowly. For therefore he begins the citation further up,
   with the matters of lowlier import: therefore [157] was death not in
   the number of grievous things [because], says he, "I foresaw the Lord
   always before my face, that He is on my right hand that I should not be
   moved:" (v. 25-27) and, "that Thou wilt not leave my soul in hell."
   Then, having finished the citation from the Prophet, he adds; "Men and
   brethren." (v. 29.) When he is about to say anything great, he uses
   this opening address, to rouse and to conciliate them. "Let me be
   allowed," he says, "to speak freely to you of the patriarch David."
   Remarkable lowliness, in a case where he was giving no hurt, nor was
   there any reason why the hearers should be angry. For he did not say,
   This is not said concerning David, but concerning the Christ. But in
   another point of view: by his reverential expression towards the
   blessed David, he awed them; speaking of an acknowledged fact as if it
   were a bold thing to say, and therefore begging them to pardon him for
   saying it. And thereupon his expression is not simply "concerning
   David," but "concerning the patriarch David, that he is both dead and
   buried:" he does not also say, "and is not risen again," but in another
   way (though this too would have been no great thing to say), "And his
   sepulchre is with us unto this day," he has said what comes to the same
   thing. Then--and even so he does not come to the mention of Christ, but
   what next?--he goes on with his encomium upon David, "Being therefore a
   prophet, and knowing that with an oath God had sworn unto him." (v.
   30.) But this he says, that were it but on account of the honor shown
   to David, and the descent from him, they may accept what is said
   concerning Christ's resurrection, as seeing that it would be an injury
   to the prophecy, and a derogating from (thes eis autous timhes) their
   honor, if this were not the fact. "And knowing," he says, "that with an
   oath God had sworn unto him"--he does not say simply "promised"--"of
   the fruit of his loins after the flesh to raise up Christ, to seat Him
   upon his throne." Observe how he has again only hinted at what is
   sublime. For now that he has soothed them with his expression, he
   confidently adds this: The prophet [saith it] "of His resurrection,
   that neither was His soul left in hell, nor did His flesh see
   corruption." (v. 31.) This again is wonderful: it shows that His
   resurrection was not like that of other men. For though death laid hold
   on Him, yet it did not its own work then.--And, as regards the sin, he
   has spoken of that, covertly and darkly; of the punishment, he forbore
   to add anything; but that they had slain Him, this he has spoken out;
   for the rest he now comes to the sign given by God. And when it is once
   proved, that He, the slain, was just, was dear to God, then, though
   thou be silent of the punishment, be sure that he which did the sin
   will condemn himself more than ever thou canst condemn him. So then,
   that he refers all to the Father, is in order that they may receive
   what is said: and that assertion, "Not possible," he fetches in from
   the prophecy. Well then, let us again look over what has been said.

   "Jesus of Nazareth, a man proved (to be sent) from God unto you."
   (Recapitulation of v. 22-31): one, of whom, by reason of His works,
   there can be no doubt; but who, on the contrary, is demonstrated. Thus
   also Nicodemus said, "No man can do these miracles which Thou doest--By
   miracles, and wonders, and signs which God wrought by Him in the midst
   of you" (John iii. 2): not secretly. Setting out from facts notorious
   to those whom he was addressing, he then comes to things hidden.
   Thereupon [in saying, "By the determinate counsel and foreknowledge of
   God,"] (v. 23) he shows that it was not because they had the power to
   do it, and that there was a wisdom and a Divine arrangement in the
   event, seeing it was from God. He rapidly passes over the unpleasant
   part, [adding, "Whom God raised up," etc.] (v. 24). For it is always a
   point of great importance with them to show that He was once dead.
   Though ye should deny it, says he, (ekeinoi) those (present) will bear
   witness to the fact. ["Having loosed the pangs of death."] He that
   gives Death trouble, may much more give trouble to them that crucified
   Him: however, nothing of the kind is here said, as that He had power to
   slay you. Meanwhile, [158] let us also learn thus to hold. For one that
   is in pain like a woman in travail, does not hold the thing held, and
   is not active but passive; and makes haste to cast it off. And it is
   well said: "For David saith in reference to him" (v. 25); that you may
   not refer that saying to the Prophet.--["Therefore being a Prophet, and
   knowing," etc.] (v. 30, 31.) Do you observe how he now interprets the
   prophecy, and does not [159] give it bare of comment? How did He "seat
   Him upon" David's "throne?" For the kingdom after the Spirit is in
   heaven. Observe how, along with the resurrection, he has also declared
   the kingdom in the fact of His rising again. He shows that the Prophet
   was under constraint: for the prophecy was concerning Him. Why does he
   say, not, Concerning His kingdom (it was a great matter), but
   "Concerning His resurrection?" And how did He seat Him upon his
   (David's) throne? Why, He reigns as King over Jews also, yea, what is
   much more, over them that crucified Him. "For His flesh saw no
   corruption." This seems to be less than resurrection, but it is the
   same thing.

   "This Jesus"--observe how he does not call Him otherwise--"hath God
   raised up; whereof all we are witnesses. Being therefore by the right
   hand of God exalted" (v. 33, 34): again he takes refuge with the
   Father, and yet it had been enough to say what precedes: but he knows
   what a great point this is. Here he has hinted at the Ascension also,
   and that Christ is in heaven: but neither does he say this openly. "And
   having received," says he, "the promise of the Holy Ghost." Observe
   how, in the beginning of his discourse, he does not say that Jesus
   Himself had sent It, but the Father: now, however, that he has
   mentioned His signs and the things done to Him by the Jews, and has
   spoken of His resurrection, he boldly introduces what he has to say
   about these matters, again adducing themselves as witnesses by both
   senses: ["He hath shed forth this, which ye do see and hear."] And of
   the resurrection he has made continual mention, but of their outrageous
   deed he has spoken once for all. "And having received the promise of
   the Holy Ghost." This again is great. "The promise," he says; because
   [promised] before His Passion. Observe how he now makes it all His ["He
   hath poured forth this"], covertly making a great point. For if it was
   He that poured it forth, it is of Him that the Prophet has spoken
   above, "In the last days I will pour forth of My Spirit on My Servants,
   and on Mine handmaids, and I will do wonders in the heaven above.
   (supra, v. 17.) Observe what he secretly puts into it! But then,
   because it was a great thing, he again veils it with the expression of
   "His having received of the Father." He has spoken of the good things
   fulfilled, of the signs; has said, that He is king, the point that
   touched them; has said, that it is He that gives the Spirit. (Arist.
   Rhet. 1. 3.) (For, however much a person may say, if it does not issue
   in something advantageous, he speaks to no purpose.) Just as John: "The
   same," says he, "shall baptize you with the Holy Ghost." (Matt. iii.
   11.) And it shows that the Cross not only did not make Him less, but
   rendered Him even more illustrious, seeing that of old God promised it
   to Him, but now has given it. Or [it may be], "the promise" which He
   promised to us. He so foreknew it about to be, and has given it to us
   greater after the resurrection. And, "hath poured it out," he says; not
   [160] requiring worthiness: and not simply gave, but with abundance.
   Whence [161] does this appear? Henceforth after the mention of His
   giving the Spirit, he confidently speaks also of His ascension into
   heaven; and not only so, but again adducing the witness, and reminding
   them of that Person concerning Whom Christ once spake. (Matt. xxii. 43)
   "For not David," says he "ascended into the heavens. (v. 34.) Here he
   no longer speaks in lowly phrase, [162] having the confidence which
   results from the things said; nor does he say, "Be it permitted me to
   speak," or the like: "But he saith himself; The Lord said unto my Lord,
   Sit Thou on My right hand, until I make Thine enemies Thy footstool."
   Now if He be David's Lord, much more shall they not disdain Him. "Sit
   thou on My right hand;" he has set the whole matter here; "until I make
   Thine enemies Thy footstool:" here also he has brought upon them a
   great terror, just as in the beginning he showed what He does to His
   friends, what to his enemies. And again, as to the act of subjugation,
   not to provoke unbelief, he ascribes it to the Father. Since then these
   are great things that he has uttered, he again brings his discourse
   down to lowly matters. "Let therefore," he says, "the whole house of
   Israel know assuredly: i.e. question ye not, nor doubt ye: then also in
   the tone of command it follows; "that God hath made Him both
   Lord"--this he says from David--"and Christ," (v. 36), this from the
   Psalm: [163] For when it would have been rightly concluded, "Let
   therefore the whole house of Israel know assuredly that" He sitteth on
   the right hand of God, this, which would have been great, he forbears,
   and brings in a different matter which is much more humble, and the
   expression "Hath made;" i.e. hath ordained: so that there is nothing
   about (ousiosis) communication of substance here, but the expression
   relates to this which has been mentioned. "Even this Jesus, Whom ye
   crucified." He does well to end with this, thereby agitating their
   minds. For when he has shown how great it is, he has then exposed their
   daring deed, so as to show it to be greater, and to possess them with
   terror. For men are not so much attracted by benefits as they are
   chastened by fear. [164]

   But the admirable and great ones, and beloved of God, need none of
   these motives: men, such as was Paul: not of the kingdom, not of hell,
   made he account. For this is indeed to love Christ, this to be no
   hireling, nor to reckon it a matter of trafficking and trading, but to
   be indeed virtuous, and to do all for the love of God. (Rom. ix. 3.)
   Then what tears does it not deserve, when, owing so large a measure, we
   do not even like traders seek the kingdom of heaven! He promises us so
   great things, and not even so is He worthy to be heard? What can come
   up to this enmity! [165] And yet, they are mad after money-making,
   though it be with enemies, though it be with slaves, though it be with
   persons most hostile to them, that they come in contact, though it be
   with persons utterly evil, if only they expect that they shall be
   enabled by their means to make money, they will do everything, will
   flatter, and be obsequious, and make themselves slaves, and will esteem
   them more to be revered than all men, to get some advantage out of
   them: for the hope of money does not allow them to give a thought to
   any such considerations as these. But the Kingdom is not so powerful as
   money is; nay, rather, not in the smallest proportion as powerful. For
   [166] it is no ordinary Being that promises: but this is greater than
   even the Kingdom itself that we receive it from such a Giver! But now
   the case is the same as if a king, wishing, after ten thousand other
   benefits, to make us his heirs and coheirs with his son [should be
   despised]: while some captain of a band of robbers, who has done ten
   thousand wrongs to us and to our parents, and is himself fraught with
   ten thousand wickednesses, and has utterly marred our honor and our
   welfare, should, on presenting a single penny, receive our worship. God
   promises a Kingdom, and is despised: the Devil helps us to hell, and he
   is honored! Here God, there Devil. But let us see the difference of the
   tasks enjoined. For if there were none of these considerations in the
   case: if it were not, here God, there Devil; not, here one helping to a
   kingdom, there to a hell: the nature itself of the tasks enjoined were
   sufficient to induce us to comply with the former. For what does each
   enjoin? The one, [167] the things which make glorious; the other the
   things which put to shame: one, the things which involve in ten
   thousand calamities and disgraces; the other, the things which have
   with them abundant refreshment. For look: the one saith, "Learn ye of
   Me, for I am meek and lowly of heart, and ye shall find rest unto your
   souls." (Matt. xi. 29): the other saith, Be thou savage, and ungentle,
   and passionate, and wrathful, and more a wild beast than a man. Let us
   see which is more useful, which, I pray you, more profitable. "Speak
   not of this," say you. [168] * * * But consider that he is the devil:
   above all indeed, if that be shown: there is need also to undergo
   toils, and, on the other hand, the prize of victory will be greater.
   For not he that enjoins easy tasks is the kind (kedemon) benefactor,
   but he that enjoins what is for our good. Since fathers also enjoin
   disagreeable tasks; but for this [169] they are fathers: and so again
   do masters to slaves: but kidnappers and destroyers (lumehones) on the
   other hand, do just the reverse. And [170] yet that the commands of
   Christ are attended with a pleasure, is manifest from that saying. For
   to what sort do you take the passionate man to belong, and to what the
   forbearing and meek? Does not the soul of the (ekeinou) one [171] seem
   to be in a kind of solitary retreat, enjoying exceeding quiet; while
   that of (toutou) the other is like a market-place and tumult and the
   midst of cities, where great is the clamor of those going out, the
   noise of camels, mules, asses: of men shouting loud to those that meet
   them, that they may not be trodden under foot: and again, of
   silver-beaters, of braziers, of men thrusting and pushing this way and
   that and some overborne, some overbearing? But the soul of (toutou) the
   former is like some mountain-top, with its delicate air, its pure
   sunshine, its limpid gushing fountains, its multitude of charming
   flowers, while the vernal meads and gardens put on their plumage of
   shrubs and flowers, and glance with rifling waters: and if any sound is
   heard there, it is sweet, and calculated to affect the ear with a sense
   of much delight. For either the warbling birds perch on the outermost
   spray of the branching trees, and cicadas, nightingales and swallows,
   blended in one harmony, perform a kind of concerted music; or the
   zephyr gently stirring the leaves, draws whistling tones from pines and
   firs, resembling oft the notes of the swan: and roses, violets, and
   other flowers, gently swayed, and (kuanizonta) dark-dimpling, show like
   a sea just rippled over with gentle undulations. Nay, many are the
   images one might find. Thus, when one looks at the roses, one shall
   fancy that he beholds in them the rainbow; in the violets a waving sea;
   in the lilies, the sky. But [172] not by the spectacle alone, and the
   beholding, does such an one then cause delight: but also in the very
   body of him that looks to the meadow, rather it refreshes him, and
   causes him to breathe freely, so that he thinks himself more in heaven
   than on earth. There is withal a sound of a different kind, when water
   from the mountain-steep, borne by its own force through ravines gently
   plashes over its pebbly bed with lulling noise, and so relaxes our
   frame with the pleasurable sensations, as quickly to draw over our eyes
   the soft languor of slumber. You have heard the description with
   pleasure: perhaps also it has made you enamored of solitude. But
   sweeter far than this solitude is the soul * * of the long-suffering.
   For it was not for the sake of describing a meadow, nor for the sake of
   making a display of language, that we have broached this similitude:
   but the object was, that, seeing how great is the delight of the long
   suffering, and how, by converse with a long suffering man, one would be
   far more both delighted and benefited, than by frequenting such spots,
   ye may follow after such men. For when not even a breath of violence
   proceeds from such a soul, but mild and engaging words, then indeed
   does that gentle softness of the zephyr find its counterpart:
   entreaties also, devoid of all arrogance, but forming the resemblance
   to those winged warblers,--how is not this far better? For not the body
   is fanned by the soft breeze of speech; no, it refreshes our souls
   [173] heated and glowing. A physician, by ever so great attention,
   could not so speedily rid a man of the fever, as a patient man would
   cool, by the breath of his own words, a person who was passionate and
   burning with wrath. And why do I speak of a physician? Not even iron,
   made red-hot and dipped into water, so quickly parts with its heat, as
   does the passionate man when he comes in contact with the soul of the
   long-suffering. But as, if it chance that singing birds find their way
   into the market, they go for nothing there, just so is it with our
   precepts when they light upon souls addicted to wrathful passions.
   Assuredly, sweeter is gentleness than bitterness and
   frowardness.--Well, but the one was God's bidding, the other the
   devil's. Do you see that it was not for nothing that I said, even if
   there were no devil or God in the case, the things enjoined would be
   enough in themselves to (aposthesai) revolt us? For the one is both
   agreeable to himself, and serviceable to others, the other displeasing
   to himself, and hurtful to others. Nothing is more unpleasant than a
   man in a passion, nothing more noisome, more odious, more shocking, as
   also nothing more pleasing than one who knows not what it is to be in a
   passion. Better dwell with a wild beast than with a passionate man. For
   the beast, when once tamed, abides by its law; but the man, no matter
   how often you have tamed him, again turns wild, unless [174] however he
   should of himself settle down into some such habit (of gentleness).

   For as a bright sunny day and winter with all its gloom, so are the
   soul of the angry and that of the gentle. However, let us at present
   look not to the mischievous consequences resulting to others, but to
   those which affect the persons themselves: though indeed it is also no
   slight mischief (to one's self) to cause ill to another, for the
   present, however, let that be the consideration. What executioner with
   his lash can so lacerate the ribs, what red-hot lancets (obeliskoi)
   ever so pierced the body, what madness can so dispossess a man of his
   natural reason, as anger and rage do? I know many instances of persons
   engendering diseases by giving loose to anger: and the worst of fevers
   are precisely these. But if they so injure the body, think of the soul.
   For do not argue that you do not see the mischief, but rather consider,
   if that which is the recipient of the malignant passion is so hurt,
   what must be the hurt sustained by that which engenders it! Many have
   lost their eyes, many have fallen into most grievous disease. Yet he
   that bears bravely, shall endure all things easily. But, however, both
   such are the troublesome tasks the devil enjoins, and the wages he
   assigns us for these is hell. He is both devil and foe to our
   salvation, and we rather do his bidding than Christ's, Saviour as He
   is, and Benefactor and Defender, and speaking as He does such words,
   which are both sweeter, and more reverend, and more profitable and
   beneficial, and are both to ourselves and to those who live in our
   company the greatest of blessings. Nothing worse than anger, my
   beloved, nothing worse than unseasonable wrath. It will not have any
   long delay; it is a quick, sharp passion. Many a time has a mere word
   been blurted out in anger, which needs for its curing a whole lifetime,
   and a deed been done which was the ruin of the man for life. For the
   worst of it is this, that in a little moment, and by one act, and by a
   single word, full oft has it cast us out from the possession of eternal
   good, and brought to nought a world of pains. Wherefore I beseech you
   to do all you can to curb this savage beast. Thus far, however, I have
   spoken concerning meekness and wrath; if one should take in hand to
   treat of other opposites, as covetousness and the mad passion for
   glory, contrasted with contempt of wealth and of glory; intemperance
   with sobriety; envy with benevolence; and to marshal them each against
   its opposite, then one would know how great the difference. Behold how
   from the very things enjoined it is plainly shown, that the one master
   is God, the other the devil! Why then, let us do God's bidding, and not
   cast ourselves into bottomless pits; but while there is time, let us
   wash off all that defiles the soul, that we may attain unto the eternal
   blessings, through the grace and mercy of our Lord Jesus Christ, with
   Whom to the Father and Holy Ghost together be glory, power, honor, now
   and ever, and world without end. Amen.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [150] tou propatoros, A. C. F. D. and Cat. but tou Dauid eukairos, B.
   E. Edd. OEcumenius fell into the same mistake and has tou propatoros
   Dauid. But it is evident that Chrys. is commenting on the address
   Andres 'Israelitai.

   [151] Ora, poion en touto mega, to eipein k. t. l. i.e. "He says as yet
   ouden mega, nothing great, concerning Christ: nothing even that would
   be great if said of an ordinary Prophet. For, observe: poion mega, what
   sort of great thing was it, to say that Christ was sent from God?" In
   the following sentences Chrys. seems to have been scarcely understood
   by his reporter. His meaning may be thus represented: "And yet, so it
   is: everywhere in the Scriptures we find examples of this remarkable
   meiosis: "Christ was sent from God," seems to be the point most
   studiously inculcated (to spoudazomenon): nay, we find it carried to
   the utmost (meth' huperboles) in some of Christ's own expressions. And
   so here: when Peter stands up--he, the leader of the Apostles, the
   lover of Christ, the good shepherd, the man entrusted with the keys of
   the kingdom of heaven, the man who has received the deposit of the
   Wisdom of the Spirit--after he has subdued the audience by the terrors
   of the coming judgments, has shown that he and his company have
   received wonderful gifts as foretold by the Prophet, and has made it
   felt that they have a right to be believed: you may well expect after
   all this that his first word about Christ will be something great; that
   he will certainly launch out boldly into the declaration, He is risen!
   Only think, though, what boldness to say this in the midst of the
   murderers!--Nothing of the kind. He begins with, "Jesus the Nazarene, a
   man proved to be from God unto you by signs, etc. which--(He did? no,
   but) God did by Him, etc. Wait awhile, however: the Orator will say all
   that needs to be said in due time."

   [152] Ei gar kai horismenon en, phesin, homos androphonoi esan. B. C.
   after apall. tou enklematos, and before the text. As the sentence so
   placed seemed to make Chrys. contradict himself, the other mss. and
   Edd. before Ben. omit it. Something is wanting, which perhaps may be
   supplied from OEcumen. 'Alla kai apallasson ouk aphiesin autous pante
   tou enklematos. 'Epagei gar, hoti dia cheiron anomon aneilete.

   [153] In v. 23, the preferable reading is dia cheiros anomon, "through
   the hand of lawless men," instead of dia cheiron anomon of the Text.
   Recep. So A, B, C, D, Tisch. W. and H., Lach. Treg. R.V. This reading
   is also to be preferred in accordance with Bengel's first rule of
   text-criticism--Lectio difficilior principatum tenet.--G.B.S.

   [154] The confusion may be cleared up by supposing that Chrys. here
   commented upon the words dia cheiron anomon as admitting of a double
   connection: viz.: with ekdoton labontes and with prosp. aneilete. In
   the former, it refers to Judas: while at the same time, it is shown
   that of themselves they had no power against Him. He was delivered up
   by the predestination and will of God, by means of the wicked hands of
   Judas; upon whom (already gone to his doom) the evil is shifted entire.
   But again, as ekdotonis not put simply and without addition (haplos),
   so neither (oude) is aneilete: but "by wicked hands ye slew," i.e. by
   the soldiers.

   [155] The text seems to be corrupt: kai auto didontos estin tideiknusin
   hoti. B. omits estin ti. Perhaps kai auto is derived from an
   abbreviation of krateisthai auton: and didontos estin ti; may be, "is
   (the expression) of one assigning something, i.e. some special
   prerogative to Him:" or, possibly, "For the expression, Kathoti ouk en
   dunaton even of itself implies the granting of something (in His
   case):" viz. as a postulate. E. kai auton didonta emphainei kataschein;
   kai hoti, i.e. "that it was even He that gave death the power to hold
   Him:" this, which is adopted by Edd. is, however, not a various
   reading, but only an attempt to restore the passage. OEcumen. gives no
   assistance: he has only, dia de tou, kathoti ouk en dun. auton krat.,
   to megaleion autou paristesi, kai hoti ouketi apothneskei. In the next
   sentence E. and Edd. have: "For by pains of death' Scripture is
   everywhere wont to express danger:'" but OEcumen. and Cat. agree with
   the old reading, he Palaia. Possibly the meaning of the whole passage
   may be somewhat as follows. "It is something great and sublime that
   Peter has darkly hinted in saying, it was not possible that He should
   be holden of it.' And the very expression kathoti implies that there is
   something to be thought of (comp. Caten. in 1). Then, in the Old.
   Test., the expression odines thanatou means pains in which death is the
   agent; but here they are the pangs inflicted upon death itself,
   travailing in birth with Christ the first-begotten from the dead.' It
   shows then both that death could not endure to hold Him, and, that
   Christ being raised from the dead dieth no more. For the assertion,
   etc. But then, without giving them time to ponder upon the meaning of
   what he has darkly hinted, he goes off to the Prophet," etc.--On the
   expression odinas luein Mr. Field, Index to Hom. in Matt. s. v.,
   remarks, that "it is said sometimes of the childbearing woman herself,
   as p. 118. B., sometimes of the child born, as p. 375. A., sometimes of
   the person aiding in the delivery, as Job xxxix, 2. Hence the obscure
   passage Acts ii, 34 is to be explained. See Theophylact in 1."

   [156] It is noteworthy that this interpretation of odinas tou thanatou
   (24) is exactly that of Meyer who explains thus: "Death travailed in
   birth-throes even until the dead was raised again. With this event
   these pangs ceased, they were loosed; and because God had made Christ
   alive, God has loosed the pangs of death." Other interpretations are:
   (1) The snares or bands of death, on the ground that odines is used in
   the lxx. to translate the Hebrew ichvl (e.g. Ps. xviii. 5), which has
   this meaning. So Olsh. (2) That the pains of Jesus connected with the
   whole experience of death are meant. He is popularly conceived as
   enduring these pains until the resurrection when God loosed them, the
   conception being that he was under their power and constraint. We
   prefer this view. So Lechler, Gloag, Hackett.--G.B.S.

   [157] i.e. The former part of the passage cited, down to, "Thou wilt
   not leave my soul in hell," as far as the words go, is no more than
   David might say in reference to himself, or any other saint: viz. he
   set God always before his face, etc. therefore (dia touto, referring to
   v. 26. dia touto euphr.) death was not in the number of things that
   cause grief. And St. Peter instead of going at once to that in the
   prophecy which is peculiar to Christ, with wise management begins with
   what is less exalted, hate eisagogikoteron logon deomenois,
   OEcumen.--For dia touto ou ton lupounton ho thanatos, E. and Edd. have
   hina deixe, hoti ou..."to show that death," etc.

   [158] teos manthanomen kai hemeis houto katechein. As the text stands,
   this can only mean, "And here by the bye let us also learn how to hold
   fast Christ; not to hold Him with pain, like one in travail-pangs, who
   therefore cannot hold fast, but is in haste to be delivered," etc. But
   this can hardly have been St. Chrysostom's meaning. Something seems to
   be omitted after kai hemeis or houto.--Edd. teos de manthanomen kai
   hemeis dia ton eiremenon ti esti to katechein. If this is: "What is the
   meaning of the expression katechein, the emphatic kai hemeis is
   superfluous; and besides, the word katechein does not occur in the text
   commented upon. OEcum. and the Catena give no help.

   [159] Edd. kai gumnen tithesi delon pos. "And gives it bare (of
   comment), showing." Montf. mistranslates gumnen tith, nudam exponat,
   and notices the old reading (A. B. C ) with the remark, Unus Codex
   proph. ou gumnen. Minus recte. But Chrys. is now commenting on v. 30,
   31. "Above, St. Peter gave the prophecy by itself: now he adds his own
   exposition and reasoning, "Being therefore a Prophet." etc.

   [160] 'Exechee, phesin, ouk axioma zeton, kai ouch haplos. Edd. 'Ex.,
   ph. 'Entautha to axioma emphainei, kai hoti ouch haplos. "Here he
   intimates the dignity: and that," etc. But the meaning is, "He poured
   it forth, not requiring merit: i.e. not giving here and there to the
   most deserving, but as the phrase implies, with unsparing liberality."
   meta dapsileias. N. meth' huperboles.

   [161] pothen touto; Edd. "Wherefore also to prove this very thing, he
   adds what follows." The connection is, "He has shed forth. How so? It
   must be He; for not David ascended," etc.

   [162] Here five of our mss. have meth' huperboles, "hyperbolically:"
   but the reading of E. meth' hupostoles is attested by OEcumen. and the
   Catena.

   [163] i.e. the expression "Lord" is derived from David's, "My Lord:"
   the expression "Christ," or rather kai Christon ho Theos epoies en, is
   from the Psalm: meaning perhaps the second Psalm. Edd. have, "this he
   says from David and from the Psalm," after the text.

   [164] The two Old Test. pp. (Joel ii. 28-32; Ps. xvi. 8-11) which occur
   in this chapter are quoted from the lxx., the former freely, the latter
   with great exactness. The following peculiarities of phraseology are
   noticeable in the first passage. (1) "In the last days," more definite
   expression for the Heb. and lxx. "afterward." (2) The partitive
   expression: "I will pour out of my Spirit," is after the lxx. vs. the
   original which reads: "I will pour out my spirit." (3) The phrases:
   "saith God" and "they shall prophesy" (17, 18) are added to both Heb.
   and lxx. (4) "Vapor" is from lxx. for Heb. "columns." (5) If we read
   kai epiphane at the end of v. 20 (as Mey., W. and H.) it is from the
   lxx. an inaccurate trans. of Hebrew for "fearful," occasioned by
   misunderstanding on the part of the Seventy of the derivation of the
   Heb. word. The second pp. follows the lxx. exactly and in several
   deviations from the original.--G.B.S.

   [165] Alluding to the Psalm above cited, "Until I make Thine enemies
   Thy footstool."

   [166] In the modern text the connection is supplied, and the thought
   expanded. "And yet neither is it any ordinary being that promises it:
   but One who is beyond comparison greater than the Kingdom itself. Now
   when the promise is a Kingdom, and God the Giver thereof, it is a great
   thing, the very receiving from such a Giver.

   [167] In the original the pronouns are ekeinos (God), houtos (the
   Devil; for which however our mss. have ou ta and auta): then inversely,
   ekeinos (the Devil), houtos (God). The modern text reduces the
   antithesis to regularity by transposing the first and second clause,
   with ekeinos, houtos, in each member. Mr. Field, however, Hom. in Matt.
   709 B. not. has remarked, that St. Chrys. is negligent in his use of
   these pronouns, and this passage may be added to those cited.

   [168] Idomen ti chresimoteron, ti dai (de, A. N.) ophelimoteron. (Here
   N. adds: Me touto domen ti chresimoteron; ti de ophelimoteron`) Me
   touto phesin eipes; all' ennoeson hoti diabolos estin; malista men an
   ekeino deichthe; dei kai ponous hupostenai kai palin, k. t. l. The
   addition in N. is perhaps the result of unintentional repetition. If
   meant for emendation, it supposes an antithesis of chres. and
   ophelimoteron: "let us grant which is more serviceable (to others): but
   (the question is) which is more profitable (to one's self)." This,
   however, is not what the context requires. Rather it seems that
   something is omitted after eipes: e.g. all' idomen ti eukoloteron, "But
   let us see which is more easy." In the following sentence, it is not
   clear whether malista men belongs to dei kai p. hu. "of course, if the
   former appear to be the case, it is necessary," etc. or, to the
   preceding clause, as in the translation: "above all (consider that it
   is the devil who gives the bidding), if that appear to be the case
   (i.e. that it is the easier of the two): it is needful," etc.--Edd.
   "But not only this, but bethink you that he indeed is the devil: for
   above all if that be shown, again the prize of victory shall be
   greater."

   [169] dia touto, i. e. by enjoining ta sumpheronta, although phortika,
   are fathers and masters shown to be truly such, whereas kidnappers who
   steal away children, seduce them by promising pleasure, and lumeones,
   masters who ruin their servants, let them have their own way.--Morel.
   Ben. 'Ekeinoi de andrap. kai lum. kai panta ta enantia: "but the others
   are kidnappers and destroyers, and all that is contrary (to fathers and
   masters)." Savil. as above.

   [170] Plen hoti kai hedonen echei, delon ekeithen. We have supplied the
   interpretation in the translation. 'Ekeithen, i.e. from that saying,
   "Come unto Me," etc. D. has enteuthen: i.e. "is manifest from the
   following consideration."

   [171] Here is another instance of the negligent use of the pronouns
   ekeinos and houtos noticed above (note 1). In the modern text this is
   altered, besides other changes intended as improvements upon the ornate
   description following. We have retained the original text throughout.

   [172] Ou te the& 139; de monon oude te opsei terpei (Sav. terpoito an)
   tote ho toioutos, alla kai (en B. C ) to somati auto tou pros ton
   leimona horontos, (tou p. t. l. ho. om. Sav. with full stop at auto.,
   ekeinon (gar add. B. Sav.) mallon aniesi k. t. l. Savile's reading,
   adopted by Ben. rests on the sole authority of the New College ms. and
   is manifestly a correction, as the Paris Editor remarks. (This ms. has
   the clause tou....horontos, but dotted for correction or omission, and
   the gar is added by a later hand.) But the passage seems to be
   incurably corrupt and only so much of the sense can be guessed at, that
   the delight is said not only to affect the eye, but to be felt through
   the whole frame of the beholder.

   [173] alla psuchas aniesin thermainomene kai zeousa. (theousa A.) The
   latter words, "heated and glowing," as manifestly unsuitable to aura
   are omitted in the modern text. They seem to be a fragment of a
   sentence, describing the heat of fever, or of passion.

   [174] plen ei me eis hexin heauton tina toiauten katasteseie. Edd.
   hapax eis hexin....katastesas: "having settled himself down into some
   such habit." But the old reading is preferable. "You may pacify him
   again and again, but the fit is subdued for the time, not the temper
   changed. There will be a fresh outbreak by and bye, unless indeed by
   self-discipline (heauton kat.) he bring himself into a habit," etc.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Homily VII.

   Acts II. 37

   "Now when they heard these words (E.V. this,') they were pricked in
   their heart, and said unto Peter and to the rest of the Apostles, Men
   and brethren, what shall we do?"

   Do you see what a great thing gentleness is? More than any vehemence,
   it pricks our hearts, inflicts a keener wound. For as in the case of
   bodies which have become callous, the man that strikes upon them does
   not affect the sense so powerfully, but if he first mollify them and
   make them tender, then he pierces them effectually; so in this instance
   also, it is necessary first to mollify. But that which softens, is not
   wrath, not vehement accusation, not personal abuse; it is gentleness.
   The former indeed rather aggravate the callousness, this last alone
   removes it. If then you are desirous to reprove any delinquent,
   approach him with all possible mildness. For see here; he gently
   reminds them of the outrages they have committed, adding no comment; he
   declares the gift of God, he goes on to speak of the grace which bore
   testimony to the event, and so draws out his discourse to a still
   greater length. So they stood in awe of the gentleness of Peter, in
   that he, speaking to men who had crucified his Master, and breathed
   murder against himself and his companions, discoursed to them in the
   character of an affectionate father and teacher. Not merely were they
   persuaded; they even condemned themselves, they came to a sense of
   their past behavior. For he gave no room for their anger to be roused,
   and darken their judgment, but by means of humility he dispersed, as it
   were, the mist and darkness of their indignation, and then pointed out
   to them the daring outrage they had committed. For so it is; when we
   say of ourselves that we are injured, the opposite party endeavor to
   prove that they have not done the injury; but when we say, we have not
   been injured, but have rather done the wrong, the others take the
   contrary line. If, therefore, you wish to place your enemy (eis agona)
   in the wrong, beware of accusing him; nay (agonisai), plead for him, he
   will be sure to find himself guilty. There is a natural spirit of
   opposition in man. Such was the conduct of Peter. He did not accuse
   them harshly; on the contrary, he almost endeavored to plead for them,
   as far as was possible. And this was the very reason that he penetrated
   into their souls. You will ask, where is the proof that they were
   pricked? In their own words; for what say they? "Men and brethren, what
   shall we do?" Whom they had called deceivers, they call "brethren:" not
   that hereby they put themselves on an equality with them, but rather by
   way of attracting their brotherly affection and kindness: and besides,
   [175] because the Apostles had deigned to call them by this title. And,
   say they, "What shall we do?" They did not straightway say, Well then,
   we repent; but they surrendered themselves to the disciples. Just as a
   person on the point of shipwreck, upon seeing the pilot, or in sickness
   the physician, would put all into his hands, and do his bidding in
   everything; so have these also confessed that they are in extreme
   peril, and destitute of all hope of salvation. They did not say, How
   shall we be saved? but, "What shall we do?" Here again Peter, though
   the question is put to all, is the man to answer. "Repent," says he,
   "and be baptized every one of you, in the name of Jesus Christ." (v.
   38.) He does not yet say, Believe, but, "Be baptized every one of you."
   For [176] this they received in baptism. Then he speaks of the gain;
   "For the remission of sins, and ye shall receive the gift of the Holy
   Ghost." If you are to receive a gift, if baptism conveys remission, why
   delay? He next gives a persuasive turn to his address, adding, "For the
   promise is unto you" (v. 39): for he had spoken of a promise above.
   "And to your children," he says: the gift is greater, when these are to
   be heirs of the blessings. "And to all," he continues, "that are afar
   off:" if to those that are afar off, much more to you that are near:
   "even as many as the Lord our God shall call." Observe the time he
   takes for saying, "To those that are afar off." It is when he finds
   them conciliated and self-accusing. For when the soul pronounces
   sentence against itself, no longer can it feel envy. "And with many
   other words did he testify, and exhort, saying." (v. 40.) Observe how,
   throughout, the writer studies brevity, and how free he is from
   ambition and display. "He testified and exhorted, saying." This is the
   perfection of teaching, comprising something of fear and something of
   love. "Save yourselves from this untoward generation." He says nothing
   of the future, all is about the present, by which indeed men are
   chiefly swayed; he shows that the Gospel releases from present [177]
   evils as well. "Then they that gladly received his word were baptized;
   and the same day there were added unto them about three thousand
   souls." (v. 41.) Think you not this cheered the Apostles more than the
   miracle? "And they continued steadfastly and with one accord in the
   Apostles' doctrine and fellowship." [178] (v. 42.) Here are two
   virtues, perseverance and concord. "In the Apostles' doctrine," he
   says: for they again taught them; "and fellowship, and in breaking of
   bread, and in prayer." All in common, all with perseverance. "And fear
   came upon every soul" (v. 43): of those that believed. For they did not
   despise the Apostles, like common men, nor did they fix their regard on
   that which was visible merely. Verily, their thoughts were kindled into
   a glow. [179] And as Peter had before spoken much, and declared the
   promises, and the things to come, well might they be beside themselves
   with fear. The wonders also bore witness to the words: "Many wonders
   and signs were done by the Apostles." As was the case with Christ;
   first there were signs, then teaching, then wonders; so was it now.
   "And all that believed were together, and had all things common." (v.
   44.) Consider what an advance was here immediately! For the fellowship
   was not only in prayers, nor in doctrine alone, but also in (politeia)
   social relations. "And sold their possessions and goods, and parted
   them to all men, as every man had need." See what fear was wrought in
   them! "And they parted them," he says, showing the (to oikonomikon)
   wise management: "As every man had need." Not recklessly, like some
   philosophers among the Greeks, of whom some gave up their land, others
   cast into the sea great quantities of money; but this was no contempt
   of riches, but only folly and madness. For universally the devil has
   made it his endeavor to disparage the creatures of God, as if it were
   impossible to make good use of riches. "And continuing daily with one
   accord in the temple" (v. 46), they enjoyed the benefit of teaching.
   Consider how these Jews did nothing else great or small, than
   assiduously attend at the temple. For, as having become more earnest,
   they had increased devotion also to the place. For the Apostles did not
   for the present pluck them away from this object, for fear of injuring
   them. "And breaking bread from house to house, did take their portion
   of food with gladness and singleness of heart, praising God, and having
   favor with all the people." (v. 47.) It seems to me that in mentioning
   "bread," he here signifies fasting and hard life; for they "took their
   portion of food," not of dainty fare. "With gladness," he says. Seest
   thou that not the dainty fare, but the (trophhes ou truphhes) food made
   the enjoyment. For they that fare daintily are under punishment and
   pain; but not so these. Do you see that the words of Peter contain this
   also, namely, the regulation of life? ["And singleness of heart."] For
   no gladness can exist where there is no simplicity. How had they "favor
   with all the people?" On account of their alms deeds. For do not look
   to the fact, that the chief priests for envy and spite rose up against
   them, but rather consider that "they had favor with the people."--"And
   the Lord added to the Church daily (epi to auto) [together] such as
   should be saved.--And [180] all that believed were together." Once
   more, the unanimity, the charity, which is the cause of all good
   things! [181]

   ["Now when they heard this," etc. "Then Peter said unto them," etc.]
   (Recapitulation, v. 37.) What had been said was not enough. For those
   sayings indeed were sufficient to bring them to faith; but these are to
   show what things the believer behooves to do. And he said not, In the
   Cross, but, "In the name of Jesus Christ let every one of you be
   baptized." (v. 38.) And he does not put them continually in mind of the
   Cross, that he may not seem to reproach them, but he says simply,
   "Repent:" and why? That we may be punished? No: "And let each of you be
   baptized in the name of Jesus Christ, for the remission of sins." And
   yet quite other is the law; of this world's tribunals: but in the case
   of the Gospel proclamation (kerugmatos); when the delinquent has
   confessed, then is he saved! Observe how Peter does not instantly hurry
   over this, but he specifies also the conditions, and adds, "Ye shall
   receive the gift of the Holy Ghost;" an assertion accredited by the
   fact, that the Apostles themselves had received that gift. ["For the
   promise," etc.] (v. 39.) "The promise," i.e. the gift of the Holy
   Ghost. [182] So far, he speaks of the easy part, and that which has
   with it a great gift; and then he leads them to practice: for it will
   be to them a ground of earnestness, to have tasted already of those so
   great blessings ["and with many other words did he testify," etc.] (v.
   40). Since, however, the hearer would desire to learn what was the sum
   and, substance of these further words, he tells us this: ["Saying, save
   yourselves from this untoward generation."] ["They then, that gladly
   received his words," etc.] (v. 41) they approved of what had been said,
   although fraught with terror, and after their assent given, proceed at
   once to baptism. [183] "And they continued" it is written, "steadfastly
   in the doctrine" (or, "teaching") "of the Apostles" (v. 42): for it was
   not for one day, no nor for two or three days that they were under
   teaching as being persons who had gone over to a different course of
   life. [184] ["And they continued with one accord in the Apostles'
   doctrine," etc.] The expression is not, homhou "together," but
   homothumadon, "with one accord;" ("and daily," he says [afterwards],
   "they were continuing with one accord in the temple,") i.e. with one
   soul. [185] And here again in his conciseness, he does not relate the
   teaching given; for as young children, the Apostles nourished them with
   spiritual food. "And fear came upon every soul" (v. 43): clearly, of
   those, as well, who did not believe; namely, upon seeing so great a
   change all at once effected, and besides in consequence of the
   miracles. ["And all that believed were together, and had all things in
   common," etc.] (v. 44.) They are all become angels on a sudden; all of
   them continuing in prayer and hearing, they saw that spiritual things
   are common, and no one there has more than other, and they speedily
   came together (epi to auto), to the same thing in common, even to the
   imparting to all. [186] "And all the believing" (v. 44), it says, were
   epi to auto: and to see that this does not mean that they were together
   in place, observe what follows ["And had all things common"]. "All," it
   says: not one with the exception of another. This was an angelic
   commonwealth, not to call anything of theirs their own. Forthwith the
   root of evils was cut out. By what they did, they showed what they had
   heard: this was that which he said, "Save yourselves from this untoward
   generation."--"And daily continuing with one accord in the temple." (v.
   46.) Since they are become three thousand, they take them abroad now:
   and [187] withal, the boldness imparted by the Spirit being great: and
   daily they went up as to a sacred place, as frequently we find Peter
   and John doing this: for at present they disturbed none of the Jewish
   observances. And this honor too passed over to the place; the eating in
   the house. In what house? In the Temple. [188] Observe the increase of
   piety. They cast away their riches, and rejoiced, and had great
   gladness, for greater were the riches they received without labor
   (apona Cat. al. agatha). None reproached, none envied, none grudged; no
   pride, no contempt was there. As children they did indeed account
   themselves to be under teaching: as new born babes, such was their
   disposition. Yet why use this faint image? If you remember how it was
   when God shook our city with an earthquake, how subdued all men were.
   (Infra, Hom. xli. S:2.) Such was the case then with those converts. No
   knavery, no villany then: such is the effect of fear, of affliction! No
   [189] talk of "mine" and "thine" then. Hence gladness waited at their
   table; no one seemed to eat of his own, or of another's;--I grant this
   may seem a riddle. Neither did they consider their brethren's property
   foreign to themselves; it was [190] the property of a Master; nor again
   deemed they aught their own, all was the brethren's. The poor man knew
   no shame, the rich no haughtiness. This is gladness. The latter deemed
   himself the obliged and fortunate party; the others felt themselves as
   honored herein, and closely were they bound together. For indeed,
   because when people make doles of money, there are apt to be insults,
   pride, grudging; therefore says the Apostle, "Not grudgingly, or of
   necessity."--(2 Cor. ix. 7.) ["With gladness and simplicity of heart,"
   etc.] See of how many things he bears witness to them! Genuine faith,
   upright conduct, perseverance in hearing, in prayers, in singleness, in
   cheerfulness. ["Praising God."] (v. 47.) Two things there were which
   might deject them; their abstemious living, and the loss of their
   property. Yet on both these accounts did they rejoice. ["And having
   favor with all the people."] For who but must love men of this
   character, as common fathers? They conceived no malice toward each
   other; they committed all to the grace of God. ["With all the people."]
   Fear there was none; yea, though they had taken their position in the
   midst of dangers. [191] By singleness, however, he denotes their entire
   virtue, far surpassing their contempt of riches, their abstinence, and
   their preseverance in prayer. For thus also they offered pure praise to
   God: this is to praise God. But observe also here how they immediately
   obtain their reward. "Having favor with all the people." They were
   engaging, and highly beloved. For who would not prize and admire their
   simplicity of character; who would not be linked to one in whom was
   nothing underhand? To whom too does salvation belong, but to these? To
   whom those great marvels? Was it not to shepherds that the Gospel was
   first preached? and to Joseph, [192] being a man of simple mind,
   insomuch that he did not let a suspicion of adultery frighten him into
   doing wrong? Did not God elect rustics, those artless men? For it is
   written, "Blessed is every simple soul." (Prov. xi. 25.) And again, "He
   that walketh simply, walketh surely." (Prov. x. 9.) "True," you will
   say, "but prudence also is needed." Why, what is simplicity, I pray
   you, but prudence? For when you suspect no evil, neither can you
   fabricate any: when you have no annoyances, neither can you remember
   injuries. Has any one insulted you? You were not pained. Has any one
   reviled you? You were nothing hurt. Has he envied you? Still you had no
   hurt. Simplicity is a high road to true philosophy. None so beautiful
   in soul as the simple. For as in regard of personal appearance, he that
   is sullen, and downcast, and reserved (sunnous), even if he be
   good-looking, loses much of his beauty; while he that relaxes his
   countenance, and gently smiles, enhances his good looks; so in respect
   of the soul, he that is reserved, if he have ten thousand good points,
   disfigures them; but the frank and simple, just the reverse. A man of
   this last description may be safely made a friend, and when at variance
   easily reconciled. No need of guards and outposts, no need of chains
   and fetters with such an one; but great is his own freedom, and that of
   those who associate with him. But what, you will say, will such a man
   do if he fall among wicked people? God, Who has commanded us to be
   simple-minded, will stretch out His hand. What was more guileless than
   David? What more wicked than Saul? Yet who triumphed? Again, in
   Joseph's case; did not he in simplicity approach his master's wife, she
   him with wicked art? Yet what, I pray, was he the worse? Furthermore,
   what more simple than was Abel? what more malicious than Cain? And
   Joseph again, had he not dealt artlessly with his brethren? Was not
   this the cause of his eminence, that he spoke out unsuspiciously, while
   they received his words in malice? He declared once and again his
   dreams unreservedly; and then again he set off to them carrying
   provisions; he used no caution; he committed all to God: nay, the more
   they held him in the light of an enemy, the more did he treat them as
   brothers. God had power not to have suffered him to fall into their
   hands; but that the wonder might be made manifest, how, though they do
   their worst, he shall be higher than they: though the blow do come upon
   him, it comes from another, not from himself. On the contrary, the
   wicked man strikes himself first, and none other than himself. "For
   [193] alone," it is said, "shall he bear his troubles." (Prov. ix. 12.)
   Ever in him the soul is full of dejection, his thoughts being ever
   entangled: whether he must hear aught or say aught, he does all with
   complaints, with accusation. Far, very far from such do friendship and
   harmony make their abode: but fightings are there, and enmities, and
   all unpleasantness. They that are such suspect even themselves. To
   these not even sleep is sweet, nor anything else. And have they a wife
   also, lo, they are enemies and at war with all: what endless
   jealousies, what unceasing fear! Aye, the wicked, poneros has his name
   from ponhein, "to have trouble." And, indeed, thus the Scripture is
   ever calling "wickedness" by the name of labor; as, for instance,
   "Under his tongue is toil and labor;" and again, "In the midst of them
   is toil and labor." (Ps. x. 7; xc. 10; and lv. 11.)

   Now if any one should wonder, whence those who had at first been of
   this last class, now are so different, let him learn that affliction
   was the cause, affliction, that school-mistress of heavenly wisdom,
   that mother of piety. When riches were done away with, wickedness also
   disappeared. True, say you, for this is the very thing I am asking
   about; but whence comes all the wickedness there is now? How is it that
   it came into the minds of those three thousand and five thousand
   straightway, to choose virtue, and that they simultaneously became
   Christian philosophers, whereas now hardly one is to be found? how was
   it that they then were in such harmony? What was it, that made them
   resolute and active? What was it that so suddenly inflamed them? The
   reason is, that they drew near with much piety; that honors were not so
   sought after as they are now; that they transferred their thoughts to
   things future, and looked for nothing of things present. This is the
   sign of an ardent mind, to encounter perils; this was their idea of
   Christianity. We take a different view, we seek our comfort here. The
   result is, that we shall not even obtain this, when the time is come.
   "What are we to do?" asked those men. We, just the contrary--"What
   shall we do?" What behooved to be done, they did. We, quite the
   reverse. [194] Those men condemned themselves, despaired of saving
   themselves. This is what made them such as they were. They knew what a
   gift they had received. But how can you become like them, when you do
   everything in an opposite spirit? They heard, and were forthwith
   baptized. They did not speak those cold words which we do now, nor did
   they contrive delays (p. 47, note 3); and yet they had heard all the
   requirements: but that word, "Save yourselves from this generation,"
   made them to be not sluggish; rather they welcomed the exhortation; and
   that they did welcome it, they proved by their deeds, they showed what
   manner of men they were. They entered at once the lists, and took off
   the coat; whereas we do enter, but we intend to fight with our coat on.
   This is the cause that our antagonist has so little trouble, for we get
   entangled in our own movements, and are continually thrown down. We do
   precisely the same thing as he who, having [195] to cope with a man
   frantic, breathing fire; and seeing him, a professed wrestler, covered
   with dust, tawny, stripped, clotted with dirt from the sand and sun,
   and running down with sweat and oil and dirt; himself, smelling of
   perfumes, should put on his silken garments, and his gold shoes, and
   his robe hanging down to his heels, and his golden trinkets on the
   head, and so descend into the arena, and grapple with him. Such a one
   will not only be impeded, but being taken up with the sole idea of not
   staining or rending his fine clothes, will tumble at the very first
   onset, and withal will suffer that which he chiefly dreaded, the damage
   of those his fond delights. The time for the contest is come, and say,
   are you putting on your silks? It is the time of exercise, the hour of
   the race, and are you adorning yourself as for a procession? Look not
   to outward things, but to the inward. For by the thoughts about these
   things the soul is hampered on all sides, as if by strong cords, so
   that she cannot let you raise a hand, or contend against the adversary;
   and makes you soft and effeminate. One may think himself, even when
   released from all these ties, well off, to be enabled to conquer that
   impure power. And on this account Christ too did not allow the parting
   with riches alone to suffice, but what saith He? "Sell whatsoever thou
   hast, and give to the poor, and come and follow Me." (Mark x. 21.) Now
   if, even when we cast away our riches, we are not yet in a safe
   position, but stand still in need of some further art and close
   practice; much more, if we retain them, shall we fail to achieve great
   things, and, instead thereof, become a laughing-stock to the
   spectators, and to the evil one himself. For even though there were no
   devil, though there were none to wrestle with us, yet ten thousand
   roads on all sides lead the lover of money to hell. Where now are they
   who ask why the devil was made (diati ho d. gegonen;)? Behold here the
   devil has no hand in the work, we do it all ourselves. Of a truth they
   of the hills might have a right to speak thus, who after they had given
   proof of their temperance, their contempt of wealth and disregard of
   all such things, have infinitely preferred to abandon father, and
   houses, and lands, and wife, and children. Yet, they are the last to
   speak so: but the men who at no time ought to say it, these do say it.
   Those are indeed wrestlings with the devil; these he does not think
   worth entering into. You will say, But it is the devil who instils this
   same covetousness. Well, flee from it, do not harbor it, O man. Suppose
   now, you see one flinging out filth from some upper story, and at the
   same time a person seeing it thrown out, yet standing there and
   receiving it all on his head: you not only do not pity him, but you are
   angry, and tell him it serves him right; and, "Do not be a fool,"
   everyone cries out to him, and lays the blame not so much on the other
   for shooting out the filth, as on him for letting it come on him. But
   now, you know that covetousness is of the devil; you know that it is
   the cause of ten thousand evils; you see him flinging out, like filth,
   his noisome imaginations; and do you not see that you are receiving on
   your bare head his nastiness, when it needed but to turn aside a little
   to escape it altogether? Just as our man by shifting his position would
   have escaped; so, do you refuse to admit such imaginations, ward off
   the lust. And how am I to do this? you will ask. Were you a Gentile,
   and had eyes for things present alone, the matter perhaps might be one
   of considerable difficulty, and yet even the Gentiles have achieved as
   much; but you--a man in expectation of heaven and heavenly bliss--and
   you to ask, "How am I to repel bad thoughts?" Were I saying the
   contrary, then you might doubt: did I say, covet riches, "How shall I
   covet riches," you might answer, "seeing such things as I do?" Tell me,
   if gold and precious stones were set before you, and I were to say,
   Desire lead, would there not be reason for hesitation? For you would
   say, How can I? But if I said, Do not desire it; this had been plainer
   to understand. I do not marvel at those who despise, but at those who
   despise not riches. This is the character of a soul exceeding full of
   stupidity, no better than flies and gnats, a soul crawling upon the
   earth, wallowing in filth, destitute of all high ideas. What is it you
   say? Are you destined to inherit eternal life; and do you say, how
   shall I despise the present life for the future? What, can the things
   be put in competition? [196] You are to receive a royal vest; and say
   you, How shall I despise these rags? You are going to be led into the
   king's palace; and do you say, How shall I despise this present hovel?
   Of a truth, we ourselves are to blame in every point, we who do not
   choose to let ourselves be stirred up ever so little. For the willing
   have succeeded, and that with great zeal and facility. Would that you
   might be persuaded by our exhortation, and succeed too, and become
   imitators of those who have been successful, through the grace and
   mercy of our Lord Jesus Christ, with Whom to the Father and the Holy
   Ghost together be glory, and power, and honor, now and ever, and world
   without end. Amen.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [175] This is strangely rendered by Ben. At alioquin, postquam illos
   sic appellare dignati fuerant, et dixerant. Erasmus rightly, Et aliter:
   quoniam illi eos primum ita appellare dignati fuerunt. OEcumen. "And
   because Peter in the beginning of his discourse had so addressed them,
   hence they themselves had a handle for so addressing the Apostles."

   [176] Touto gar en to baptismati parelabon. St. Chrysostom cannot mean
   to say that they received the gift of faith in baptism, not having it
   before: (see Mark xvi. 16, Acts viii. 37.) But the meaning seems to be,
   with allusion to the traditio symboli in baptism, "He does not as yet
   say, "Believe:" the question, "Dost thou believe?" would be put to them
   in their baptism, when the Creed was delivered to them. So that the
   injunction "Believe" is in fact included in the "Be baptized."

   [177] We adopt the reading of A. N. The other mss. have kai ton
   paronton kai ton mellonton apallattei kakon, "both from present and
   from future evils." Below, v. 42, homothumadon, which Chrys. seems to
   have had in his copy, was probably derived into this verse after
   proskart. from proskart. homoth. v. 46.

   [178] The exact force of koinonia here has been much disputed. By many
   it is thought to mean communication (to the needy) in the having all
   things common (koina), Ols., Lechler, et al. By others it is understood
   to refer to the Lord's Supper, but against this view is the fact that
   koinonia did not become a name for the sacrament until the third or
   fourth century. Others render: fellowship understanding either the
   participation in common meals (agapai) or the enjoyment of mutual
   sympathy, helpfulness and encouragement--the fellowship of Christian
   friendship. So Bengel, Mey., Hack., Gloag. This view is the preferable
   one.--G.B.S.

   [179] Of our mss. N. E. have the true reading, pepuroto, which is
   attested by the Catena: the rest, peporoto "were hardened."

   [180] This citation from v. 44. is not misplaced: it refers to the
   words epi to auto with which in Chrysostom's copy and many considerable
   authorities, this verse ended. (O Kurios prose. t. soz. kath' hemeran
   epi to auto. Petros de kai 'I. anebainon k. t. l. Lachm.)--In the
   opening of the next paragraph, the modern text has: "And with many
   other words he testified. This he says, showing that what had been
   said," etc. But it is evident that the recapitulation begins here, with
   v. 37. and ta lechthenta, and ekeina, mean the preceding discourse, v.
   14-36.; tauta, not "the many other words," v. 40. but, "Repent and be
   baptized."

   [181] The main lines of the picture which Luke here draws of the
   Apostolic community are: (1) Constant teaching and exhortation on the
   part of the Apostles. (2) Christian fellowship, with prayer and the
   regular observance of the Lord's Supper. (3) The doing of miracles. (4)
   The contribution of all to the common fund--not all at once, but
   gradually and as occasion required--as the imperfects and kathoti an
   tis chreian eichen (v. 44) show. (5) The confident hope and exultant
   joy with which the work of the new kingdom was carried forward in the
   conviction that the gospel was for all (v. 39). The pasin tois eis
   makran must, we think, refer to the heathen (Calv., Beng., Lech., De
   W., Lange, Alf., Hack., Gl.) and not merely to distant members of the
   Jewish nation (Baumg., Mey.).--G.B.S.

   [182] In the old text (mss. and Catena) after ton pleionon logon to
   kephalaion comes the clause touto esti, phesin, he dorea tou A. Pn.
   where it is clearly misplaced: for to heukolon k. t. l. is, "Be
   baptized, and ye shall receive," etc., and tote epi ton bion agei
   refers to v. 40.: "And with many other words," of which pleionon logon
   the kephalaion is, "Save yourselves," etc. Hence the clause must belong
   to v. 39. and accordingly the Catena gives the whole passage from
   'Axiopistos ho logos to epi to bapt. exerchontai. as the comment on v.
   38, 39. We have restored the proper order, and supplied the omitted
   citations.--The modern text after to kephalaion, has kai touto
   prostithesi, deiknus, hoti he dorea tou A. Pn. "Since the hearer, etc.
   this also he adds, showing that it is the gift of the Holy Ghost."--But
   the "hearer" is the person hearing or reading the narrative.

   [183] Here E. strangely inserts the formula of recapitulation, 'All'
   idomen anothen ta legomena: received by Sav., Ben. but bracketted by
   Morel.

   [184] Here the mss. have: "And fear came," etc., v. 43, with its
   comment, which we have restored to its proper place.

   [185] Ouchi homou de, all' homothumadon esan; "kath' hemeran te phesin,
   proskart. homothum. en to hiero," toutesti, mia psuche. B. C. F. D. St.
   Chrys. here returns to v. 42. in which he read in his copy the word
   homothumadon. Commenting on that expression, he refers to v. 46 (as his
   remark on that verse above was that they were taught, tes didaskalias
   apelauon, in the Temple). Or perhaps this clause may have been added by
   the scribe, because he did not find proskart. homoth. in v. 42, but did
   find it in v. 46.--E. "But he says not homou, but homoth since it is
   possible to be homou yet not homoth., when people are divided in
   opinion. And with words he exhorted. And here again," etc. So Edd.

   [186] 'Epi touto, epi to pasi metadounai B. C D. F. N. Cat. on v. 46,
   but on v. 45, Cat. has epi to auti, which is doubtless the true
   reading: for which the innovator, not understanding it, has epi to ta
   auton pasi diadounai. On epi to auto compare the comment on ch. iv. 32.
   in Hom. xi. S:1.

   [187] hama tes touton (N. and Cat. tou Pneumatos) parresias (parousias
   B.) polles ouses, kath' hemeran te k. t. l. B. C. D. F. N. Cat. We have
   adopted the reading preserved by N. and the Catena.--E. and Edd. "Who
   also with boldness, seeing there was great boldness now, daily went up
   and continued in the Temple."

   [188] kai aute (l. haute de he time eis ton topon diebaine to en to
   oiko esthiein; poi& 251; oiko; en to hiero; B. C. D. F. Cat. This
   "eating in the house" refers to the clause klontes te kat' oikon arton.
   If the passage be sound, Chrys. here represents that the Temple was
   honored by the breaking of bread (the Holy Eucharist?), there--Edd.
   from E. kai aute de he eis ton topon time diebaine pros ton tou hierou
   Despoten; "And the honor itself paid to the place passed over to the
   Lord of the Temple."

   [189] Edd. add, to psuchron rh& 210;ma, "That cold expression."

   [190] Despotika, i.e. of Christ their common Master. But Erasm. Erant
   enim ut dominorum, and so Ben.

   [191] kai tauta en mesois kindunois embeblekoton auton. Erasm. omits
   the two last words: Ben. in media pericula conjectis. The meaning is:
   "Not even in the midst of dangers, which they themselves had boldly
   charged, or, invaded."

   [192] Although he speaks below of Joseph the Patriarch, it seems that
   the husband of Mary is meant here.

   [193] Monos gar, phesin, antlesei ta kaka. A. omits this and the next
   clause: E. substitutes, "so is he even to himself an enemy. Of such an
   one the soul is," etc. so Edd.

   [194] We adopt the reading preserved by A. N. (what is also contained
   in the modern text with additions meant for explanation.) "Ti
   poiesomen;" eroton ekeinoi. Emeis de to enantion; Ti poiesomen; Aper
   edei genesthai epoioun. Emeis de tounantion. The modern text, after er.
   ekeinoi, inserts, apoginoskontes heauton; "despairing of themselves:"
   and, after the second question, legomen, epideiknumenoi pros tous
   parontas, kai mega phronountes eph' heautois; "Say (we), showing off
   ourselves to those present, and thinking great things of ourselves." B.
   C. omit, perhaps by oversight, the clauses between, Ti poiesomen (B. ti
   poiesomen); and, Aper edhei. In the following sentences, the force of
   the verbs kategnosan, apegnosan, egnosan might be rendered thus: "They
   knew themselves guilty, knew that in them was no power to save
   themselves--knew what a gift they received."

   [195] pros andra mainomenon echon, pur pneonta. E. F. D. and Edd. omit
   these words.

   [196] me gar ampherista ta pragmato; Erasm. negligently, non sunt aeque
   amabiles illae res: Ben. num res sunt mutuo comparabiles?
     __________________________________________________________________

   Homily VIII.

   Acts III. 1

   "Now Peter and John went up together into the temple, at the hour of
   prayer, being the ninth hour."

   Everywhere we find these two Apostles in great harmony together. "To
   him Simon Peter beckoned." (John xiii. 24.) These two also "came
   together to the sepulchre. (Ib. xx. 3 et seq.) And concerning John,
   Peter said unto Christ, "And what shall this man do?" (Ib. xxi. 21.)
   Now as for the other miracles, the writer of this book omits them; but
   he mentions the miracle by which they were all [197] put in commotion.
   Observe again that they do not come to them purposely; so clear were
   they of ambition, so closely did they imitate their Master. Why now did
   they go up to the temple? Did they still live as Jews? No, but for
   expediency (chresimos). [198] A miraculous sign again takes place,
   which both confirms the converts, and draws over the rest; and such, as
   they were a sign for having wrought. [199] The disease was in the
   nature of the man, and baffled the art of medicine. He had been forty
   years lame (ch. iv. 20), as the writer says afterwards, and no one
   during all that time had cured him. And the most obstinate diseases are
   those which are born with men. It was a great calamity, insomuch that
   even to provide for himself his necessary sustenance was impossible for
   him. The man was conspicuous both from the place, and from his malady.
   Hear how the matter is related. "And a certain man, lame from his
   mother's womb, was carried, whom they laid daily at the gate of the
   temple which is called Beautiful, to ask alms of them that entered into
   the temple." (v. 2.) He sought to receive alms, and he did not know who
   the men were. "Who seeing Peter and John about to go into the temple,
   asked an alms. And Peter, fastening his eyes upon him, with John, said,
   Look on us." (v. 3, 4.) Yet, not even so were the man's thoughts
   elevated, but he persisted in his importunity. For such is poverty;
   upon a refusal, it compels people still to persist. Let this put us to
   shame who fall back in our prayers. But observe, I pray you, Peter's
   gentleness: for he said, "Look on us." So truly did their very bearing,
   of itself, betoken their character. "And he gave heed unto them,
   expecting to receive something of them. Then Peter said, Silver and
   gold have I none; but such as I have I give thee." (v. 5, 6.) He did
   not say, I give thee something much better than silver or gold: but
   what? "In the name of Jesus Christ of Nazareth, rise up and walk. And
   he took him by the right hand, and lifted him up." (v. 7.) Such was
   also the way of Christ. Often He healed by word, often by an act, often
   also He stretched forth the hand, where men were somewhat weak in
   faith, that the cure might not appear to be spontaneous. "And he took
   him by the right hand, and lifted him up." This act made manifest the
   Resurrection, for it was an image of the Resurrection. "And immediately
   his feet and ankle bones received strength. And he leaping up stood,
   and walked." (v. 8.) Perhaps it was by way of trying himself that he
   put it thus to further proof, whether perchance the thing done might
   not be to no purpose. His feet were weak; it was not that he had lost
   them. Some say that he did not even know how to walk. [200] "And
   entered with them into the temple." Of a truth it was marvellous. The
   Apostles do not urge him; but of his own accord he follows, by the act
   of following pointing out his benefactors. "And leaping and praising
   God;" not admiring them, but God that wrought by them. The man was
   grateful.

   ["Now [201] Peter and John went up together into the temple," etc.] You
   observe how they continued in prayer. "The ninth hour:" there they
   prayed together. ["And a certain man," etc.] The man was in the act of
   being carried at that instant. ["Whom they laid daily:"] (his bearers
   carried him away:) ["at the gate," etc.] just when people went into the
   temple. And that you may not suppose that they carried him for some
   other purpose, but that it was in order that he might receive alms,
   hear what the writer says: "so that he might receive alms of those
   entering into the temple." (Recapitulation of vv. 1-8.) And this is the
   reason why he also makes mention of the places, to give evidence of
   what he relates. "And how was it," you may ask, "that they did not
   present him to Christ?" Perhaps they were certain unbelieving men, that
   haunted the temple, as in fact neither did they present him to the
   Apostles, when they saw them entering, after having done such great
   miracles. "He asked," it is written, "to receive an alms." (v. 3.)
   Their bearing marked them as certain devout and righteous men. ["And
   Peter fastening his eyes upon him, with John, said," etc.] (v. 4, 5.)
   And observe how John is everywhere silent, while Peter makes excuse for
   him also; "Silver and gold," he says, "have I none." (v. 6.) He does
   not say, I have none here, as we are wont to speak, but absolutely, I
   have none. "What then?" he might say, "do you take no notice of me,
   your suppliant?" Not so, but of what I have, receive thou. Do you
   remark how unassuming Peter is, how he makes no display even to the
   object of his beneficence? ["In the name," etc. "And he took him by the
   hand," etc.] (v. 7.) And the mouth and the hand did all. Such [202]
   sort of persons were the Jews; lame, and the right thing being to ask
   for health, these same ask for money, grovelling on the ground: for
   this it was that they beset the temple--to get money. What then does
   Peter? He did not despise him; he did not look about for some rich
   subject; he did not say, If the miracle is not done to some great one
   (eis ekheinon), nothing great is done: he did not look for some honor
   from him, no, nor heal him in the presence of people; for the man was
   at the entrance, not where the multitude were, that is, within. But
   Peter sought no such object; nor upon entering did he proclaim the
   matter: no, it was by his bearing that he attracted the lame man to
   ask. And the wonder is, that he believed so readily. For those who are
   set free from diseases of long standing, hardly believe their very
   eyesight. Once healed, he remains with the Apostles, giving thanks to
   God. "And he entered," it is said, "with them into the temple, walking,
   and leaping, and praising God." (v. 8.) Observe how restless he is, in
   the eagerness of his delight, at the same time shutting the mouths of
   the Jews. Also, that he leaped, was to prevent the suspicion of
   hypocrisy; for after all, this was beyond the possibility of deception.
   For if previously he was totally unable to walk, even when hunger
   pressed hard (and indeed he would not have chosen to share with his
   bearers the proceeds of his begging, if he had been able to manage for
   himself), this holds still more in the present case. And how should he
   have feigned in behalf of those who had given him no alms? But the man
   was grateful, even after his recovery. And thus on either side his
   faith is shown, both by his thankfulness, and by the recent event.

   He was so [203] well known to all, that "they recognized him. And all
   the people," it says, "saw him walking and praising God; and they
   recognized (epeginoskon) that it was he which sat for alms at the
   Beautiful gate of the temple." (v. 9.) It is well said, "they
   recognized," inasmuch as he was one unknown now by reason of what had
   happened: for we use this term with regard to objects, which we find a
   difficulty in recognizing. ["And they were filled with wonder and
   amazement at that which had happened unto him."] Needs must it be
   believed that [204] the name of Christ remits sins, seeing it produces
   even such effects as this. ("And as he held Peter and John, all the
   people came together at the porch that is called Solomon's, greatly
   wondering." (v. 11.) From his good feelings and love towards the
   Apostles, the lame man would not leave them; perhaps he was thanking
   them openly, and praising them. "And all the people," it is said, "ran
   together unto them. And when Peter saw them, he answered." (v. 12.)
   Again it is he who acts, and addresses the people.

   And in the former instance, it was the circumstance of the tongues that
   aroused them to hearing, now it was this miracle; then, he took
   occasion to speak from their accusations now, from their supposition.
   Let us then consider, in what this address differs from the former, and
   in what it agrees with that. The former was held in a house, before any
   one has come over, and before they themselves have wrought anything;
   this, when all are wondering, and the healed man is standing by; when
   none doubt, as in the other case where some said "These men are full of
   new wine." (Acts xii. 13.) At the one, he was surrounded by all the
   Apostles as he spoke; but at this, he has John alone; for by this time
   he is bold, and become more energetic. Such is the nature of virtue;
   once started, it advances, and never stops. Observe also how it was
   divinely ordered, that the miracle should take place in the temple,
   that others also might wax bold, while the Apostles work not in holes
   (eis kataduseis) and corners, and in secret: though not in the interior
   of the temple either, where the greater number were. How then, I pray
   you, was it believed? The man himself who was healed proclaimed the
   benefit. For there was no reason why he should lie, nor why he should
   have joined a different set of people. [205] Either then it was because
   of the spaciousness of the place, that he there wrought the miracle, or
   because the spot was retired. And observe the event. They went up for
   one object, and they accomplished another. Thus also did Cornelius: he
   prayed and fasted [206] * * *. But hitherto they always call Him, "of
   Nazareth." "In the name of Jesus Christ of Nazareth," said Peter, walk.
   For in the first instance, the thing required was, that He should be
   believed in.

   Let us not, I pray you, give over at the beginning of the story: [207]
   and if one has named some particular achievement of virtue, and then
   has dropped it for awhile, let us begin over again. If we get into the
   right mood (en hexei), we shall soon arrive at the end, soon reach the
   summit. For earnestness, it is said, begets earnestness, and dulness
   begets dulness. He who has effected some little reformation, thereby
   receives encouragement to approach greater things, and thence again to
   go on something more than that; and just as it is with fire, the more
   wood it lays hold on, the more vehement it becomes, so likewise zeal,
   the more pious reflections it kindles, the more effectually is it armed
   against their opposites. As, for example: There are set in us, like so
   many thorns, perjury, falsehood hypocrisy, deceit, dishonesty,
   abusiveness, scoffing, buffoonery, indecency, scurrility; again under
   another head, covetousness, rapacity, injustice, calumny,
   insidiousness; again, wicked lust, uncleanness, lewdness, fornication,
   adultery; again, envy, emulation, anger, wrath, rancor, revenge,
   blasphemy, and numberless others. If we effect a reformation in the
   first instances, not only in them will the success have been achieved,
   but through them in the following cases also. For reason has then
   gained more strength to overthrow those other vices. For instance, if
   he, who has frequently sworn, once extirpates that satanic habit, he
   has not only gained this point, but a habit of piety in other respects
   will have been brought in. For no one, I suppose, averse to swearing
   would easily consent to do any other wicked act; he will feel a
   reverence for the virtue already acquired. Just as the man who wears a
   beautiful robe, will blush to roll himself in the mire; so is it also
   here. From this beginning he will come to learn not to be angry, not to
   strike, not to insult. For if once he has come right in little matters,
   the whole affair is done. Often, however, something of this sort takes
   place, that a person has once reformed, and then again through
   carelessness falls back into the old sins but too readily, so that the
   case becomes irremediable. For instance, we have made it a law to
   ourselves not to swear; we have got on well, for some three, or even
   four days; after that being hard put to it, we scattered away the whole
   of our collected gain; we then fall into indolence and recklessness.
   Still it is not right to give over; one must set to work zealously
   again. For it is said, he that has built up a house, and then sees his
   building pulled down, will have less spirit for building again. Yes,
   but for all this, one must not be dispirited, but must once more set to
   work zealously.

   Let us then lay down daily laws for ourselves. For a time let us begin
   with the easier. Let us retrench all that superfluity of paths, and put
   a bridle on our tongues; let no one swear by God. Here is no outlay,
   here is no fatigue, here is no cost of time. It is sufficient to will,
   and all is done. It is a matter of habit. I beseech and entreat you,
   let us contribute thus much of zeal. Tell me, if I had bid you
   contribute your money, would not each one of you readily cast in
   according to his ability? If you saw me in extreme danger, would you
   not, if it had been possible, have cut off your own flesh to give me?
   Well, I am in danger now, and in great danger, such indeed that, were I
   withal confined to a dungeon, or had I received ten thousand stripes,
   or were a convict in the mines, I could not suffer more. Reach me then
   the hand. Consider how great is the danger, that I should not have been
   able to reform this which is least: I say "least" in regard to the
   labor required. What shall I have to say hereafter, when thus called to
   account? "Why did you not remonstrate? why did you not enjoin? why did
   you not lay the law before them? why did you not check the
   disobedient?" It will not be enough for me to say, that I did admonish.
   It will be answered, "You ought to have used more vehement rebuke;
   since Eli also admonished." (1 Sam. ii. 24.) But God forbid I should
   compare you with Eli's sons. Indeed, he did admonish them and say,
   "Nay, my sons, do not so; evil is the report that I hear of you." (1
   Sam. iii. 13.) But subsequently the Scripture saith, that he did not
   admonish his sons: since he did not admonish them severely, or with
   threats. For is it not strange indeed, that in the synagogues of the
   Jews the laws are in such force, and whatever the teacher enjoins is
   performed; while here we are thus despised and rejected? It is not my
   own glory that I care for (my glory is your good report), but it is for
   your salvation. Every day we lift up our voice, and shout in your ears.
   But there is none to hear. Still we take no strong measures. I fear we
   shall have to give an account at the coming Day of this excessive and
   unseasonable leniency.

   Wherefore, with a loud and clear voice, I proclaim to all and testify,
   that those who are notorious for this transgression, who utter words
   which come "of the evil one," (Matt. v. 37.) (for such is swearing,)
   shall not step over the threshold of the Church. Let this present month
   be the time allowed you for reforming in this matter. Talk not to me,
   "Necessity of business compels me to use oaths, else people do not
   believe me." To begin with this, retrench those oaths which come merely
   of habit. I know many will laugh, but it is better to be laughed at
   now, than wept for hereafter. They will laugh, who are mad. For who, I
   ask, in his right mind would laugh at the keeping of the commandment?
   But suppose they do; why, it will not be at us, but at Christ, that
   such men will laugh. You shudder at the word! I knew you would. Now if
   this law were of my making, at me would be the laughing; but if Another
   be the Lawgiver, the jeering passes over to Him. Yes, and Christ was
   once spit upon, and smitten with the palm, smitten upon the face. Now
   also He bears with this, and it is no wonder (ouden apeikos)! For this,
   hell is prepared; for this, the worm that dieth not. Behold, again I
   say and testify; let him laugh that will, let him scoff that listeth.
   Hereunto are we set, to be laughed at and mocked, to suffer all things.
   We are "the offscouring" (1 Cor. iv. 13) or the world, as blessed Paul
   says. If any man refuse to conform to this order, that man I, by my
   word, as with a trumpet's blast, do prohibit to set foot over the
   Church's threshold, be he prince, be he even the crowned head. Either
   depose me from this station, or if I am to remain, expose me not to
   danger. I cannot bear to ascend this throne, without effecting some
   great reformation. For if this be impossible, it is better to stand
   below. Nothing more wretched than a ruler who does his people no good.
   Do exert yourselves, and attend to this, I entreat you; and let us
   strive, and of a surety more will come of it. Fast, entreat God (and we
   will do the same with you) that this pernicious habit may be
   eradicated. It is no great matter, [208] to become teachers to the
   world; no small honor to have it said everywhere, that really in this
   city there is not a man that swears. If this come to pass, you will
   receive the reward not only of your own good works; indeed what I am to
   you, this you will become to the world. Assuredly others also will
   emulate you; assuredly you will be a candle set upon a candlestick.

   And is this, you will say, the whole matter? No, this is not all, but
   this is a beginning of other virtues. He who swears not, will certainly
   attain unto piety in other respects, whether he will or not, by dint of
   self-respect and awe. But you will urge that most men do not keep to
   it, but fall away. Well, better one man that doeth the will of the
   Lord, than ten thousand transgressors. In fact, hereby is everything
   subverted, everything turned upside down, I mean, because after the
   fashion of the Theatre we desire numbers not a select number. For what
   indeed will a multitude be able to profit? Would you learn that it is
   the saints, not the numbers, which make the multitude? Lead out to war
   ten hundred thousand men, and one saint, and let us see who achieves
   the most? Joshua the son of Nun went out to war, and alone achieved
   all; the rest were of no use. [209] Wouldest thou see, beloved, that
   the great multitude, when it does not the will of God, is no better
   than a thing of naught? I wish indeed, and desire, and with pleasure
   would be torn in pieces, to adorn the Church with a multitude, yea, but
   a select multitude; yet if this be impossible, that the few should be
   select, is my desire. Do you not see, that it is better to possess one
   precious stone, than ten thousand farthing pieces? Do you not see that
   it is better to have the eye sound, than to be loaded with flesh, and
   yet deprived of sight? Do you not see that it is better to have one
   healthy sheep, than ten thousand with the murrain; that fine children,
   though few, are better than many children diseased withal; that in the
   Kingdom there will be few, but in hell many? What have I to do with a
   multitude? what profit therein? None. Rather they are a plague to the
   rest. It is as if one who had the option of ten healthy persons or ten
   thousand sick folks, should take to himself the latter in addition to
   the ten. The many who do nothing well, will avail us only for
   punishment hereafter, and disgrace for the time being. For no one will
   urge it as a point in our favor that we are many; we shall be blamed
   for being unprofitable. In fact, this is what men always tell us, when
   we say, We are many; "aye, but bad," they answer.

   Behold again: I give warning, and proclaim with a loud voice, let no
   one think it a laughing matter: I will exclude and prohibit the
   disobedient; and as long as I sit on this throne, I will give up not
   one of its rights. If any one depose me from it, then I am no longer
   responsible; as long as I am responsible, I cannot disregard them; on
   account not of my own punishment, but of your salvation. For I do
   exceedingly long for your salvation. To advance it, I endure pain and
   vexation. But yield your obedience, that both here and hereafter you
   may receive a plentiful reward, and that we may in common reap eternal
   blessings; through the grace and mercy of the only-begotten Son of God;
   to Whom with the Father and the Holy Ghost be glory, power, and honor,
   now and ever, world without end. Amen.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [197] OEcumen. has preserved the true reading: aph' hou pantes
   ekinethesan. Mss. and Cat. ekinesen. (N. in the margin, by a later
   hand, enikese.) E. and Edd. ho de tollen eiche ten ekplexin kai pantas
   exenise, touto legei.

   [198] There is no evidence that Peter and John attended upon the Jewish
   worship simply "for expediency." There is much to the contrary. The
   early Christians had no idea of ceasing to be Jews. Peter at this time
   supposed it to be necessary for the Gentile converts to be circumcised
   (Gal. ii.). It was incident to the gradual separation of Christianity
   from Judaism that those who had been zealous adherents of the latter
   should suppose that its forms were still to be the moulds of the new
   system. They were not for this reason less honestly and genuinely
   Christian, but had not yet apprehended the principle of Christian
   liberty as Paul afterward expounded it. The point of difficulty was not
   so much the entrance of the Gentiles into the Kingdom of God as the
   question whether they should enter through the gate of Judaism.--G.B.S.

   [199] kai hoion semeion esan poiesantes. E. "And a miracle such as they
   had not yet wrought." So Edd.

   [200] OEcumen. "That he leaped was either because he was incredulous of
   what had happened, or, by way of trying his power of stepping more
   surely and firmly, or, the man did not know how to walk."

   [201] E. and Edd. "But let us look over again what has been said. They
   went up,' he says, at the hour of prayer, the ninth hour.' Perhaps just
   at that time they carried and laid the lame man, when people," etc. In
   the old text the clause auton bastazontes apenenkan (which should be
   hoi bast. auton) seems meant to explain kath' hemeran: they bore him
   daily, and the same persons carried him away.

   [202] E. and Edd. toioutoi tines esan kai 'Ioudaioi (for hoi 'I.)
   choleuontes...hoi de (for autoi) mallon chremata aitousi...ohi kai dia
   touto..."Such sort of people were also [the] Jews, being lame (i e.
   like many beggars among ourselves): even when they have only to ask for
   health, yet they rather ask for money...who even for this reason beset
   the temple," etc. But the meaning seems rather to be: "See here an
   emblem of the Jews. Lame, and needing but," etc.

   [203] houto pasi gnorimos en hoti epeginoskon, A. B. C. D. F. Sav.
   Morel. Ben. But Commelin. and Ed. Par. Ben. 2. after Erasm. adopt the
   reading of E. ou men pasi gnorimos en hothen kai: because of the
   following comment on epeginoskon. But the meaning is: They were all
   acquainted with him (it could not be otherwise): but seeing him walking
   and leaping, they found it difficult to believe that it was he, and yet
   they could not doubt it. This is well denoted by epeginoskon: for we
   use this word, epi ton molis gnorizomenon: strange as it was, they were
   satisfied that it was he, the man whom they all knew so well.

   [204] Edei pisteuthenai dioti, B. C. di hoti A. This seems to be the
   comment on the remaining clause of v. 10, which we have supplied: but
   the meaning is obscure. The modern text has edei goun p. hoti.

   [205] oude gar an epseusato, oud' an ep' allous tinas elthen. It is not
   clear who are the alloi tines: and something is wanting. In fact, this
   part of the Homily is very defective. The next sentence seems to refer
   to the mention of the porch called Solomon's, but evidently supposes
   something preceding: e.g. "The miracle was performed at the Beautiful
   Gate, beside which was the Porch called Solomon's."

   [206] E. and Edd. Kornelios alla nesteuon eucheto, kai alla hora.
   "Cornelius prayed with fasting, for one object: and sees a vision of
   something other than he thought for."

   [207] It can hardly be imagined that St. Chrysostom's meaning is
   correctly reported here. 'En arche tou diegmatos, can only mean, In the
   beginning of the narrative (of this miracle). It seems that the case of
   this man, who at first lies at the gate of the temple, unable to stir,
   and in the end, enters with the Apostles walking and leaping and
   praising God, furnished the theme for the ethical part of the
   discourse. "There is the like cure for our souls: let us not give over
   for want of success in the first attempt, but begin again after every
   failure."

   [208] Ouden mega esti gen. didask. tes oik. Ou mikron k. t. l. The
   passage is manifestly corrupt, and the mss. lend no assistance. Ben.
   conjecturally, Nihil majus est quam esse doctores orbis: nec parum,
   etc. Ed. Par. Ben. 2. Fortasse, oukoun mega. But it is more likely that
   something is wanting, e.g. "It is no great matter [to be free from the
   vice of swearing. But to set an example to others would be a great
   thing], to be teachers herein of the whole world," etc.

   [209] 'Alla pou theleis idein. agapete, hoti ho polus ochlos k. t. l.
   The modern text, O polus ochlos, agapete, k. t. l.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Homily IX.

   Acts III. 12

   "And when Peter saw it, he answered unto the people, Ye men of Israel,
   why marvel ye at this, or why look ye so earnestly on us, as though by
   our own power or holiness we have made this man to walk?"

   There is greater freedom of speech in this harangue, than in the
   former. Not that he was afraid on the former occasion, but the persons
   whom he addressed there, being jesters and scoffers, would not have
   borne it. Hence in the beginning of that address he also bespeaks their
   attention by his preamble; "Be this known unto you, and hearken to my
   words." (ch. ii. 14.) But here there is no need of this management.
   (kataskeuhes.) For his hearers were not in a state of indifference. The
   miracle had aroused them all; they were even full of fear and
   amazement. Wherefore also there was no need of beginning at that point,
   but rather with a different topic; by which, in fact, he powerfully
   conciliated them, namely, by rejecting the glory which was to be had
   from them. For nothing is so advantageous, and so likely to pacify the
   hearers, as to say nothing about one's self of an honorable nature,
   but, on the contrary, to obviate all surmise of wishing to do so. And,
   in truth, much more did they increase their glory by despising glory,
   and showing that what had just taken place was no human act, but a
   Divine work; and that it was their part to join with the beholders in
   admiration, rather than to receive it from them. Do you see how clear
   of all ambition he is, and how he repels the honor paid to him? In the
   same manner also did the ancient fathers; for instance, Daniel said,
   "Not for any wisdom that is in me." (Dan. ii. 30.) And again Joseph,
   "Do not interpretations belong to God?" (Gen. xi. 8.) And David, "When
   the lion and the bear came, in the name of the Lord I rent them with my
   hands." (1 Sam. xvii. 34.) And so likewise here the Apostles, "Why look
   ye so earnestly on us, as though by our own power or holiness we had
   made this man to walk?" (v. 13.) Nay, not even this; [210] for not by
   our own merit did we draw down the Divine influence. "The God of
   Abraham, and of Isaac, and of Jacob, the God of our fathers." See how
   assiduously he thrusts himself (eisothei) upon the fathers of old, lest
   he should appear to be introducing a new doctrine. In the former
   address he appealed to the patriarch David, here he appeals to Abraham
   and the rest. "Hath glorified His Servant [211] Jesus." Again a lowly
   expression, like as in the opening address.

   But at this point he proceeds to enlarge upon the outrage, and exalts
   the heinousness of the deed, no longer, as before, throwing a veil over
   it. This he does, wishing to work upon them more powerfully. For the
   more he proved them accountable, the better his purpose were effected.
   "Hath glorified," he says, "His Servant Jesus, Whom ye delivered up,
   and denied Him in the presence of Pilate, when he was determined to let
   him go." The charge is twofold: Pilate was desirous to let Him go; you
   would not, when he was willing. "But ye denied the Holy One and the
   Just, and desired a murderer to be granted unto you; and killed the
   Prince (or Author) of Life: Whom God hath raised from the dead; whereof
   we are witnesses." (v. 14, 15.) Ye desired a robber instead of Him. He
   shows the great aggravation of the act. As he has them under his hand,
   he now strikes hard. "The Prince of Life," he says. In these words he
   establishes the doctrine of the Resurrection. "Whom God hath raised
   from the dead." (ch. ii. 26.) "Whence doth this appear?" He no longer
   refers to the Prophets, but to himself, inasmuch as now he has a right
   to be believed. Before, when he affirmed that He was risen, he adduced
   the testimony of David; now, having said it, he alleges the College of
   Apostles. "Whereof we are witnesses," he says.

   "And His name, through faith in His name, hath made this man strong,
   whom ye see and know: yea, the faith which is by Him hath given him
   this perfect soundness in the presence of you all." Seeking to declare
   the matter (zethon to prhagma eiphein), he straightway brings forward
   the sign: "In the presence," he says, "of you all." As he had borne
   hard upon them, and had shown that He Whom they crucified had risen,
   again he relaxes, by giving them the power of repentance; "And now,
   brethren, I wot that through ignorance ye did it, as did also your
   rulers." (v. 17.) This is one ground of excuse. The second [212] is of
   a different kind. As Joseph speaks to his brethren, "God did send me
   before you (Gen. xlv. 5); what in the former speech he had briefly
   said, in the words, "Him, being delivered by the determinate counsel
   and foreknowledge of God, ye have taken,"--this he here enlarges upon:
   "But what God before had showed by the mouth of all His Prophets, that
   His Christ should suffer, He hath so fulfilled." (v. 18.) At the same
   time showing, that it was not of their doing, if this be proved, that
   it took place after God's counsel. He alludes to those words with which
   they had reviled Him on the Cross, namely "Let Him deliver Him, if He
   will have Him; for He said, I am the Son of God. If [213] He trust in
   God, let Him now come down from the cross." (Matt. xxvii. 42, 43.) O
   foolish men, were these idle words? It must needs so come to pass, and
   the prophets bear witness thereunto. Therefore if He descended not, it
   was for no weakness of His own that He did not come down, but for very
   power. And Peter puts this by way of apology for the Jews, hoping that
   they may also close with what he says. "He hath so fulfilled," he says.
   Do you see now how he refers everything to that source? "Repent ye
   therefore," he says, "and be converted." He does not add, "from your
   sins;" but, "that your sins, may be blotted out," means the same thing.
   And then he adds the gain: "So shall the times of refreshing come from
   the presence of the Lord." (v. 19.) This betokens them in a sad state,
   brought low by many wars. [214] For it is to the case of one on fire,
   and craving comfort, that the expression applies. And see now how he
   advances. In his first sermon, he but slightly hinted at the
   resurrection, and Christ's sitting in heaven; but here he also speaks
   of His visible advent. "And He shall send Jesus the Christ ordained
   [215] (for you), "Whom the heaven must (i.e. must of necessity)
   receive, until the times of the restitution of all things." The reason
   why He does not now come is clear. "Which God hath spoken," he
   continues, "by the mouth [216] of His holy prophets since the world
   began. For Moses truly said unto the fathers, A Prophet shall the Lord
   your God raise up unto you of your brethren, like unto me; him shall ye
   hear in all things whatsoever he shall say unto you." Before, he had
   spoken of David, here he speaks of Moses. "Of all things," he says,
   "which He hath spoken." But he does not say, "which Christ," but,
   "which God hath spoken [217] by the mouth of all His holy prophets
   since the world began." (v. 20, 21.) Then he betakes him to the ground
   of credibility, saying, "A Prophet shall the Lord your God raise up
   unto you of your brethren, like unto me; Him shall ye hear in all
   things." And then the greatness of the punishment: "And it shall come
   to pass, that every soul which will not hear that Prophet, shall be
   destroyed from among the people. Yea, and all the prophets, from Samuel
   and those that follow, after, as many as have spoken have likewise
   foretold of these days." (v. 23, 24.) He has done well to set the
   distinction here. For whenever he says anything great, he appeals to
   them of old. And he found a text which contained both truths; just as
   in the other discourse he said, "Until He put His foes under His feet."
   (ch. ii. 35.) The remarkable circumstance is, that the two things stand
   together; that is, subjection and disobedience, and the punishment.
   "Like unto me," he says. Then why are ye alarmed? "Ye are the children
   of the prophets" (v. 25): so that to you they spake, and for your sakes
   have all these things come to pass. For as they deemed that through
   their outrage they had become alienated (and indeed there is no parity
   of reason, that He Who now is crucified, should now cherish them as His
   own), he proves to them that both the one and the other are in
   accordance with prophecy. "Ye are the children," he says, "of the
   Prophets, and of the covenant which God made with our fathers, saying
   unto Abraham, And in thy seed shall all the kindreds of the earth be
   blessed.' Unto you first," he continues, "God having raised up His Son
   (ton Phaida) sent Him." "To others indeed also, but to you first who
   crucified Him." "To bless you," he adds, "in turning away every one of
   you from his iniquities." (v. 26.)

   Now let us consider again more minutely what has been read out.
   (Recapitulation.) In the first place, he establishes the point that the
   miracle was performed by them [218] ; saying, "Why marvel ye?" And he
   will not let the assertion be disbelieved: and to give it more weight,
   he anticipates their judgment. "Why look ye," he says, "so earnestly on
   us, as though by our own power or holiness we had made this man to
   walk?" (v. 12.) If this troubles and confounds you, learn Who was the
   Doer, and be not amazed. And observe how on all occasions when he
   refers to God, and says that all things are from Him, then he
   fearlessly chides them: as above where he said, "A man approved of God
   among you." (ch. ii. 22.) And on all occasions he reminds them of the
   outrage they had committed, in order that the fact of the Resurrection
   may be established. But here he also subjoins something else; for he no
   more says, "of Nazareth," but what? "The God of our fathers hath
   glorified His Servant Jesus." (v. 13.) Observe also the modesty. He
   reproached them not, neither did he say at once, "Believe then now:
   behold, a man that has been forty years lame, has been raised up
   through the name of Jesus Christ." This he did not say, for it would
   have excited opposition. On the contrary, he begins by commending them
   for admiring the deed, and again calls them after their ancestor: "Ye
   men of Israel." Moreover, he does not say, It was Jesus that healed
   him: but, "The God of our fathers hath glorified," etc. But then, lest
   they should say, How can this stand to reason--that God should glorify
   the transgressor? therefore he reminds them of the judgment before
   Pilate, showing that, would they but consider, He was no transgressor;
   else Pilate had not wished to release Him. And he does not say, "when
   Pilate was desirous," but, "was determined to let Him go." "But ye
   denied the Holy One," etc. (v. 13, 14.) Him who had killed others, ye
   asked to be released; Him Who quickeneth them that are killed, ye did
   not wish to have! And that they might not ask again, How should it be
   that God now glorifies Him, when before He gave no assistance? he
   brings forward the prophets, testifying that so it behooved to be. "But
   those things which God before had showed," etc., (infra v. 18.) Then,
   lest they should suppose that God's dispensation was their own apology,
   first he reproves them. Moreover, that the denying Him "to Pilate's
   face," was no ordinary thing; seeing that he wished to release Him. And
   that ye cannot deny this, the man who was asked in preference to Him is
   witness against you. This also is part of a deep dispensation. Here it
   shows their shamelessness and effrontery; that a Gentile, one who saw
   Him for the first time, should have discharged Him, though he had heard
   nothing striking; while they who had been brought up among His
   miracles, have done the very opposite! For, as he has said, "When he
   (Pilate) had determined to let Him go," that it may not be imagined
   that he did this of favor, we read, "And he said, It is a custom with
   you to release one prisoner: will ye therefore that I release unto you
   this man? (Matt. xxvii. 15.) "But ye denied the Holy One and the Just."
   (Mark xv. 6.) He does not say, "Ye delivered up;" but everywhere, "Ye
   denied." For, said they, "We have no king but Caesar." (John xix. 15.)
   And he does not say only, Ye did not beg off the innocent, and, "Ye
   denied" Him but, "Ye slew" Him. While they were hardened, he refrained
   from such language; but when their minds are most moved, then he
   strikes home, now that they are in a condition to feel it. For just as
   when men are drunk we say nothing to them, but when they are sober, and
   are recovered from their intoxication then we chide them; thus did
   Peter: when they were able to understand his words, then he also
   sharpened his tongue, alleging against them many charges; that, Whom
   God had glorified, they had delivered up; Whom Pilate would have
   acquitted they denied to his face; that they preferred the robber
   before Him.

   Observe again how he speaks covertly concerning Christ's power, showing
   that He raised Himself: just as in his first discourse he had said,
   "Because it was not possible that He should be holden of it" (ch. ii.
   24), so here he says, "And killed the Prince of Life." (v. 15.) It
   follows that the Life He had was not from another. The prince (or
   author) of evil would be he that first brought forth evil; the prince
   or author of murder, he who first originated murder; so also the Prince
   (or Author) of Life must be He Who has Life from Himself. [219] "Whom
   God raised up," he continues: and now that he has uttered this, he
   adds, "And his name, upon faith in his name, hath made this man strong,
   whom ye see and know; yea, the faith which is by Him hath given Him
   this perfect soundness. [The faith which is by Him he di' authou
   pistis.] And [220] yet it was he eis auton pistis, "the faith which is
   in Him" (as its object) that did all. For the Apostles did not say, "By
   the name," but, "In the name," and it was in Him (eis auton) that the
   man believed. But they did not yet make bold to use the expression,
   "The faith which is in Him." For, that the phrase "By Him" should not
   be too low, observe that after saying, "Upon the faith of His name," he
   adds, "His name hath made him strong," and then it is that he says,
   "Yea, the faith which is by Him hath given him this perfect soundness."
   Observe how he implies, that in the kai ekheino former expression also
   "Whom God raised up," he did but condescend to their low attainments.
   For that Person needed not Another's help for His rising again, Whose
   Name raised up a lame man, being all one as dead. Mark how on all
   occasions he adduces their own testimony. Thus above, he said, "As ye
   yourselves also know;" and, "In the midst of you:" and here again,
   "Whom ye see and know: in the presence of you all." (ch. ii. 22.) And
   yet that it was, "In His name," they knew not: but they did know that
   the man was lame, that he stands there whole. [221] They that had
   wrought the deed themselves confessed, that it was not by their own
   power, but by that of Christ. And had this assertion been unfounded,
   had they not been truly persuaded themselves that Christ had risen
   again, they would not have sought to establish the honor of a dead man
   instead of their own, especially while the eyes of the multitude were
   upon them. Then, when their minds were alarmed, immediately he
   encourages them, by the appellation of Brethren, "And now, brethren, I
   wot, etc." For in the former discourse he foretold [222] nothing, but
   only says concerning Christ, "Therefore let all the house of Israel
   know assuredly:" here he adds an admonition. There he waited till the
   people spoke: here, he knew how much they had already effected, and
   that the present assembly was better disposed toward them. "That
   through ignorance ye did it." And yet the circumstances mentioned above
   were not to be put to the score of ignorance. To choose the robber, to
   reject Him Who had been adjudged to be acquitted, to desire even to
   destroy Him--how should this be referred to ignorance? Nevertheless, he
   gives them liberty to deny it, and to change their mind about what had
   happened. "Now this indeed, that you put to death the innocent, ye
   knew: but that you were killing "the Prince of Life," this, belike, ye
   did not know." And he exculpated not them alone, but also the chief
   contrivers of the evil, "ye and your rulers:" for doubtless it would
   have roused their opposition, had he gone off into accusation. For the
   evil-doer, when you accuse him of some wickedness that he has done, in
   his endeavor to exonerate himself, grows more vehement. And he no
   longer says, "Ye crucified," "Ye killed," but, "Ye did it;" leading
   them to seek for pardon. If those rulers did it through ignorance, much
   more did these present. [223] "But these things which God before had
   showed," etc. (v. 18.) But it is remarkable, that both in the first and
   in the second discourse, speaking to the same effect, that is, in the
   former, "By the determinate counsel and foreknowledge of God;" and in
   this, "God before had showed that Christ should suffer;" in neither
   does he adduce any particular text in proof. The fact is, that each one
   of such passages is accompanied with many accusations, and with mention
   of the punishment in store for them [as]; "I will deliver up," says
   one, "the wicked in requital for His grave, and the rich in return for
   His death." (Is. liii. 9.) And again, * * * "Those things," he says,
   "which God before had showed by the mouth of all His prophets, that
   Christ should suffer, He hath so fulfilled." It shows the greatness of
   that "counsel," [224] in that all spoke of it, and not one only. It
   does not follow, because the event was through ignorance, that it took
   place irrespectively of God's ordinance. See how great is the Wisdom of
   God, when it uses the wickedness of others to bring about that which
   must be. "He hath fulfilled," he says: that they may not imagine that
   anything at all is wanting; for whatsoever Christ must needs suffer,
   has been fulfilled. But do not think, that, because the Prophets said
   this, and because ye did it through ignorance, this sufficeth to your
   exculpation. However, he does not express himself thus, but in milder
   terms says, "Repent ye therefore." (v. 19.) "Why? For [225] either it
   was through ignorance, or by the dispensation of God." "That your sins
   may be blotted out." I do not mean the crimes committed at the
   Crucifixion; perhaps they were through ignorance; but so that your
   other sins may be blotted out: this [226] only. "So shall the times of
   refreshing come unto you." Here he speaks of the Resurrection,
   obscurely. [227] For those are indeed times of refreshing, which Paul
   also looked for, when he said, "We that are in this tabernacle do
   groan, being burthened." (2 Cor. v. 4.) Then to prove that Christ is
   the cause of the days of refreshing, he says, "And He shall send Jesus
   Christ, which before was for you ordained." (v. 20.) He said not, "That
   your sin may be blotted out," but, "your sins;" for he hints at that
   sin also. "He shall send." And whence? [228] "Whom the heaven must
   receive." (v. 21.) Still ["must"] "receive?" And why not simply, Whom
   the heaven hath received? This, as if discoursing of old times: so, he
   says, it is divinely ordered, so it is settled: not a word yet of His
   eternal subsistence.--"For Moses indeed said unto the fathers, A
   Prophet shall the Lord raise up for you:" "Him shall ye hear in all
   things that He shall speak unto you:" and having said, "All things
   which God hath spoken by the mouth of all His holy Prophets," (v. 22)
   now indeed he brings in Christ Himself. For, if He predicted many
   things and it is necessary to hear Him, one would not be wrong in
   saying that the Prophets have spoken these things. But, besides, he
   wishes to show that the Prophets did predict the same things. And, if
   any one will look closely into the matter, he will find these things
   spoken in the Old Testament, obscurely indeed, but nevertheless spoken.
   "Who was purposely designed," says he: in Whom [229] there is nothing
   novel. Here he also alarms them, by the thought that much remains to be
   fulfilled. But if so, how says he, "Hath fulfilled?" (v. 18.) The
   things which it was necessary "that Christ should suffer," are
   fulfilled: the things which must come to pass, not yet. "A prophet
   shall the Lord God raise up for you from among your brethren, like unto
   me." This would most conciliate them. Do you observe the sprinkling of
   low matters and high, side by side,--that He Who was to go up into the
   heavens should be like unto Moses? And yet it was a great thing too.
   For in fact He was not simply like unto Moses, [230] if so be that
   "every soul which will not hear shall be destroyed." And one might
   mention numberless other things which show that He was not like unto
   Moses; so that it is a mighty text that he has handled. "God shall
   raise Him up unto you," says Moses, "from among your brethren," etc.:
   consequently Moses himself threatens those that should not hear. "Yea,
   and all the prophets," etc.: all this [231] is calculated to attract
   "Yea, and all the prophets," says the Apostle, "from Samuel." He
   refrains from enumerating them singly, not to make his discourse too
   long; but having alleged that decisive testimony of Moses, he passes by
   the rest. "Ye," he says, "are the children of the Prophets, and of the
   covenant which God made." (v. 25) "Children of the covenant;" that is,
   heirs. For lest they should think that they received this offer from
   the favor of Peter, he shows, that of old it was due to them, in order
   that they may the rather believe that such also is the will of God.
   "Unto you first," he continues, "God having raised up His Son Jesus,
   sent Him." (v. 26.) He does not say simply, "Unto you He sent His Son,"
   but also, after the resurrection, and when He had been crucified. For
   that they may not suppose that he himself granted them this favor, and
   not the Father, he says, "To bless you." For if He is your Brother, and
   blesses you, the affair is a promise. "Unto you first." That is, so far
   are you from having no share in these blessings, that He would have you
   become moreover promoters and authors of them to others. For [232] you
   are not to feel like castaways. "Having raised up": again, the
   Resurrection. "In turning away," he says, "every one of you from his
   iniquities." In this way He blesses you: not in a general way. And what
   kind of blessing is this? A great one. For of course not the turning a
   man away from his iniquities is itself sufficient to remit them also.
   And if it is not sufficient to remit, how should it be to confer a
   blessing? For it is not to be supposed that the transgressor becomes
   forthwith also blessed; he is simply released from his sins. But this,
   [233] "Like unto me," would no wise apply. "Hear ye Him," he says; and
   not this alone, but he adds, "And it shall come to pass, that every
   soul, which will not hear that Prophet, shall be destroyed from among
   the people." When he has shown them that they had sinned, and has
   imparted forgiveness to them, and promised good things, then indeed,
   then he says, "Moses also says the same thing." What sort of connection
   is this: "Until the times of the restitution;" and then to introduce
   Moses, saying, that [234] all that Christ said shall come to pass? Then
   also, on the other hand, he says, as matter of encomium (so that for
   this reason also ye ought to obey): "Ye are the children of the
   prophets and of the covenant:" i.e. heirs. Then why do you stand
   affected towards that which is your own, as if it were another's? True,
   you have done deeds worthy of condemnation; still you may yet obtain
   pardon. Having said this, with reason he is now able to say, "Unto you
   God sent his Son Jesus to bless you." He says not, To save you, but
   what is greater; that the crucified Jesus blessed His crucifiers.

   Let us then also imitate Him. Let us cast out that spirit of murder and
   enmity. It is not enough not to retaliate (for even in the Old
   Dispensation this was exemplified); but let us do all as we would for
   bosom-friends, as we would for ourselves so for those who have injured
   us. We are followers of Him, we are His disciples, who after being
   crucified, sets everything in action in behalf of his murderers, and
   sends out His Apostles to this end. And yet we have often suffered
   justly; but those acted not only unjustly, but impiously; for He was
   their Benefactor, He had done no evil, and they crucified Him. And for
   what reason? For the sake of their reputation. But He Himself made them
   objects of reverence. "The scribes and the pharisees sit in Moses'
   seat; all therefore whatsoever they bid you observe, that do ye, but
   after their works do ye not." (Matt. xxiii. 2.) And again in another
   place, "Go thy way, show thyself to the priest." (ib. viii. 4.)
   Besides, when He might have destroyed them, He saves them. Let us then
   imitate Him, and let no one be an enemy, no one a foe, except to the
   devil.

   Not a little does the habit of not swearing contribute to this end: I
   mean to the not giving way to wrath: [235] and by not giving way to
   wrath, we shall not have an enemy either. Lop off the oaths of a man,
   and you have clipt the wings of his anger, you have smothered all his
   passion. Swearing, it is said, is as the wind to wrath. Lower the
   sails; no need of sails, when there is no wind. If then we do not
   clamor, and do not swear, we have cut the sinews of passion. And if you
   doubt this, just put it to experiment. Impose it as a law upon the
   passionate man that he shall never swear, and you will have no
   necessity of preaching moderation to him. So the whole business is
   finished. For [236] even though you do not forswear yourselves [yet],
   by swearing at all, do you not know in what absurd consequences you
   involve yourselves--binding yourselves to an absolute necessity and as
   with a cord, and putting yourselves to all manner of shifts, as men
   studying how to rescue their soul from an evil which there is no
   escaping, or, failing of that, obliged [by that self-imposed necessity]
   to spend your life thenceforth in vexation, in quarrels, and to curse
   your wrath? But all is in vain, and to no purpose. Threaten, be
   peremptory (diorisai), do all, whatever it be, without swearing; [so]:
   it is in your power to reverse (analhusai) both what you have said and
   what you have done if you have the mind. Thus on the present day I must
   needs speak more gently to you. For since ye have heard me, and the
   greater part of the reformation is achieved by you, now then let us see
   for what purpose the taking of oaths was introduced, and why allowed to
   be. In relating to you their first origin, and when they were
   conceived, and how, and by whom we shall give you this account in
   requital for your obedience. For it is fit that he who has made his
   practice right, should be taught the philosophy of the matter, but he
   who is not yet doing the right, is not worthy to be told the history.

   They made many covenants in Abraham's time, and slew victims, and
   offered sacrifices, and as yet oaths were not. Whence then did they
   come in? When evil increased, when all was confusion, upside down, when
   men had turned aside to idolatry: then it was, then, when men appeared
   no longer worthy to be believed, that they called God as witness, as if
   thereby giving an adequate surety for what they said. Such in fact is
   the Oath: it is a security where men's principles cannot be trusted.
   [237] So that in the indictment of the swearer the first charge is
   this,--that he is not to be trusted without a surety, and a great
   surety too: for such is the exceeding faithlessness, that they ask not
   man as surety, but will needs have God! Secondly, the same charge lies
   against him who receives the oath: that, in a question of compact, he
   must drag in God for warranty, and refuse to be satisfied unless he get
   Him. O the excessive stupidity, the insolence of such conduct! Thou, a
   worm, earth and dust, and ashes, and vapor, to drag in thy Lord as the
   surety, and to compel the other to drag Him in likewise! Tell me, if
   your servants were disputing with each other, and exchanging [238]
   assurances with each other, and the fellow-servant should declare that
   for his part he would not be satisfied till he had their common master
   given him for surety, would he not have stripes given him without
   number, and be made to know that the master is for other purposes, and
   not to be put to any such use as this? Why do I speak of a
   fellow-servant? [239] For should he choose any respectable person,
   would not that person consider it an affront? But I do not wish to do
   this, say you. [240] Well: then do not compel the other to do so
   either: since where men only are in question, this is done--if your
   party says, "I give such an one as my surety," you do not allow him.
   "What then," say you, "am I to lose what I have given?" I am not
   speaking of this; but that you allow him to insult God. For which
   reason greater shall be the inevitable punishment to him who forces the
   oath upon another, than to him who takes it: the same holds with regard
   to him who gives an oath when no one asks him. And what makes it worse,
   is, that every one is ready to swear, for one farthing, for some petty
   item, for his own injustice. All this may be said, when there is no
   perjury; but if perjury follow in the train, both he that imposes and
   he that takes the oath have turned everything upside down. "But there
   are some things," you will say, "which are unknown." Well take these
   into account, and do nothing negligently; but, if you do act
   negligently, take the loss to yourself as your punishment. It is better
   to be the loser thus, than in a very different way. For tell me--you
   force a man to take an oath, with what expectation? That he will
   forswear himself? But this is utter insanity; and the judgment will
   fall upon your own head; better you should lose your money, than he be
   lost. Why act thus to your own detriment, and to the insulting of God?
   This is the spirit of a wild beast, and of an impious man. But you do
   this in the expectation that he will not forswear himself? Then trust
   him without the oath. "Nay, there are many," you reply, "who in the
   absence of an oath would presume to defraud; but, once the oath taken,
   would refrain." You deceive yourself, man. A man having once learnt to
   steal, and to wrong his neighbor, will presume full oft to trample upon
   his oath; if on the contrary he shrinks from swearing, he will much
   more shrink from injustice. "But he is influenced against his will."
   Well then, he deserves pardon.

   But why am I speaking of this kind of oaths, while I pass over those in
   the market-place? For as regards these last, you can urge none of these
   pleas. For ten farthings you there have swearing and forswearing. In
   fact, because the thunderbolt does not actually fall from heaven,
   because all things are not overthrown, you stand holding God in your
   bonds: to get a few vegetables, a pair of shoes, for a little matter of
   money, calling Him to witness. What is the meaning of this? Do not let
   us imagine, that because we are not punished, therefore we do not sin;
   this comes of God's mercy; not of our merit. Let your oath be an
   imprecation upon your own child, upon your own self: say, "Else let the
   hangman lash my ribs." But you dare not. Is God less valuable than thy
   ribs? is He less precious than thy pate? Say "Else let me be struck
   blind." But no. Christ so spares us, that He will not let us swear even
   by our own head; and yet we so little spare the honor of God, that on
   all occasions we must drag Him in! Ye know not what God is, and with
   what sort of lips he behooves to be invoked. Why, when we speak of any
   man of eminent worth, we say, "First wash your mouth, and then make
   mention of him:" and yet, that precious Name which is above every name,
   the Name which is marvellous in all the earth, the Name which devils
   hear and tremble, we haul about as we list! Oh! the force of habit!
   thereby has that Name become cheap. No doubt, if you impose on any one
   the necessity of coming into the sacred edifice to take his oath there,
   you feel that you have made the oath an awful one. And yet how is it
   that it seems awful in this way, but because we have been in the habit
   of using that at random, but not this? For ought not a shudder of awe
   to be felt when God is but named? But now, whereas among the Jews His
   Name was held to be so reverend, that it was written upon plates, and
   none was allowed to wear the characters except the high-priest alone:
   we bandy about His Name like any ordinary word. If simply to name God
   was not allowed to all; to call Him to witness, what audacity is it!
   nay, what madness! For if need were (rather than this) to fling away
   all that you have, ought you not readily to part with all? Behold, I
   solemnly declare and testify; reform these oaths of the forum, these
   superfluous oaths, [241] and bring to me all those who wish to take
   them. Behold, in the presence of this assembly, I charge those who are
   set apart for the tending of the Houses of Prayer, I exhort and issue
   this order to them, that no person be allowed to take such oaths at his
   own discretion: or rather, that none be allowed to swear in any other
   way, but that the person be brought to me, whosoever he be, since even
   for these matters less will not serve but they must needs come before
   us, just as if one had to do with little children. May there be no
   occasion! It is a shame in some things still to need to be taught. Do
   you dare to touch the Holy Table, being a person unbaptized? No, but
   what is still worse, you the baptized dare to lay your hand upon the
   Holy Table, which not even all ordained persons are allowed to touch,
   and so to take your oath. Now you would not go and lay your hand upon
   the head of your child, [242] and yet do you touch the Table, and not
   shudder, not feel afraid? Bring these men to me; I will judge, and send
   them away rejoicing, both the one and the other. [243] Do what you
   choose; I lay it down as a law that there be no swearing at all. What
   hope of salvation, while we thus make all to have been done in vain? Is
   this the end of your bills, and your bonds, that you should sacrifice
   your own soul? What gain do you get so great as the loss? Has he
   forsworn himself? You have undone both him and yourself. But has he
   not? even so still you have undone (both), by forcing him to transgress
   the commandment. [244] Let us cast out this disease from the soul: at
   any rate let us drive it out of the forum, out of our shops, out of our
   other work-places; our profits will but be the greater. Do not imagine
   that the success of your worldly plans is to be ensured by
   transgressions of the Divine laws. "But he refuses to trust me," say
   you; and in fact I have sometimes heard this said by some: "Unless I
   swear oaths without number, the man will not trust me." Yes, and for
   this you may thank yourself, because you are so off-hand with your
   oaths. For were it not so, but on the contrary were it clear to all men
   that you do not swear, take my word for it, you would be more readily
   believed upon your mere nod, than those are who swallow oaths by
   thousands. For look now: which do you more readily believe? me who do
   not swear, or those that do swear? "Yes," say you, "but then you are
   ruler and bishop." Then suppose I prove to you that it is not only for
   that reason? Answer me with truth, I beseech you; were I in the habit
   of perpetually swearing, would my office stand me in that stead? Not a
   whit. Do you see that it is not for this reason? And what do you gain
   at all? Answer me that. Paul endured hunger; do you then also choose to
   hunger rather than to transgress one of the commandments of God. Why
   are you so unbelieving? Here are you, ready to do and suffer all things
   for the sake of not swearing: and shall not He reward you? Shall He,
   Who sustains day by day both takers and breakers of oaths, give you
   over to hunger, when you have obeyed Him? Let all men see, that of
   those who assemble in this Church not one is a swearer. By this also
   let us become manifest, and not by our creed alone; let us have this
   mark also to distinguish us both from the Gentiles and from all men.
   Let us receive it as a seal from heaven, that we may everywhere be seen
   to be the King's own flock. By our mouth and tongue let us be known, in
   the first place, just as the barbarians are by theirs: even as those
   who speak Greek are distinguished from barbarians, so let us be known.
   Answer me: the birds which are said to be parrots, how are they known
   to be parrots? is it not by speaking like men? Let us then be known by
   speaking like the Apostles; by speaking like the Angels. If any one bid
   you swear tell him, "Christ has spoken, and I do not swear." This is
   enough to make a way for all virtue to come in. It is a gate to
   religion, a high road leading to the philosophy of piety; [245] a kind
   of training-school. These things let us observe, that we may obtain
   also the future blessings, through the grace and mercy of our Lord
   Jesus Christ, to Whom with the Father and the Holy Ghost together be
   glory, power and honor, now and ever, world without end. Amen.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [210] 'All' oude touto; ou gar, k. t. l. This seems to refer to
   eusebeia; "but not by our holiness any more than by our own power." The
   modern text: Oude touto hemeteron, phesin; ou gar, k. t. l. "Not even
   this is our own, he says; for not," etc.

   [211] or, Child, ton paida. OEcumen. seems to have considered this as a
   lowly title, for he says: "And of Christ he speaks lowly, to
   prostheinai, ton Paida." But to this remark he adds, "For that which in
   itself is glorified, can receive no addition of glory."--Below kathos
   en to prooimi& 251; may refer to the prefatory matter (after the
   citation from Joel) of the sermon in ch. ii.: see below, in the
   Recapitulation, whence we might here supply, anotero elegen, "'Iesoun
   ton Naz. k. t. l." "As in the opening address [above, he said: Jesus of
   Nazareth, a man approved of God,' etc.]." Or, "like as in the opening
   words of this discourse he speaks in lowly manner of themselves."
   OEcumen. "He still keeps to lowlier matters, both as to themselves, and
   as to Christ. As to themselves, in saying that not by their own power
   they wrought the miracle. As to Christ," etc.

   [212] he deutera hetera, A. B. C (N. om. he) Cat. Namely, the first,
   "Ye did it ignorantly, as did also your rulers." The second, "It was
   ordered by the counsel of God:" as below, "And he puts this by way of
   apology," etc. The Edd. have adopted the absurd innovation, "Through
   ignorance ye did it:' this is one ground of excuse: the second is, As
   did also your rulers:'" E. F. D.

   [213] Ei pepoithen, A. C. F. D. N. Cat. and nun after katab. om. C. F.
   D. N. Cat.

   [214] Polemois attested by Cat. and OEc. but A. has ponois, E. and Edd.
   kakois. In the following sentence, Pros gar ton kausoumenon kai
   paramuthian epizetounta houtos an harmoseien ho logos, B. and OEc. read
   klausomenon, C. F. D. N. klausoumenon, ("to him that shall weep,") A.
   kausamenon, Cat. kausoumenon, the true reading. The scribes did not
   perceive that Chr. is commenting on the word anapsuxeos,
   "refrigeration," as implying a condition of burning: hence the
   alteration, klausomenon, or in the "Doric" form (Aristoph.)
   klausoumenon. E. and Edd. Dio kai houtos eipen eidos hoti pros ton
   paschonta kai paramuth. zetounta k. t. l. "Wherefore also he speaks
   thus, knowing that it is to the case of one who is suffering," etc.--In
   the text here commented upon, hopos an elthosi kairoi anaps., E.V.
   makes hopos an temporal, "When the times of refreshing," etc. But here
   and elsewhere in the N.T. Matt. vi. 5; Luke ii. 35; Acts xv. 17; Rom.
   iii. 4; the correct usage is observed, according to which, hopos an is
   nearly equivalent to "so (shall);" i.e. "that (hopos) they may come, as
   in the event of your repentance (an) they certainly shall." And so
   Chrys. took the passage: Eita to kerdos epagei; & 169;Opos an k. t. l.
   "Then he adds the gain: So shall the times," etc.

   [215] ton prokecheirismenon. Other mss. of N.T. read prokekerugmenon,
   whence Vulg. E.V. "which was before preached."

   [216] E.V. has "all," and so some mss. panton, and St. Chrys. gives it
   a little further on.

   [217] Instead of this clause, "by the mouth." etc. the Edd. have from
   E. "Still by keeping the matter in the shade, drawing them on the more
   to faith by gentle degrees."

   [218] Teos kataskeuazei hoti autoi epoiesan to thauma. i.e. "by saying,
   Why marvel ye? he makes this good at the very outset: You see that a
   miracle has been wrought, and by us (as the instruments), not by some
   other man (this is the force of the autoi here). This he will not allow
   them to doubt for a moment: he forestalls their judgment on the matter:
   you see that it is done by us, and you are inclined to think it was by
   our own power or holiness," etc. There is no need to insert the
   negative, hoti ouk autoi: Erasm. and Ben. Lat.

   [219] Peter sharpens his accusation of them by the following contrasts:
   (1) This healing at which you wonder is to the glory of Christ, not of
   us. (2) God has glorified whom you have betrayed and denied. (3) This
   you did though Pilate himself would have released him. (4) You
   preferred to kill the holy and just one and let a murderer go free. (5)
   You sought to put to death the Author of Life. Vv. 12-15.--G.B.S.

   [220] The meaning of the following passage is plain enough, but the
   innovator has so altered it as to make it unintelligible. Yet the Edd.
   adopt his reading (E. D. F.) without notice of the other and genuine
   reading. "And yet if it was he eis auton pistis that did all, and that
   (hoti) it was eis auton that the man believed, why did (Peter) say, not
   Dia tou onomatos, but 'En to onomati? Because they did not yet," etc.

   [221] E. has hoti hugies hesteken after ouk edesan instead of after
   touto edesan. So Commel. Erasm. Ed. Par. Hence D. F. have it in both
   places, and so Morel. Ben. All these omit hotibefore en to on. "And yet
   in His name they knew not that he stands whole: but this they knew,
   that he was lame, (that he stands whole)." Savile alone has retained
   the genuine reading.

   [222] ouden proeipen, A. B. C. N. i.e. foretold nothing concerning
   them. Edd. ouden peri heauton eipen, "said nothing concerning (the
   hearers) themselves."

   [223] There is one extenuating circumstance: they did it in ignorance
   (Cf. Luk. xxiii. 34; 1 Cor. ii. 8; Acts xiii. 27). This fact forms the
   transition-point to the presentation of a different side of the death
   of Jesus. It was their crime, but it was also God's plan. They did it
   from motives of blindness and hate, but God designed it for their
   salvation. So that Peter, in effect, says: There is hope for you
   although you have slain the Lord, for his sacrificial death is the
   ground of salvation. To this view of the death of Christ he now appeals
   as basis of hope and a motive to repentance (oun v. 19).--G.B.S.

   [224] megalen deiknusi ten boulen, meaning the determinate counsel of
   God above spoken of. Above, after kai palin, some other citation is
   wanting, in illustration of his remark that the prophecies of the
   Passion are all accompanied with denunciations of punishment.

   [225] e gar kata agnoian, e kata oikonomian. Edd. omit this
   interlocution, Sav. notes it in the margin. "Repent ye therefore." Why
   repent? for either it was through ignorance, or it was predestinated.
   (Nevertheless, you must repent, to the blotting out of your sins, etc.)

   [226] touto monon, B. C. N. "this is all:" i.e. no more than this: he
   does not impute that one great sin to them, in all its heinousness: he
   only speaks of their sins in general. A. and the other mss. omit these
   words.

   [227] The reference is hardly to the resurrection, but to the Parousia.
   To the hope of this event, always viewed as imminent, all the
   expressions: "times of refreshing," "times of restitution" and "these
   days" (vv. 19-24) undoubtedly refer. So Olshansen, Meyer, Alford,
   Hackett, Gloag, Lechler and most recent critics.--G.B.S.

   [228] The modern text; "Saying this, he does not declare, Whence, but
   only adds," etc.--'Akmen dexasthai. Ben. Utique suscipere. Erasm. adhuc
   accipere. It means, Is this still to take place, that he should say hon
   dei dexasthai, as if the event were yet future? And the answer is, "He
   speaks in reference to former times, i.e. from that point of view. (So
   OEcumen. in loc. to dei anti tou edei.) And then as to the necessity;
   this dei is not meant in respect of Christ's Divine Nature (for of that
   he forbears to speak), but the meaning is, So it is ordered," etc. The
   report, however, is very defective, especially in what follows. He is
   commenting upon the words, "Until the time of restitution (or making
   good) of all that God spake," etc. panton hon elalesen ho Theos, which
   expression he compares with what is said of the Prophet like unto
   Moses, panton hosa an lalese. Christ is that Prophet: and what He
   spake, the Prophets, obscurely indeed, spake before. He adds, that
   Peter's mention of the yet future fulfilment of all that the Prophets
   have spoken is calculated also to alarm the hearers. See the further
   comment on these verses at the end of the recapitulation.

   [229] Hou ouden neoteron. Meaning perhaps, that as Christ was from the
   first designed for the Jews, the Gospel is no novelty, as if nothing
   had been heard of such a Saviour before. E. D. F. hoste ouden neoteron,
   which is placed before the citation ton prokech.--Below, A. B. C. N.
   'Eplerosen ha edei pathein; 'Eplerothe ha dei genesthai echren oudepo,
   which is manifestly corrupt. We restore it thus: 'Eplerosen;A edei
   pathein eplerothe, ha de genesthai echren oudepo. The modern text:
   'Eplerosen ha edei pathein; 'Eplerosen, eipen, ouk eplerothe; deiknus
   hoti ha men echren pathein, eplerosen; ha de (deoi add. F. D.)
   genesthai leipetai eti, oudepo.

   [230] C. N. Ou gar de kata Mosea en, ei gar pas ho me ak.
   exolothreuthesetai, muria de eipen ta deiknunta hoti ouk esti kata
   Mosea. B. omits ou gar....en, inadvertently passing from en; ou gar to
   the subsequent en; ei gar. A. omits the words muria....hoti, which
   disturb the sense of the passage. In the translation we have rejected
   the second gar. For eipen, Sav. marg. gives eipoi tis an, which we have
   adopted. The modern text substitutes to, kai, estai for ei gar, and
   inserts kai alla after muria de.

   [231] Tauta hola epagoga is strangely rendered by Ben. haec omnia
   adjecta sunt. But this is the comment, not upon the threatening in v.
   23, but upon the matters contained in the following verses, 24-26.

   [232] Me gar hos aperrimmenoi diakeisthe, B. N. oukoun me gar, A. palin
   me gar, C. me oun, F. D. kai gar, Cat. oukoun me. E. and Edd., which
   also add at the end of the sentence, e apobeblemenoi, where the other
   mss. have, Palin he anastasis, as comment on anastesas.

   [233] To de, Os eme oudamou logon an echoi. He had before said, that in
   the very description of "the Prophet like unto Moses," it is shown that
   He is more than like Moses: for instance, "Every soul which will not
   hear," etc. would not apply to Moses. Having finished the description,
   he now adds, You see that the hos eme nowhere holds as the whole
   account of the matter: to be raised up (from the dead) and sent to
   bless, and this by turning every one from his iniquities, is not to be
   simply such as Moses. The modern text adds, "Unless it be taken in
   regard of the manner of legislation:" i.e. Christ is like unto Moses
   considered as Deliverer and Lawgiver, not in any other respect.

   [234] E. and Edd. "that they shall hear all things which Christ shall
   say: and this not in a general way, but with a fearful menace." It is a
   powerful connection, for it shows that for this reason also they ought
   to obey Him. What means it, "Children of the Prophets," etc.

   [235] lego de to me orgizesthai, as the explanation of eis touto. The
   other text confuses the meaning by substituting kai to me org. "Not to
   swear, and not to be angry, is a great help to this." Which increases
   the "intricacy" of which Ben. complains in the following passage, where
   oaths are first said to be the wings of wrath, and then are compared to
   the wind filling the sails. Here instead of, hosper gar pneuma tes
   orges ho horkos, phesin, esti, (cited as an apothegm), the modern text
   gives, hosper gar pn. he orge kai ho horkos esti. "For wrath and
   swearing is as a wind." The imagery is incongruous: oaths, the wings of
   wrath: oaths the wind, and wrath (apparently) the sails: but the
   alterations do not mend the sense.

   [236] kan gar me epiorkete, omnuntes holos ouk iste. The modern text,
   kai oute epiorkesete, oute omosesthe holos. Ouk iste. Which does not
   suit the context. "Make it a law with the passionate man, never to
   swear....The whole affair is finished, and you will neither perjure
   yourselves, nor swear at all." He seems to be speaking of oaths and
   imprecations, by which a man in the heat of passion binds himself to do
   or suffer some dreadful thing. "Suppose you do not perjure yourself,
   yet think of the misery you entail upon yourself: you must either study
   all sorts of expedients to deliver your soul, or, since that cannot be
   without perjury, you must spend your life in misery, etc. and curse
   your wrath."--'Ananke tini kai desmo, with comma preceding: so Sav. but
   A. B. C. ananke nom. preceded by a full stop: "For needs must you,
   binding yourselves as with a cord," etc: and so the modern text, with
   other alterations (adopted by Sav.) which are meant to simplify the
   construction, but do not affect the sense. Below, 'Epeide gar ekousate,
   kai to pleon humin katorthotai. Ben makes this a sentence by itself,
   Quia enim audistis, magna pars res a vobis perfecta est. Savile
   connects it with the following, phere de k. t. l. See p. 53, where he
   alludes to some who laughed at him, perhaps even on the spot.

   [237] Touto gar horkos esti, tropon apistoumenon engue.

   [238] pistoumenon heautous, A. B. C. N. as in the phrase pistousthai
   tina (horko), "to secure a person's good faith by oath." Edd.
   apistoumenon heautois, "being objects of distrust to each other."

   [239] homodoulon. So the mss. but we should have expected despoten,
   "the master."

   [240] 'All' ego ou boulomai, phesi. "I do not wish [so to insult
   God].--Then do not oblige the other to do so: [nay, do not suffer him:]
   just as, should he pretend to name as his surety some person with whom
   he has no right to take such a liberty, su ouk aneche you would not
   allow him." That this is the meaning, is shown by what follows: hoti
   ton Theon hubrisai aneche: "he insults God, and you suffer him to do
   it."

   [241] Tous perittous, kai pantas emoi agagete. E. and Edd. for tous
   perittous kai have tous de me peithomenous. The following passage
   relates to a practice of swearing by touching, the Sacred Volume on the
   Holy Table. Against this custom he inveighs in one of his Sermons ad
   Pop. Antioch. xv. S:. 5. (t. ii. 158. E.) "What art thou doing, O man?
   On the Holy Table, and where Christ lies sacrificed, there sacrificest
   thou thy brother?.... sacrificest him in the midst of the Church, and
   that, with the death to come, the death which dieth not? Was the Church
   made for this, that we should come there to take oaths? No, but that we
   should pray there. Does the Table stand there, that we should make men
   swear thereby? No, it stands there that we may lose sins, not that we
   may bind them. But do thou, if nothing else, at least reverence the
   very Volume which thou holdest forth to the other to swear by: the very
   Gospel which thou, taking in thine hands, biddest the other make oath
   thereby,--open it, read what Christ there saith concerning oaths, and
   shudder, and desist."--Here, he forbids the sacristans to admit persons
   for any such purpose. "Let such be brought to me, since I must needs be
   the person to be troubled with these things, as if you were little
   children, needing to be taught such a simple matter as this."

   [242] i.e. to take an oath by the head of your child. So in the Tract.
   de Virgin. t. i. 309 D. it is remarked, that "men of rude and dull
   minds, who do not scruple to swear by God in great matters and small,
   and break their oath without remorse, would not for a moment think of
   swearing by the head of their children: although the perjury is more
   heinous, and the penalty more dreadful, in the former than in the
   latter case, yet they feel this oath more binding than that."

   [243] kai chairontas hekaterous apopempso. i. e. "both of them glad (to
   be rid of the quarrel):" unless it is a threat, in the form of an
   ironical antiphrasis. In a law-suit one party comes off rejoicing
   (chairon): here let both exult--if they can.

   [244] Matt. v. 34. "Swear not at all:" which St. Chrysostom (as the
   surest remedy) would enforce literally, and without any exception.

   [245] A. B. C. N. Sav. Ben. Odos epi philosophian eulabeias eisagousa;
   (N. agousa;) palaistra tis esti. E. F. D. omit eulabeias, and so
   Commel. Morel. It would be better transferred (as remarked by Ed. Par.)
   to the next clause: "a training-school for piety."
     __________________________________________________________________

   Homily X.

   Acts IV. 1

   "And as they spake unto the people, there came unto them the priests,
   and the captain of the temple."

   Ere yet they had time to take breath after their first trials,
   straightway they enter into others. And observe how the events are
   disposed. First, they were all mocked together; this was no small
   trial: secondly, they enter into dangers. And these two things do not
   take place in immediate succession; but when first the Apostles have
   won admiration by their two discourses, and after that have performed a
   notable miracle, thereupon it is that, after they are waxen bold,
   through God's disposal, they enter the lists. But I wish you to
   consider, how those same persons, who in the case of Christ must need
   look out for one to deliver Him up to them, now with their own hands
   arrest the Apostles, having become more audacious and more impudent
   since the Crucifixion. In truth, sin, while it is yet struggling to the
   birth, is attended with some sense of shame; but when once fully born,
   it makes those more shameless who practise it. "And the captain of the
   temple," it is said. The object again was to attach a public
   criminality to what was doing, and not to prosecute it as the act of
   private individuals: such in fact was constantly their plan of
   proceeding.

   "Being grieved that they taught the people." (v. 2.) Not merely because
   they taught, but because they declared, not alone that Christ Himself
   was risen from the dead, but moreover, that we through Him do rise
   again. "Because they taught the people, and preached through Jesus the
   resurrection of the dead." So mighty was His Resurrection, that to
   others also He is the cause of a resurrection. [246] "And they laid
   hands on them, and put them in hold unto the next day; for it was now
   eventide. (v. 3.) What impudence! They [247] feared not the multitude;
   for this also the captain of the temple was with them: they had their
   hands still reeking with the blood of the former victim. "For it was
   now eventide," it is said. It was with the wish to abate their spirit
   that those men did this, and guarded them; but the delay only served to
   make the Apostles more intrepid. And consider who these are who are
   arrested. They are the chiefs of the Apostles, who are now become a
   pattern to the rest, that they should no longer crave each other's
   support, nor want to be together. "Howbeit, many having heard the word,
   believed; and the number of the men was about five thousand." (v. 4.)
   How was this? Did they see them in honor? Did they not behold them put
   in bonds? How then did they believe? Do you see the evident efficacy?
   And yet even those that believed already might well have become weaker.
   But no, it is no longer so: for Peter's sermon had laid the seed deep
   into them, and had taken a hold upon their understandings. Therefore
   were [their enemies] incensed, that they did not fear them, that they
   made no account of their present troubles. For, say they, if He that
   was crucified effects such great things, and makes the lame to walk, we
   fear not these men either. [248] This again is of God's ordering. For
   those who now believe were more numerous than the former. Therefore it
   was that in their presence they bound the Apostles, to make them also
   more fearful. But the reverse took place. And they examine them not
   before the people, but privately, that the hearers may not profit by
   their boldness.

   "And it came to pass on the morrow, that their rulers, and elders, and
   scribes, and Annas the High Priest, and Caiaphas, and John, and
   Alexander, and as many as were of the kindred of the High Priest, were
   gathered together at Jerusalem." (v. 5, 6.) For now along with the
   other evils (of the times [249] ), the Law was no longer observed. And
   again they set off the business with the form of a tribunal, to
   constitute them guilty by their iniquitous sentence. "And when they had
   set them in the midst, they asked, By what power, or by what name, have
   ye done this?" (v. 7.) And yet they knew it well; for it was because
   they were "grieved that they preached through Jesus the resurrection"
   that they arrested them. Then for what purpose do they question them?
   They expected the numbers present would make them recant, and thought
   by this means to have put all right again. Observe then what they say:
   "And by what name have ye done this? Then Peter, filled with the Holy
   Ghost, said unto them." (v. 8.) And now, I pray you, call to mind
   Christ's saying; "When they deliver you up unto the synagogues, take ye
   no thought how or what thing ye shall speak; for it is the Spirit of
   your Father which speaketh in you. (Luke xii. 11, 14.) So that it was a
   mighty Power they enjoyed. What then says Peter? "Ye rulers of the
   people, and elders of Israel." Mark the Christian wisdom of the man;
   how full of confidence it is: he utters not a word of insult, but says
   with respect, "Ye rulers of the people, and elders of Israel, if we be
   this day called to account of the good deed done to the impotent man."
   He takes them in hand right valiantly; by the opening of his speech he
   exposes [250] them, and reminds them of the former things: that it is
   for a work of beneficence they are calling them to account. As if he
   had said, "In all fairness we ought to have been crowned for this deed,
   and proclaimed benefactors; but since "we are even put upon our trial
   for a good deed done to an impotent man," not a rich man, not powerful,
   not noble--and yet who would feel envy in a case like this?" It is a
   most forcible (apangelia, al. epangelia) way of putting the case; and
   he shows that they are piercing their own selves:--"By what means this
   man is made whole: be it known unto you all, and to all the people
   Israel; that by the Name of Jesus Christ of Nazareth:"--this is what
   would vex them most. For this was that which Christ had told the
   disciples, "What ye hear in the ear that preach ye upon the
   housetops.--That in the name of Jesus Christ," he says, "of Nazareth,
   Whom ye crucified, Whom God raised from the dead, even by Him doth this
   man stand here before you whole." (v. 10). (Matt. x. 27.) Think not, he
   says that we conceal the country, or the nature of the death. "Whom ye
   crucified, Whom God raised from the dead, even by Him doth this man
   stand before you whole." Again the death, again the resurrection. "This
   is the stone," he says, "which was set at nought of you builders, which
   is become the head of the corner." (v. 11.) He reminds them also of a
   saying which was enough to frighten them. For it had been said,
   "Whosoever shall fall on this stone shall be broken; but on whomsoever
   it shall fall, it will grind him to powder. (Matt. xxi. 44.)--Neither
   is there salvation in any other, (v. 12.) Peter says. What wounds,
   think you, must these words inflict on them! "For there is none other
   name," he continues, "under heaven given among men, whereby we must be
   saved." Here he utters also lofty words. For when [251] the object is,
   not to carry some point successfully, but only to show boldness he does
   not spare; for he was not afraid of striking too deep. Nor does he say
   simply, "By another;" but, "Neither is there salvation in any other:"
   that is, He is able to save us. In this way he subdued their
   threatening.

   "Now when they saw the boldness of Peter and John, and perceived that
   they were unlearned and ignorant men, they marvelled and they took
   knowledge of them, that they had been with Jesus." (v. 13.) The two
   unlearned men beat down with their rhetoric them and the chief priests.
   For it was not they that spake, but the grace of the Spirit. "And
   beholding the man which was healed standing with them, they could say
   nothing against it." (v. 14.) Great was the boldness of the man; that
   even in the judgment-hall he has not left them. For had they said that
   the fact was not so, there was he to refute them. "But when they had
   commanded them to go aside out of the council, they conferred among
   themselves, saying, What are we to do to these men?" (v. 15.) See the
   difficulty they are in, and how the fear of men again does everything.
   As in the case of Christ, they were not able (as the saying is) to undo
   what is done, [252] nor to cast it into the shade, but for all their
   hindering, the Faith did but gain ground the more; so was it now. "What
   shall we do?" O the folly! to suppose that those who had tasted of the
   conflict, would now take fright at it: to expect, impotent as their
   efforts had proved in the beginning, to effect something new, after
   such a specimen of oratory as had been exhibited! The more they wished
   to hinder, the more the business grew upon their hands. But what say
   they? "For that indeed a notable miracle hath been done by them is
   manifest to all them that dwell in Jerusalem; and we cannot deny it.
   But that it spread no further among the people, let us straightly
   threaten them, that they speak henceforth to no man in this name. And
   they called them, and commanded them not to speak at all, nor teach, in
   the name of Jesus." (v. 16-18.) See what effrontery is shown by these,
   and what greatness of mind by the Apostles. "But Peter and John
   answered and said unto them, Whether it be right in the sight of God to
   hearken unto you more than unto God, judge ye. For we cannot but speak
   the things which we have seen and heard. So when they had further
   threatened them, they let them go, finding nothing how they might
   punish them, because of the people." (v. 19-21.) The miracles shut
   their mouths: they would not so much as let them finish their speech,
   but cut them short in the middle, most insolently. "For all men
   glorified God for that which was done. For the man was above forty
   years old, on whom this miracle of healing was showed." (v. 22.) But
   let us look over what has been said from the beginning.

   "And as they spake unto the people, etc. Being grieved that they taught
   the people, and preached through Jesus the resurrection of the dead."
   (Recapitulation, v. 1, 2.) So [253] then at first they did all for the
   sake of man's opinion (or glory): but now another motive was added:
   that they should not be thought guilty of murder, as they said
   subsequently, "Do ye wish to bring this man's blood on us?" (ch. v.
   28.) O the folly! Persuaded that He was risen, and having received this
   proof of it, [254] they expected that He Whom death could not hold,
   could be cast into the shade by their machinations! What can match the
   folly of this! [255] Such is the nature of wickedness: it has no eyes
   for anything, but on all occasions it is thrown into perturbation.
   Finding themselves overborne, they felt like persons who have been
   outwitted: as is the case with people who have been forestalled and
   made a sport of in some matter. And yet [256] they everywhere affirmed
   that it was God that raised Him: but [257] it was "in the Name of
   Jesus" that they spake; showing that Jesus was risen. "Through Jesus,
   the resurrection of the dead": for they themselves also held a
   resurrection: a cold and puerile doctrine, indeed, but still they held
   it. Why this alone, was it not sufficient to induce them to do nothing
   to them--I mean, that the disciples with such boldness bore themselves
   in the way they did? Say, wherefore, O Jew, dost thou disbelieve? Thou
   oughtest to have attended to the sign done, and to the words, not to
   the evil disposition of the many. "By their teaching the people." [258]
   For already they were in ill repute with them by reason of what they
   had done to Christ; so that they were rather increasing their own
   obloquy. "And they laid hands on them, and put them in hold until the
   morrow; for it was now eventide." (v. 3.) In the case of Christ,
   however, they did not so; but having taken Him at midnight, they
   immediately led him away, and made no delay, being exceedingly in fear
   of the multitude: whereas in the case of the Apostles here, they were
   bold. And they no more take them to Pilate, being ashamed and blushing
   at the thought of the former affair, lest they should also be taken to
   task for that.

   "And it came to pass on the morrow, that their rulers, and elders, and
   scribes were gathered together at Jerusalem." (v. 5.) Again in
   Jerusalem: and there it is that men's blood is poured out; no reverence
   for their city either; "And Annas, and Caiaphas," etc. (v. 6.) "And
   Annas," it says, "and Caiaphas." His maid-servant it was that
   questioned Peter, and he could not bear it: in his house it was that
   Peter denied, when Another was in bonds there: but now, when he has
   come into the midst of them all, see how he speaks! "By what name have
   ye done this?" Why dost thou not speak it, what it is, but keepest that
   out of sight? "By what name have ye done this?" (v. 7.) And yet he
   affirmed, It was not we that did it. "Ye rulers of the people," etc.
   (v. 8.) Observe his wisdom: he does not say outright, "In the Name of
   Jesus we did it," but how? "In His Name this man"--He does not say,
   "was made whole by us;" but--"doth stand here before you whole." And
   again, "If we be examined concerning the good deed done to the impotent
   man." (v. 9.) He hits them hard, that they are always making a crime of
   such acts, finding fault with works of beneficence done to men: and he
   reminds them of their former doings, that they run to do murder, and
   not only so, but make a crime of doing good deeds. Do you observe too
   (in point of rhetoric) with what dignity they express themselves? [259]
   Even in the use of words they were becoming expert by practice, and
   henceforth they were not to be beaten down. [260] "Be it known unto you
   all," etc. (v. 10.) Whereby he shows them that they rather do, in spite
   of themselves, preach Christ; themselves extol the doctrine, by their
   examining and questioning. O exceeding boldness--"Whom ye crucified!
   Whom God raised up"--this is bolder still! Think not that we hide what
   there is to be ashamed of. He says this all but tauntingly: and not
   merely says it, but dwells upon the matter. "This," says he, "is the
   Stone which was set at naught by you builders;" and then he goes on to
   teach them, saying in addition, "Which is made the head of the corner"
   (v. 11.); that is to say, that the Stone is indeed approved! Great was
   the boldness they now had, in consequence of the miracle. And when
   there was need to teach, observe how they speak and allege many
   prophecies; but when the point was to use boldness of speech, then they
   only speak peremptorily. Thus "Neither," says he, "is there any other
   name under heaven given among men whereby we must be saved." (v. 12.)
   It is manifest to all, he says, because not to us alone was that Name
   given; he cites even themselves as witnesses. For, since they asked,
   "In what name did ye it?" "In Christ's," says he: "there is none other
   name. How is it that ye ask? On all hands this is palpable. "For there
   exists not another name under heaven, whereby we must be saved." This
   is the language of a soul which has renounced (kategnokuias) this
   present life. His exceeding out-spokenness proves here, that when he
   speaks in lowly terms of Christ, he does it not of fear, but of wise
   forbearance (sunkatabainon): but now that it was the fitting time, he
   speaks not in lowly terms: by this very thing intending to strike
   dismay into them. Behold another miracle not less than the former. "And
   beholding the boldness of Peter and John," etc. "And they took
   knowledge of them that they had been with Jesus." (v. 13.) Not without
   a meaning has the Evangelist set down this passage; but in saying,
   "they recognized them that they had been with Jesus," he means, in His
   Passion: for only these were [with Him] at that time, and then indeed
   they had seen them humble, dejected: and this it was that most
   surprised them: the greatness of the change. For in fact Annas and
   Caiaphas with their company were there, and these then also had stood
   by Him, and their boldness now amazed them. "And beholding the
   boldness." For [261] not only their words; their very bearing showed
   it; that they should stand there so intrepidly to be tried in a cause
   like this, and with uttermost peril impending over them! Not only by
   their words, but by their gesture also, and their look and voice, and,
   in short, by everything about them, they manifested the boldness with
   which they confronted the people. From the things they uttered, they
   marvelled, perhaps: "that they were unlearned and common men:" for one
   may be unlearned, yet not a common or private man, and a common man,
   yet not unlearned. "Having perceived," it says. Whence? From [262] what
   they said? Peter does not draw out long speeches, but then by his very
   manner and method (thes apangelias kai thes sunthekes) he declares his
   confidence. "And they recognized them that they had been with Jesus."
   Which circumstance made them believe that it was from Him they had
   learned these things, and that they did all in the character of His
   disciples. [263] But not less than the voice of these, the miracle
   uttered a voice of its own: and that sign itself stopped their mouths.
   ["And beholding the man," etc.] So that they would have been peremptory
   (epeskepsan) with them, if the man had not been with them. "We cannot
   deny it." So that they would have denied it, if the thing had not been
   so: if the testimony had not been that of the people in general. "But
   that it spread no further among the people." (v. 17.) And yet it was
   palpable to all men! But such is the nature of wickedness: everywhere
   it is shamed. "Let us straitly threaten them." What sayest thou?
   Threaten? And expect ye to stop the preaching? And [264] yet all
   beginnings are hard and trying. Ye slew the Master, and did not stop
   it: and now, if ye threaten, do ye expect to turn us back? The
   imprisonment did not prevail with us to speak submissively, and shall
   ye prevail? "And they called them, and commanded them," etc. (v. 18,
   19.) It [265] had been much better for them to let them go. "And Peter
   and John answered and said unto them, Whether it be right in the sight
   of God to hearken unto you more than unto God, judge ye." When the
   terror was abated (for that command was tantamount to their being
   dismissed), then also the Apostles speak more mildly: so far were they
   from mere bravery: "Whether [266] it be right," says he: and "We cannot
   [but speak]. Whether it be right in the sight of God to obey you rather
   than God." (v. 20.) Here [by "God"] they mean Christ, for he it was
   that commanded them. And once more they confirm the fact of His
   Resurrection. "For we cannot but speak the things we have seen and
   heard:" so that we are witnesses who have a right to be believed. "So
   when they had further threatened them." (v. 21.) Again they threatened
   in vain. "They let them go, finding nothing how they might punish them,
   because of the people: for all men glorified God for that which was
   done." So then the people glorified God, but these endeavored to
   destroy them: such fighters against God were they! Whereby they made
   them more conspicuous and illustrious. "For My strength," it is said,
   "is made perfect in weakness." (2 Cor. xii. 9.)

   Already these as martyrs have borne testimony: set in the battle
   against all, they said, "We cannot but speak the things we have seen
   and heard." If the things we speak be false, reprehend them; if true,
   why hinderest thou? Such is philosophy! Those, in perplexity, these in
   gladness: those covered with exceeding shame, these doing all with
   boldness: those in fear, these in confidence. For who, I would ask,
   were the frightened? those who said, "That it spread no further among
   people," or these who said, "we cannot but speak the things we have
   seen and heard?" And these had a delight, a freedom of speech, a joy
   surpassing all; those a despondency, a shame, a fear; for they feared
   the people. But these were not afraid of those; on the contrary, while
   these spake what they would, those did not what they would. Which were
   in chains and dangers? was it not these last?

   Let us then hold fast to virtue; let not these words end only in
   delight, and in a certain elevation of the spirits. This is not the
   theatre, for singers (kitharodon), and tragedians, and musicians
   (kitharisthon), where the fruit consists only in the enjoyment and
   where the enjoyment itself passes with the passing day. Nay, would that
   it were enjoyment alone, and not mischief also with the enjoyment! But
   so it is: each man carries home with him much of what he has witnessed
   there, sticking to him like the infection of a plague: and one indeed,
   of the younger sort, having culled such snatches of song here and there
   of those satanic plays, [267] as he could fix in his memory, goes
   singing them about the house: while another, a senior, and forsooth too
   staid for such levity, does not this indeed, but what is there spoken,
   both the preachments and the very words, he remembers it all; and
   another again, some filthy and absurd ditty. From this place you
   depart, taking nothing with you.--We have laid down a law--nay, not we:
   God forbid! for it is said, "Call no man your master upon the earth"
   (Matt. xxiii. 8); Christ has laid down a law that none should swear.
   Now, say, what has been done with regard to this law? For I will not
   cease speaking of it; "lest," as the Apostle saith, "if I come again, I
   must not spare." (2 Cor. xiii. 2.) I ask then, have you laid the matter
   to heart? have you thought of it seriously? have you been in earnest
   about it, or must we again take up the same subject? Nay, rather,
   whether you have or not, we will resume it, that you may think
   seriously about it, or, if you have laid it to heart, may again do this
   the more surely, and exhort others also. With what then, I pray you,
   with what shall we begin? Shall it be with the Old Testament? For
   indeed this also is to our shame, that the precepts of the Law, which
   we ought to surpass, we do not even thus observe! For we ought not to
   be hearing such matters as these: these are precepts adapted to the
   poor Jewish level (thes 'Ioudahikhes euteleias): we ought to be hearing
   those counsels of perfection; "Cast away thy property, stand
   courageously, and give up thy life in behalf of the Gospel, scorn all
   the goods of earth, have nothing in common with this present life; if
   any wrong thee, do him good; if any defraud thee, bless him; if any
   revile thee, show him honor; be above everything." (S. Ambros. de Off.
   i. 2.) These and such as these are what we ought to be hearing. But
   here are we discoursing about swearing; and our case is just the same
   as if, when a person ought to be a philosopher, one should take him
   away from the great masters, and set him to spell syllables letter by
   letter! Just think now what a disgrace it would be for a man having a
   flowing beard, and with staff in hand, and cope on shoulders, [268] to
   go to school with children, and be set the same tasks with them: would
   it not be above measure ridiculous? And yet the ridicule which belongs
   to us is even greater. For not as the difference between philosophy and
   the spelling-lesson, so is that between the Jewish polity and ours: no
   indeed, but as the difference between angels and men. Say now, if one
   could fetch down an angel from heaven, and should bid him stand here
   and listen to our preaching, as one whose duty it is to conform himself
   thereto, would it not be shameful and preposterous? But if to be yet,
   like children, under teaching about these things be ridiculous; what
   must it be, not even to attend to these things: how great the
   condemnation, how great the shame! To be Christians still, and to have
   to learn that it is not right to swear! However, let us put up with
   that, lest we incur even worse ridicule.

   Well, then, let us speak to you to-day from the Old Testament. What
   does it tell us? "Accustom not thy mouth to swearing; neither use
   thyself to the naming of the Holy One." And why? "For as a servant that
   is continually beaten shall not be without a blue mark, so he that
   sweareth." (Ecclus. xxiii. 10.) See the discernment of this wise man.
   He did not say, "Accustom not to swearing" thy mind, but "thy mouth";
   because being altogether an affair of the mouth, thus it is easily
   remedied. For at last it becomes a habit without intention; as for
   instance, there are many who entering the public baths, as soon as they
   have passed the threshold, cross (Hom. in 1 Cor. xi. 7) themselves
   (sphragizontai). [269] This the hand has got to do, without any one's
   bidding, by force of habit. Again, at the lighting of a candle, often
   when the mind is intent on something else, the hand makes the sign. In
   the same way also the mouth, without concurrence of the mind,
   articulates the word, from mere habit, and the whole affair is in the
   tongue. "Neither use thyself," he says, "to the naming of the Holy One.
   For as a servant that is continually beaten shall not be without a blue
   mark, so he that sweareth." He speaks not here of false oaths, but he
   cuts down all oaths, and to them also assigns their punishment. Why
   then, swearing is a sin. For such in truth is the soul; full of all
   these ulcers, all these scars. But you do not see them? Yes, this is
   the mischief of it; and yet you might see if you wished; for God has
   given you eyes. With eyes of this kind did the Prophet see, when he
   said, "My wounds stink, and are corrupt, because of my foolishness."
   (Ps. xxxviii. 5.) We have despised God, we have hated that good Name,
   we have trodden Christ under foot, we have lost all reverence, none
   names the Name of God with honor. Yet if you love any one, even at his
   name you start to your feet; but God you thus continually invoke, and
   make nothing of it. Call upon Him for the benefit of your enemy; call
   upon Him for the salvation of your own soul; then he will be present,
   then you will delight Him; whereas now you provoke Him to anger. Call
   upon Him as Stephen did; "Lord," he said, "lay not this sin to their
   charge." (ch. vii. 59.) Call upon Him as did the wife of Elkanah, with
   tears and sobs, and prayers. (1 Sam. i. 10.) I prevent you not, rather
   I earnestly exhort you to it. Call upon him as Moses called upon Him,
   yea, cried, interceding for those [270] who had driven him into
   banishment. For you to make mention at random of any person of
   consideration, is taken as an insult: and do you bandy God about in
   your talk, in season, out of season? I do not want to hinder you from
   keeping God always in your mind: nay, this I even desire and pray for,
   only that you should do this, so as to honor Him. Great good would this
   have done us, if we had called upon God only when we ought, and for
   what we ought. And why, I would ask, were such miracles wrought in the
   Apostles' times, and not in ours? And yet it is the same God, the same
   Name. But no, the case is not the same. For then they called upon Him
   only for those objects which I have mentioned; whereas we call upon Him
   not for these, but quite other purposes.--If a man refuse to believe
   you, and that is why you swear, say to him, "Believe me:" however, if
   you will needs make oath, swear by yourself. I say this, not to set up
   a law against Christ's law; God forbid; for it is said. "Let your yea
   be yea, and your nay, nay (Matt. v. 37): but by way of coming down to
   your present level, that I may more easily lead you to the practice of
   this commandment, and divert you from this tyrannical habit. How many
   who have done well in other respects, have been undone by these
   practices! Shall I tell you why it was permitted the ancients to take
   oaths? (for to take false oaths, was not permitted to them either.)
   Because they swore by idols. But are you not ashamed to rest in laws,
   by which they in their infirmity were led on to something better? It is
   true, when I take a Gentile in hand, I do not immediately lay this
   injunction upon him, but in the first place I exhort him to know
   Christ; but if the believer, who has both learnt Him and heard Him,
   must needs crave the same forbearance with the Gentile, what is the
   use, what the gain (of his Christianity?)--But the habit is strong, and
   you cannot detach yourself from it? Well then, since the tyranny of
   habit is so great, transfer it into another channel. And how is this to
   be done? you will ask. What I have said often, I say also now; let
   there be many monitors (logistai), let there be many examiners and
   censors (exetastai, dokimastai). Say, if you chance to put on your
   [271] mantle inside out, you allow your servant to correct your
   mistake, and are ashamed to learn of him, although there is much to be
   ashamed of in this; and here when you are getting hurt to your soul,
   are you ashamed to be taught better by another? You suffer your menial
   to put your dress in order, and to fasten your shoes, and will you not
   endure him that would put your soul in order? Let even your menial,
   your child, your wife, your friend, your kinsman, your neighbor, be
   your teachers on this point. For as when a wild beast is hunted down
   from all sides, it is impossible for it to escape; so he that has so
   many to watch him, so many to reprove him, who is liable to be struck
   at from all sides, cannot help being on his guard. The first day he
   will find it hard to put up with, and the second, and the third; but
   after that it will come easier, and, the fourth passed, there will not
   even be anything to do. Make the experiment, if you doubt me; take it
   into consideration, I beseech you. It is not a trifling matter to be
   wrong in, nor yet to come right in; on both sides it is great for evil
   and for good. May the good be effected, through the grace and
   loving-mercy of our Lord Jesus Christ, to Whom with the Father and the
   Holy Ghost be glory, power, and honor, now and ever, world without end.
   Amen.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [246] It is more likely that katangelein en to 'Iesou ten anastasin k.
   t. l. means "to declare in (the case of) Jesus the resurrection," i.e.
   that the reference is specifically to the resurrection of Jesus instead
   of (as Chrys.) to the resurrection generally.--G.B.S.

   [247] So A. C. N. Cat. but B. omits ouk. Edd. "They had their hands
   still reeking with the blood of their former victim and they were not
   chilled (enarkon), but again laid them upon others, to fill them with
   fresh blood. Or perhaps also they feared them as having now become a
   multitude, and for this reason the captain," etc. But the statement,
   ouk edeisan to plethos is explained in the Recapitulation: they led
   Christ to trial immediately, for fear of the multitude; but not so
   here.

   [248] C. D. E. F. Ei gar ho staurotheis, phesi toiauta ergazetai, kai
   ton cholon anestesen, ou phoboumetha oude toutous. A. B. N. ergazetai,
   oude toutous phoboumetha; ton cholon anestese, and so Cat. which
   however has estesan. The meaning is obscure, especially the emphatic
   oude toutous: but perhaps it may be explained: "He was crucified; they
   did their worst to Him, to how little purpose! therefore neither need
   we fear these men, what they can do to us." But the report is otherwise
   so defective and confused, that perhaps what Chrys. actually said here
   was meant of the priests: "We were able to crucify the Master,
   therefore we do not fear these common men, His followers, though, as
   they say, it is He that does these works, that made the lame man walk."

   [249] Something is wanting here: perhaps a remark on the mention of
   Annas as the high-priest, whereas elsewhere Caiaphas appears to have
   been high-priest shortly before.

   [250] apo tou prooimiou diekomodesen, i.e. "You, the rulers of the
   people, and elders of Israel,--to make it a crime," etc. For this,
   which is the reading of the other mss. and the Catena, E. alone has kai
   diekodonise, mallon de autous kai anemnesen k. t. l. "And he rung them,
   nay, rather also reminded them," etc. Diakodonizein is a word elsewhere
   used by St. Chrys., and would suit the passage very well, either as "he
   put their unsoundness to the proof (like false metal, or cracked
   earthenware)," or "he sounded an alarm in their ears:" but the other is
   equally suitable, and better accredited here. Below, 'Epeide de kai
   krinometha k. t. l.--Cat. epei de. Edd. nun de.

   [251] Otan gar me e ti katorthosai. Quando enim non est aliquid
   praeclare agendum. Ben. Non est corrigendum aliquid, Erasm. But see the
   comment in the recapitulation. "Where need was to teach, they allege
   prophecies; where, to show boldness, they affirm peremptorily."
   katorthosai, "to carry their point," "to come off in the right;" viz.
   here, to convince by argument.

   [252] anatrepsai (phesin) to genomenon ouk eni, A. B. C. Cat. A
   proverbial expression. Edd. anatrepsai to genomenon ouk ischusan,
   "Since then they had not power to undo," etc.

   [253] We have supplied the text, instead of which C. inserts, "What
   shall we do to these men?" adopted by E. and Edd. Below, after the text
   5. 28. E. inserts the latter part of v. 17. "Let us straitly threaten
   them," etc.

   [254] All our mss. and Cat. peisthentos hoti aneste, kai touto (A. C.
   N. toutou, Cat. to) tekm. lab., hoti esti Theos, except that B. reads
   hoti an este Theos. Hence we read, hoti aneste. The repetition of these
   words may have led to the alteration.

   [255] The modern text adds, "And marvel not that they again attempt
   what had been vainly essayed before."

   [256] Kai men ano kai kato elegon. E. F. D. for the sake of connection
   insert dia touto before elegon, adopted in Edd.

   [257] The same mss. and Edd. "And that in the Name of Jesus, this man
   stands before you whole." And below: "And besides, they themselves
   held, etc....: but now they disbelieve and are troubled, taking counsel
   to do something to them." Again, after "the wickedness of the
   many:"--"And pray why do they not deliver them up to the Romans?
   Already they were," etc. All these variations are due to the innovator,
   who did not perceive that the recapitulation began at the place marked
   above.

   [258] The modern text inserts Kai ti depote ou paradidoasin autous
   Romaiois; "And why do they not deliver them over to the Romans? Already
   they were," etc. And after hoste mallon heautous ekakizon, the same
   adds, hupertithemenoi ten auton endeixin; and below, "But concerning
   these, they neither were bold, nor yet do they take them to Pilate."

   [259] pos echei kai to baru ta rh& 208;mata; kai en toutois
   egumnazonto. i.e. "how their words have the rhetorical quality of to
   baru--grave and dignified impressiveness. Even in these, i.e. in the
   use of words," etc.

   [260] Chrys. rightly remarks upon the great boldness and force of
   Peter's answer to the Sanhedrin (8-12). The ei anakrinometha, k. t. l.
   (9) is ironical: "If for doing a good deed a man must make answer."
   Then follow the bold declarations which are almost of the nature of a
   challenge (10) "Be it known to you all," etc., and the assertion that
   it was in the name which they despised--the "Nazarene"--that the
   miracle had been wrought and all this is pointed by the contrast: "Ye
   crucified" but "God raised" and the charge of opposition to the divine
   plan in that they had rejected the stone which God had made the head of
   the corner.--G.B.S.

   [261] Ou gar ta rh& 208;mata monon, kai ta schemata edeiknunto to
   aphrontistos estanai peri toiouton krinomenous. A. C. but the former
   has edeiknuon, N. edeiknu. Our other mss. have, ou gar tois rh&
   208;masi monon edeiknunto aphrontistountes p. t. krinomenoi: which is
   only an attempt to make the passage grammatical. The comment is on the
   word theorountes: they beheld the boldness, for not words only, their
   gestures also, declared it.--Below, ten parresian enephainon ten kata
   tou laou. 'Ex hon ephthengonto ethaumazon isos. Edd. ten parr.
   enephainon epi tou laou ex hon ephthengonto. 'Ethaumazon de isos.

   [262] aph' hon elegon; Edd. and Erasm. take this affirmatively: but
   this can hardly be the Author's meaning; as he has just said that "from
   the things they uttered, they marvelled" that the speakers should be
   illiterate and common men. Something perhaps is wanting: e.g. "Not from
   the matter, but from the dialect, or from the brevity and abruptness of
   Peter's style, or, from the appearance of the men.--In the mss. the
   next sentence is, hoste epeskepsan an autois, Extrema auctoritate
   mandassent iis, Erasm. Acrius in eos egissent, Ben. Here and in what
   follows we have endeavored to restore the proper order. In the mss. in
   consequence, as it seems, of a confusion between the two clauses, ou
   dunametha arnesasthai, and ou dunametha gar...me lalein, the order of
   the comments is deranged: viz. "So that they would--been with them."
   "And they recognized--stopped their mouths:" "Whether it be
   right--judge ye.' When the terror--mere bravery. Whether it be right,'
   he says, and, We cannot deny it.' So that they would--better to let
   them go. Whether it be right--more than unto God.' Here by God--His
   Resurrection."

   [263] The author seems to give two different interpretations of the
   statement: "They recognized them that they had been with Jesus." (1)
   They perceived that these were the men whom they had before seen in
   company with Jesus. (2) They saw that their words and acts betokened
   association with Jesus. It is evident that the former only is meant in
   this place.--G.B.S.

   [264] Kaitoi pantachou hai archai deinai kai duskoloi. "If at the
   beginning you failed, how can you expect to succeed now? for the
   beginning being always the hardest part of any difficult undertaking,
   if you could not stop it then, much less afterwards." The modern text
   unnecessarily alters it to houpo p. hai a. chalepai te kai dusk.

   [265] Pollo mallon autois beltion en autous apheinai. N. has a colon at
   autois, which perhaps is better; then the first clause may be the
   comment on to katholou me phthengesthai: "not to speak at all: much
   more to them. It had been better to dismiss them (at once)." For this
   sentence E. alone has, Panu ge, tous ouden humas hegoumenous kai
   apeilountas: "Aye, men who make nothing of you for all your
   threatening:" which is adopted by Edd.

   [266] E. and Edd. "That a notable miracle is done, we cannot deny:" and
   below "Here they say, of God, for, of Christ.' Do you see how that is
   fulfilled which He said unto them, Behold I send you as sheep in the
   midst of wolves; fear them not.' Then once more they confirm," etc. For
   tou Theou, A. B. have tou Christou.

   [267] The various readings are asmaton for dramaton, and mere for mele.
   Below, ton de ekeise legomenon kai kerugmaton kai rhematon memnetai
   panton. The mod, omits kai ker. The meaning is, "He cannot carry away
   in his memory the preaching which he hears in Church: but the
   preachments (proclamations) which he hears in the theatre he remember,
   every word."

   [268] A description of the attire of a philosopher. Lucian mentions the
   long beard and the staff, but as the vestment, the tribonion or tritum
   pallium. The exomis elsewhere denotes (in opposition to epomis) a tunic
   without sleeves, forming part of the dress of old men, and slaves, and
   also used in comedy. Here it seems to mean a cope, perhaps (Doun. ap.
   Savil.), the original of the academic hood, caputium.

   [269] Tertull. de Corona militum. "Ad omnem progressum atque promotum,
   ad omnen aditum et exitum, ad calceatum, ad lavacra, ad mensas, ad
   lumina, ad cubilia, ad sedilia, quaecunque nos conversatio exercet,
   frontem crucis signaculo terimus."

   [270] huper ton phugadeusanton auton. When the "intercession" of Moses
   is spoken of, it is natural to suppose that the reference is to Exod.
   xxxii. 11 ff. But Sav. and Ben. refer this to Num. xii. 13, perhaps
   because of eboa (LXX. eboese). But the addition, "for those who had
   driven him into banishment," does not suit the latter and less
   memorable occasion: for Miriam and Aaron did but "speak against Moses,"
   not attempt to banish or expel him. More fully expressed, the meaning
   may be, "For a people who began by making him a fugitive, Ex. ii. 15,
   Acts vii. 29, and now had put the finishing stroke to their
   ingratitude." Comp. Ex. xvii. 4; Num. xiv. 10, 13, etc.

   [271] an men ton birron enallax peribale. A. N. biron. B. C. bion (the
   word birros, birrhus having perhaps become obsolete). Mod. ten estheta.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Homily XI.

   Acts IV. 23

   "And being let go, they went to their own company, and reported all
   that the chief priests and elders had said unto them."

   Not for their own glory did they tell the tale--how should such be
   their motive?--but what they displayed was the proofs therein exhibited
   of the grace of Christ. All that their adversaries had said, this they
   told; their own part, it is likely, they omitted: this made the hearers
   all the more courageous. What then? These again flee to the true
   Succor, to the Alliance invincible, and again, "with one accord. And
   when they heard that," it is said, "with one accord they lifted up
   their voice to God, and said:" (v. 24) and with great earnestness, for
   it is no prayer made at random. Observe with what exquisite propriety
   their prayers are framed: thus, when they besought to be shown who was
   meet for the Apostleship, they said, "Thou, Lord, which knowest the
   heart of all men, show:" (ch. i. 24) for it was a subject for
   Prescience there: but here, where the thing needed was that the mouths
   of their adversaries should be stopped, they speak of lordship;
   wherefore they begin thus: Lord, "(Despota) the God that madest heaven
   and earth, and the sea, and all that in them is: Who, [272] by the Holy
   Ghost through the mouth of Thy servant, David our father, didst say,
   Why did the heathen rage, and the people imagine vain things? The kings
   of the earth stood up, and the rulers were gathered together against
   the Lord, and against His Christ." (v. 24-26.) It is to sue God, as one
   may say upon His own covenants, that they thus produce this prophecy:
   and at the same time to comfort themselves with the thought, that in
   vain are all the imaginations of their foes. This then is what they
   say: Bring those words into accomplishment, and show that they "imagine
   vain things.--For of a truth," they proceed, "there were gathered
   together in this city, against Thy holy Child Jesus, (Phaida) Whom Thou
   hast anointed, both Herod, and Pontius Pilate, together with the
   Gentiles and the people of Israel, for to do whatsoever Thy hand and
   Thy counsel determined before to be done. And now, Lord, behold their
   threatenings." (v. 27-29.) Observe their largeness of mind
   (philosophian). These are not words of imprecation. In saying, "their
   threatenings, they do not mean this or that thing specifically
   threatened, but only in general, the fact of their threatening,
   perhaps, as being formidable. In fact, the writer is concise in his
   narrative. And observe, they do not say, "Crush them, cast them down;"
   but what? "And grant unto Thy servants, that with all boldness they may
   speak Thy word." Let us also learn thus to pray. And yet how full of
   wrath one would be, when fallen among men intent upon killing him, and
   making threats to that effect? how full of animosity? But not so these
   saints. "By stretching forth Thine hand to heal, and that signs and
   wonders may be done by the Name of Thy holy Child Jesus." (v. 30.) If
   in that Name the mighty deeds are wrought, great will be the boldness.

   "And when they had prayed, the place was shaken where they were
   assembled together." (v. 31.) This was the proof that they were heard,
   and of His visitation. "And they were all filled with the Holy Ghost."
   What means, "They were filled?" It means, They were inflamed; and the
   Gift burned up within them. "And they spake the word of God with
   boldness. And the multitude of them that believed were of one heart and
   of one soul." (v. 32.) Do you see that together with the grace of God
   they also contributed their part? For everywhere it ought to be well
   observed, that together with the grace of God they do their part
   likewise. Just as Peter said above, "Silver and gold have I none"; and
   again, that "they were all [273] together." (ch. iii. 6.) But in this
   place, having mentioned that they were heard, the sacred writer
   proceeds to speak also of them, what virtue they showed. Moreover, he
   is just about to enter upon the narrative of Sapphira and Ananias, and
   with a view to show the detestable conduct of that pair, he first
   discourses of the noble behavior of the rest. Now say, did their love
   beget their poverty, or the poverty the love? In my opinion, the love
   begat the poverty, and then the poverty drew tight the cords of love.
   For observe what he says: "They were all of one heart and of one soul."
   Behold, [274] heart and soul are what make the "together." "Neither
   said any of them that aught of the things which he possessed was his
   own; but they had all things common. And with great power the Apostles
   rendered their testimony (apedidoun) of the resurrection." (v. 33.) The
   phrase betokens them to be as persons put in trust with a deposit: he
   speaks of it as a debt or obligation: that is, their testimony they
   with boldness did render, or pay off, to all. "And great grace was upon
   them all. Neither was there any among them that lacked." (v. 34.) Their
   feeling was just as if they were under the paternal roof, all for
   awhile [275] sharing alike. It is not to be said, that though indeed
   they maintained the rest, yet they did it with the feeling that the
   means whereof they maintained them were still their own. No, the
   admirable circumstance is this, that they first alienated their
   property, and so maintained the rest, on purpose that the maintenance
   might not come as of their own private means, but as of the common
   property. "For as many as were possessors of lands or houses sold them,
   and brought the price of the things that were sold, and laid them down
   at the Apostles' feet; and distribution was made unto every man
   according as he had need." (v. 35.) A great mark of honor this, that
   "they laid them at the Apostles' feet. And Joses, who by the Apostles
   was surnamed Barnabas, (which is, being interpreted, The son of
   consolation.')" (v. 36.) I do not think that this is the same with the
   companion of Matthias; for that person was also called Justus and
   [Barsabas, but this, Joses and] "Barnabas" ["son of consolation"]. I
   suppose he also received the name from his virtue, as being qualified
   and suited for this duty. "A Levite, and of the country of Cyprus by
   birth." Observe on all occasions how the writer indicates the breaking
   up of the Law. But how was he also a "Cyprian by birth?" Because they
   then even removed to other countries, and still were called Levites.
   "Having land, sold it, and brought the price, and laid it at the
   Apostles' feet. [276] "

   Let us now look over again what has been said. ["And being let go, they
   went to their own company, and reported all that the chief priests and
   elders had said unto them."] (Recapitulation, v. 23.) See the
   unostentatious conduct of the Apostles, and their largeness of mind.
   They did not go about boasting, and say, "How we served
   (apechresametha) the priests!" nor were they ambitious of honor: but,
   we read, "they came unto their own company. Observe how they do not
   cast themselves upon temptations, but when the temptations present
   themselves, with courage endure them. Had it been some other of the
   disciples, perhaps, emboldened by the countenance of the multitude, he
   might have insulted, might have vented ever so many harsh expressions.
   But not so these true philosophers; they do all with mildness and with
   gentleness. "And when they heard that, we read, with one accord they
   lifted up their voice to God." (v. 24.) That shout proceeded from
   delight and great emotion. Such indeed are the prayers which do their
   work, prayers replete with true philosophy, prayers offered up for such
   objects, by such persons, on such occasions, in such a manner; whereas
   all others are abominable and profane. "Lord, Thou the God that madest
   heaven and earth, the sea, and all that in them is." Observe how they
   say nothing idle, no old wives' talk and fables, but speak of His
   power. Just as Christ Himself said to the Jews, "If I by the Spirit of
   God do cast out devils:" behold the Father also speaks by the Spirit.
   For what saith it? "Lord, the God Who, [277] by the Holy Ghost, through
   the mouth of our father Thy servant David didst say, Why did the
   nations rage?" (v. 25.) Scripture is wont thus to speak of one as of
   many. "For of a truth, Lord, against Thy Holy Child Jesus, Whom Thou
   didst anoint, [278] both Herod and Pontius Pilate," etc. (v. 27.)
   Observe how, even in prayer, they circumstantially describe the
   Passion, and refer all to God.--That is, Not they had power to do this:
   but Thou didst it all, Thou [279] that didst permit, that dost call to
   account, and yet didst bring to accomplishment, Thou the All-skilful
   and Wise, that didst serve Thee of Thine enemies for Thine own
   pleasure. (v. 28.) "For to do whatever Thy hand," etc. Here they
   discourse of His exceeding Skill and Wisdom and Power. So then, as
   enemies they came together, and with murderous purpose, and as opposing
   themselves, but they did what things Thou wouldest: "For to do," as it
   is said, "whatsoever Thy hand and Thy purpose determined before to be
   done." What means, "Thy hand?" Here he seems to me to denote [280] one
   and the same thing by power and purpose, meaning that for Thee it is
   enough but to will: for it is not by power that one determines.
   "Whatsoever Thy hand," etc. i.e. Whatsoever Thou didst ordain: either
   this is the meaning, or, that by His hand He did effect. "And now,
   Lord, regard their threatenings." (v. 29.) As at that time, it is said,
   they "imagined vain things," so "now," grant that their imaginations
   may be in vain: i.e. let not their threatenings come into
   accomplishment. And this they said not because they would themselves
   deprecate any hardship, but for the preaching's sake. For they do not
   say, "and deliver us out of dangers;" but what? "And grant unto Thy
   servants, that with all boldness they may speak Thy word." Thou Who
   didst bring to pass the former designs, bring these also to
   accomplishment. Observe, [281] how they affirm God to be the Author of
   their confidence; and how they ask all for God's sake, nothing for
   their own glory or ambition. They promise for their own part, that they
   will not be dismayed; but they pray that signs may be wrought "by
   stretching forth Thy hand to heal, and that signs and wonders may be
   done:" (v. 30) for without these, however great the zeal they showed,
   they would be striving to no purpose. God assented to their prayer, and
   manifested this, by shaking the place. For "when they had prayed," it
   is said, "the place was shaken." (v. 31.) And wherefore this was done,
   hear from the prophet, when he says, "He looketh on the earth, and
   maketh it to tremble. (Ps. civ. 32.) For by this He made it manifest
   that He is present to their prayers. And again, another prophet saith,
   "The earth was shaken, and did tremble at the presence of the Lord."
   (Ps. xviii. 7; lxviii. 8.) And God did this, both to make it more
   awful, and to lead them on to a courageous trust. "And they were all
   filled with the Holy Ghost, and they spake the word of God with
   boldness." They [282] gained increased boldness. As it was the
   beginning (of their work), and they had besought a sensible sign for
   their persuasion (pros to peisthhenai autous)--but after this we
   nowhere find the like happening--therefore great was the encouragement
   they received. In fact, they had no means of proving that He was risen,
   save by miraculous signs. So that it was not only their own assurance
   (asphaleian) that they sought: but that they might not be put to shame,
   but that they might speak with boldness. "The place was shaken," and
   that made them all the more unshaken. For this is sometimes a token of
   wrath, sometimes of favor and providence, but on the present occasion,
   of wrath. For [283] in those times it took place in an unusual manner.
   Thus, at the Crucifixion, the earth was shaken: and the Lord Himself
   says, "Then there shall be famines, and pestilences, and earthquakes in
   divers places." (Matt. xxiv. 7.) But then the wrath of which it was a
   sign was against the adversaries: as for the disciples, it filled them
   with the Spirit. Observe, even the Apostles, after the prayer, are
   "filled with the Holy Ghost." "And [284] the multitudes of them that
   believed," etc. (v. 32.) Great, you perceive, is the virtue of this
   thing, seeing their was need of this (grace) even in that Company. For
   this is the foundation of all that is good, this of which he now for
   the second time makes mention, exhorting all men to the contempt of
   riches: "Neither [285] said any of them that aught of the things he
   possessed was his own," "but they had all things common." For that this
   was in consequence not merely of the miraculous signs, but of their own
   purpose, is manifest by the case of Sapphira and Ananias. "And with
   great power gave the Apostles witness," etc. (v. 33.) Not in word, but
   with power the Apostles exhibited their testimony of the Resurrection:
   just as Paul saith, "And my preaching was not with persuasive words of
   human wisdom, but with manifestation of the Spirit and of power." And
   it is not merely, With power, but, "With great power." (1 Cor. ii. 4.)
   "And great grace," it says, "was upon them all; for neither was there
   any among them that lacked." (v. 34.) This is why the grace (was upon
   them all,) for that "there was none that lacked:" that is, from the
   exceeding ardor of the givers, none was in want. For they did not give
   in part, and in part reserve: nor yet in giving all, give it as their
   own. And they lived moreover in great abundance: they removed all
   inequality from among them, and made a goodly order. "For as many as
   were possessors," etc. And with great respect they did this: for they
   did not presume to give into their hands, nor did they ostentatiously
   present, but brought to the Apostles' feet. To them they left it to be
   the dispensers, made them the owners, that thenceforth all should be
   defrayed as from common, not from private, property. [286] This was
   also a help to them against vain-glory. If this were done now, we
   should live more pleasant lives, both rich and poor, nor would it be
   more pleasant to the poor than to the rich themselves. And if you
   please, let us now for awhile depict it in words, and derive at least
   this pleasure from it, since you have no mind for it in your actions.
   For at any rate this is evident, even from the facts which took place
   then, that by selling their possessions they did not come to be in
   need, but made them rich that were in need. However, let us now depict
   this state of things in words, and let all sell their possessions, and
   bring them into the common stock--in words, I mean: let none be
   excited, rich or poor. How much gold think you would be collected? For
   my part, I conjecture--for of course it is not possible to speak
   exactly--that supposing all here, men and women, to empty out their
   whole property, lands, possessions, houses,--for I will not speak of
   slaves, since at that time there was no such thing, but doubtless such
   as were slaves they sat at liberty,--perhaps ten hundred thousand
   pounds weight of gold would be the amount collected: nay, twice or
   thrice as much. For consider; at what number of "juga" [287] (yokes) is
   our city rated? How many (of the population) shall we say are
   Christians? shall we say an hundred thousand, and the rest Greeks and
   Jews? Then what thousands (of pounds) of gold would be collected! And
   what is the number of poor? I do not think more than fifty thousand.
   Then to feed that number daily, what abundance there would be! And yet
   if the food were received in common, all taking their meals together,
   it would require no such great outlay after all. But, you will ask,
   what should we do after the money was spent? And do you think it ever
   could be spent? Would not the grace of God be ten thousand fold
   greater? Would not the grace of God be indeed richly poured out? Nay,
   should we not make it a heaven upon earth? If, where the numbers were
   three thousand and five thousand, the doing of this thing had such
   splendid success, and none of them complained of poverty, how much more
   glorious would this be in so vast a multitude? And even of those that
   are without, who would not contribute?--But, to show that it is the
   living separately that is expensive and causes poverty, let there be a
   house in which are ten children: and the wife and the man, let the one
   work at her wool, the other bring his earnings from his outdoor
   occupation: now tell me, in which way would these spend most? by taking
   their meals together and occupying one house, or by living separately?
   Of course, by living separately. For if the ten children must live
   apart, they would need ten several rooms, ten tables, ten attendants,
   and the income otherwise in proportion. Is it not for this very reason,
   that where there is a great number of servants, they have all one
   table, that the expense may not be so great? For so it is, division
   always makes diminution, concord and agreement make increase. The
   dwellers in the monasteries live just as the faithful did then: now did
   ever any of these die of hunger? was ever any of them not provided for
   with plenty of everything? Now, it seems, people are more afraid of
   this than of falling into a boundless and bottomless deep. But if we
   had made actual trial of this, [288] then indeed we should boldly
   venture upon this plan (thou pragmatos). What grace too, think you,
   would there not be! For if at that time, when there was no believer but
   only the three thousand and the five thousand: when all, throughout the
   world, were enemies, when they could nowhere look for comfort, they yet
   boldly entered upon this plan with such success; how much more would
   this be the case now, when by the grace of God there are believers
   everywhere throughout the world? What Gentile would be left? For my
   part, I think there would not be one: we should so attract all, and
   draw them to us? But yet if we do but make [289] fair progress, I trust
   in God that even this shall be realized. Only do as I say, and let us
   successfully achieve things in their regular order; if God grant life,
   I trust that we shall soon bring you over to this way of life.

   In the first place, as regards that law about swearing: accomplish
   that; establish it firmly: and let him that has kept it make known him
   that has not, and call him to account withal and rebuke him sternly.
   For the (supra, Hom. viii.) appointed time (he prothesmia), is at hand
   and I am holding inquisition in the matter, and him that is found
   guilty I will banish and exclude. But God forbid that any such should
   be found among us; rather may it appear, that all have strictly kept
   this spiritual watchword. And as in war it is by the watchword that
   friends and strangers are shown, so let it be now; for indeed now also
   we are engaged in a war; that we may know our brethren that are
   properly such. For what a good thing it is that we should have this to
   be our cognizance both here and in a foreign land! What a weapon this,
   against the very head of the devil! A mouth that cannot swear will soon
   both engage God in prayers, and smite the devil a deadly blow. A mouth
   that cannot swear will also be incapable of using insulting language.
   Cast out this fire from your tongue, as you would from a house: this
   fire, drag it out. Give your tongue a little rest: make the sore less
   virulent. Yea, I beseech you, do this, that I may go on to set you
   another lesson: for as long as this is not rightly done, I dare not
   pass on to any other. Let this lesson be got perfectly, and you shall
   have a consciousness of the achievement, and then I will introduce you
   to other laws, or rather not I, but Christ. Implant in your soul this
   good thing, and by little and little ye shall be a paradise of God, far
   better than that paradise of old. No serpent among you, no deadly tree,
   nor any such thing. Fix this habit deep. If this be done, not ye only
   that are present shall be benefitted, but all that are in all the
   world; and not they alone, but those that are to succeed hereafter. For
   a good habit having once entered, and being kept by all, will be handed
   on to long ages, and no circumstances shall be able to erase it. If he
   that gathered sticks on the sabbath was stoned,--the man that is doing
   a far more heinous work than that gathering, the man that is amassing a
   load of sins, for such is the multitude of oaths, what shall he
   undergo? what shall he not have to endure? You will receive great
   assistance from God, if this be well achieved by you. If I were to say,
   Be not abusive, immediately you will plead to me your indignation;
   should I say, Be not envious, you will urge some other excuse. But in
   this case you have nothing of the kind to say. On which account I began
   with the easy precepts, which indeed is also the uniform practice in
   all arts. And thus one comes to the higher duties, by learning first
   those which are easier far. How easy it is you will see, when by the
   grace of God having succeeded in this, you shall receive another
   precept.

   Put it in my power to speak out boldly, in the presence both of
   Gentiles and of Jews, and, above all, of God. Yea, I entreat you by the
   love, by the pangs wherewith I have travailed for your birth, "my
   little children." I will not add what follows, "of whom I travail in
   birth again;" nor will I say, "until Christ be formed in you." (Gal.
   iv. 19). For I am persuaded, that Christ has been formed in you. Other
   language I will use towards you; "My brethren, dearly beloved and
   longed for, my joy and my crown." (Phil. iv. 1.) Believe me that I
   shall use no other language. If at this moment there were placed upon
   my head ten thousand richly-jewelled royal crowns, they could not give
   me the joy which I feel at your growth in holiness; or rather, I do not
   think the monarch himself has such a joy, as that wherewith I joy over
   you. Let him have come home, victorious over all the nations at war
   with him, let him have won many other crowns besides the crown of his
   right; and receive other diadems as tokens of his victory: I do not
   think he would joy over his trophies, as I joy over your soul's
   progress. For I exult, as if I had a thousand crowns on my head; and
   well may I rejoice. For if by the grace of God you achieve this good
   habit, you will have gained a thousand battles far more difficult than
   his; by wrestling and fighting with malicious demons, and fiendish
   spirits, with the tongue, not with sword, but by the will. For consider
   how much is gained, if so be that you do succeed! You have eradicated,
   first, a heinous habit; secondly, an evil conceit, the source of all
   evil, namely, the opinion that the thing is indifferent and can do no
   hurt; thirdly, wrath; fourthly, covetousness; for all these are the
   offspring of swearing. Nay, hence you will acquire a sure footing in
   the way to all other virtues. For as when children learn their letters,
   they learn not them alone, but by means of them are gradually taught to
   read; so shall it be with you. That evil conceit will no longer deceive
   you, you will not say, This is indifferent; you will no longer speak by
   mere habit, but will manfully stand against all, so that having
   perfected in all parts that virtue which is after God, you may reap
   eternal blessings, through the grace and loving-kindness of His
   Only-Begotten Son, to Whom with the Father and the Holy Ghost be glory,
   power and honor, now and ever, world without end. Amen.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [272] The various readings are: ho tou patros hemon dia Pneumatos Agiou
   stomatos D. paidos sou, A. N. tou p. hemon, om. C. ho ek stomatos tou
   p. hemon D. kai paidos sou, B. ho dia stom. D. tou paidos sou, D. F.
   tou, om. E.

   [273] 'Epi to auto, At the same, as interpreted in a former Homily,
   vii. S:. 2. For the next sentence, E. has Palin entautha delon to auto
   legei, hoti tou plethous, k. t. l. "Here again explaining the to
   auto,'" etc.--It is in allusion to the same expression that he says a
   little further on, 'Idou kardia kai psuche to auto.

   [274] i.e. the epi to auto is not local, but moral, the union of all
   believers in one heart and soul: q.d. "Do not object that it is
   impossible for all believers to be together now."

   [275] The Catena has preserved the true reading, teos, for which A. C.
   N. have hate hos, B. F. D. hate. E. substitutes huioi.

   [276] A. B. C. N. ton 'Apostolon. hora to atuphon. & 173;Idomen loipon
   anothen ta eiremena. Kai ton 'Apostolon ten philosophian. The clause
   hora to atuphon is to be restored to its place after the second ton
   'Apostolon, as in the modern text, hora ton 'A. to a. kai ten ph.

   [277] Against the Arians, who from such texts as Matt. xii. 28,
   inferred the inferiority of the Son, Chrys. says, "Observe, the Father
   Himself is here said to speak by the Holy Ghost." This is lost in the
   modern text, which substitutes Soter for Pater. The text is given in
   our mss. with these variations. Comp. note a. A. C. Despota ho Theos
   (ho Cat.) tou patros hemon (ho N.) dia Pn. A stomatos D. B. Desp. ho
   Th. ton patron hemon ho dia Pn. A dia stom. D. E. F. D. Desp. ho Th. ho
   dia stom. D.omitting dia Pn. A., but recognizing this clause in the
   comment. "Observe how they say nothing idle, but speak of His power
   only: or rather, just as Christ said to the Jews, If I by the Spirit of
   God do speak, so these also say, By the Holy Ghost.' Behold, the
   Saviour also speaks by the Spirit. And hear what it is that they say,
   Lord, the God Who by the mouth of David,'" etc.

   [278] In the mss. this clause of v. 27, with the following comment,
   hora pos, k. t. l. is set in the midst of the comment on v. 29: viz.
   before the sentence which (in the old text) also begins with hora pos.
   It is certainly misplaced there. See note 5.--Diairousi to pathos seems
   to refer to the mention of Herod and Pontius Pilate.

   [279] ho epitrepsas, ho kai enkalon kai eis peras agagon. The meaning
   seems to be, that though permitting, He calls to account, and though
   holding men responsible, yet brought it to pass. The modern text omits
   ho kai enkalon, and adds eirgaso at the end.

   [280] to auto legein ten dunamin kai boulen. i.e. "hand" means "power,"
   and "hand" (or, power) and "purpose," or, "will" here make one notion,
   "Thy will which is also power," for to Thee to will is to prevail: not
   two notions, for we do not say that power determines, but only the
   will.--The Edd. however, adopt from E. ten cheira for to auto, which
   spoils the sense. "By the hand he means the power and the
   purpose."--Below, B. C. have hoti te cheiri dietatten (A. omits the
   clause), we retain from E. F. D. diepratten.--OEcum. "The hand and the
   counsel mean the same thing: for where there is power, there is no need
   of counsel. What Thou didst order from the beginning is done."

   [281] Here the mss. insert, On echrisas, phesin. & 169;Ora pos, k. t.
   l. "Observe how, even in prayer, they circumstantially describe the
   Passion, and refer all to God," etc. And then: "Observe how they ask
   all," etc. See note 2.--Here for the latter hora or horas pos of the
   old text, E. has eides pos.

   [282] Edd. kai eis parresian pleiona aleiphon, as the conclusion of the
   preceding sentence before the (omitted) text. "And anointing them (as
   wrestlers) unto greater boldness." Then, "For since it was the
   beginning (of their work), they besought also a sensible sign in order
   that they might be believed (pros to pisteuthenai autous, but after
   this, etc.). Great was the encouragement they thus received from their
   prayer. And with good reason they crave the grace of signs, for they
   had no other means," etc.

   [283] 'Epei tote xenos gegonen. Kai gar hote estaurothe, esaleuthe he
   ge. Edd. 'Epi de tou soteriou pathous xenos kai para phusin gegone; kai
   gar tote pasa esaleuthe he ge. "But at the Passion of our Saviour it
   happened in an unusual manner and preternaturally: for then all the
   earth was shaken." Instead of the next sentence, "And the Lord
   Himself," etc. E. has, "to the intent the power of Him that was
   crucified should everywhere be known, and that the Sufferer was God,
   and not simply man. But further: although it was a token of wrath, yet
   was it of His wrath against the adversaries," etc., but Edd. follow the
   old text here.

   [284] A. B. C. omit the text: D. F. Edd. insert from v. 33, 34. "And
   great grace was upon them all, neither was there any among them that
   lacked:" E. "And with great power, etc. and great grace," etc. Tou
   pragmatos he dunamis, i.e. of the having all things common, as below,
   p. 163. C. has pneumatos, which Saville adopts.

   [285] The innovator, mistaking the meaning of to deuteron (viz the
   reference to ch. ii. 44), has, Saying above (v. 32), Neither said any
   of them, etc., and here (v. 34), "Neither was there any among them that
   lacked." So Edd.

   [286] The strong expressions of Chrys. concerning the community of
   goods at Jerusalem are quite different from the guarded and limiting
   statements of most modern commentators who seem bent upon showing that
   it was only a case of remarkable liberality, e.g. Hackett in loco:
   "Common in the use of their property, not necessarily in their
   possession of it." Our author's statements agree better with the New
   Test. notices on the subject. The main facts are these. (1) There was a
   real and general community of property. The statements in Acts on this
   point are clear and strong: kai eichon hapanta koina (ii. 44); They
   were selling and distributing their real and personal property--ta
   ktemata kai tas huparxeis (ii. 45). Nor did any one say that anything
   of his possessions was his own, all en autois hapanta koina, (iv. 32);
   "As many as (hosoi) were possessors of lands or houses," sold them,
   brought the money and distribution was made to the needs of each (iv.
   34, 35). This is more than distinguished liberality or mere prevailing
   willingness to give. (2) This peculiar phenomenon was connected with
   the habit of living together as a group or family, on the part of the
   Jerusalem Christians (i. 13; ii. 42-44). It was an evidence that they
   were peculiarly one in heart and soul, that no member of this
   closely-knit community was allowed to suffer while others could supply
   him (iv. 32-34). (3) The arrangement was purely voluntary. There was no
   law or demand in the case. Ananias and Sapphira (v. 1-11) were not
   punished for contributing to the common treasury only a part of the
   price of the land but as verse 4 clearly shows, for falsely presenting
   it as the whole. Yet the fact that they wished to have it thought that
   they had brought all seems to show that to bring all was customary and
   expected. (4) This community of goods was both local and temporary. It
   seems to have been confined to Jerusalem. There is no allusion to it in
   the Epistles. It sprang out of the ardor of brotherly love in the early
   years of the Christian community at Jerusalem and in view of the
   special needs of many of its members. The special poverty of the church
   at Jerusalem which made contributions from other churches necessary,
   may have resulted in part, as Meyer suggests, from the working of this
   plan. (5) The custom can hardly be explained apart from the expectation
   of the nearness of the Parousia. In the Thessalonian church all labor
   for self-support was upon the point of ceasing for the same reason. 1
   Thess. iii, 10, sq.--G.B.S.

   [287] eis poson iougon arithmon sunteinei; The word here used perplexed
   the scribes of later times when it had become obsolete, and N. has
   ioulon, B. ioungon, C. ongon(sic), only A. ex corr. iougon. The
   innovator substitutes migadon and suntelei. The meaning is, At what
   number of juga is our city assessed to the imperial tributes? Justinian
   Novell. xvii. c. 8. prescribes that the imperial praktores, exactores,
   shall be compelled to insert in their returns (apochai) the exact
   quantity "of zygocephala or juga or jugalia or whatever else be the
   term used in different localities:" to poson ton zugokephalon e io ugon
   e iougalion, e hopos depote an auta kata choran kaloien. See Du Fresne
   Gloss. s. vv. It seems that each holding of land was rated or assessed
   at so many juga or yokes of oxen; moreover the term jugum is equivalent
   to a measure of land, as Varro remarks that land is measured in some
   places by juga, in others by jugera.

   [288] i.e. People now are more afraid of this (the cenobiticals way of
   life), than they are of launching into the sea of this world's
   temptations: whereas if we had made trial of this, we should boldly
   venture upon the practice so happily adopted by the first Christians.
   (tou pragmatos as above, p. 73, note 3.)

   [289] 'Ean hodo probainomen. B. unnecessarily inserts taute, which Ben.
   adopts. "Si hac via progrediamur." Odo probainein (or hodo badizein) is
   a common phrase in St. Chrys. Applied to persons, it means "to be
   fairly started and getting on:" to things, "to be in train," as in Hom.
   i. hodo kai ta halla proubainen, "the rest would follow in course."
     __________________________________________________________________

   Homily XII.

   Acts IV. 36, 37

   And Joses, who by the Apostles was surnamed Barnabas (which is, being
   interpreted, The son of consolation), a Levite, and of the country of
   Cyprus, having land, sold it, and brought the money, and laid it at the
   Apostles' feet."

   The writer is now about to relate the affair of Ananias and Sapphira,
   and in order to show that the man's sin was of the worst description,
   he first mentions him who performed the virtuous deed; that, there
   being so great a multitude all doing the same, so great grace, so great
   miracles, he, taught by none of these, but blinded by covetousness,
   brought destruction upon his own head. "Having land,--meaning that this
   was all he possessed,--sold it, and brought the money, and laid it at
   the Apostles' feet. But a certain man named Ananias, with Sapphira his
   wife, sold a possession, and kept back part of the price, his wife also
   being privy to it, and brought a certain part, and laid it at the
   Apostles' feet." (ch. v. 1, 2.) The aggravating circumstance was, that
   the sin was concerted, and none other saw what was done. How came it
   into the mind of this hapless wretch to commit this crime? "But Peter
   said, Ananias, why hath Satan filled thine heart to lie to the Holy
   Ghost, and to keep back part of the price of the land?" (v. 3.) Observe
   even in this, a great miracle performed, greater far than the former.
   "Whiles it remained," says he, "was it not thine own? and after it was
   sold, was it not in thine own power?" (v. 4.) That is, "Was there any
   obligation and force? do we constrain you against your will?" "Why hast
   thou conceived this thing in thine heart? thou hast not lied unto men,
   but unto God. And Ananias hearing these words fell down, and gave up
   the ghost." (v. 5.) This miracle is greater than that of the lame man,
   in respect of the death inflicted, and the knowing what was in the
   thought of the heart, even what was done in secret. [290] "And great
   fear came on all them that heard these things. And the young men arose,
   and wound him up, and carried him out, and buried him. And it was about
   the space of three hours after, when his wife, not knowing what was
   done, came in. And Peter answered unto her, Tell me whether ye sold the
   land for so much?" (v. 6-8.) The woman he would fain save, for the man
   had been the author of the sin: therefore he gives her time to clear
   herself, and opportunity for repentance, saying, "Tell me whether ye
   sold the land for so much? And she said, Yea, for so much. Then Peter
   said unto her, How is it that ye have agreed together to tempt the Holy
   Ghost? Behold, the feet of them which have buried thy husband are at
   the door, and shall carry thee out. Then she fell down straightway at
   his feet, and yielded up the ghost; and the young men came in, and
   found her dead, and, carrying her forth, buried her by her husband. And
   great fear came upon all the Church, and upon as many as heard these
   things." (v. 9-11.)

   After this fear had come upon them, he wrought more miracles; both
   Peter and the rest; "And by the hands of the Apostles were many signs
   and wonders wrought among the people; and they were all with one accord
   in Solomon's porch. And of the rest durst no man join himself to them,"
   i.e. to the Apostles; "but the people magnified them," i.e. the Jewish
   people. If [291] "no man durst join himself unto them," the Apostles,
   "there were," however, "the more added unto the Lord, believers,
   multitudes both of men and of women, insomuch that they brought out
   into the streets their impotent folk, and laid them upon couches and
   beds, that at the least the shadow of Peter passing by might overshadow
   some of them." (v. 12-15.) For Peter was the wonderful one, and he to
   whom they more gave heed both because of his public harangue, the first
   and the second and the third, and because of the miracle; for he it was
   that wrought the miracle, the first, the second, the third: for the
   present miracle was twofold: first, the convicting the thoughts of the
   heart, and next the inflicting of death at his word of command. "That
   at the least the shadow of Peter passing by," etc. This had not
   occurred in the history of Christ; but see here what He had told them
   actually coming to pass, that "they which believe on Me, the works that
   I do shall they do also; and greater works than these shall they do."
   (John xiv. 12.) "There came also a multitude out of the cities round
   about unto Jerusalem, bringing sick folks, and them that were vexed
   with unclean spirits; and they were healed every one." (v. 16.)

   And now I would have you observe the way in which their whole life is
   interwoven. First there was despondency on account of Christ taken from
   them, and then came joy because of the Spirit descending upon them;
   again, dejection because of the scoffers, and then joy in the result of
   their own apology. And here again we find both dejection and gladness.
   In that they were become conspicuous, and that God made revelations to
   them, there was gladness: in that they had cut off some of their own
   company, there was sadness. Once more: again there is gladness upon
   their success, and again sadness by reason of the High Priest. And so
   it will be seen to be the case throughout. And the same will be found
   to hold in the case of the ancient saints likewise.--But let us look
   over again what has been said.

   "They sold them," it is written, "and brought the prices, and laid them
   down at the Apostles' feet." (Recapitulation. iv. 34-37.) See, my
   beloved brethren, how instead of leaving the Apostles to sell, they
   themselves sold, and presented the prices to them. "But [292] a certain
   man named Ananias," etc. (v. 1.) This history touches Bishops too, and
   very forcibly. And the wife of Ananias was privy to the thing done:
   therefore he examines her. But perhaps some one will say that he dealt
   very harshly with her. What do you mean? What harshness? If for
   gathering sticks a man is to be stoned, much rather ought he for
   sacrilege; for this money was become sacred. He that has chosen to sell
   his goods and distribute them, and then withdraws them, is guilty of
   sacrilege. But if he is sacrilegious, who resumes from his own, much
   more he who takes from what is not his own. And do not think that
   because the consequence is not now the same, the crime will go
   unpunished. Do you see that this is the charge brought against Ananias,
   that having made the money sacred, he afterwards secreted it? Couldest
   thou not, said Peter, after selling thy land, use the proceeds as thine
   own? Wast thou forbidden? Wherefore after thou hadst promised it? See
   how at the very beginning, the devil made his attack; in the very midst
   of such signs and wonders, how this man was hardened! Something of the
   same kind had happened upon a time in the Old Testament. The son of
   Charmi coveted the devoted thing: for observe there also what vengeance
   ensues upon the sin. Sacrilege, beloved, is a most grievous crime,
   insulting, and full of contempt. We neither obliged thee to sell, the
   Apostle says, nor to give thy money when thou hadst sold; of thine own
   free choice thou didst it; why hast thou then stolen from the sacred
   treasury? "Why," he says, "hath Satan filled thine heart?" (v. 3.)
   Well, if Satan did the thing, why is the man made guilty of it? For
   admitting the influence of the devil, and being filled with it. You
   will say, they ought to have corrected him. But he would not have
   received correction; for he that has seen such things as he had seen,
   and is none the better, would certainly be none the better for anything
   else that could be done; the matter was not one to be simply passed
   over: like a gangrene, it must be cut out, that it might not infect the
   rest of the body. As it is, both the man himself is benefitted in
   regard that he is not left to advance further in wickedness, and the
   rest, in that they are made more earnest; otherwise the contrary would
   have ensued. In the next place, Peter proves him guilty, and shows that
   the deed was not hidden from him, and then pronounces the sentence. But
   wherefore, upon what purpose hast thou done this? Didst thou wish to
   keep it? Thou oughtest to have kept it all along, and never to have
   professed to give it. The sacrilege, beloved, is a grievous one. For
   another, it may be, coveted what was not his own: but it was at thy
   discretion to keep what was thine own. Why then didst thou first make
   it sacred, and then take it? Out of excessive contempt hast thou done
   this. The deed does not admit of pardon, it is past pleading
   for.--Therefore let it be no stumbling-block to any, if at present also
   there are sacrilegious persons. If there were such persons then, much
   more now, when evils are many. But let us "rebuke them before all, that
   others also may fear." (1 Tim. v. 20.) Judas was sacrilegious, but it
   was no stumbling-block to the disciples. Do you see how many evils
   spring from love of money? "And great fear, it is said, came on all
   them that heard these things." (v. 5.) That man was punished, and
   others profited thereby. Not without cause. And yet, signs had been
   wrought before: true, but there was not such a sense of fear. So true
   is that saying, "The Lord is known by executing judgments." (Ps. ix.
   16.) The same thing had occurred in the case of the Ark: Uzzah was
   punished and fear came upon the rest. (2 Sam. vi. 7.) But in that
   instance the king through fear removed from him the Ark; but here the
   disciples became more earnestly heedful. ["And it was about the space
   of three hours after, when his wife, not knowing what was done, came
   in," etc.] (v. 7.) But observe how Peter, instead of sending for her,
   waited till she entered; and how none of the others durst carry out the
   intelligence. Such the teacher's awfulness, such the disciples'
   reverence, such the obedience! "An interval of three hours,"--and yet
   the woman did not hear of it, and none of those present reported it,
   although there was time enough for it to be noised abroad; but they
   were afraid. This circumstance the Evangelist relates with wonder even,
   when he says, "Not knowing what was done, came in." "And Peter answered
   unto her," etc. (v. 8.) And yet she might have perceived even from this
   that Peter knew the secret. For why, having questioned none other, does
   he question you? Was it not clear that he asked because he knew? But so
   great was her hardness, it would not let her attempt to evade the
   guilt; and with great confidence she replied; for she thought she was
   speaking only to a man. The aggravation of the sin was, that they
   committed it as with one soul, just as upon a settled compact between
   them. "How is it that ye have agreed together," he said, "to tempt the
   Spirit of the Lord? behold, the feet of them which have buried thy
   husband are at the door." (v. 9.) First he makes her learn the sin, and
   then shows that she will justly suffer the same punishment with her
   husband, since she has committed the same wickedness: "And they shall
   carry thee out. And she fell down straightway at his feet," for she was
   standing near him, "and yielded up the ghost." (v. 10.) So entirely by
   their own act had they invited upon themselves the vengeance! Who after
   that would not be struck with awe? who would not fear the Apostle? who
   would not marvel? who not be afraid? "And they were with one accord,
   all of them in Solomon's porch," (v. 12) no longer in a house, but
   having occupied the very Temple, they there passed their time! No
   longer they guarded themselves against touching the unclean; nay,
   without scruple they handled the dead. And observe how, while to their
   own people they are severe, against the aliens they do not exercise
   their power. "But [293] the people," he says, "magnified them." (v.
   13.) And as he had mentioned their being "in Solomon's porch," that you
   may not wonder how the multitude allowed this, he tells us that they
   did not dare even to approach them: for "no man," he says, "durst join
   himself unto them." "But believers were the more added unto the Lord,
   multitudes both of men and women: insomuch that they brought forth the
   sick into the streets, and laid them on beds and couches, that at the
   least the shadow of Peter passing by might overshadow some of them."
   (v. 14, 15.) Great faith, surpassing what had been shown in the case of
   Christ. How comes this? Because Christ declared: "And greater works
   than these shall he do, because I go unto My Father." (John xiv. 12.)
   And these things the people do, while the Apostles remain there, and
   are not moving about from place to place: also from other places they
   were all bringing [their sick] on beds and couches: and from all
   quarters accrued to them fresh tribute of wonder; from them that
   believed, from them that were healed, from him that was punished; from
   their boldness of speech towards those (their adversaries), from the
   virtuous behavior of the believers: for certainly the effect produced
   was not owing to the miracles only. For though the Apostles themselves
   modestly ascribe it all to this cause, declaring that they did these
   things in the name of Christ, yet at the same time the life and noble
   conduct of the men helped to produce this effect. "And believers were
   more added unto the Lord, multitudes both of men and women." Observe,
   how he now no longer tells the number of them that believe; at such a
   rate was the faith making way even to an immense multitude, and so
   widely was the Resurrection proclaimed. So then "the people magnified
   them:" but they were now no longer lightly to be despised as once they
   were: for in a little moment, at a single turn of the scale, such have
   been the effects produced by the fisherman and by the publican! Earth
   was become a heaven, for manner of life, for boldness of speech, for
   wonders, for all besides; like Angels were they looked upon with
   wonder: all unconcerued for ridicule, for threats, for perils:
   compassionate [294] were they, and beneficent; some of them they
   succoured with money, and some with words, and some with healing of
   their bodies and of their souls; no kind of healing (phan eidos
   iatreias) but they accomplished.

   Peter all but pleads for himself, when at the point to inflict the
   punishment, and at the same time gives a lesson to the rest. For
   because the act would seem exceeding stern, therefore it is that he
   does so much [295] in the case. [296] In respect of the woman also the
   process of judgment was terrible. But [297] see how many evils grow out
   of the sacrilege: covetousness, contempt of God, impiety; and upon
   these too he pleaded for himself before the assembly, in that he did
   not immediately proceed to punishment, but first exposed the sin. None
   groaned, none lamented, all were terrified. For as their faith
   increased, the signs also were multiplied, and great was the fear among
   their own company: for the things which are from without do not so
   militate (polemhei) against our peace, as do the acts of our own
   people. If we be firmly joined together, no [298] warfare will be hard:
   but the mischief would be the being divided and broken up. Now they
   went about in the public place: with boldness they attacked even the
   market, and in the midst of enemies they prevailed, and that saying was
   fulfilled, "Be Thou Ruler in the midst among Thine enemies." (Ps. cx.
   2.) This was a greater miracle, that they, arrested, cast into prison,
   should do such acts as these!

   If those for lying suffered such things, what shall not the perjured
   suffer? Because she simply affirmed, "Yea, for so much," ye see what
   she suffered. Bethink you then; they that swear and forswear
   themselves, of what should they be worthy? It [299] comes in
   opportunely to-day even from the Old Testament to show you the
   heinousness of perjury. "There was," it says, "a flying sickle, ten
   cubits in breadth." (Zech. v. 2.) The "flying" betokens the swift
   advent of the vengeance which pursues oaths; that it is many cubits in
   length and breadth, signifies the force and magnitude of the woes; that
   it comes flying "from heaven," is to show that the vengeance comes from
   the judgment-seat on high: that it is in the form of a sickle," denotes
   the inevitableness of the doom: for just as the sickle, where it comes
   and has hooked the neck, is not drawn back with nothing but itself, but
   with the head reaped off, even so the vengeance which comes upon the
   swearers is severe, and will not desist until it have completed its
   work. But if we swear and escape, let us not be confident; this is but
   to our woe. For what think ye? How many, since Ananias and Sapphira,
   have dared the same with them? How is it then, say you, that they have
   not met with the same fate? Not because it was allowed in them, but
   because they are reserved for a greater punishment. For those who often
   sin and are not punished, have greater reason to fear and dread than if
   they were punished. For the vengeance is increased for them by their
   present impunity and the long-suffering of God. Then let us not look to
   this, that we are not punished; but let us consider whether we have not
   sinned: if sinning we are not punished, we have the more reason to
   tremble. Say, if you have a slave, and you only threaten him, and do
   not beat him; when is he most in fear, when most inclined to run away?
   Is is not when you only threaten him? And hence we advise each other
   not to be continually using threats, thereby choosing rather to agitate
   the mind by the terror, and lacerating it worse than with blows. For in
   the one instance the punishment is momentary, but in the other it is
   perpetual. If then no one feels the stroke of the sickle, do not look
   to this, but rather let each consider whether he commits such sins.
   Many like things are done now as were done before the Flood, yet no
   flood has been sent: because there is a hell threatened, and vengeance.
   Many sin as the people did in Sodom, yet no rain of fire has been
   poured down; because a river of fire is prepared. Many go the lengths
   of Pharaoh; yet they have not fared like Pharaoh, they have not been
   drowned in a Red Sea: for the sea that awaits them, is the sea of the
   bottomless pit, where the punishment is not accompanied with
   insensibility, where there is no suffocation to end all, but in ever
   lengthened torture, in burning, in strangling, they are consumed there.
   Many have offended like the Israelites, but no serpents have devoured
   them: there awaits them the worm that never dieth. Many have been like
   Gehazi, yet they have not been struck with leprosy: for instead of
   leprosy, it remains for them to be cut asunder, and numbered among the
   hypocrites. Many have both sworn and forsworn; but if they have indeed
   escaped, let us not be confident: the gnashing of teeth awaits them.
   Yea, here too they will suffer many grievous woes, though, it may be,
   not immediately, but after further transgressions, that the vengeance
   may be the greater; for even we often set out at first with small sins,
   and then through great offences lose all. Therefore when you see
   anything happening to you, call to mind that particular sin of yours.
   The sons of Jacob are an example of this. Remember Joseph's brothers;
   they had sold their brother, they had even attempted to slay him; nay,
   they had slain him, as far as inclination went; they had deceived and
   grieved the old man; they suffered nothing. After many years they are
   brought into extreme peril, and now they are put in remembrance of this
   their sin. Exceeding wisely is this circumstance brought in. Hear what
   they say: "We are verily guilty concerning our brother." (Gen. xlii.
   21.) In this manner then do thou also, when anything happens, say, We
   are verily guilty, because we have not obeyed Christ; because we have
   sworn; my much swearing, and my false swearing, has fallen upon my own
   head. Confess thou; since they also confessed, and were saved. For what
   though the punishment follow not immediately? Since Ahab also did not
   immediately after his sin in the matter of Naboth suffer that vengeance
   which he yet at last suffered. (1 Kings xxi. 19.) And what is the
   reason of this? God sets thee a time, in which to wash thyself clean;
   but if thou persist, at last He will send down the vengeance. You have
   seen the fate of liars. Consider what is the fate of false swearers,
   consider, and desist. It is impossible a swearer should not forswear
   himself, whether he will or not; and no perjurer can be saved. One
   false oath sufficeth to finish all, to draw down upon us the whole
   measure of vengeance. Let us then take heed to ourselves, that we may
   escape the punishment due to this offence, and be deemed worthy of the
   loving kindness of God, through the grace and mercies of His
   only-begotten Son, with Whom to the Father and the Holy Ghost be glory,
   power, and honor, now and ever, and world without end. Amen.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [290] Chrys. evidently regards the death of Ananias and Sapphira as a
   miracle wrought by Peter (so Meyer). All that the narrative states is
   that Peter disclosed the sin of Ananias and foretold the fate of his
   wife (Lechler). The middle position seems preferable: Peter acted as
   the instrument of God, the agent of the divine retribution. His will
   acted in conscious harmony with the divine purpose of which it was the
   organ (so Gloag).--G.B.S.

   [291] Ei oudeis etolma kollasthai autois t. apost. For ei, which is the
   reading of A., and seems to be the true reading, B. C. N. have e. The
   passage is corrupt, but the sense may be restored by inserting the
   words of the sacred text as above: i.e. To them, the Apostles, none
   durst join himself, but believers were the more added to the Lord, etc.
   Then ho gar Petros k. t. l. falls into its natural place as the comment
   on Petrou kan he skia. But with the other reading, e, the sense may be
   completed as below, p. 78, viz. "or, no man durst," etc., [so that they
   were allowed to remain undisturbed in Solomon's porch.] The modern
   text, after "the people magnified them," substitutes: Eikotos; kai gar
   ho P. k. t. l. "With reason. For indeed Peter was henceforth terrible,
   inflicting punishment, exposing even the thoughts of the mind: to whom
   also they gave more heed by reason of the miracle," etc.

   [292] The modern text inserts here: "But not so Ananias: he secretes a
   part of the price of the field which he sold: wherefore also he is
   punished as one who did not manage his business rightly, and who was
   convicted of stealing what was his own."

   [293] Edd. from E., omitting this and the following sentence, insert v.
   14, 15, and below, John xiv. 12, both of which are wanting in the old
   text.

   [294] Edd. from E. "But not only for this reason, but because, being
   exceedingly humane and beneficent, they succored some with money, some
   with healing of their bodies. Why hath Satan filled thine heart?
   Peter," etc.

   [295] E. Edd. "therefore both in the case of the man himself, and in
   that of the wife, he makes the judgment terrible."

   [296] Our author touches upon the difficulty which has so often been
   found in this narrative on account of the apparent disproportion of the
   penalty to the offence. But it is to be remembered that: (1) The
   narrative presents the sin as the most heinous--lying to God--trying to
   deceive the Holy Spirit whose organs the Apostles were. It was a
   deliberate conspiracy for this purpose. (2) These persons were members
   of the church who professed to possess and should have possessed the
   Holy Spirit. Instead they had been overcome by a Satanic principle
   which here makes its manifestation in pride and hypocrisy. The
   selfishness of the deed is the more grievous because of the great piety
   and sacrifice of the act which was counterfeited. Pride is the greater
   evil, the higher the virtue which it simulates. (3) Such a retributive
   miracle, besides being just in itself, may have been specially
   necessary in this early stage of the church's life to warn against
   deception and fraud and to emphasize the principles of honor in the
   early church. "So terrible was this judgment in order to guard the
   first operations of the Holy Spirit" (Neander).--G.B.S.

   [297] Edd. from E. "Now if, their sin being inexcusable, he had not
   inflicted such punishment on them both, what contempt of God would
   thence have arisen! And that this was the reason, is evident from the
   fact, that he did not immediately," etc.

   [298] E. Edd. "There will be none to war upon us: just as, if we be put
   asunder one from another, on the contrary all will set upon us. Hence
   it was that they henceforth were of good courage, and with boldness
   attacked," etc.

   [299] Eukairon kai apo tes Palaias deixai to chalepon tes epiorkias
   temeron. Meaning perhaps that this had occurred in one of the Scripture
   Lessons for the day. Below, Kathaper gar drepanon hopouper an empese
   ouk an kath' heauto anelkustheie monon, alla kai apotemnomenes tes
   kephales. So A. B. N. Savil. and C., which last however has apo for
   apotemnomenes. Hales ap. Sav. suggests, that apotemn. tes keph. ought
   to be rejected: it is better however to supply eis trachelon before
   empese as in the translation. The meaning is explained in Serm. ad.
   Pop. Antioch. xv. t. ii. 158. D. "A flying sword, one might manage to
   escape from, drepanen de eis ton trachelon empesousan kai anti
   schoiniou genomenen, oudeis an diaphugoi, but from a sickle darted
   round the neck and catching it as a halter would, there can be no
   escape." Hence it appears that the innovator has quite mistaken the
   Author's meaning. He reads, Kathaper gar drepanon eis trachelon empeson
   ouk an kath' heauto anelkustheie, menei de pos eti kai apotemnomenes
   tes kephales: i.e. "having cut off one head, it still remains, that it
   may cut off more:" which is irrelevant to the matter in hand, viz. how
   to drepanoeides denotes to aphukton tes timorias. Of the Edd. Savile
   alone retains the old and genuine reading. Montf. strangely remarks,
   "Savilianam lectionem esse Morelliana quam sequimur obscuriorem."
     __________________________________________________________________

   Homily XIII.

   Acts V. 17, 18

   "Then having risen up, the high-priest and they that were with him
   (which is the sect of the Sadducees) were filled with indignation, and
   laid their hands on the Apostles, and put them in the common prison."

   "Having risen up," that is, being [300] roused, being excited at the
   things taking place, the high-priest and they which were with him
   (which is the sect of the Sadducees) were filled with indignation, and
   laid their hands on the Apostles:" they now assault them more
   vigorously: "and put them in the common prison;" but did not forthwith
   bring them to trial, because they expected them again to be softened
   down. "But the Angel of the Lord opened the prison doors, and brought
   them forth, and said, Go, stand and speak in the temple to the people
   all the words of this life." "And when they heard that, they entered
   into the temple early in the morning, and taught." (v. 19-21.) This was
   done both for the encouragement of the disciples, and for the benefit
   and instruction of the others. And observe how the proceeding in the
   present instance is just the same as in what Christ Himself did.
   Namely, in His miracles though He does not let men see them in the act
   of being wrought, He furnishes the means whereby they may be apprised
   of the things wrought: thus, in His Resurrection, He did not let them
   see how He rose: in the water made wine, the guests do not see it done,
   for they have been drinking much, and the discernment He leaves to
   others. Just so in the present case, they do not see them in the act of
   being brought forth, but the proofs from which they might gather what
   had been done, they do see. And it was by night that the Angel put them
   forth. Why was this? Because [301] in this way they were more believed
   than they would have been in the other: so, people would not even have
   had occasion to put the question: they would not in some other way have
   believed. So it was in the old times, in the case of Nebuchadnezzar: he
   saw them praising God in the furnace, and then indeed he was put in
   amazement. (Dan. iii. 24.) Whereas then these priests ought as their
   first question to have asked, How came ye out? instead of this, as if
   nothing had happened, they ask, "Did we not straitly charge you not to
   speak?" (v. 28.) And observe, by report of others they are apprised of
   all the circumstances: they see the prison remaining closed with
   safety, and the guards standing before the doors. [302] A twofold
   security this; as was the case at the sepulchre, where was both the
   seal, and the men to watch. See how they fought against God! Say, was
   this of man's doing, that happened to them? Who led them forth, when
   the doors were shut? How came they out, with the keepers standing
   before the door? Verily they must be mad or drunken to talk so. Here
   are men, whom neither prison, nor bonds, nor closed doors, had been
   able to keep in; and yet they expect to overpower them: such is their
   childish folly! Their officers come and confess what has taken place,
   as if on purpose to debar them from all show of reason. Do you mark how
   there is miracle upon miracle, differing in kind, some wrought by them,
   others on them, and these more illustrious than the others? "And when
   they heard that, they entered into the temple early in the morning, and
   taught. But the high-priest came, and they that were with him, and
   called the council together, and all the senate of the children of
   Israel, and sent to the prison to have them brought. But when the
   officers came, and found them not in the prison, they returned, and
   told, saying, The prison truly found we shut with all safety, and the
   keepers standing without before the doors: but when we had opened, we
   found no man within. Now when the high-priest and the captain of the
   temple and the chief priests heard these things, they doubted of them
   whereunto this would grow." (v. 21-25.) It [303] is well ordered that
   the information was not brought to them at once, but they are first
   utterly at a loss what to think, that when they have considered it well
   and seen that there is a Divine Power in the case, then they may learn
   the whole state of the case. "Then came one, and told them, saying,
   Behold, the men whom ye put in prison are standing in the temple, and
   teaching the people. Then went the captain with the other officers, and
   brought them without violence: for they feared the multitude, lest they
   should have been stoned." (v. 25, 26.) O the folly of the men! "They
   feared," saith he, "the multitude." Why, how had the multitude helped
   the Apostles? When they ought to have feared that God Who was
   continually delivering them like winged creatures out of their power,
   instead of that, "they feared the multitude!" "And the high-priest,"
   shameless, reckless, senseless, "asked them, saying, Did not we
   straitly command you that ye should not teach in this name? and, behold
   ye have filled Jerusalem with your doctrine and intend to bring this
   man's blood upon us." (v. 27, 28.) What then (say the Apostles)? Again
   with mildness they address them; and yet they might have said, "Who are
   ye, that ye countermand God?" But what do they say? Again in the way of
   exhortation and advice, and with much mildness, they make answer. "Then
   Peter and the other Apostles answered and said, We ought to obey God
   rather than men." (v. 29.) High magnanimity! He shows them too that
   they are fighting against God. [304] For, he says, Whom ye killed, Him
   hath God raised up. "The God of our fathers raised up Jesus, Whom ye
   slew and hanged on a tree. Him hath God exalted with His right hand to
   be a Prince and a Saviour, for to give repentance to Israel, and
   forgiveness of sins." (v. 30, 31.) And again they refer the whole to
   the Father, that He should not seem to be alien to the Father. "And
   hath exalted," saith He, "with his right hand." He affirms not merely
   the Resurrection, but the Exaltation also. "For to give repentance to
   Israel." Observe here as before the gain (to them): observe the
   perfection of doctrine conveyed in the form of apology. "And we are
   witnesses of these things." (v. 32.) Great boldness of speech! And the
   ground of their credibility: "And so is also the Holy Ghost, Whom God
   hath given to them that obey Him." Do you observe that they allege not
   only the Spirit's testimony? And they said not, "Whom He hath given" to
   us, but, "to them that obey Him:" therein alike showing their own
   unassuming temper, and intimating the greatness of the gift, and
   showing the hearers that it was possible for them also to receive the
   Spirit. See, how these people were instructed both by deeds and by
   words, and yet they paid no heed, that their condemnation might be
   just. For to this end did God suffer the Apostles to be brought to
   trial, that both their adversaries might be instructed, and all might
   learn, and that the Apostles might be invigorated to boldness of
   speech. "And they hearing that, were cut to the heart." (v. 33.) The
   [305] others (on a former occasion) "when they heard these things were
   pricked;" here they were cut (as with a saw) (dieprionto) "and desired
   to slay them." (ch. ii. 37.)

   But it is necessary now to look over again what we have read. "But the
   angel of the Lord by night opened the prison doors, and brought them
   forth, and said, Go, stand and speak in the temple to the people all
   the words of this life. Brought [306] them forth." (Recapitulation, v.
   19, 20.) He did not bring them away to benefit themselves thereby, but,
   "Stand," he says, "and speak in the temple to the people." But if the
   guards had put them out, as those thought, they would have fled, that
   is, supposing they had been induced to come out: and if those had put
   them forth, they would not have stood in the temple, but would have
   absconded. No one is so void of sense, as not at once to see this. "Did
   we not straitly charge you?" (v. 28.) Well, if they undertook to obey
   you, ye do well to call them to account: but if even at the very time
   they told you they would not obey, what account have you to call them
   to, what defence is there for them to make? "And behold ye have filled
   Jerusalem with your doctrine, and intend to bring this man's blood upon
   us." [307] Mark the inconsistency of the accusations, and the exceeding
   folly. They want to make it appear now, that the dispositions of the
   Jews [308] are sanguinary, as if they were doing these things not for
   the truth's sake, but in the wish to be revenged. And for this reason
   too the Apostles do not answer them with defiance (thraseos): for they
   were teachers. And yet where is the man, who, with a whole city to back
   him, and endowed with so great grace, would not have spoken and uttered
   something big? But not so did these: for they were not angered; no,
   they pitied these men, and wept over them, and marked in what way they
   might free them from their error and wrath. And they no longer say to
   them, "Judge ye:" (ch. iv. 19) but they simply affirm, saying, "Whom
   God raised up, Him do we preach: it is by the will of God that these
   things are done." They said not, Did not we tell you even then, that
   "we cannot but speak the things which we have seen and heard?" (ib.
   20.) for they are not contentious for glory; but they repeat again the
   same story,--the Cross, the Resurrection. And they tell not, wherefore
   He was crucified--that it was for our sakes: but they hint at this
   indeed, but not openly as yet, wishing to terrify them awhile. And yet
   what sort of rhetoric is here? None at all, [309] but everywhere it is
   still the Passion, and the Resurrection and the Ascension, and the end
   wherefore: "The God of our fathers raised up Jesus," etc. (v. 30, 31.)
   And yet what improbable assertions are these! Very improbable, no
   doubt; but for all that, not rulers, not people, had a word to say
   against them: but those had their mouths stopped, and these received
   the teaching. "And we," saith he, "are witnesses of these things." (v.
   32.) Of what things? Of His having promised forgiveness and repentance:
   for the Resurrection indeed was acknowledged, now. But that He giveth
   forgiveness, both we are witnesses, and "so is the Holy Ghost," Who
   would not have come down, unless sins had been first remitted: so that
   this is an indisputable proof. "When they heard that, they were cut"
   (to the heart), "and took counsel to slay them." (v. 33.) Hearest thou
   of the forgiveness of sins, O wretched man, and that God doth not
   demand punishment, and dost thou wish to slay them? What wickedness was
   this! And yet, either they ought to have convicted them of lying, or if
   they could not do that, to have believed: but if they did not choose to
   believe, yet they ought not to slay them. For what was there deserving
   of death? Such was their intoxication, they did not even see what had
   taken place. Observe, how everywhere the Apostles, when they have made
   mention of the crime, add the mention of forgiveness; showing, that
   while what had been done was worthy of death, that which was given was
   proffered to them as to benefactors! In what other way could any one
   have persuaded them?

   "Then stood up the high-priest," etc. As [310] men in high repute,
   these (the Apostles) were about to take their place near to the
   Prophets. The Sadducees were they that were most sore on the subject of
   the Resurrection. But perchance some one will say: Why, what man,
   endowed with such gifts as the Apostles were, would not have been
   great? But consider, [311] I pray you, how, before that they were
   endowed with the grace, "they were continuing steadfastly with one
   accord in prayer" (ch. i. 14), and depending on the aid from above. And
   dost thou, my beloved, hope for the kingdom of heaven, yet endurest
   naught? And hast thou received the Spirit, yet sufferest not such
   things, nor encounterest perils? But they, before they had
   breathing-time from their former dangers, were again led into others.
   And even this too, that there is no arrogance, no conceit, how great a
   good it is! To converse with mildness, what a gain it is! For not all
   that they did was the immediate work of grace, but there are many marks
   of their own zeal as well. That the gifts of grace shine forth in them,
   this was from their own diligence. See, for instance, from the very
   beginning, how careful Peter is; how sober and vigilant: how they that
   believed cast away their riches, had no private property, continued in
   prayer, showed that they were of one mind, passed their time in
   fastings. What grace, I ask (alone), did all this? Therefore it is that
   He brings the evidence home to them through their own officers. Just as
   in the case of Christ, it was their officers who said, "Never man spake
   as this Man speaketh." (John vii. 46.) These [312] (proofs) are more
   apt to be believed than the Resurrection.--Observe also the moderation
   shown by (the rulers) themselves, and how they give way. "The
   high-priest asked them, saying," etc. (v. 27): here he reasons with
   them, forsooth, in a moderate tone; for he was frightened: indeed to
   hinder was what he desired rather than to kill, since that he cannot
   do: and with the view to rouse them all, and show them the extreme
   danger they are in, "And intend," says he (to the Apostles), "to bring
   this man's blood upon us." Dost thou still take Him to be but man? He
   wants to make it appear that the injunction was necessary for their own
   safety. But mark what (Peter) says: "Him hath God exalted with His
   right hand to be a Prince and a Saviour, for to give repentance to
   Israel, and forgiveness of sins." (v. 31.) Here he forbears to mention
   the Gentiles, not to give them a handle against him. "And they
   desired," it says, "to slay them." (v. 33.) See again these in
   perplexity, these in pain: but those in quiet and cheerfulness and
   delight. It is not merely, They were grieved, but "They were cut" (to
   the heart). Truly this makes good that proverb, "Evil do, evil fare:"
   as we may see in this case. Here were these men in bonds, set at the
   bar of judgment, and the men that sit in judgment upon them were in
   distress and helpless perplexity. For as he who strikes a blow upon the
   adamant, gets the shock of the blow himself, so it was with these men.
   But they saw that not only was their boldness of speech not stopped,
   but rather their preaching increased the more, and that they discoursed
   without a thought of fear, and afforded them no handles against them.

   Let us imitate these, my beloved: let us be undaunted in all our
   dangers. There is nothing dreadful to him that fears God; but all that
   is dreadful is for others. For when a man is delivered from his
   passions, and regards all present things as a shadow, say, from whom
   shall he suffer anything dreadful? whom shall he have to fear? whom
   shall he need plead to? Let us flee to this Rock which cannot be
   shaken. If any one were to build for us a city, and throw up a wall
   around it, and remove us to a land uninhabited, where there were none
   to disturb us, and there supply us with abundance of everything, and
   not suffer us to have aught to trouble us with anybody, he would not
   set us in such perfect safety, as Christ hath done now. Be it a city
   made of brass, if you will, surrounded on all sides with a wall, lofty
   and impregnable, let there be no enemy near it; let it have land
   plentiful and rich, let there be added abundance of other things, let
   the citizens too be mild and gentle, and no evil-doer there, neither
   robber, nor thief, no informer, no court of justice, but merely
   agreements (sunallalmata); and let us dwell in this city: not even thus
   would it be possible to live in security. Wherefore? Because there
   could not but be differences with servants, with wives, with children,
   to be a groundwork of much discomfort. But here was nothing of the
   kind; for here was nothing at all to pain them or cause any discomfort.
   Nay, what is more wonderful to say, the very things which are thought
   to cause discomfort, became matter of all joy and gladness. For tell
   me, what was there for them to be annoyed at? what to take amiss? Shall
   we cite a particular case for comparison with them? Well, let there be
   one of consular dignity, let him be possessed of much wealth, let him
   dwell in the imperial city, let him have no troublesome business with
   anybody, but only live in delight, and have nothing else but this to
   do, seated at the very summit of wealth and honor and power: and let us
   set against him a Peter, in bonds if you will, in evils without number:
   and we shall find that he is the man that lives the most delightfully.
   For when there is such excess of joy, as to be delighted when in bonds,
   think what must be the greatness of that joy! For like as those who are
   high in office, whatsoever evils may happen, are not sensible of them,
   but continue in enjoyment: so did these the more rejoice on account of
   these very evils. For it is impossible, impossible in words to express
   how great pleasure falls to their lot, who suffer for Christ's sake:
   for they rejoice in their sufferings, rather than in their good things.
   Whoso loves Christ, knows what I say.--But what as regards safety? And
   who, I ask, if he were ever so rich, could have escaped so many perils,
   going about among so many different nations, for the sole purpose [313]
   of bringing about a reformation in their manner of life? For it was
   just as if by royal mandate that they carried all before them, nay, far
   more easily, for never mandate could have been so effectual, as their
   words were. For the royal edict compels by necessity, but these drew
   men willingly and spontaneously, yea, and with hearts above measure
   thankful. What royal edict, I ask, would ever have persuaded men to
   part with all their property and their lives; to despise home, country,
   kindred, yea, even self-preservation? Yet the voices of fishermen and
   tent-makers availed for this. So that they were both happy, and more
   powerful and strong than all others. "Yes," say you, "those of course
   were, for they wrought miracles." (supra, p. 83, note 4.) But I ask
   what miracles did those who believed work, the three thousand, and the
   five thousand; and yet these, we read, passed their time in gladness?
   And well they might: for that which is the groundwork of all
   discomforts, the possession of riches, was done away with. For that,
   that, I say, was ever the cause both of wars and fighting, and grief,
   and discomfort, and all evils: the thing which makes life full of labor
   and troubles, it is that. And indeed it would be found that many more
   rich than poor have reason to be sad. If any think this is not true,
   their notion is derived not from the nature of the things, but from
   their own fancy. And if the rich do enjoy some sort of pleasure, this
   is not to be wondered at: for even those who are covered all over with
   the itch, have a good deal of pleasure. For that the rich are for all
   the world like these, and their mind affected in the same sort, is
   plain from this circumstance. Their cares annoy them, and they choose
   to be engrossed with them for the sake of the momentary pleasure: while
   those who are free from these affections, are in health and without
   discomfort. Whether is more pleasant, I ask, whether of the two more
   safe? To have to take thought only for a single loaf of bread and suit
   of clothes, or for an immense family, both slaves and freemen, not
   having care about himself (only)? For as this man has his fears for
   himself, so have you for those who depend on your own person. Why,
   [314] I pray you, does poverty seem a thing to be shunned? Just in the
   same way as other good things are, in the judgment of many, things to
   be deprecated. "Yes," say you, "but it is not that those good things
   are subjects for deprecation, but that they are hard of attainment."
   Well, so is poverty, not a thing to be deprecated, but hard of
   attainment: so that if one could bear it, there would be no reason to
   deprecate it. For how is it that the Apostles did not deprecate it? how
   is it that many even choose it, and so far from deprecating, even run
   to it? For that which is really a thing to be deprecated, cannot be an
   object of choice save to madmen. But if it be the men of philosophic
   and elevated minds that betake themselves to this, as to a safe and
   salubrious retreat, no wonder if to the rest it wears a different
   appearance. For, in truth, the rich man seems to me to be just like a
   city, unwalled, situated in a plain, inviting assailants from all
   sides: but poverty, a secure fortress, strong as brass can make it, and
   the way up to it difficult. "And yet," say you, "the fact is just the
   reverse: for these are they, who are often dragged into courts of law,
   these are they who are overborne and ill-treated." No: not the poor, as
   poor, but those who being poor want to be rich. But I am not speaking
   of them, but of such as make it their study to live in poverty. For
   say, how comes it that nobody ever drags the brethren of the hills into
   courts of law? and yet if to be poor is to be a mark for oppression,
   those ought most of all to be dragged thither, since they are poorer
   than all others. How comes it that nobody drags the common mendicants
   into the law-courts? Because they are come to the extreme of poverty.
   How is it that none does violence to them, none lays vexatious
   informations against them? Because they abide in a stronghold too safe
   for that. How many think it a condition hard to struggle against,
   poverty, I mean, and begging! What then, I ask, is it a good thing to
   beg? "It is good, if there be comfort," say you; "if there be one to
   give: it is a life so free from trouble and reverses, as every one
   knows." But I do not mean to commend this; God forbid! what I advise is
   the not aiming at riches.

   For say, whom would you rather call blessed? those who find themselves
   at home with virtue, (epitedeious pros areten) or those who stand
   aloof? Of course, those who are near. Say then, which of the two is the
   man to learn anything that is profitable, and to shine in the true
   wisdom? the former, or the latter? The first, all must see. If you
   doubt it, satisfy yourself in this way. Fetch hither from the
   market-place any of the poor wretches there; let him be a cripple,
   lame, maimed: and then produce some other person, comely of aspect,
   strong in body, full of life and vigor in every part, overflowing with
   riches: let him be of illustrious birth, and possessed of great power.
   Then let us bring both these into the school of philosophy: which of
   them, I ask, is more likely to receive the things taught? The first
   precept, at the outset, "Be lowly and moderate" (for this is Christ's
   command): which will be most able to fulfil it, this one or the other?
   "Blessed are they that mourn" (Matt. v. 4): which will most receive
   this saying? "Blessed are the lowly:" which will most listen to this?
   "Blessed are the pure in heart. Blessed are they which do hunger and
   thirst after righteousness. Blessed are they which are persecuted for
   righteousness' sake" (ib. 8, 6, 10). Which will with ease receive these
   sayings? And, if you will, let us apply to all of them these rules, and
   see how they will fit. Is not the one inflamed and swollen all over,
   while the other is ever lowly minded and subdued in his whole bearing?
   It is quite plain. Yes, and there is a saying to that effect among
   those that are without: "(I was) a slave, [315] Epictetus by name, a
   cripple in body, for poverty a very Irus, and a friend of the
   Immortals." For how, I would ask, can it be otherwise, but that the
   soul of the rich must teem with evils; folly, vainglory, numberless
   lusts, anger and passion, covetousness, iniquity, and what not? So that
   even for philosophy, the former is more congenially (epitedeia)
   disposed than the latter. By all means seek to ascertain which is the
   more pleasant: for this I see is the point everywhere discussed,
   whether such an one has the more enjoyable way of life. And yet even as
   regards this, we need not be in doubt; for to be near to health, is
   also to have much enjoyment. But whether of the two, I would ask, is
   best disposed (epitedeios) to the matter now in hand, that which we
   will needs carry into accomplishment--our law, I mean--the poor man or
   the rich? Whether of them will be apt to swear? The man who has
   children to be provoked with, the man who has his covenants with
   innumerable parties, or the man who is concerned to apply for just a
   loaf of bread or a garment? This man has not even need of oaths, should
   he wish, but always lives free from cares of business; nay, more, it is
   often seen that he who is disciplined to swear not at all, will also
   despise riches; and one shall see in his whole behavior his ways all
   branching off from this one good habit, and leading to meekness, to
   contempt of riches, to piety, to subduedness of soul, to compunction of
   heart. Then let us not be indolent, my beloved, but let us again show
   great earnestness: they who have succeeded, that they may keep the
   success achieved, that they be not easily caught by the receding wave,
   nor the refluent tide carry them back again [they [316] too who are yet
   behindhand, that they may be raised up again, and strive to make up
   that which is wanting. And meanwhile let those who have succeeded, help
   those who have not been able to do the same]: and by reaching out their
   hands, as they would to men struggling in the deep water, receive them
   into the haven of no-swearing (anomosias). For it is indeed a haven of
   safety, to swear not at all: whatever storms burst upon us, to be in no
   danger of sinking there: be it anger, be it insult, be it passion, be
   it what it may, the soul is stayed securely; yea, though one have
   vented some chance word or other that ought not, and had been better
   not, to be spoken, yet he has laid himself under no necessity, no law.
   (Supra, Hom. ix. S:5. ad. Pop. Ant. viii. S:3.) See what Herod did for
   his oath's sake: he cut off the head of the Fore-runner. "But because
   of his oaths," it says, "and because of them which sat at meat with
   him" (Mark vi. 26), he cut off the head of the Prophet. Think what the
   tribes had to suffer for their oath in the matter of the tribe of
   Benjamin (Judges xxi. 5-10): what Saul had to suffer for his oath (1
   Sam. xiv. 24, etc.). For Saul indeed perjured himself, but Herod did
   what was even worse than perjury, he committed murder. Joshua
   again--you know how it fared with him, for his oath in the matter of
   the Gibeonites. (Joshua, ch. ix.) For it is indeed a snare of Satan,
   this swearing. Let us burst [317] the cords; let us bring ourselves
   into a condition in which it will be easy (not to swear); let us break
   loose from every entanglement, and from this snare of Satan. Let us
   fear the command of the Lord: let us settle ourselves in the best of
   habits: that, making progress, and having achieved this and the rest of
   the commandments, we may obtain those good things which are promised to
   them that love Him, through the grace and loving-kindness of our Lord
   Jesus Christ, with Whom to the Father and the Holy Ghost together be
   glory, power, and honor, now and ever, and world without end. Amen.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [300] OEcumenius has in part preserved the true reading, t. e.
   diegertheis, kinetheis, epi tois ginomenois [text omitted] sphodroteron
   autois epitithetai. A. B. C. Cat. t. e., diegerthe, kinetheis epi tois
   gen. "Kai eth. autous en t. d." Nun sphodr. autois epitithentai. And
   again after praous esesthai,--Kai sphodr. epitithentai (Cat.
   epitithetai): ethento autous, ph., en t. d. Angelos de k. t. l.--E. D.
   F. Edd. "Nothing more reckless than wickedness, nothing more audacious.
   Having learned by experience the courage of these men, from the
   attempts they had made before, they nevertheless attempt, and again
   come to the attack. What means it, And having risen up, the high-priest
   and they that were with him?' He was roused, it says, being excited at
   what had taken place. And laid their hands on the Apostles, and put
   them in the common prison.' Now they assault them more vigorously: but
   did not forthwith, etc. And whence is it manifest that they assaulted
   them more vigorously? From their putting them in the common prison.
   Again they are involved in danger, and again they experience succor
   from God. And in what manner, hear from what follows."

   [301] Oti houto mallon e ekeinos episteuthesan; houto kai ouk an epi to
   erotesai elthon, ouk an heteros episteusan. If it be meant that the
   Apostles were more believed because the miracle itself was not seen,
   than they would have been if the Angel had brought them out in open
   day, this may be understood in a sense which St. Chrys. expresses
   elsewhere, viz. with reference to the nature of faith: "in the latter
   case there could have been no room for doubt; people would have been
   forced to acknowledge the claims of the Apostles." Thus Hom. vi. in 1
   Cor. "Put the case that Christ should come this moment with all the
   Angels, reveal Himself as God, and all be subject unto Him: would not
   the heathen believe? But will this be counted unto the heathen for
   faith? No: this were no faith; for a compulsory power from without--the
   visible appearance--would have effected this. There is no free choice
   in the matter: ouk esti to pragma proaireseos." But then the next
   sentence ought to be, 'Ekeinos gar oud' an epi to er. elthon; ei de
   ouch houtos, ouk an heteros ep., or to that effect.--Perhaps, however,
   the meaning is rather: "It was so plain to common sense that a miracle
   must have been wrought, that had the Angel brought them out in the
   sight of all men (houto), they could not have been more believed than
   they had a right to be as the case was (ekeinos). Had the miracle been
   performed openly (houto), people would have had no occasion even to
   ask, How is this? And they who, as it was, were not brought to ask such
   a question, would certainly not have believed under any other
   circumstances. So in the Old Testament, Nebuchadnezzar, when he sees
   the Holy Men praising God in the furnace, is brought to ask in
   amazement, Did we not cast three men, etc.: but these priests are so
   hardened, that instead of asking as they ought to have done, How came
   ye out? they only ask, as if nothing had happened, Did we not straitly
   charge you, etc. And observe, they have no excuse for their wilful
   apathy: for they have had a full report of the circumstances from the
   officers: the prison shut, the guards at their posts." If this be the
   meaning, we must replace ouk an or oud an in the sentence hoti houto
   mallon k. t. l. But the text is too corrupt to be restored by any
   simple emendation.--Edd. "Because in this way, etc. especially as they
   would not have been brought to ask the question, nor yet in another
   case would they themselves have believed;" allos te kai hoti ouk an,
   and oute men heteros an kai autoi episteusan.

   [302] Here the mss. insert v. 21-23, inconveniently; for it interrupts
   the connection. Chrys. here deviates from his usual method, not
   following the narrative point by point, but reflecting first upon the
   conduct of the priests. Of course it is to be understood, that the
   whole text, at least to v. 28, had been first read out.

   [303] In the mss. this comment is placed before v. 24.

   [304] Here A. B. C. N. insert v. 29 omitted above by the two first. The
   following sentence, omitted here by D. E. F. and inserted after v. 31,
   is there repeated by A. B. C.

   [305] E. Edd. "Observe the excess of their wickedness. When they ought
   to have been struck with alarm at what they heard, here they are cut
   (to the heart), and take counsel in their temerity (bouleuontai eike)
   to slay (them)." The innovator did not perceive the reference to ii. 37
   in hoi alloi "tauta akousantes katenugesan."

   [306] E. and Edd. "Having brought them forth.' He does not himself
   bring them away, but lets them go: that in this way also their
   intrepidity might be known; which also they showed, in that by night
   they entered into the temple and taught." In the following sentence
   perhaps the purport of what St. Chrys. said was, that "if, as the
   priests supposed, the guards had let them out, the guards themselves
   would have absconded, and the Apostles would not have stood in the
   temple, but would have escaped." Ei ge peisthentes may have been said
   of the guards, "if they had been bribed or otherwise induced to let
   them out;" but all the mss. have ei ge p. exelthon, in the sense,
   "supposing, which is not likely, that the Apostles had been induced to
   come forth at the request of the guards." Savile gives this clause to
   the latter part, beginning as E. and Edd. with mallon de ei exeb. for
   kai ei exeb. "Supposing they had been induced to come out, or rather if
   those had put them out:" Ben. refers it to what precedes; "they would
   have fled, if they had come out at their request: nay, if those had put
   them out," etc.

   [307] The meaning of the council's statement: "Ye intend to bring this
   man's blood upon us" (28) probably is: You would cause an insurrection
   against us and thus be avenged for the crucifixion of Jesus (Meyer):
   others take it to mean: You would carry the idea that we had murdered
   an innocent man in crucifying Jesus (Hackett). The strong language of
   Peter in reply (29) which seems to imply: We cannot help consequences;
   we must obey God in our preaching and healing, favors the former view.
   The confusion of the text of Chrys. here (see note in loco) makes his
   view on this point uncertain.--G.B.S.

   [308] phonikas loipon boulontai deixai tas proaireseis ton 'Ioudaion.
   As the latter part of the sentence, hos ou di' aletheian tauta
   poiounton all' amunasthai boulomenon, seems inapplicable to the Jews,
   and to be meant for the Apostles, it may be conjectured that the true
   reading is ton 'Apostolon: "that the Apostles were bent upon having
   blood." But all the mss. have ton 'Ioudaion, and the sense so far is
   satisfactory: viz. They want to make it appear now indeed what
   bloody-minded men the Jews are: now, not when Christ was crucified.

   [309] The modern text: "So artlessly did they preach the Gospel of
   life. But when he says, He hath exalted,' he states for what purpose,
   namely, to give repentance' he adds, to Israel, and remission of sins.'
   But, it will be said, these things seemed incredible. How say you? And
   why not rather credible, seeing that neither rulers," etc.

   [310] Here begins a second recapitulation or rather gleaning, partly of
   matter not touched upon before, partly of further remarks on what has
   been said.--Os eudokimountes engus ton propheton emellon histasthai:
   This relates to v. 13-16, as the reason why they were "filled with
   indignation." The innovator (E. F. D. Edd.) not perceiving this, alters
   hos eudokimountes to e hos eudokimountas, which he joins to the former
   sentence, "How else could any one have persuaded them than (by treating
   them) as persons in high repute?" and adds, "And mark their malignity:
   they set on them the Sadducees who were most sore on the subject of the
   Resurrection: but they got nothing by their wickedness. But perchance,"
   etc.

   [311] St. Chrysostom frequently contends against the common excuse, "We
   cannot attain to the holiness of the first Christians, because there
   are no miracles now." Thus, he urges, Hom. in Matt. xlvi., that it was
   not their miracles that made the saints, both of the Old and of the New
   Testament, great and admirable, but their virtues: without which, no
   miracles would have availed for themselves or others: that if they
   wrought miracles, it was after they, by their noble qualities and
   admirable lives had attracted the Divine grace: for miracles proceed
   from a holy life, and this is also their goal: only he that lives a
   holy life receives this grace; and he that receives it, receives it
   only that he may amend the life of others...Let no man therefore wait
   for miracles. It afflicts the evil spirit when he is expelled from the
   body, much more when he sees the soul set free from sin: for in this
   lies Satan's great power, and to destroy this, Christ died. In
   expelling this from thyself, thou hast performed a miracle greater than
   all miracles. This is not my doctrine; it is the doctrine of the
   Apostle Paul. 1 Cor. xii. 31, the "more excellent way" is not miracles,
   but Charity, the root of all good. If we practise this we need no
   miracles; and if we practise not from miracles we shall get no good.

   [312] tauta tes anastaseos pistotera. E. omits this, and inserts
   apengeilan hupostrepsantes haper eidon. "They reported on their return
   just what they had seen:" so Edd. except Savile, who retains the
   reading of E. and adds to it as above (from N.)

   [313] ethnesi tosoutois homilon huper metastaseos politeias mones.

   [314] Edd. "And why," you will ask, "is poverty thought a thing to be
   fled from!" Why, because other good things are, in the judgment of
   many, things to be fled from, not because they are to be deprecated,
   but because hard of attainment.

   [315] The Epigram is preserved in the Palatine Anthology, 7. 676.
   Doulos 'Epiktetos genomen, kai somati peros, kai penian Iros, kai
   philos athanatois. But our mss. except E., for Iros have hieros,
   "sacred."

   [316] Something is wanting in the old text to complete the sense: the
   matter in the brackets is supplied from E. D. F. Below, the same have:
   "to swear not at all: a haven, that one be not drowned by the storm
   bursting. For though wrath, though (sense of) insult, though passion
   boil over, yea though anything, be what it may, the soul is in
   security, so that it will not even utter aught that should not be
   spoken: for one has laid himself," etc.

   [317] Diarrexomen ta schoinia; en eukoli& 139; katastesomen heautous;
   pases aporias apallagomen kai tes satanikes pagidos. i.e. "The cords of
   this snare are, the ties of worldly business in the possession or
   pursuit of wealth: there is a condition, as was said above, in which it
   is full easy not to swear; let us bring ourselves into that condition:
   all that makes us say, We cannot help swearing,' (pases aporias), let
   us have done with it, and break loose from the snare of the devil." The
   exhortation connects both parts of the "Morale"--the commendation of
   voluntary poverty, and the invective against swearing. In the modern
   text (E. F. D. Edd.) this is lost sight of: it reads: diarr. ta sch.
   kai en euk. katastesomen (al. -somen) pases phulakes; apallagomen tes
   sat. pag. "Let us burst the cords, and we shall bring ourselves into a
   facility of all watchfulness: let us break loose," etc.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Homily XIV.

   Acts V. 34

   "Then stood there up one in the council, a Pharisee, named Gamaliel, a
   doctor of the law, had in reputation among all the people, and
   commanded the men to be put forth a little space."

   This Gamaliel was Paul's teacher. And one may well wonder, how, being
   so right-minded in his judgment, and withal learned in the law, he did
   not yet believe. But it cannot be that he should have continued in
   unbelief to the end. [318] Indeed it appears plainly from the words he
   here speaks. He "commanded," it says, "to put the men forth a little
   space [and said unto them.]" Observe how judiciously he frames his
   speech, and how he immediately at the very outset puts them in fear.
   And that he may not be suspected of taking their part, he addresses
   them as if he and they were of the same opinion, and does not use much
   vehemence, but as speaking to men intoxicated through passion, he thus
   expresses himself: "Ye men of Israel, take heed to yourselves what ye
   intend to do as touching these men." (v. 35.) Do not, he would say, go
   to work rashly and in a hurry. "For before these days rose up Theudas,
   boasting himself to be somebody: to whom a number of men, about four
   hundred, joined themselves: who was slain; and all, as many as obeyed
   him, were scattered, and brought to naught." (v. 36.) By examples he
   teaches them prudence; and, by way of encouragement, mentions last the
   man who seduced the greatest number. Now before he gives the examples,
   he says, "Take heed to yourselves;" but when he has cited them, then he
   declares his opinion, and says, "Refrain from these men." For, says he,
   "there rose up Judas of Galilee in the days of the taxing, and drew
   away much people after him: he also perished; and all, even as many as
   obeyed him, were dispersed. And now I say unto you, Refrain from these
   men, and let them alone: for if this council or this work be of men, it
   will come to naught. But if it be of God, ye cannot overthrow them."
   (al. it) (v. 37-39.) Then [319] what is there, he would say, to hinder
   you to be overthrown? For, says he (take heed), "lest haply ye be found
   even to fight against God." He would dissuade them both by the
   consideration that the thing is impossible, and because it is not for
   their good. And he does not say by whom these people were destroyed,
   but that there they "were scattered," and their confederacy fell away
   to nothing. For if, says he, it be of man, what needs any ado on your
   part? but if it be of God, for all your ado you will not be able to
   overcome it. The argument is unanswerable. "And they were persuaded by
   him." (v. 40.) How were they persuaded? So as not to slay them, but
   merely to scourge. For, it says, "And when they had called the
   Apostles, and beaten them, they commanded that they should not speak in
   the name of Jesus, and let them go." See after what great works they
   are scourged! And again their teaching became more extended: for they
   taught at home and in the temple, "And they departed from the presence
   of the council, rejoicing that they were counted worthy to suffer shame
   for His name. And daily in the temple, and in every house, they ceased
   not to teach and preach Jesus Christ. (v. 41, 42.) And in those days,
   when the number of the disciples was multiplied, there arose a
   murmuring of the Hellenists against the Hebrews, because their widows
   were neglected in the daily ministration." (ch. vi. 1.) Not absolutely
   in those immediate days; for it is the custom of Scripture to speak of
   things next about to happen, as taking place in immediate succession.
   But by "Hellenists" I suppose he means those who spoke Greek ["against
   the Hebrews"]: for [320] they did not use the Greek language. Behold
   another trial! observe how from within and from without there are
   warrings, from the very first! "Then," it says, "the twelve called the
   multitude of the disciples unto them, and said, It is not reason that
   we should leave the word of God, and serve tables." (v. 2.) Well said:
   for the needful must give precedence to the more needful. But see, how
   straightway they both take thought for these (inferior matters), and
   yet do not neglect the preaching. "Because their widows were
   overlooked:" for those (the Hebrews) were treated as the persons of
   greater consequence (aidesimoteroi). "Wherefore, brethren, look ye out
   among you seven men of honest report, full of the Holy Ghost and
   wisdom, whom we may appoint over this business. But we will give
   ourselves continually to prayer, and to the ministry of the word. And
   the saying pleased the whole multitude: and they chose Stephen, a man
   full of faith and of the Holy Ghost" (v. 3-5.) so were the others also
   full of faith; [321] not to have the same things happening as in the
   case of Judas, as in the case of Ananias and Sapphira--"and Philip, and
   Prochoras, and Nicanor, and Timon, and Parmenas, and Nicolas a
   proselyte of Antioch: whom they set before the Apostles: and when they
   had prayed, they laid their hands on them. And the word of God
   increased; and the number of the disciples multiplied in Jerusalem
   greatly; and a great company of the priests were obedient to the
   faith." (v. 5-7.)

   But [322] let us look over again what has been spoken. "Ye men of
   Israel take heed to yourselves."(Recapitulation, v. 35.) See here, I
   pray you, how mildly Gamaliel reasons, and how he says but a few words
   to them, and does not recount ancient histories, although he might have
   done so, but more recent instances, which are most powerful to produce
   belief. With this view he throws out a hint himself, saying, "For
   before these days" (v. 36): meaning, not many days before. Now had he
   at once said, "Let these men go," both himself would have fallen into
   suspicion, and his speech would not have been so effective: but after
   the examples, it acquired its own proper force. And he mentions not one
   instance, but a second also: "for," saith the Scripture, "in the mouth
   of two witnesses" (Matt. xviii. 16): and yet he had it in his power to
   mention even three. "Refrain from these men." (v. 38.) See how mild his
   manner is, and his speech not long, but concise, and his mention even
   of those (impostors) how free from passion: "And all, as many as obeyed
   him, were scattered." And [323] for all this he does not blaspheme
   Christ. They heard him, all these unbelievers, heard him, these Jews.
   ["For if this council or this work be of men, it will come to naught."]
   Well then, since it did not come to nought, it is not of men. ["But if
   it be of God, ye cannot overthrow it."] (v. 39.) Once more he checks
   them by the impossibility and the inexpediency of the thing, saying,
   "Lest haply ye be found even to fight against God." [324] And he does
   not say, If Christ be God; but the work (itself) declares (this). He
   does not pronounce upon it, either that, it is "of men," or that it is
   "of God;" but he leaves the proof to the future. "They were persuaded
   [by him]." (v. 40.) Then why, it may be asked, do ye scourge them? Such
   was the incontrovertible justness of his speech, they could not look it
   in the face; nevertheless, they sated their own animosity; and again
   they expected to terrify them in this way. By the fact also of his
   saying these things not in the presence of the Apostles, he gained a
   hearing more than he would otherwise have done; and then the suavity of
   his discourse and the justness of what was said, helped to persuade
   them. In fact, this man all but preached the Gospel. " [325] Ye were
   persuaded," one may say, "that ye had not strength to overthrow it.
   Wherefore did ye not believe?" Such is the witness borne even by
   enemies. There it is four hundred, there, four thousand: and here the
   first movers were twelve. Let not the number which added itself
   affright you. (ch. ii. 41; iv. 4.) He might also have mentioned another
   instance, that of the Egyptian, but what he has spoken is fully
   sufficient. And he closes his speech with an alarming topic: "Lest
   haply," etc. And he does not pronounce upon it, lest he should seem to
   be pleading their cause; but he reasons by way of syllogism from the
   issue of the matter. And he does not venture to pronounce that it is
   not of men, nor yet that it is of God; for had he said that it was of
   God, they would have gainsaid him: but had he said that it was of men,
   they would again have taken prompt measures. Therefore he bids them
   wait for the end, saying, "Refrain." But they once more threaten
   knowing indeed that they avail nothing, but doing after their manner.
   Such is the nature of wickedness: it attempts even
   impossibilities.--"And after this man rose up Judas," etc. These things
   Josephus relates in detail. (Ant. xx. 8; ib. v. 2; xviii. 1. B. J. ii.
   8. 1.) But what a great thing it was that he ventured to affirm: that
   it was of God, when in the sequel it received its proof from the
   events! Great boldness of speech, great freedom from all respect of
   persons! [326] And he does not say, "But if ye do not overthrow it, it
   is of God;" but, "If it be of God, it will not be overthrown." "And to
   him they agreed." (v. 40.) They reverenced the high character of the
   man. "And they departed from the presence of the council, rejoicing
   that they were counted worthy to suffer shame for the name of Christ."
   (v. 41.) What miracles so wonderful as this? Nowhere is the like of
   this recorded of the old saints: for Jeremiah indeed was scourged for
   the word of God, and they threatened Elijah, and the rest: but in this
   case, even by this very thing, and not only by their miracles, these
   showed forth the power of God. He does not say, that they were not
   pained, but that though pained they rejoiced. How does this appear?
   From their boldness afterwards: they were so instant still, even after
   their beatings, in preaching the word. "But in the temple," it says,
   "and in every house, they ceased not to teach and preach Jesus Christ."
   (v. 42.) "And in those days"--when these things were done, when there
   were scourgings, when there were threatenings, when the disciples were
   multiplying--also, it says, "there arose a murmuring." (ch. vi. 1.) And
   this comes of the multitude: for it is impossible to have strict order
   in a multitude. "There arose a murmuring," etc. to,--"And [327] a great
   company of the priests were obedient to the faith.--There arose
   murmuring against the Hebrews"--for that description of people seemed
   to be more honorable--"because their widows were neglected in the daily
   ministration." [328] (v. 1-7.) So then there was a daily ministration
   for the widows. And observe how he calls it a "ministration"
   (diakonia), and not directly alms: extolling by this at once the doers,
   and those to whom it was done. "Were neglected." This did not arise
   from malice, but perhaps from the carelessness of the multitude. And
   therefore he brought it forward openly, for this was no small evil.
   Observe, how even in the beginning the evils came not only from
   without, but also from within. For you must not look to this only, that
   it was set to rights, but observe that it was a great evil that it
   existed. [329] "Then the twelve," etc. (v. 2.) Do you observe [330] how
   outward concerns succeed to inward? They do not act at their own
   discretion, but plead for themselves to the congregation. So ought it
   to be done now. "It is not reason," says he, "that we should leave the
   word of God, and serve tables." First he puts to them the
   unreasonableness of the thing; that it is not possible for both things
   to be done with the same attention: just as when they were about to
   ordain Matthias, they first show the necessity of the thing, that one
   was deficient, and there must needs be twelve. And so here they showed
   the necessity; and they did it not sooner, but waited till the
   murmuring arose; nor, on the other hand, did they suffer this to spread
   far. And, lo! they leave the decision to them: those who pleased all,
   those who of all were honestly reputed, them they present: [331] not
   now twelve, but "seven, full of the Spirit and of wisdom: well reported
   of" for their conversation. (v. 3.) Now when Matthias was to be
   presented, it was said, "Therefore must one of these men which have
   companied with us all the time" (ch. i. 21): but not so here: for the
   case was not alike. And they do not now put it to the lot; they might
   indeed themselves have made the election, as moved by the Spirit: but
   nevertheless, they desire the testimony of the people. The fixing the
   number, and the ordaining them, and for this kind of business, rested
   with them: but the choice of the men they make over to the people, that
   they might not seem to act from favor: just as God also leaves it to
   Moses to choose as elders those whom he knew. (Num. xi. 16.) "And of
   wisdom." For indeed there needs much wisdom in such ministrations. For
   think not, because he hath not the word committed unto him, that such
   an one has no need of wisdom: he does need it, and much too. "But we,"
   saith he, "will give ourselves continually to prayer, and to the
   ministry of the word." (v. 4.) Again they plead for themselves,
   beginning and ending with this. "Will give ourselves continually," he
   saith. For so it behooved, not just to do the mere acts, or in any
   chance way, but to be continually doing them. "And the saying," we are
   told, "pleased the whole multitude." (v. 5, 6.) This too was worthy of
   their wisdom. All approved of what was said so sensible was it. "And
   they chose," it says (again it is the people (autoi) that choose,)
   "Stephen, a man full of faith and of the Holy Ghost, and Philip, and
   Prochorus, and Nicanor, and Timon, and Parmenas, and Nicolas a
   proselyte of Antioch: whom they set before the Apostles: and when they
   had prayed, they laid their hands on them." They separated them from
   the multitude, and it is the people (autoi) that draw them, not the
   Apostles that lead them. Observe how he avoids all that is superfluous:
   he does not tell in what way it was done, but that they were ordained
   (echeirotonethesan) with prayer: for this is the meaning of
   cheirotonia, (i.e. "putting forth the hand,") or ordination: the hand
   of the man is laid upon (the person,) but the whole work is of God, and
   it is His hand which toucheth the head of the one ordained, if he be
   duly ordained. "And the word of God," it says, "increased: and the
   number of the disciples multiplied." (v. 7.) It is not for nothing that
   he says this: it shows how great is the virtue of alms and good order.
   And as he is about in the sequel to enlarge (auxein) upon the affair of
   Stephen, he puts first the causes which led to it. "And many," he says,
   "of the priests were obedient to the faith." For [332] since they
   perceived such to be the mind of their ruler and teacher, they put the
   matter to the test of facts.--It is also a subject for wonder, how it
   was that the multitude was not divided in its choice of the men, and
   how it was that the Apostles were not rejected by them. But what sort
   of rank these bore, and what sort of office they received, this is what
   we need to learn. Was it that of Deacons? And yet this is not the case
   in the Churches. But [333] is it to the Presbyters that the management
   belongs? And yet at present there was no Bishop, but the Apostles only.
   Whence I think it clearly and manifestily follows, that neither Deacons
   nor Presbyters is their designation: but it was for this particular
   purpose that they were ordained. [334] And this business was not simply
   handed over to them without further ceremony, but the Apostles prayed
   over them, that power might be given to them. But observe, I pray you,
   if there were need of seven men for this, great in proportion must have
   been the sums of money that flowed in, great in proportion also the
   number of widows. So then the prayers were not made in an off-hand way,
   but with much deliberate attention: and this office, [335] as well as
   preaching, was thus brought to good effect; for what they did, they
   effected mostly by the means of these (their prayers.) Thus they were
   enabled to give their attention to things spiritual; thus were these
   also free to undertake long journeys; thus were these put in trust with
   the word. But the writer does not say this, nor extol them, but that it
   was "not reason" that they should leave the work given to them. Thus
   they had been taught by Moses's example not to undertake the management
   of everything by themselves. (Num. xi. 14.) "Only," it is said, "that
   we should remember the poor." (Gal. ii. 10.) And [336] how did they
   bring these forward? They fasted. "Look you out seven men," etc. (v.
   3.) It is not simply, spiritual men, but, "full of the Spirit and of
   wisdom," for it needed very great superiority of mind (philosophias) to
   bear the complainings of widows. For what profits it, that the
   dispenser of alms steal not, if nevertheless he waste all, or be harsh
   and easily provoked? "And they chose Stephen, a man full of faith and
   of the Holy Ghost." (v. 5.) And in this regard Philip also was
   admirable: for it is of him that the writer says: "And we entered into
   the house of Philip the Evangelist, which was one of the seven; and
   abode with him."--(ch. xxi. 8.) Dost thou mark how matters are ordered
   quite otherwise than after the matter of men? "And the number of
   disciples was multiplied in Jerusalem." (v. 7.) In Jerusalem the
   multitude increased. Wonderful, where Christ was slain, there the
   preaching increased! And not only was it not the case that some were
   offended then in the manner of Ananias, but the awe became even
   greater: while these are scourged, those threatening, those tempting
   the Spirit, those murmuring. But I would have thee remark under what
   circumstances the multitude increased: after these trials, then it was
   that the multitude increased, and not before. Mark also how great the
   mercy of God. Of those chief-priests, of the very men who had
   indignation and sore displeasure and so cried out and said, "He saved
   others, Himself He cannot save;" of these same, "Many," it says, "were
   obedient unto the faith." (Matt. xxvii. 42.)

   Him therefore let us also imitate. He received them, and did not cast
   them out. So let us requite those our enemies, who have wrought us even
   numberless ills. Whatever good thing we may have, let us impart to
   them: let us not pass them by, in our acts of beneficence. For if we
   ought, by suffering ill, to sate their rage, much more, by doing them
   good: for this is a less thing than the other. For it is not all alike,
   to do good to an enemy, and to be willing to suffer greater wrongs than
   he wishes (to inflict): [337] from the one we shall come on to the
   other. This is the dignity of Christ's disciples. Those crucified Him,
   when He had come for the very purpose of doing them good; His disciples
   they scourged; and after all this, He admits them to the same honor
   with His disciples, making them equally partakers of His gifts. I
   beseech you, let us be imitators of Christ: in this regard it is
   possible to imitate Him: this makes a man like unto God: this is more
   than human. Let us hold fast to Mercy: she is the schoolmistress and
   teacher of that higher Wisdom. He that has learnt to show mercy to the
   distressed, will learn also not to resent injuries; he that has learnt
   this, will be able to do good even to his enemies. Let us learn to feel
   for the ills our neighbors suffer, and we shall learn to endure the
   ills they inflict. Let us ask the person himself who ill-treats us,
   whether he does not condemn himself? would he not be glad to show a
   nobler spirit (philosophhein)? must he not own that his behavior is
   nothing but passion, that it is little-minded, pitiful? would he not
   like to be of those who are wronged and are silent, and not of those
   who do wrong, and are beside themselves with passion? can he go away
   not admiring the patient sufferer? Do not imagine that this makes men
   despicable. Nothing makes men so despicable, as insolent and injurious
   behavior: nothing makes men so respectable, as endurance under
   insolence and injury. For the one is a ruffian, the other a
   philosopher; the one is less than man, the other is equal to angels.
   For though he be inferior to the wrong-doer, yet, for all that, he has
   the power, if he had the mind, to be revenged. And besides, the one is
   pitied by all, the other hated. What then? The former will be much the
   better of the two: for everybody will treat the one as a madman, the
   other as a man of sense. He [338] cannot speak of him in evil sort:
   yea, thou fearest, says one, lest perchance he be not such (as thou
   wouldest represent). Best that thou speak not evil in thy thought even;
   next, that thou speak it not to another. Pray not then to God against
   this man: if thou hear him evil-spoken of, take his part: say, It was
   passion that spoke such words, not the man; say, It was anger, not my
   friend: his madness, not his heart. Thus let us account of each
   offence. Wait not for the fire to be kindled, but check it before it
   comes to that: do not exasperate the savage beast, rather do not suffer
   it to become exasperated: for thou wilt no longer be able to check it,
   if once the flame be kindled. For what has the man called thee? "Thou
   fool and simpleton." And which then is liable to the name? the called,
   or the caller? For the one, be he ever so wise, gets the character of
   being a fool: but the other, even if he be a simpleton, gets credit for
   being wise, and of philosophic temper. Say, which is the simpleton? he
   who alleges against another what is untrue, or he who even under such
   treatment is unmoved? For if it be the mark of true philosophy to be
   unmoved however moved; to fall into a passion when none moves to
   anger--what folly is it! I say not yet, how sore a manner of punishment
   is in store for those who utter such reproaches and revilings against
   their neighbor. But how? has he called thee "a low fellow and low-born,
   a sorry creature and of sorry extraction?" Again he has turned the
   taunt against himself. For the other will appear worthy and
   respectable, but he a sorry creature indeed: for to cast up such
   things, that is to say, meanness of birth, as a disgrace, is
   little-minded indeed: while the other will be thought a great and
   admirable character, because he thinks nothing of such a taunt, and is
   no more affected by it than if he were told [339] that he had about him
   any other ordinary and quite indifferent circumstance. But does he call
   thee "adulterer," and such like? At this thou mayest even laugh: for,
   when the conscience is not smitten, there can be no occasion for wrath.
   * * For when one has considered what bad and disgraceful disclosures he
   makes, still for all that, there is no need to grieve. He has but laid
   bare now, what everybody must be apprised of by and bye: meanwhile, as
   regards himself he has shown all men that he is not to be trusted, for
   that he knows not how to screen his neighbor's faults: he has disgraced
   himself more than he has the other; has stopped up against himself
   every harbor: has made terrible to himself the bar at which he must
   hereafter be tried. For not the person (whose secrets are betrayed)
   will be the object of everybody's aversion, but he, who where he ought
   not to have raised the veil, has stripped off the clothes. But speak
   thou nothing of the secrets thou knowest: hold thou thy peace if thou
   wouldest bear off the good fame. For not only wilt thou overthrow what
   has been spoken, and hide it: but thou wilt also bring about another
   capital result: thou wilt stop sentence being given against thyself.
   Does somebody speak evil of thee? Say thou: "Had he known all, he would
   not have spoken only thus much."--So you admire what has been said, and
   are delighted with it? Aye, but you must follow it. For when we tell
   you all [340] these maxims of the heathen moralists, it is not because
   Scripture does not contain hundreds of such sayings, but because these
   are of more force to put you to the blush. As in fact Scripture itself
   is wont to use this appeal to our sense of shame; for, instance, when
   it says, "Do ye even as the heathen." (Jer. xxxv. 3.) And the prophet
   Jeremiah brought forward into public view the children of Rechab, how
   they would not consent to violate the command of their father.--Miriam
   and her company spake evil of Moses, and he immediately begged them off
   from their punishment; nay, would not so much as let it be known that
   his cause was avenged. (Num. ch. xii.) But not so we: on the contrary,
   this is what we most desire; to have all men know that they have not
   passed unpunished. How long shall we breathe of the earth?--One party
   cannot make a fight. Pluck the madmen from both sides, you will
   exasperate them the more: but pluck from right or from left, and you
   have quenched the passion. The striker, if he has to do with one who
   will not put up with blows, is the more set on: but if with one who
   yields, he is the sooner unnerved, and his blow is spent upon himself.
   For no practised pugilist so unnerves the strength of his antagonist,
   as does a man who being injuriously treated makes no return. For the
   other only goes off ashamed, and condemned, first by his own
   conscience, and secondly by all the lookers on. And there is a proverb
   too, which says, that "to honor another, is to honor one's self":
   therefore also to abuse another is to abuse one's self. None, I repeat,
   will be able to harm us, unless we harm ourselves; nor will any make me
   poor, unless I make myself such. For come, let us look at it in this
   way. Suppose that I have a beggarly soul, and let all lavish all their
   substance upon me, what of that? So long as the soul is not changed, it
   is all in vain. Suppose I have a noble soul, and let all men take from
   me my substance: what of that? So long as you do not make the soul
   beggarly, no harm is done. Suppose my life be impure, and let all men
   say just the contrary of me: what of that? For though they say it, yet
   they do not judge thus of me in their heart. Again, suppose my life be
   pure, and let all say of me just the reverse: and what of that? For in
   their own conscience they will condemn themselves: since they are not
   persuaded of what they say. Just as we ought not to admit the praise,
   so neither the criminations. And why say I these things? None will ever
   be able to plot against us, nor lay us under any evil charge, if we
   choose (that they shall not). For how now, I ask you? Let him drag me
   into a court of justice, let him lay vexatious informations, let him,
   if you will, have the very soul out of me: and what of that? for a
   little while, undeservedly to suffer these things, what does it
   signify? "Well, [341] but this," say you, "is of itself an evil." Well,
   but of itself this is a good, to suffer undeservedly. What? would you
   have the suffering to be deserved? Let me mention again a piece of
   philosophy, from one of the sages. A certain person, says the story,
   had been put to death. And one of the sage's disciples said to him,
   "Woe is me, that he should have suffered unjustly!" The other turned
   upon him, "Why, how now?" said he, "would you have had him justly
   suffer?" (Socrates ap. Diog. Laert. and Xen. Mem. Socr.) John also, was
   not he unjustly put to death? Which then do you rather pity: them that
   justly suffer death, or [him? [342] Do you not count them miserable,
   while] him you even admire? Then what is a man injured, when from death
   itself he has got great gain, not merely no hurt? If indeed the man had
   been immortal, and this made him mortal, no doubt it would be a hurt:
   but if he be mortal, and in the course of nature must expect death a
   little later, and his enemy has but expedited his death, and glory with
   it, what is the harm? Let us but have our soul in good order, and there
   will be no harm from without. But thou art not in a condition of glory?
   And what of that? That which is true of wealth, the same holds for
   glory: if I be magnanimous (megaloprepes), I shall need none; if
   vainglorious, the more I get, the more I shall want. In this way shall
   I most become illustrious, and obtain greater glory; namely, if I
   despise glory. Knowing these things, let us be thankful to Him Who hath
   freely given us such a life, and let us ensue it unto His glory; for to
   Him belongs the glory, forever. Amen.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [318] In the Clementine Recogn. i. 65, Gamaliel is spoken of as having
   been early a Christian in secret. Lucian the Presbyter a.d. 415, writes
   an account of the discovery in consequence of a vision in which
   Gamaliel himself appeared to him, of the reliques of St. Stephen,
   together with those of Nicodemus and Gamaliel. See note on St. Augustin
   Comm. on St. John, p. 1048. Photius, Cod. 171, p. 199 read in a work of
   Eustratius how Gamaliel was baptized by St. Peter and St. John.
   (According to the Jewish tradition, Wolf. Bibl. Hebr. ii. 882. he died
   President of the Sanhedrim, eighteen years after the fall of
   Jerusalem.)

   [319] The modern text: "As if he had said, Forbear; and if these men
   came together of themselves, nothing will hinder them also to be
   overthrown." C. reads hemas, "What to hinder us?" Catena, as above.

   [320] oute gar hellenisti dielegonto. So A. B. C. N. but Cat. houtoi,
   and E. D. F. add Ebraioi ontes. "For these used the Greek language,
   being Hebrews." There is no need to adopt this reading: the comment
   seems to belong to the words, against the Hebrews: viz. "they murmured
   against them, seeing they were overlooked, etc., for neither could
   these Hebrews converse with them in the Greek language."

   [321] ara(Cat. hora) kai ekeinoi plereis pisteos esan (E. D. F. add ohu
   kai exelexanto). hina me ta auta k. t. l. The meaning seems to be: "If
   Stephen was a man full of faith, so were the others: (they were careful
   to choose only such,): in order that," etc.

   [322] Omitted in the old text: supplied by E.--Below, E. omits, "for,
   saith the Scripture, in the mouth of two witnesses:" and amplifies the
   rest, adding, "even a third, superabundantly: both showing how well he
   himself speaks, and leading them away from their sanguinary purpose."

   [323] Edd. from E. "Saying this, he speaks nothing blasphemous against
   Christ, but what he most wishes, he effects. If,' says he, it be of
   men, it will come to naught.' Here he seems to me to put it to them by
   way of syllogism, and to say: Consequently, since it has not come to
   naught, it is not of man. Lest haply ye be found even to fight against
   God.' This he said to check them," etc.--Below, alla to ergon touto
   deloi, might be rendered, "but he is declaring this work" (viz. "if
   this work be of men," etc.): the modern text, to gar ergon touto
   edelou.

   [324] Meyer finds in the expression of Gamaliel (38, 39): "if it be of
   men--ean e ex anthropon" and "if it is of God--ei de ek theou estin" an
   indication that he leaned to the latter opinion. While this distinction
   is grammatically valid it can scarcely be justified as intentional.
   Gamaliel, although tolerant toward Christianity, as the Pharisaic party
   in general were at this time, was not a Christian in secret, but an
   orthodox Jew. His advice was politic even from a Jewish point of view.
   He saw, as the more bitter party did not, that this sort of opposition
   would only serve to rouse all the energy and perseverance of the
   Christian disciples and thus indirectly tend to the increase and spread
   of their doctrines among the people.--G.B.S.

   [325] E. F. D. and Edd. (except Savile) add, mallon de mononouchi
   toiauta dikaiologoumenos tros autous apoteinetai. "Or rather he all but
   with just remonstrance thus expostulates with them: "Ye were
   persuaded," etc. Below, 'Ekei tetrakosioi, ekei tetrakischilioi; kai
   hode k. t. l. But the mention of the four thousand, here referred to
   the second instance (Judas of Galilee), is in fact derived from the
   case of the Egyptian, ch. xxi. 38, being the third instance which "he
   might have cited." Accordingly the modern text substitutes, "There four
   hundred stood up, and after this a great multitude."

   [326] E. and Edd. omit the following sentence, substituting the first
   two clauses of v. 40 and after "the character of the man," add,
   "wherefore also they desist from their purpose of killing the Apostles,
   and having only scourged they dismiss them."

   [327] Standing here by itself, this last clause of v, 7 is quite out of
   its place. It is best explained as marking the conclusion of the text
   v. 1-7 here again read out. In the old text it is followed by the
   comment, 'Ekeino gar to genos edokei timioteron einai; as if "this
   description of people" meant the priests: and then, "And there arose,"
   it says, "a murmuring," v. 1. We have restored the comment to its
   proper place.--The innovator adds as comment on v. 7: Touto
   ainittomenou esti kai deiknuntos hoti aph' hon ho kata Christou
   thanatos eskeuasthe, polloi apo touton pisteuousin. "This is by way of
   hint, to show that of those very persons, by whose machinations the
   sentence of death against Christ was procured, of those same many
   believe. "There arose," it says, "a murmuring," etc. And so Edd.

   [328] The murmuring arose from the "Hellenists" who are not mentioned
   by Chrys. (probably because of a defect of the text). These Hellenists
   are distinguished from the "Hebrews" and were probably Greek-speaking
   Jews resident in Jerusalem who had become Christians and who are here
   distinguished by their language from the great mass of the Jewish
   Christians who spoke the vernacular.--G.B.S.

   [329] The neglect here referred to was doubtless, as Chrys. says,
   unintentional (vs. Meyer) and arose from the increasing difficulties of
   administering the affairs of so large a society as the Christian
   community at Jerusalem had now become, on the plan of a common
   treasury. The narrative gives the impression that the complaint was not
   unfounded. It is not unlikely that the natural jealousy between the
   Greek and Palestinian Jews may have sharpened the sense of neglect.
   This is the first record of dissension in the Christian Church. We may
   note thus early the conditions which tended to develop a Jewish and a
   Gentile party in the church; the germs of dissenting sects of Ebionites
   and Gnostics which developed into so many dangerous and harmful forms
   in the apostolic, and especially in the post-apostolic age.--G.B.S.

   [330] Thras ta exo diadechomena ta eso; E. omits this and so Edd. The
   antithesis here seems to be, not, as before, of evils from without and
   from within the Church; but of the concerns of the body and of the
   soul.

   [331] E. D. F. Morel. Ben. omit this sentence, and go on with, "Now
   when Matthias," etc. Savile: "And a very good decision this is. And
   they present seven, not now twelve, full," etc.

   [332] 'Epeide gar eidon ton archonta kai didaskalon toiauta
   apophenamenon, apo ton ergon loipon ten peiran elambanon. Meaning,
   perhaps, that these priests, acting upon the counsel of Gamaliel, put
   the question to the test of facts and experience, and learned that it
   was of God.--In the next sentence, a covert censure seems to be
   implied: q.d. "Would it be so now? Would there not be parties and
   factions in the choosing of the men? Would not the Bishop's overture be
   rejected, were he to propose a plan for ridding himself of the like
   distracting demands upon his time?"

   [333] alla ton presbuteron estin he oikonomia, interrogatively (so in
   Conc. Quinisext. Can. xvi., see below), but in the Edd. this is put
   affirmatively; Ben. Sed presbyterorum erat oeconomia. Atqui nullus
   adhuc erat episcopus. Erasm. Sed presbyterorum est haec dispensatio,
   tametsi nullus adhuc esset episcopus." But to say that the oikonomia,
   i.e. stewardship and management of Church funds (in Chrysostom's time),
   was vested in the presbyters, would be contrary to facts. Therefore we
   take it interrogatively: the answer not expressed, being, "No: it
   belongs to the Bishops." Perhaps, however, the passage may be restored
   thus; 'Alla ton presbuteron; 'Alla ton episkopon (or Oude ton presb.)
   estin he oik. Kaitoi k. t. l. "Well, was it that of presbyters? Nay,
   this stewardship belongs to Bishops. (Or, No, neither does it belong to
   presbyters.) And yet," etc.--The following sentence, "Othen oute
   diakonon oute presbuteron oimai (Cat. om.) to onoma einai delon kai
   phaneron, as the text stands, might seem to mean, "Whence I think that
   neither of deacons nor of presbyters is the name clearly and manifestly
   expressed:" i.e. "there is no express and clear mention in this
   narrative either of deacons or of presbyters: and I account for this
   circumstance by the fact, that there were no Bishops." Ben. Unde puto
   nec diaconorum nec presbyterorum tunc fuisse nomen admissum nec
   manifestum. But transposing oimai and einai, or indeed even as the
   words stand, we get the sense expressed in the translation, which is
   more suitable. So Erasmus: Unde neque diaconorum neque presbyterorum
   nomen esse opinor quod clarum ac manifestum. St. Chrys. says, "Their
   appellation and office is neither deacons nor presbyters: they were
   ordained upon a special emergency."--It seems to have been commonly
   held in earlier times, that Acts vi. 1-6 is the history of the first
   institution of the Diaconate. Thus the Council of Nicocaesarea ordains
   (a.d. 314) that in each city, however large, the number of deacons
   according to the Canon ought to be seven, and for proof appeals to this
   history, peisthese de apo tes biblou ton praxeon. In the third century,
   Cornelius Ep. ad Fab. ap. Eus. H. E. vi. 43 states, that the clergy of
   Rome consisted of one Bishop, forty-six presbyters, seven deacons, etc.
   (Accordingly St. Jerome, Ep. 146 al. 101 ad Evang. remarks: Diaconos
   paucitas honorabiles facit. Comp. Sozomen. vii. 19.) But the rule which
   assigned to each Bishop seven deacons, neither more nor less, was not
   always followed in large cities, as appears even from the Canon above
   cited: how greatly that number was exceeded in later times, may be seen
   in the Novellae of Justinian, when it is enacted (iii. c. 1.) that the
   number of deacons in the metropolitan Church at Constantinople should
   be a hundred. The Council or Councils commonly called the fifth and
   sixth General (Conc. Quinisextum, or Trullanum,) held under the same
   Emperor, a.d. 692, sanctioned this departure from the earlier rule, in
   the following Canon (xvi). "Whereas the Book of Acts relates that seven
   deacons were appointed by the Apostles, and the Council of Neocaesarea
   in its Canons determines that "The number of deacons in each city,"
   etc. (as above): we, having applied the sense of the Fathers to the
   Apostolic text, find that the said history relates not to the deacons
   who minister in the mysteries, but to the service of tables, etc.: the
   history in the Acts being as follows, "And in those days," etc. (Acts
   vi. 1-6.) The doctor of the Church, John Chrysostom, expounding the
   same, thus speaks: "It is a subject for wonder.......neither deacons
   nor presbyters is their designation," (as above.) Hereupon therefore do
   we also publish, that the aforesaid seven deacons be not taken to mean
   those which minister in the mysteries, as in the doctrine above
   rehearsed: but that these are they which were charged with the service
   of the common need of the people then gathered together; albeit herein
   these be unto us a pattern of humane and diligent attendance on them
   that be in necessity.

   [334] There is no sufficient ground to doubt that this narrative
   describes the formation of the diaconate which we find existing later
   in the apostolic age (Phil. i. 1; 1 Tim. iii. 8-12). Although the word
   diakonos does not here occur, we have the corresponding verb diakonein
   and abstract noun diakonia (1, 2). The chief grounds of this opinion
   are: (1) the substantial identity of the duties here described and
   those of the later diaconate; (2) the almost universal testimony of
   patristic tradition to their identity: (3) the continuance for
   centuries of the number seven in the diaconate of churches (like that
   at Rome) where more than seven would naturally be required, out of
   deference to the apostolic mode. See Lightfoot, Com. on Philippians,
   pp. 187-9.--G.B.S.

   [335] kai touto, hosper to kerugma, houtos enueto;--touto, the "serving
   of tables" itself: houtos, by this arrangement. Ta gar pleio tautais
   enuon; the more time the Apostles had for prayer, the better for the
   Church: so much depended on their prayers. Therefore the plan was every
   way beneficial: houto ta pneumatika epelegonto, (Erasm. adnumerabantur,
   Ben. praeferebantur, but the meaning is, "they chose to themselves,")
   houto kai apodemias estellonto, houtos enecheiristhesan houtoi ton
   logon: "by this arrangement, the Apostles were free to give their
   undivided attention to spiritual matters; to leave Jerusalem, if need
   were, on journeys to distant places: by this arrangement, in short, the
   Word was their proper charge--not secular matters, such as Bishops are
   now burdened with, in addition to their proper duties," Comp. note 1,
   p. 90. He adds: The writer, indeed, does not say all this, nor extol
   the devotion with which the Apostles gave themselves up to their work,
   and how beneficial the arrangement proved: but it is said, "It is not
   reason," etc. Moses had set the example in this regard: and in token of
   their concern for the poor, observe the charge which they afterwards
   gave to Paul and Barnabas, to "remember the poor."

   [336] Pos de proegon toutous; 'Enesteuon. Edd. from E., "But how they
   also brought these forward, learn thou. They fasted, they continued in
   prayer. This ought also to be done now."--As there is no mention of
   fasting in Acts vi. 1-6 perhaps this refers to the history xiii. 2, 3
   of the mission of Paul and Barnabas, to which he has just
   alluded.--Below, kai taute de thaumastos en ha Ph. The clause to which
   this refers is misplaced in the old text, viz. before the sentence, "In
   Jerusalem," etc. where E. and Edd. restore the proper clause of v. 7
   kai eplethuneto, k. t. l. The connection is: "The Apostles desired
   seven men full of the Holy Ghost and of wisdom:" and such was Stephen,
   "a man full of faith and of the Holy Ghost:" such doubtless were the
   others likewise; (supra, p. 88) certainly Philip was eminent in this
   regard, for [besides the history of his preaching at Samaria, ch.
   viii.] he is afterwards conspicuous in the history as Philip the
   Evangelist.

   [337] kai meizona thelesai pathein e boulesthai: so all our mss. Erasm.
   "Et majora voluisse pati, vel velle." Ben. Et majora velle pati." But
   the meaning is, "To be ready to suffer greater wrongs than an enemy
   chooses to inflict:" alluding to Matt. v. 39-41. Comp. Hom. xviii. in
   Matt. p. 238. D. to kai paraschein heauton eis to pathein kakos;...to
   kai pleon paraschein e ekeinos bouletai ho poiesas. If for boulesthai
   we read bouletai, the sense is clearer: e boulesthai, "than that he
   should wish it," is somewhat abrupt.

   [338] Ou dunatai eipein auton kakos; kai dedoikas mepos ouk en, phesin,
   toioutos. Here and in the following sentences we seem to have a string
   of apothegms from heathen moralists: ta exothen eiremena, as he says
   below. But in this sentence the text appears to be corrupt, and the
   mss. lend no real assistance for the reading adopted by Edd. from E. F.
   D. is only meant for restoration: viz. "Therefore, when any would
   compel thee to speak evil of some person (kakegoresai tina, Sav. marg.
   apechthos pros tina echein) say to him, I cannot speak evil of him: for
   I fear lest perchance he were not (en, Sav. eie) such.'"--A. as usual
   in cases of difficulty, omits the passage as unintelligible. Whether
   phesin denotes a citation or an interlocution, and whether en is the
   first or the third person, must be left doubtful; but the words might
   be rendered, "Lest perchance I, says he, (i.e. the person attacked), be
   not such." Below, me entuches kata toutou to Theo is strangely rendered
   by Erasm. Ne in hoc cum Deo pugnes: "Lest herein thou fight against
   God."

   [339] hoti echoi ti ton allon ton adiaphoron. E. D. F. Edd. diapheron
   "something about him, better than other men." Below, for ennoesanta gar
   "for when one has considered," Edd. have ennoesantas de kai, "but when
   you consider also:" i.e. "but if the case be not so," etc. In fact
   something is wanting: for the case here supposed is that the charge is
   true: the person has been guilty of some immorality, which the other
   publicly exposes.

   [340] ta legomena sunagomen, B. C. N. omiting exothen, which Sav.
   supplies. A. E. D. F. Ben. ta exothen eiremena legomen.--Below, for
   kathos ta ethne (phesin) poiesate, which is not found in Scripture, E.
   Edd. have, Ouchi kai hoi ethnikoi to auto poiousin; Matt. v. 47.

   [341] Touto men oun auto kakon, phesin. Auto men oun touto kalon to me
   kat' axian pathein. Morel. from E. kakon for kalon: which supposes it
   to be put interrogatively: "this thing itself an evil, say you?"--The
   philosopher, whose apothegm is here referred to, is Socrates: of whom
   Diog. Laert. in Vit. relates: "His wife having said, Thou art unjustly
   put to death: su de, ephe, dikaios eboulou; wouldst thou rather it were
   justly?" But Xenophon, in Apol. relates a similar answer made to
   Apollodorus, "a simple-minded but affectionate disciple of Socrates.
   This, said he, O Socrates, is what hurts me most, that I see thee
   unjustly put to death. And he, stroking the head of his disciple,
   replied: And wouldest thou, my friend, rather see me justly than
   unjustly put to death?" Down. ap. Sav.

   [342] We supply this from the modern text, which, however, has ton ouch
   houtos; But ekeinonis better, as this will account for the omission.
   Our mss. have: tous dikaios apothanontas, e ekeinon kai thaumazeis
     __________________________________________________________________

   Homily XV.

   Acts VI. 8

   "And Stephen, full of faith and power, did great wonders and miracles
   among the people."

   See how even among the seven one was preeminent, and won the first
   prize. For though the ordination was common to him and them, yet he
   drew upon himself greater grace. And observe, how he wrought no (signs
   and wonders) before this time, but only when he became publicly known;
   to show that grace alone is not sufficient, but there must be
   ordination also; so that there was a further access of the Spirit. For
   if they were full of the Spirit, it was of that which is from the Laver
   of Baptism. "Then there arose certain of them of the synagogue." (v.
   9.) Again he uses the phrase of "rising up" (anastasin, Hom. xiii. p.
   81), to denote their exasperation and wrath. Here we have a great
   multitude. And observe the difference in the form of accusation: for
   since Gamaliel had stopped them from finding fault on the former plea,
   they bring in another charge. "And there rose up, it says, certain of
   them of the synagogue of those who are called (thon legomenon. Edd.
   thes legomenes) Libertines, and of the Cyrenians and Alexandrians, and
   of them of Cilicia and Asia, disputing with Stephen. And they were not
   able to resist the wisdom and the spirit by which he spake. Then they
   suborned men, which said, We have heard him speak blasphemous words
   against Moses, and against God." (v. 9-12.) That they may establish the
   charge, the phrase is, "he speaks against God, and against Moses." And
   with this object too they disputed, that they might force him to say
   somewhat. But he now discoursed more openly, and perhaps spoke of the
   cessation of the Divine Law: or, spoke it not, but hinted as much:
   since had he spoken plainly, there had been no need of suborned men,
   nor yet of false witnesses. [343] The synagogues were diverse: [to wit,
   "Of the Libertines"]: "of the Cyrenians, i.e. those in the parts beyond
   Alexandria ["of the Alexandrians," etc.]. There also they seem to have
   had synagogues according to their different nations; for many stayed
   behind there, that they might not be obliged to be continually
   travelling. The Libertines perhaps were freedmen of the Romans. As
   there were many foreigners dwelling there, so they had their
   synagogues, where the Law was to be read. "Disputing with Stephen."
   Observe him, not taking upon him to teach, but forced to do so. The
   miracles once more brought him into ill-will; but when he overcame in
   argument, it was false-witness! For they did not wish to kill
   intolerable to them. "They could not resist, etc.: then they suborned
   men." Everywhere out of hand, but by means of a sentence, that they
   might hurt their reputation also: and leaving those (the Apostles),
   they attack these (the disciples), thinking in this way to terrify
   those also. They say not, "he speaketh," but, "he ceaseth not to speak.
   And they stirred up the people, and the elders, and the scribes, and
   came upon him, and caught him, and brought him to the council, and set
   up false witnesses, which said, This man ceaseth not to speak
   blasphemous words against this holy place, and the law." (v. 12, 13.)
   "Ceaseth not," say they, as if he made this his business. "For we have
   heard him say that this Jesus of Nazareth shall destroy this place, and
   shall change the customs which Moses delivered us." (v. 14.) "Jesus,"
   they say, "the Nazarene," as a term of reproach, "shall destroy this
   place, and shall change the customs." This is also what they said about
   Christ. "Thou that destroyest this Temple." (Matt. xxvii. 40.) For
   great was their veneration for the Temple (as indeed they had chosen to
   leave their own country (metoikein) in order to be near it) and for the
   name of Moses. The charge is twofold. If [344] He "shall change the
   customs," He will also introduce others instead: observe how the charge
   is a bitter one, and fraught with perils. "And all that sat in the
   council, looking steadfastly on him, saw his face as it had been the
   face of an angel." (v. 15.) So possible is it even for one in a lower
   degree to shine. For what, I ask, had this man less than the Apostles?
   He lacked not miracles, and great was the boldness he exhibited. [345]
   --"They saw His face," it is said, "as it had been the face of an
   angel." (Ex. xxxiv. 30.) For this was his grace, this was the glory of
   Moses. God made him thus gracious (epicharin) of visage, now that he
   was about to say somewhat, thus at once by his very look to awe them.
   For there are, yes, there are faces full-fraught with spiritual grace,
   lovely to them that love, awful to haters and enemies. It mentions also
   the reason, why they suffered his oration.--"Then," it proceeds, "said
   the high-priest, Are these things so?" (ch. vii. 1.) Observe, the
   question is put with mildness, that he may effect some great mischief.
   For this reason Stephen too begins his speech in a tone of gentleness,
   and says, "Men, brethren, and fathers, hearken; The God of glory
   appeared unto our father Abraham, when he was in Mesopotamia, before he
   dwelt in Charran." (v. 2.) Immediately at the outset he overthrows
   their conceit, and makes it appear by what he says, that the temple is
   nothing, that the customs are nothing either, without their suspecting
   his drift: also that they shall not overcome the preaching; and that
   from powerless (amechanon) things God evermore contrives Him powerful
   (eumechana) instruments. Mark then how these threads make the texture
   of the whole speech: and moreover that having evermore enjoyed
   exceeding goodness, they still requited their Benefactor with the
   opposite conduct, and that they are now attempting impossibilities.
   "The God of glory appeared unto our father Abraham, when he was in
   Mesopotamia, before he came into Charran." Both the temple was not, and
   sacrifice was not, and yet a vision of God was vouchsafed to Abraham,
   and yet had he Persians [346] for his ancestors, and was in a strange
   land. And he does well at the beginning of his speech to call Him, "the
   God of glory:" seeing that He hath made them that are without honor to
   be glorious. "Because" (says he) "it was He that made them glorious, He
   will make us also." Observe how he leads them away from things of the
   body, from the place, in the first instance, as the place was in
   question. "The God of glory," says he: implying again, that He needs
   not the glory which comes from us, which comes by the Temple: for
   Himself is the Fountain thereof. Think not, he would say, in this way
   to glorify Him. "And from thy kindred." How [347] then saith the
   Scripture, that Abraham's father was willing to go out? Hence we learn,
   that it was in consequence of Abraham's vision, that his father was
   moved to join in the migration. (Gen. xi. 31.) "And said unto him, Get
   thee out of thy country, and from thy kindred, and come into a land
   which I shall show thee." (v. 3.) It shows how far these men are from
   being children of Abraham, how obedient he was. "And [348] from thy
   kindred." Uncomfortable (phortika) reflections, both, that he endured
   the labors, while ye reap the fruits, and that all your ancestors were
   in evil case. "Then came he out of the land of the Chaldaeans, and
   dwelt in Charran: and from thence, when his father was dead, He removed
   him into this land, wherein ye now dwell. And He gave him none
   inheritance in it, no, not so much as to set his foot on." (v. 4, 5.)
   See how he raises their thoughts away from (their possession of) the
   land. [349] For if He said (that, He will give: clearly [all came from
   him], and nothing from themselves. For he came, having left both
   kindred and country. Wherefore then did He not give it to him? Truly it
   was a figure of another land. "And He promised to give it to him." Do
   you perceive, that he does not merely resume the thread of his
   discourse? "He gave him not," says he; "and He promised; and to his
   seed after him, when as yet he had no child." Again, what God can do:
   that out of impossibilities, He doeth all. For here is a man in Persia,
   so far away, and this man God saith He will make lord of Palestine. But
   let us look back to what was said before.

   Whence, I pray you, did that grace bloom upon the countenance of
   Stephen? (Recapitulation.) The writer gives him this report above, that
   he was "full of faith." (ch. vi. 8). For it is possible to have a grace
   that does not consist in works of healing: "For to one is given the
   grace of the Spirit (1 Cor. xii. 8, 9) in such and such wise
   (toihosde). But here, it seems to me, it says that he was also gracious
   to look at: "They saw his face as it had been the face of an angel."
   "Full of faith and of power": (v. 15) which is also the character given
   of Barnabas "he was a good man, full of faith and of the Holy Ghost."
   (ch. xi. 24.) Whence we learn that the sincere and innocent are, above
   all others, the [350] men to be saved, and that these same are also
   more gracious. "Then they suborned men, which said, We have heard him
   speak blasphemous words." (v. 11.) In the case of the Apostles they
   were annoyed that they preached the Resurrection, and that much people
   flowed unto them: but in this case, that they were getting their
   diseases healed. (ch. iv. 2.) The things for which they ought to give
   thanks, they made matter of blame: O the madness! The men who overcame
   them by works, they expected to overcome by words! It is just what they
   did in the case of Christ, and always they forced them to words. For
   they were ashamed to seize them without more ado, having nothing to
   charge them with. And observe, not the persons themselves who bring
   them to judgment bear witness against them; for they would have been
   refuted: but they simply hire others, that it may not seem to be an act
   of mere violence. It is all of a piece with their proceeding in the
   case of Christ. And observe the power of the preaching, that, though
   they are not only scourged but stoned, it still prevails: not [351]
   only, private individuals as they are, dragged to the bar, but assailed
   from all quarters: and, their enemies themselves being witnesses, not
   only were these worsted, but "they were not able" even "to resist" (v.
   10), though they were exceeding shameless: so mightily did it overthrow
   them, for all that they could do with their preposterous figments (as
   the saying that He had a devil--He that cast out devils!). For the
   battle was not man's, but God's against men. And there were many
   combined together; not only they in Jerusalem, but others as well. (v.
   9.) For "we have heard him," say they, "speaking blasphemous words
   against Moses and against God." (v. 11.) O ye shameless ones! Ye work
   blasphemous deeds, and think nothing of it. This is why Moses is
   added--because the things of God were no great concern to them: and it
   is ever and always Moses that they make mention of: "This Moses, which
   brought us out." (ch. vii. 40.) "And they stirred up the people." (v.
   12.) Fickleness [352] of the multitude! And yet how could a man who was
   a blasphemer have so succeeded? How could a blasphemer work such
   miracles among the people? But the undisciplined multitude made them
   strong who had the worst of it (in argument).--This was what most
   annoyed them. "We have heard him," they say, "speaking blasphemous
   words against Moses and against God" (v. 13): and again, "This man
   ceaseth not to speak blasphemous words against this holy place and the
   law," and with an addition, "the customs" "which Moses delivered to us"
   (v. 14); Moses, not God. Upon the supposition of a design to overturn
   their manner of life (politeias), they accused him of impiety also. But
   to show that it was not in the nature of such a man to speak such
   things, and harshly ["Then all," it says, "which were in the council,
   looking steadfastly upon him, saw his face, as it had been the face of
   an angel"] (v. 15): so mild was he even in countenance. For, in cases
   where persons were not falsely accused, Scripture mentions nothing of
   this kind: but as in this case it was all false accusation, with reason
   does God rectify it by the very look of the man. For the Apostles
   indeed were not falsely accused, but were forbidden: but this man is
   falsely accused: and therefore before all else his countenance pleads
   for him. This abashed even the priest. "And he said," etc. (ch. vii.
   1.) He shows here, that the promise was made before the Place, before
   Circumcision, before Sacrifice, before the Temple, and that it was not
   of their merit that these received either Circumcision or Law, but that
   the land was the reward of obedience alone. Moreover, that neither on
   the giving of circumcision does the promise receive its fulfillment.
   Also, that these were figures, and (so was) both the leaving his
   country at God's command--not [353] against the law (for home and
   country is where God shall lead): "Then came he out," it says, "of the
   land of the Chaldeans" (v. 4):--and that if one look closely into the
   matter, the Jews are of Persian origin: and that, without miracles, one
   must do as God bids, whatever hardships be the consequence; since the
   Patriarch left both the grave of his father and all that he had, in
   obedience to God's command. But if Abraham's father was not allowed to
   take part with him in the privilege of migrating to Palestine, because
   he was unworthy: much more shall the children (be excluded at last),
   for all that they may have gone a good distance on the way. "And He
   promised," it says, "to give it to him, and to his seed after him." (v.
   5.) Herein is shown the greatness both of God's goodness and of
   Abraham's faith. For the expression, "when as yet he had no child,"
   does show his obedience and faith. "Promised to give it to him and to
   his seed." And yet the events showed the contrary: namely, after he
   came, he had not "so much as to set his foot on," had not a child;
   which very things were contrary to his faith.

   These things having seen, let us likewise, whatever God shall promise,
   receive the same, however contrary may be the events. And yet in our
   case, they are not contrary, but very suitable. For where the promises
   are, there, when the contraries turn out, they are really contrary; but
   in our case it is just the reverse: for He has told us that we should
   have tribulation here, but our rest there. Why do we confound the
   times? Why do we turn things upside down? Say, art thou afflicted, and
   livest in poverty, and in dejection? Be not troubled: for it were worth
   being troubled at, wert thou destined to be afflicted in that world: as
   for this present affliction, it is the cause of rest. "This sickness,"
   saith He, "is not unto death." (John xi. 4.) That affliction is
   punishment: this, schooling and correction. It is a contest, this life
   present: if so, to fight is our business now: it is war and battle. In
   war one does not seek to have rest, in war one does not seek to have
   dainty living, one is not anxious about riches, one's care is not about
   a wife then: one thing only he looks at, how he may overcome his foes.
   Be this our care likewise: if we overcome, and return with the victory,
   God will give us all things. Be this alone our study, how we may
   overcome the devil: though after all it is not our own study that does
   it, but God's grace does the whole business. Be it our one study, how
   we may attract His grace, how we may draw to ourselves that assistance.
   "If God be for us, who can be against us?" (Rom. viii. 31.) Let us make
   one thing our study; that He be not our enemy, that He turn not away
   from us.

   Not the being afflicted is an evil; the evil is, to sin. This is the
   sore affliction, however we may pass our days in luxury:--not to speak
   of the life to come, it is so even in this life present. Think how our
   conscience is stung with remorse, and whether this is not worse than
   any kind of torture! I should like to put the question searchingly to
   those who live in evil ways (en kakhois), whether they never come to
   reflect upon their own sins, whether they do not tremble, and are in
   fear and anguish, whether they do not think those blessed who live in
   abstinence, them of the mountains, them of the strict rule? (tous en
   polle philosophi& 139;.) Dost thou wish to find rest in the life to
   come? Suffer affliction in this life for Christ's sake: there is
   nothing equal to this rest. The Apostles rejoiced when scourged. Paul
   gives this exhortation, saying, "Rejoice in the Lord." (Philip. iv. 4.)
   And how can there be rejoicing, where there are bonds, where there are
   tortures; where there are courts of justice? There, most of all, is
   rejoicing. But [354] say, how can there be rejoicing, where these are
   not? For he who is conscious of no evil, will have a sort of exceeding
   delight, insomuch that in what degree you speak of tribulation, in the
   same you tell of his delight. The soldier who has received numberless
   wounds and is come home again, will he not return with exceeding
   delight, with his wounds [355] as his title for speaking up boldly, and
   as evidence of his glory and renown? And thou, if thou be able to
   exclaim as Paul does, "I bear the marks of Jesus" (Gal. vi. 17), wilt
   be able to become great and glorious and renowned. "But there is no
   persecution." Make thy stand against glory: and should any one speak
   anything against thee, fear not to be evil-spoken of for Christ's sake:
   make thy stand against the tyranny of pride, against the fighting of
   anger, against the torment of concupiscence. These also are "marks,"
   [356] these also are torments. For, I ask, what is the worst in
   tortures? Is it not, that the soul is pained, and is on fire? For in
   the other case, the body too has its share: but in this, the whole
   belongs to the soul. On the soul alone comes all the smart, when one is
   angry, when one is envious, whatever else of this kind one does, or
   rather suffers. For, in fact, it is not action, but passion, not a
   doing, but a suffering--to be angered, to feel envy: therefore indeed
   they are called passions (or sufferings) (pathe, perturbationes) of the
   soul, yea wounds, and bruises. For it is indeed a suffering, and worse
   than suffering. Bethink you, ye that are angry, that ye do such things
   in "passion," in a state of suffering. Therefore he who is not angry
   suffers not. Do you mark that not he who is abused is the sufferer, but
   he that abuses, as I said above? For that he is a sufferer, is plain in
   the first place from the very fact, that such a thing is called by this
   name of passion: and it is also plain from the (effects on the) body:
   for these are the affections (pathe) for "sufferings," as we call them]
   engendered by anger, viz. dimness of vision, insanity, and numberless
   others. "But he insulted my boy," say you; "but [he called him] clown."
   [357] Deem it not weakness thy not doing the same thing thyself. For, I
   ask you, was it well done? You will not say that: then leave that
   undone which being done were not well done. I know what passions are
   engendered in such cases. "But," say you, "how if he despise me, how if
   he say it again?" Show him that he is in the wrong: rebuke him, entreat
   him: by meekness anger is put down: go and expostulate with him. For
   though in cases of wrong done to ourselves it is right not to do even
   this, yet it is quite necessary to do it in behalf of others. Do not
   look on it as an insult to yourself that your boy has been insulted:
   annoyed you may be for his sake, yet not as if you were insulted: for
   it does not follow because your boy has been ill-treated, that you are
   disgraced, but he is disgraced that did the ill. Quench (thine anger)
   that sharp sword: let it lie in its scabbard. If we have it unsheathed,
   we shall be apt to use it even when the time is not proper, being drawn
   on by it: but if it be hidden, though a necessity should arise, yet,
   while we seek it in order [358] to draw it, the anger will be quenched.
   Christ would not have us be angry on his account: (hear what He saith
   to Peter: "Put up again thy sword into the sheath:") (Matt. xxvi. 52)
   and art thou angry on account of a boy? Teach thy boy also to be
   philosophical: tell him thy own sufferings: imitate (herein) thy
   Teacher. (Matt. xxvi. 52.) When they too (His disciples) were about to
   be treated with dishonor, He said not, "I will avenge you:" but, "to Me
   also," saith He, "they have done the same: bear it nobly, for ye are
   not better than I." These words too do thou speak to thy son and thy
   boy: "Thou art not better than thy master." But these words of
   philosophy are counted as the talk of a widow woman. Alas! that it is
   not in the power of words to bring it home to people in the way that it
   is possible to be taught it by actual experience! And that you may
   learn this; stand between two combatants, take part with the wronged,
   not with the wrong-doers [that you may learn] [359] whether you shall
   not see the victory on your side, whether you shall not get splendid
   crowns.--See, how God is insulted, and how He answers; how gently,
   "Where," saith He, "is Abel thy brother?" and what saith the other: "Am
   I my brother's keeper?" (Gen. vi. 9.) What could be more contumacious
   than this? Would any one have heard it (patiently) even from a son? and
   if from a brother, would he not have thought such conduct an insult?
   What then? See how again God gently answers, "The voice of thy
   brother's blood," saith He "crieth unto Me." "But God," it will be
   said, "is superior to wrath." Yes, but for this reason the Son of God
   came down, that He might make thee a God as far as human power can go.
   "But I cannot," says one, "seeing I am man." Well then, let us give you
   men for instances. And do not suppose I speak of Paul or of Peter: no,
   but of some of inferior sort, yea, very much lower down. Eli's menial
   insulted Hannah, saying, "Put away thy wine from thee." (1 Sam. i. 14.)
   What could be more insulting than this? What then said she? "I am a
   woman of a hard lot." [360] Indeed, there is nothing equal to
   affliction: she is the mother of true philosophy. But this same woman,
   though she has her rival, insulted her not: but what does she? She
   takes refuge with God, and in her prayer does not even make mention of
   her, nor say, "Avenge me, for such an one reproaches me:" so
   magnanimous was that woman (let us men be ashamed):--and yet ye know,
   that there is nothing like jealousy. The publican, when insulted by the
   Pharisee, insulted not in return, though, had he wished it, he might
   have done so: but he bore it like a philosopher, saying, "Be merciful
   to me a sinner." (Luke xviii. 13.) Mephibosheth, [361] having been
   accused and calumniated by his servant, neither said, nor did, any evil
   to him, not even in the presence of the king himself. (2 Sam. xix. 26.)
   Shall I tell you even of a harlot, what philosophic magnanimity she
   showed? Hear Christ saying, as she was wiping His feet with her hair,
   "The publicans and harlots go into the kingdom before you." (Matt. xxi.
   31.) Do you see her standing, and taking courage, and washing away her
   own sins? Observe, how she was not angry even with the Pharisee, when
   reproached by him: "for had He known," says he, "that this woman is a
   sinner, He would not have suffered her (Luke vii. 39): and how she said
   not to him, "What then? Say, art thou pure from sins?" but felt more,
   wept more, and let fall hotter tears. But if women and publicans and
   harlots play the philosopher, and that before grace (i.e. of Baptism),
   what pardon can they deserve, who, after so great grace, fight, and
   worry, and kick one another, worse than beasts? Nothing is more base
   than passion, nothing more disgraceful, nothing more frightful, nothing
   more odious, nothing more hurtful. These things I say, not only in
   order that towards men we may be gentle, but also if a wife be a
   talker, that thou mayest bear it: let thy wife be to thee a school for
   training and exercise (palaistra kai gumnasion). For how can it but be
   absurd, to submit to exercises which yield no profit, where we afflict
   the body, but not to practise exercises at home, which, even before the
   contest, present to us a crown? Does thy wife abuse thee? Do not thou
   become a woman: to be abusive is womanly: it is a disease of the soul,
   an inferiority. Think not that it is unworthy of thee, when thy wife
   abuses thee. Unworthy it is, when thou art abusive, but she bears
   patiently (philosophe): then dost thou act unseemly, then art thou
   disgraced: but if, having been abused, thou bear it, great is the proof
   of thy strength. I do not say this, to induce wives to be abusive: God
   forbid: but only in case it should so happen at the instance of Satan.
   It is the part of men that are strong, to bear the weak. And if thy
   servant contradict thee, bear it philosophically: not what he deserves
   to have said to him, do thou say or do, but that which it behooves thee
   both to do and to say. Never insult a girl by uttering some foul word
   against her: never call thy servant, scoundrel (miaron): not he is
   disgraced, but thou. It is not possible to be master of one's self,
   being in a passion. Like a sea rolling mountains high, it is all
   hurly-burly: or even as a pure fountain, when mire is cast into it,
   becomes muddied, and all is in turmoil. You may beat him, you may rend
   his coat to rags, but it is you that sustain the greater damage: for to
   him the blow is on the body and the garment, but to you on the soul. It
   is your own soul that you have cut open; it is there that you have
   inflicted a wound: you have flung your own charioteer from his horses,
   you have got him dragging along the ground upon his back. And it is all
   one, as if one driver being in a passion with another, should choose to
   be thus dragged along. You may rebuke, you may chide, you may do
   whatever if be, only let it be without wrath and passion. For if he who
   rebukes is physician to him who offends, how can he heal another, when
   he has first hurt himself, when he does not heal himself? Say, if a
   physician should go to heal another person, does he first wound his own
   hand, first blind his own eyes, and so set about healing that other?
   God forbid. So also, however thou rebuke, however thou chide, let thine
   eyes see clearly. Do not make thy mind muddy, else how shall the cure
   be wrought? It is not possible to be in the same tranquillity, being in
   a passion, and being free from passion. Why dost thou first overturn
   thy master from his seat, and then discourse with him as he lies
   sprawling on the ground? Seest thou not the judges, how, when about to
   hold the assize, they seat themselves upon the bench, in their becoming
   attire? Thus do thou likewise dress thy soul with the judicial robe
   (which is gentleness). "But he will not be afraid of me," say you. He
   will be the more afraid. In the other case, though you speak justly,
   your servant will impute it to passion: but if you do it with
   gentleness, he will condemn himself: and, what is of the first
   importance, God will accept thee, and thus thou wilt be able to attain
   unto the eternal blessings, through the grace and loving-kindness of
   our Lord Jesus Christ, with Whom to the Father together with the Holy
   Spirit be glory, dominion, and honor, now and ever, and world without
   end. Amen.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [343] The accusations against Stephen were probably true in part and
   false in part. He had doubtless spoken against Jewish legalism and
   narrowness and had perhaps shown the bearing of O.T. prophecy and of
   Jesus' doctrine of fulfilment upon the fate of the Jewish system. The
   charge that he had spoken "against Moses" had, then, a certain verbal
   truth which made its moral falseness all the more subtle. The
   perversion of his words was due in part to their utter incapacity to
   apprehend Christianity as the fulfilment of their own religion which
   necessarily involved the passing away of the latter, and partly from
   their bitter jealousy and hatred of the Christian "sect" and the
   determination to find some excuse to bring against it all the legal and
   social forces of the whole Jewish people. In his preaching Stephen had
   doubtless sought to set forth the distinctive character of Christianity
   as a religion historically founded in Judaism, but not to be limited
   and bound by its forms. He but developed germs of truth found in the
   teaching of Jesus concerning the Sabbath, ceremonial purifications,
   etc. He was the forerunner of Paul, who brought upon himself the same
   accusations (Acts xviii. 13; xxi. 21).--G.B.S.

   [344] E. "And observe how the charge is twofold. Shall destroy,' say
   they, the place,' and, shall change the customs.' And not only twofold,
   but bitter," etc. So Edd. but Savil. adds, "and shall introduce others
   instead."

   [345] A. B. C. N. Ouchi semeion edeethe, kai (A. B. ou) pollen
   epedeixato ten parresian. Cat. has pollon for semeion, and reads it
   affirmatively. Edd. ouchi semeia eirgasato; ou (D.F. kai) pollen k. t.
   l. Perhaps the passage may be restored thus: "Did he not work
   miracles--though he needed not many--and show great boldness?"

   [346] Chrys. commonly denotes the oriental nations, generally, by the
   name "Persians." Ben.

   [347] Edd. from E. "And how, it may be asked, doth the Scripture say
   this concerning Abraham's father? Because it does not trouble itself
   about matters that are not very essential. What was useful for us to
   learn, this only it has taught us, that in consequence of his son's
   vision, he went out with him: the rest it leaves untold, by reason that
   he died soon after settling in Charran. Get thee out of thy kindred.'
   Here he shows that these men," etc.

   [348] E. Edd. "but these disobedient: or rather, we learn from what he
   does, as he was bidden, that he endured," etc.

   [349] A. C. N. Ei gar eipen, dosei, delon hoti, kai ouden par auton
   Cat. Ou gar k. t. l. B. Ou gar eipen, dosei, all', Ouk edoke, delon
   hoti ta par ekeinou, kai ouden par auton. So E. D. F. Edd. except that
   for delon hoti ta these have delon hoti panta. The meaning seems to be:
   "They boasted of their possession of the land, as the token of God's
   favor to themselves. See how Stephen will not allow them to rest in
   this conceit. Abraham was the friend of God,' yet to him He gave none
   inheritance,' etc. True He promised to give it': but if God said (that)
   He will give it (spoke of giving it at some future time); this very
   circumstance shows that the Jews had it from Abraham, in consequence of
   God's favor to him; not as deserved by themselves."

   [350] tous sozomenous. Edd. from E. tous thaumazomenous, "they that are
   admired."--Below, all our mss. and the Catena have 'Epi men ton
   apostolon elegon, "In the case of the Apostles, they said." We read,
   conjecturally, elgoun.

   [351] C. N. have ouchi idioton onton alla kai elaunomenon pantothen: B.
   F. D. E. Edd. oude es dikasterion agomenon, alla kai el. p. In the
   translation we assume the full reading to be, ouchi, idioton onton, es
   d. agomenon, alla kai e. p. In the next sentence E. alone (followed by
   Edd.) has the unnecessary alteration, 'Enteuthen kai pseudomarturounton
   auton, ou monon ouk ekratoun, all' k. t. l. A. ouchi id. onton alla kai
   rhetoron, ou monon [ouch?] hettonto, alla kai [kata?] kratos enikon,
   kaitoi k. t. l. i. e. ["their adversaries"] being not private
   individuals, but public speakers too, they not only were [not] worsted,
   but mightily conquered: [so that they were not able to resist']
   though," etc.--Below, for plattontas: A. E. prattontas C. we read
   prattontas kai plattontas: after which, Edd. have (from E. alone): "As
   also in the case of Christ: who did everything to compass His death:
   insomuch that it became manifest to all men that the battle," etc. And,
   instead of the next sentence; "And mark what say the false-witnesses,
   who were got up by those who murderously dragged Him before the
   council: We have heard,'" etc.

   [352] to euripiston tou ochlou. Edd. add anerethizontes, "irritating
   the fickle-minded multitude." Below, for 'All' ho ochlos ho ataktos k.
   t. l., A. has 'All' ouch ho ochlos tauta all' hoi grammateis. Emeis ak.
   k. t. l. "But not the multitude (said) this, but the scribes: We have
   heard," etc. Edd. from E., "But such is envy: it makes them demented
   whom it possesses, so that they do not so much as consider the meaning
   of the words they utter."

   [353] ou para ton nhomon. For this, E. alone has kai sungeneian, and
   instead of the text, "Then came he out," etc. kai to kleronomian
   entautha me labein: so Morel. Ben. Savile retains the reading of E.,
   but adds ou para ton nomon after sungeneian.

   [354] E. F. D. Edd. "And how there may be rejoicing where these are,
   learn (thus). He who in nothing is conscious of evil," etc.

   [355] parresias hupothesin echon ta traumata. Ben "argumentum
   audaciae." Erasm. "testimonium libertatis."

   [356] stigmata, i.e. "the marks of Jesus may be gained in these
   encounters also, and the spirit of a confessor may be exhibited under
   these tortures likewise."

   [357] alla ton agroikon. Edd. from E., alla ton oiketen: which is idle,
   for it appears below that the pais here is a servant. We supply ekalese
   or eipen: and indeed an palin eipe below shows that the insult spoken
   of was some contumelious speech.--Also before Me nomises, something
   needs to be supplied, e.g. Me su mimese touton, "Do not thou imitate
   him." And perhaps indeed ton agr. may belong to this: "He insulted my
   boy." But do not thou imitate the rude, uncivil man: deem it not, etc.

   [358] hos zetoumen skepasai. A.B.C. The other mss. omit the clause, and
   Edd. except Savile who reads from N. ou zetoumen auten spasai, "we do
   not seek to draw it." We adopt spasai.--Below, E. F. D. Edd. tou
   Despotou, "thy Master's sufferings," for sautou, which the context
   shows to be the true reading.

   [359] an me para sauto ta niketeria ides an me lamprous labes
   stephanous. This depends on hina mathes at the beginning of the
   sentence. Erasmus wrongly, "Si non videas:" Ben. "Si non videbis."

   [360] gune en sklera hemera eimi, Chrys. gune he sklera hemera (or
   hemera) LXX.

   [361] Memphibaal, Chrys. here and Synops. Sacr. Script. t. vi. 349. and
   Theodoret Quaest. 31, in lib. 2. Reg. Memphibosthe, LXX. Elsewhere he
   is called Meribbaal, 1 Chron. viii. 34. So Jerubbaal, Judg. vi. 32.
   Jerubbesheth, 2 Sam. xi. 21. Memphibaal is compounded of the two forms.
   Ben.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Homily XVI.

   Acts VII. 6, 7

   "And God spake on this wise, That his seed should sojourn in a strange
   land; and that they should bring them into bondage, and entreat them
   evil four hundred years. And the nation to whom they shall be in
   bondage will I judge, said God: and after that shall they come forth,
   and serve Me in this place."

   See, what a number of years the Promise has been given, and the manner
   of the Promise, and nowhere sacrifice, nowhere circumcision! He here
   shows, how God Himself suffered them to be afflicted, not [362] that He
   had anything to lay to their charge. "And they shall bring them into
   bondage," etc. But nevertheless, they did not these things with
   impunity. "And the nation to whom they shall be in bondage I will
   judge, said God." For, [363] to show that they are not to go by this,
   in estimating who are pious (by reason of their saying, "He trusted in
   God, let Him deliver Him,") (Matt. xxvii. 43).--He, the Same that
   promised, He that gave the land, first permits the evils. So also now,
   though He has promised a Kingdom, yet He suffers us to be exercised in
   temptations. If here the freedom was not to be till after four hundred
   years, what wonder, with regard to the Kingdom? Yet he performed it,
   and lapse of time availed not to falsify His word. Moreover, it was no
   ordinary bondage they underwent. [364] And the matter does not
   terminate solely in the punishment of those (their oppressors); but
   they themselves also, He saith, shall enjoy a mighty salvation. Here he
   reminds them too of the benefit which they enjoyed. "And he gave him
   the covenant of circumcision: and so he begat Isaac." Here he lets
   himself down to lower matters. "And circumcised him on the eighth day:
   and Isaac (begat) Jacob, and Jacob the twelve patriarchs." (v.
   8).--Here [365] he seems to hint now at the type. "And the patriarchs
   moved with envy, sold Joseph into Egypt." (v. 9.) Here again, the type
   of Christ. [366] Though they had no fault to find with him, and though
   he came on purpose to bring them their food, they thus ill-treated him.
   Still here again the promise, though it is a long while first, receives
   its fulfillment. "And God was with him"--this also is for them--"and
   delivered him out of all his afflictions." (v. 10). He shows that
   unknowingly they helped to fulfil the prophecy, and that they were
   themselves the cause, and that the evils recoiled on their own selves.
   "And gave him favor and wisdom in the sight of Pharaoh king of Egypt,
   Gave him favor," in the eyes of a barbarian, to him, the slave, the
   captive: his brethren sold him, this (barbarian) honored him. "Now
   there came a dearth over all the land of Egypt and Canaan, and great
   affliction: and our fathers found no sustenance. But when Jacob heard
   that there was corn in Egypt, he sent out our fathers first. And at the
   second time Joseph was made known to his brethren." (v. 11-13). They
   came down to buy, and had to depend upon him for everything. What then
   did he? ["He made himself known to his brethren:"] not to this point
   only did he carry his friendliness; he also made them known to Pharaoh,
   and brought them down into the land. "And Joseph's kindred was made
   known unto Pharaoh. Then sent Joseph, and called his father Jacob to
   him, and all his kindred, threescore and fifteen souls. So Jacob went
   down into Egypt, and died, he, and our fathers, and were carried over
   into Sychem, and laid in the sepulchre that Abraham bought for a sum of
   money of the sons of Emmor the father of Sychem. But when the time of
   the promise drew nigh, which God had sworn to Abraham the people grew
   and multiplied in Egypt, till another king arose, which knew not
   Joseph." (v. 13-18). Then again, fresh disappointment (anelpistia):
   first, famine, but they came through that: secondly, the falling into
   the hands of their enemy: thirdly, the being destroyed by the king.
   Then (to show) God's fulness of ways and means (eumechanon), "In which
   time," it says, "Moses was born, and was exceeding fair." (v. 20.) If
   the former circumstance was wonderful, that Joseph was sold by his
   brethren, here again is another circumstance more wonderful still, that
   the king "nourished" the very person who was to overthrow his dominion,
   being himself the person that was to perish. Do you observe all along a
   figurative enacting, so to say, of the resurrection of the dead? But it
   is not the same thing for God himself to do a thing, and for a thing to
   come to pass in connection with man's purpose (proairesis). For these
   things indeed were in connection with man's purpose [ [367] but the
   Resurrection by itself, independently.]--"And he was mighty," it says,
   "in word and in deed" (v. 22): he that was to have died. Then again he
   shows how ungrateful they were to their benefactor. For, just as in the
   former instance, they were saved by the injured Joseph, so here again
   they were saved by another injured person, I mean, Moses. "And when he
   was full forty years old," etc. For [368] what though they killed him
   not actually? In intention they did kill, as did the others in the
   former case. There, they sold out of their own into a strange land:
   here, they drive from one strange land into another strange land: in
   the former case, one in the act of bringing them food; in this, one in
   the act of giving them good counsel; one to whom, under God, the man
   was indebted for his life! Mark how it shows (the truth of) that saying
   of Gamaliel's, "If it be of God, ye cannot overthrow it." (ch. v. 39.)
   See the plotted-against eventually becoming the authors of salvation to
   those plotting against them: [369] the people, plotting against itself,
   and itself plotted against by others; and for all this, saved! A
   famine, and it did not consume them: nor was this all: but they were
   saved by means of the very person, whom they had expected to be
   destroyed (by their means). A royal edict, and it did not consume them:
   nay then most did their number increase, when he was dead "who knew"
   them. Their own Saviour they wished to kill, but for all that, they had
   not power to do it. Do you observe, that by the means whereby the devil
   tried to bring to naught the promise of God, by those very means it was
   advanced?

   "And God spake on this wise," etc. (Recapitulation, v. 6, 7.) This
   [370] is suitable to be said here also: that God is rich in ways and
   means to bring us up from hence. For this above all showed the riches
   of God's resources, that in its very reverses (apostrophe) the nation
   increased, while enslaved, while evil-entreated, and sought to be
   exterminated. And this is the greatness of the Promise. For had it
   increased in its own land, it had not been so wonderful. And besides,
   it was not for a short time, either, that they were in the strange
   land: but for four hundred years. Hence we learn [371] a (great lesson)
   of philosophic endurance (philosophian):--they did not treat them as
   masters use slaves, but as enemies and tyrants--and he foretold that
   they should be set in great liberty: for this is the meaning of that
   expression, "They shall serve (Me): and they shall come up hither
   again" (enthautha epaneleusontai); and with impunity. [372] --And
   observe, how, while he seems to concede something to circumcision, he
   in fact allows it nothing (v. 8); since the Promise was before it, and
   it followed after.--"And the patriarchs," he says, "moved with envy."
   (v. 9.) Where it does no harm, he humors (charizetai) them: [373] for
   they prided themselves much on these also.-- [374] And he shows, that
   the saints were not exempt from tribulation, but that in their very
   tribulations they obtained help. And that these persons did themselves
   help to bring about the results, who wished to cut short these same
   (afflictions): just as these made Joseph the more glorious: just as the
   king did Moses, by ordering the children to be killed: since had he not
   ordered, this would not have been: just as also that (Hebrew) drives
   Moses into exile, that there he may have the Vision, having become
   worthy. Thus also him who was sold for a slave, makes He to reign as
   king there, where he was thought to be a slave. Thus also does Christ
   in His death give proof of His power: thus also does He there reign as
   king where they sold Him. "And gave him favor and wisdom," etc. (v.
   10.) This [375] was not only by way of honor, but that he should have
   confidence in his own power. "And he made him governor over Egypt and
   all his house." "Now there came a dearth," etc. On account of
   famine--such preparations is he making--"with threescore and fifteen
   souls," he says, "Jacob went down into Egypt, and died, he and our
   fathers, and were carried over into Sychem, and laid in the sepulchre
   that Abraham bought for a sum of money from the sons of Emmor the
   father of Sychem." [376] (v. 11-16). It shows, that they were not
   masters even to the extent of a burying-place. "But when the time of
   the promise drew nigh, which God had sworn to Abraham, the people grew
   and multiplied in Egypt, till another king arose, which knew not
   Joseph" (v. 17, 18). Observe, that it is not during the four hundred
   years that He multiplies them, but (only) when the end was about to
   draw nigh. And yet already four hundred years were passed, nay more, in
   Egypt. But this is the wonder of it. "The same dealt subtly with our
   kindred, and evil-entreated our fathers, that they should cast out
   their young children, to the end they might not live." (v. 19.) "Dealt
   subtly:" he hints at their not liking to exterminate them openly: "that
   they should cast out their young children," it says. "In which time
   Moses was born and was exceeding fair." (v. 20.) This is the wonder,
   that he who is to be their champion, is born, neither after nor before,
   these things, but in the very midst of the storm (thumo). "And was
   nourished up in his father's house three months." But when man's help
   was despaired of, and they cast him forth, then did God's benefit shine
   forth conspicuous. "And when he was cast out, Pharaoh's daughter took
   him up, and nourished him for her own son." (v. 21.) Not a word of
   Temple, not a word of Sacrifice, while all these Providences are taking
   place. And he was nourished in a barbarian house. "And Moses was
   learned in all the wisdom of the Egyptians, and was mighty in words and
   in deeds." (v. 22.) "Was trained," both [377] in discipline and in
   letters. "And when he was full forty years old." (v. 23.) Forty years
   he was there, and was not found out from his being circumcised.
   Observe, how, being in safety, they overlook their own interests, both
   he and Joseph, in order that they may save others: "And when he was
   full forty years old, it came into his heart to visit his brethren the
   children of Israel. And seeing one of them suffer wrong, he defended
   him, and avenged him that was oppressed, and smote the Egyptian: for he
   supposed his brethren would have understood how that God by his hand
   would deliver them: but they understood not." (v. 23-25.)--See how up
   to this point he is not yet offensive to them; how they listened to him
   while he said all this. And "his face," we read, "was as the face of an
   angel" (ch. vi. 15).--"For he supposed," etc. And yet it was by deeds
   that his championship was shown; what intelligence was there need of
   here? but still for all this "they understood not. And the next day he
   showed himself unto them as they strove, and would have set them at one
   again, saying, Sirs, ye are brethren; why do ye wrong one to another?"
   (v. 26-28.) Do you mark with what mildness he addresses them? He who
   had shown his wrath in the case of the other, shows his gentleness
   [378] in his own case. "But he that did his neighbor wrong thrust him
   away, saying, Who made thee a ruler and a judge over us? Wilt thou kill
   me, as thou didst the Egyptian yesterday?" Mark; the very words which
   they said to Christ: "Who made Thee ruler and judge over us?" So
   habitual a thing was it for Jews to wrong (their benefactors) when in
   the act of receiving benefits! And again, mark the atrocious baseness:
   (miarian al. mochtherian, Sav. marg.) "As thou didst the Egyptian
   yesterday! Then fled Moses at this saying, and was a stranger in the
   land of Midian, where he begat two sons." (v. 29.) But neither did
   flight extinguish the plan of Providence, as neither did death (i.e.
   the death of Christ).

   "And when forty years were expired, there appeared to him in the
   wilderness of mount Sinai an angel of the Lord in a flame of fire in a
   bush." (v. 30.) Do you mark that it is not hindered by lapse of time?
   For when he was an exile, when a stranger, when he had now passed much
   time in a foreign land, so as to have two sons, when he no longer
   expected to return, then does the Angel appear to him. The Son of God
   he calls an Angel, as also he calls Him man. (Appears) in the desert,
   not in a temple. See how many miracles are taking place, and no word of
   Temple, no word of Sacrifice. And here also not simply in the desert,
   but in the bush. "When Moses saw it, he wondered at the sight: and as
   he drew near to behold it, the voice of the Lord came unto him." (v.
   31.) Lo! he was deemed worthy of the Voice also. "I am the God of thy
   fathers, the God of Abraham, and the God of Isaac, and the God of
   Jacob." (v. 32, 33.) Lo! [379] how He shows that He is none other than
   "the God of Abraham, and the God of Isaac, and the God of Jacob"--He,
   "the Angel of the Great Counsel." (Is. ix. 6. LXX. "Wonderful,
   Counsellor," E.V.) Here he shows what great loving-kindness God herein
   exhibits. "Then Moses trembled, and durst not behold. Then said the
   Lord to him, Put off thy shoes from thy feet; for the place where thou
   standest is holy ground." Not a word of Temple, and the place is holy
   through the appearance and operation of Christ. Far more wonderful this
   than the place which is in the Holy of Holies: for there God is nowhere
   said to have appeared in this manner, nor Moses to have thus trembled.
   And then the greatness of His tender care. "I have seen, I have seen
   the affliction of My people which is in Egypt, and I have heard their
   groaning, and am come down to deliver them. And now come, I will send
   thee into Egypt." (v. 34.) See, how he shows, that both by kindnesses,
   and by chastisements, and by miracles, God was drawing them to Him: but
   they were still the same. That God is everywhere present, they learned.

   Hearing these things, let us in our afflictions flee to Him. "And their
   groaning," saith He, "I have heard:" not [380] simply, "because of
   their calamities." But if any should ask, Why then did He suffer them
   to be evil entreated there? Why, in the first place, to every just man
   his sufferings are the causes of his rewards. And in the next place, as
   to why He afflicted them: it was to show His power, that He can (do
   all), and not only so, but that He may also train them. Observe in
   fact; when they were in the desert, then they "waxed fat, they grew
   thick, they spread out in breadth, they kicked" (Deut. xxxii. 15): and
   ever and always ease was an evil. Therefore also from the beginning He
   said to Adam: "In the sweat of thy face thou shall eat thy bread."
   (Gen. iii. 19.) Also [381] (it was) in order that having come out of
   much suffering into rest, they might give thanks to God. For affliction
   is a great good. For hear the Prophet saying, "It is good for me, that
   Thou hast humbled me." (Ps. cxix. 71.) But if to great and wonderful
   men affliction be a great (good), much more to us. And, if you will,
   let us examine into the nature of affliction as it is in itself. Let
   there be some person rejoicing exceedingly, and gay, and giving a loose
   to jollity: what more unseemly, what more senseless than this? Let
   there be one sorrowing and dejected: what more truly philosophic than
   this? For, "It is better," we read, "to go into the house of mourning,
   than into the house of laughter." (Eccles. vii. 2.) But, likely enough,
   you [382] do not like the saying, and want to evade it. Let us however
   see, what sort of man Adam was in Paradise, and what he was afterwards:
   what sort of man Cain was before, and what he was afterwards. The soul
   does not stand fast in its proper place, but, like as by a running
   tide, (rheumatos, Edd. pneumatos, "wind") is raised and buoyed up by
   pleasure, having no steadfastness; facile in making professions, prompt
   at promising; the thoughts all in restless commotion: laughter
   ill-timed, causeless hilarity, idle clatter of unmeaning talk. And why
   speak of others? Let us take in hand some one of the saints, and let us
   see what he was while in pleasure, what again, when in distress. Shall
   we look at David himself? When he was in pleasure and rejoicing, from
   his many trophies, from his victory, from his crowns, from his
   luxurious living, from his confidence, see what sort of things he said
   and did: "But I said in my prosperity," says he, "I shall never be
   moved." (Ps. xxx. 6.) But when he has come to be in affliction, hear
   what he says: "And if He say to me, I have no mind for thee; lo! here
   am I, let Him do that which is pleasing in His sight." (2 Sam. xv. 26.)
   What can be more truly philosophic than these words? "Whatsoever may be
   pleasing to God," saith he, "so let it be." And again he said to Saul:
   "If the Lord stirreth thee up against me, may thy sacrifice be
   acceptable." (1 Sam. xxvi. 19.) And then too, being in affliction, he
   spared even his enemies: but afterwards, not friends even, nor those
   who had done him no injury. Again, Jacob when he was in affliction,
   said: "If the Lord will give me bread to eat, and raiment to put on."
   (Gen. xxviii. 20.) As also the son of Noah did nothing of the kind
   erewhile; but when he was no longer afraid for his safety, you hear how
   wanton he became. (ib. ix. 22.) Hezekiah too, when he was in
   affliction, see what things he did in order to his deliverance; he put
   on sackcloth, and such like; but when he was in pleasure, he fell
   through the haughtiness of his heart. (2 Kings ch. xix. 20.) For, saith
   the Scripture, "When thou hast eaten, and drunk, and art filled, take
   heed to thyself." (Deut. vi. 11, 12.) For perilous, as on a precipice's
   brink, is the post of affluence. "Take heed," saith he, "to thyself."
   When the Israelites were afflicted, they became all the more increased
   in number: but when He left them to themselves, then they all went to
   ruin. And why speak of examples from the ancients? In our own times,
   let us see, if you please, is it not the case, that when the most are
   in good case, they become puffed up, hostile to everybody, passionate,
   while the power is with them: but if it be taken away, they are gentle,
   lowly (and as) human beings, are brought to a consciousness of their
   own natural condition. Therefore the Scripture saith, "Pride hath
   holden them unto the end: their iniquity shall go forth as from
   fatness." (Ps. lxxiii. 6. LXX.)

   Now these things I have spoken, that we should not make enjoyment every
   way our object. How then does Paul say, "Rejoice alway?" He does not
   say simply, "Rejoice," but he adds, "in the Lord." (Phil. iv. 4.) This
   is the greatest joy, such as the Apostles rejoiced withal; the joy of
   which prisons, and scourges, and persecutions, and evil report, and all
   painful things, are the source, and the root, and the occasion; whence
   also it comes to a happy issue. But that of the world, on the contrary,
   begins with sweets and ends in bitters. Neither do I forbid to rejoice
   in the Lord, nay, I earnestly exhort to this. The Apostles were
   scourged, and they rejoiced: were bound, and they gave thanks: were
   stoned, and they preached. This is the joy I also would have: from
   nothing bodily has it its origin, but from spiritual things. It is not
   possible for him who joys after the fashion of the world, to rejoice
   also after a godly sort: for every one who joys after the world's
   fashion, has his joy in riches, in luxury, in honor, in power, in
   arrogance: but he who rejoices after the mind of God, has his joy in
   dishonor for God's sake, in poverty, in want, in fasting, in humbleness
   of mind. Seest thou, how opposite are the grounds (of joy)? To go
   without joy here, is to be without grief also: and to be without grief
   here, is to go without pleasure too. And in truth these are the things
   which produce real joy, since the others have the name only of joy, but
   they altogether consist of pain. What misery the arrogant man endures!
   How is he cut short (diakoptetai) in the midst of his arrogance,
   bespeaking for himself numberless insults, much hatred, great enmity,
   exceeding spite, and many an evil eye! Whether it be that he is
   insulted by greater men, he grieves: or that he cannot make his stand
   against everybody, he is mortified. Whereas the humble man lives in
   much enjoyment: expecting honor from none, if he receive honor, he is
   pleased, but if not, he is not grieved. He takes it contentedly that he
   is honored; but [383] above all, none dishonors him. Now not to seek
   honor, and yet to be honored--great must be the enjoyment of this. But
   in the other, it is just the reverse: he seeks honor, and is not
   honored. And the pleasure that the honor gives is not the same to him
   who seeks it, as it is to him who seeks it not. The one, however much
   he receives, thinks he has received nothing: the other, though you give
   him ever so little, takes it as though he had received all. Then again,
   he who lives in affluence and luxury has numberless affairs of
   business, and let his revenues flow in to him ever so easily, and, as
   it were, from full fountains, yet he fears the evils arising from
   luxurious living, and the uncertainty of the future: but the other is
   always in a state of security and enjoyment, having accustomed himself
   to scantiness of diet. For he does not so bemoan himself at not
   partaking of a sumptuous board, as he luxuriates in not fearing the
   uncertainty of the future. But the evils arising from luxurious living,
   how many and great they are, none can be ignorant: it is necessary,
   however, to mention them now. Twofold the war, in the body, and in the
   soul: twofold the storm: twofold the diseases; not only in this
   respect, but because they are both incurable, and bring with them great
   calamities. Not so, frugality: but here is twofold health, twofold the
   benefits. "Sleep of health," we read, "is in moderate eating." (Ecclus.
   xxxi. 20.) For everywhere, that which keeps measure is pleasant, that
   which is beyond measure, ceases to please. For say now: on a little
   spark put a great pile of fagots, and you will no longer see the fire
   shining, but much disagreeable smoke. On a very strong and large man
   lay a burden which exceeds his strength, and you will see him with his
   burden lying prostrate on the ground. Embark too large a freight in
   your vessel, and you have ensured a grievous shipwreck. Just so it is
   here. For just as in overladen ships, great is the tumult of the
   sailors, the pilot, the man at the prow, and the passengers, while they
   cast into the sea the things above deck, and things below; so here too,
   with their vomitings upwards, and their purgings downwards, they mar
   their constitutions, and destroy themselves. And what is the most
   shameful of all, the mouth is made to do the office of the nether
   parts, and that becomes the more shameful member. But if to the mouth
   the disgrace be such, think what must it be in the soul! For indeed
   there it is all mist, all storm, all darkness, great the uproar of the
   thoughts, at being so thronged and crushed, the soul itself crying out
   at the abuse done to it: all [384] (the parts and faculties)
   complaining of one another, beseeching, entreating, that the filth may
   be discharged somewhere. And after it is flung out, still the turmoil
   is not at an end; but then comes fever and diseases. "And how comes
   it," say you, "that one may see these luxurious livers, in goodly
   plight, riding on horseback? What idle talk is this," say you, "to tell
   us of diseases? It is I that am diseased, I that am racked, I that am
   disgusting, while I have nothing to eat." Ah me! for one may well
   lament at such words. But the sufferers with the gout, the men that are
   carried on litters, the men that are swathed with bandages, from what
   class of people, I ask you, shall we see these? And indeed, were it not
   that they would deem it an insult, and think my words opprobrious, I
   would before now have addressed them even by name. "But there are some
   of them, who are in good health as well." Because they give themselves
   not merely to luxurious living, but also to labors. Else show me a man,
   who does nothing whatever but fatten himself, free from pain as he lies
   there, without an anxious thought. For though a host of physicians
   without number came together, they would not be able to rescue him from
   his diseases. It is not in the nature of things. For I will hold you a
   medical discourse. Of the matters sent down into the belly, not all
   becomes nourishment; since even in the food itself, not all is
   nutritive, but part of it in the process of digestion passes into
   stool, part is turned into nourishment. If then in the process of
   digestion the operation is perfect, this is the result, and each finds
   its proper place; the wholesome and useful part betakes itself to its
   appropriate place, while that which is superfluous and useless,
   withdraws itself, and passes off. But if it be in too great quantity,
   then even the nutritive part of it becomes hurtful. And, to speak by
   way of example, in order that my meaning may be clearer to you: in
   wheat part is fine flour, part meal, part bran: now if the mill be able
   to grind (what is put in), it separates all these: but if you put in
   too much, all becomes mixed up together. Wine again, if it go through
   its proper process of formation, and under due influence of the
   seasons, then, whereas at first all is mixed together, anon part
   settles into lees, part rises into scum, part remains for enjoyment to
   those that use it, and this is the good part, and will not readily
   undergo any change. But what they call "nourishment," is neither wine,
   nor lees, while all are mixed up together.--The same may be seen in the
   river, [385] when its waters make a whirling flood. As at such time we
   see the fishes floating at top, dead, their eyes first blinded by the
   muddy slime: so is it with us. For when gormandizing, like a flood of
   rain, has drenched the inward parts, it puts all in a whirl, and makes
   that the faculties (logismoi), healthy till then and living in a pure
   element, drift lifeless on the surface. Since then by all these
   examples we have shown how great the mischief is, let us cease to count
   these men happy for that, for which we ought to think them wretched,
   and to bemoan ourselves for that, for which we ought to count ourselves
   happy, and let us welcome sufficiency with a contented mind. Or do you
   not hear even what physicians tell you, that "want is the mother of
   health?" But what I say is, that want is mother, not of bodily health,
   but also of that of the soul. These things Paul also, that physician
   indeed, cries aloud; when he says, "Having food and raiment, let us
   therewith be content." (1 Tim. vi. 8.) Let us therefore do as he bids
   us, that so, being in sound health, we may perform the work that we
   ought to do, in Christ Jesus our Lord, with Whom to the Father and the
   Holy Ghost together be glory, dominion, honor, now and ever, world
   without end. Amen.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [362] kaitoi ouden echon autois enkalein. A. B. C. N. Cat.--E. F. D.
   Edd. omit this clause, and read: "to be afflicted: and that they did
   not," etc. So Edd.

   [363] Ina gar me touto (Cat. touton, A. C. N. touto B. om.) nomisosin
   eusebeis (N. eusebein) einai, dia to legein k. t. l. The wording of the
   passage is not strictly grammatical, but the sense seems to be as
   expressed above.--E. D. F. omit this sentence, and substitute, "Seest
   thou?" So Edd.

   [364] The relation of v. 6 and 7 to v. 5 is, as Chrys. intimates, to
   show that the apparent incongruity between the promise of God to give
   the land to Abraham and his seed, and the fact that Abraham never
   personally possessed the land, was not accidental nor did it involve
   the failure of the divine promise. Accompanying the promise were divine
   assurances (Gen. xv. 13, 14) that a period of bondage and oppression
   was to precede the occupation of the land which was to be the
   inheritance of the nation.--G.B.S.

   [365] E. Edd. omit this sentence: and below for "Here again," etc. the
   same substitute: "This happened also in the case of Christ: for indeed
   Joseph is a type of Him: wherefore also he narrates the history at
   large, hinting (at this meaning)."

   [366] If it be too strong language to say, with Chrys., that Joseph is
   set forth here as a "type of Christ," it is clear that the narrative of
   his ill-treatment by his brethren, subsequent exaltation and his return
   of good for evil to those who had sold him into bondage, is meant to
   suggest that their treatment of Jesus had been similar.--G.B.S.

   [367] he de anastasis kath' eauten. This clause is found in the Catena
   alone. Something seems to be required as the antithesis to the
   preceding clause, tauta men gar meta proair. anthr. en--for which E.
   Edd. have tauta goun ouk apo proair. anthr. en. "These things however
   did not come of man's purpose."--At the end of the next sentence, Edd.
   (with E. alone) omit the clause, ho opheilon apothanein: and for Eita
   palin, have, "This he says, by way of showing both him (Moses) as
   savior, and these ungrateful to their benefactor."

   [368] Ti gar ei me aneilon auton to pragmati; to logo aneilon hosper
   kakeinoi. N. and Catena read aneilen, both times, as if the Compiler
   understood the passage in the sense of a preceding comment extracted
   from S. Clem. Alex. Strom. "phasi de hoi mustai logo mono anelein ton
   Aiguption: the initiated say that Moses struck the Egyptian dead by a
   word, as in the Acts Peter is related to have done in the case of
   Ananias," etc. But Chrys. nowhere thus interprets the fact, and the
   context, hosper kakeinoi, is against this view.--Below, di hon eze meta
   Theon: i.e. the Hebrew whom Moses saved, v. 24, who is here supposed to
   be one of the parties in the strife mentioned in v. 26. This however
   not being clear, A., as usual omits: and the innovator assuming the
   passage to be corrupt, substitutes, di hon esontai meta Theou, giving
   them counsel by means of which they shall be with God." So Edd.: only
   Sav. notes in the margin the genuine reading of the other mss. and Cat.

   [369] E. "But do thou, observing this, stand amazed at the riches of
   God's wisdom and resources: for, had those not been plotted against,
   these had not been saved." So Edd.

   [370] Touto kai entautha harmottei eipein. Edd. from E. only, touto kai
   autous hermotte tote eipein: "This was also suitable for them to say at
   that time." It was not perceived that the recapitulation begins here.
   See note 5, p. 102.

   [371] Edd. from E. D. F. "how they exhibited a great (example of)
   philosophy."

   [372] Edd. (from E. alone) kai ouk atimoreti, "not unavenged (upon
   their enemies)." But the meaning is, "Their enemies shall not be able
   to be avenged of them."

   [373] E. D. F. insert for explanation, patriarchas de phesi tous
   progonous: "he calls their ancestors, patriarchs." This is the
   "humoring" spoken of above: in C.'s time, "patriarch" had become a
   title of honor.

   [374] Edd. from E. "But they not only did not loose (the afflictions),
   but even cooperated with those afflicting them, when they ought rather
   to have cut through them (the afflictions)."

   [375] Morel. Ben. with E. D. F. omit this clause: Savile transposes it.
   "But as this (Joseph) reigns there as king where they sold him, so does
   Christ in His death," etc.--In the next sentence, touto seems to refer
   to the description in Gen. xli. 42, 43, of the distinctions conferred
   upon Joseph, which perhaps Chrys. cited.--After this sentence, Edd.
   have (from E. only) the formula of recapitulation, 'All' idomen k. t.
   l., which is quite misplaced.--Below, A. and the mod. t. insert Ora,
   before dia limon hoia kataskeuazei.

   [376] The reading of tou Suchem (T. R.), doubtless meaning the "father
   of Sychem" (Gen. xxxiii. 19), is replaced by Tisch., W. and H. (after
   '. B. C.) with en Suchem, making Suchem the name of the place just
   mentioned--not of the person referred to in the O.T. The Vulgate
   renders filii Sichem thus coming into collision with the O.T. l.
   c.--G.B.S.

   [377] kai paidei& 139; kai grammasin, as the comment on epaideuthe v.
   22, which must be supplied. Cat. has, kai paideia kai grammata. E.
   omits the clause, and substitutes, as the beginning of the next
   sentence, 'Emoi thaumazein eperchetai pos. "To me it occurs to wonder
   how he could be forty years," etc. So Edd.

   [378] eph' heautou, B. C. F. D. N. but A. E. Edd. epi toutou "in the
   case of this man." So perhaps OEcumen. epieikos nun to adikounti
   prospheretai.--Below, E. Edd. "With the same spirit they appear to say
   the same with reference to Christ, We have no king but Caesar.' Thus
   was it ever habitual to the Jews to act, even when receiving benefits.
   Do you mark their madness? Him who was to save them, they accuse, by
   saying, As thou,'" etc.

   [379] So A. B. N. Cat. (in C. the sentence Idou--'Iakob is omitted by
   an oversight caused by the homoeoteleuton 'Iakob.) Edd. "Not only does
   he here show that the Angel which appeared unto him was the Angel of
   the Great Counsel, but he shows also what loving-kindness God exhibits
   by this manifestation."

   [380] i.e. "I have heard their groaning:" not simply ("I have come
   down) because of their calamities." The expression, "I have heard"
   denotes His ready sympathy.--But the modern text: "He does not simply
   say, I have heard;' but because of their calamities."

   [381] Edd. from E. "Therefore in order that having come out of much
   affliction into rest, they may not be insolent, he permits them to be
   afflicted."

   [382] diakrouesthe ta legomena. Edd diamokasthe, "make a mock
   at."--Below all the mss. agree in hoios en ho Kain pro toutou. Either
   the text is corrupt, or something is needed for explanation.

   [383] malista de oudeis auton atimazei. Savile justly retains this
   sentence from the old text. Montf. rejects it, as superfluous, and
   disturbing the sense. Downe ap. Sav. proposes hoti ouk etimasthe: "non
   ambit honorem, sed bene secum actum putat si nulla affectus sit
   ignominia." But in the old text there is no alla before agapa: and the
   meaning is not, "he thinks himself well off," etc., nor as Ben., "he
   rejoices that," etc., but, "he is content not to be honored; knowing
   this at any rate, that nobody can dishonor him."

   [384] E. Edd. "Thence also the gormandizers (gastrizomenoi) themselves
   complain of one another, are in ill humor, haste to be rid of the filth
   within. Still, even after it is cast out," etc. And below:--"fever and
   diseases. Yes,' say you, they are sick and are disgusting; it is waste
   of words to tell us all this, and make a catalogue of diseases: for it
   is I that am diseased. etc,...while these luxurious livers one may see
   in good plight, sleek, merry, riding on horseback.'"

   [385] Edd. from E. "in the sea, under a violent storm in winter," and
   below, "the fishes floating at top, dead, which by reason of the cold
   had not power to sink to the bottom."
     __________________________________________________________________

   Homily XVII.

   Acts VII. 35

   "This Moses whom they refused, saying, Who made thee a ruler and a
   judge over us? the same did God send to be a ruler and a deliverer by
   the hand of the Angel which appeared to him in the bush."

   This is very suitable to the matter in hand. "This Moses," he says.
   "This," the man who had been in danger of losing his life; the man who
   had been set at naught by them; "this" the man whom they had declined:
   "this" same, God having raised up, sent unto them. "Whom they refused,
   saying, Who made thee a ruler?" just as they themselves (the hearers)
   said, "We have no king, but Caesar." (John xix. 15.) He here shows
   also, that what was then done, was done by Christ. "The same did God
   send by the hand of the Angel," who said unto him, "I am the God of
   Abraham." "This" same Moses, he says,--and observe how he points to his
   renown--"this" same Moses, he says, "brought them out, after that he
   had showed wonders and signs in the land of Egypt, and in the Red sea,
   and in the wilderness forty years. This is that Moses, which said unto
   the children of Israel, A prophet shall the Lord your God raise up unto
   you of your brethren, like unto me" (v. 36, 37): set at naught like me.
   Him, likewise, Herod wished to kill, and in Egypt He found preservation
   just as it was with the former, even when He was a babe, He was aimed
   at for destruction. "This is he, that was in the Church in the
   wilderness with the Angel which spake to him in the mount Sina, and
   with our fathers: who received the lively oracles to give unto us." (v.
   38.) Again no mention of temple, none of sacrifice. "With the Angel,"
   it says, "he received the lively oracles to give unto the fathers." It
   shows, that he not only wrought miracles, but also gave a law, as
   Christ did. Just as Christ first works miracles, and then legislates:
   so did Moses. But they did not hear him, keeping their disobedience,
   even after the miracles: "To whom," he says, "our fathers would not
   obey:" (v. 39) after the wonders done in those forty years. And not
   only so, but just the contrary: "but thrust him from them, and in their
   hearts turned back again into Egypt. Saying unto Aaron, Make us gods to
   go before us; for as for this Moses, which brought us out of the land
   of Egypt, we wot not what is become of him. And they made a calf in
   those days, and offered sacrifice unto the idol, and rejoiced in the
   works of their own hands. Then God turned, and gave them up to worship
   the host of heaven; as it is written in the book of the Prophets, O ye
   house of Israel, have ye offered to me slain beasts and sacrifices by
   the space of forty years in the wilderness? Yea, ye took up the
   tabernacle of Moloch, and the star of your god Remphan, figures which
   ye made to worship them: and I will carry you away beyond Babylon." (v.
   40, 43.) The expression, "gave them up," means, He suffered. "Our
   fathers had the tabernacle of witness in the wilderness, as he had
   appointed, speaking unto Moses, that he should make it according to the
   fashion he had seen." (v. 44.) Even when there was a Tabernacle, yet
   there were no sacrifices. "Did ye offer unto Me slain beasts and
   sacrifices?" (Amos v. 25.) There was "the tabernacle of witness," and
   yet it profited them nothing, but they were consumed. But neither
   before, nor afterwards, did the miracles profit them aught. "Which
   also, our fathers that came after brought in." Seest thou, how the holy
   place is there wherever God may be? For to this end also he says, "in
   the wilderness," to compare place with place. Then the benefit
   (conferred upon them): And our fathers that came after brought it in
   with Jesus into the possession of the Gentiles, whom God drave out
   before the face of our fathers, unto the days of David; who found favor
   before God, and desired to find a tabernacle for the God of Jacob. (v.
   45, 46.) David "desired to find favor:" and he builded not, he, the
   wonderful, the great; but the castaway, Solomon. "But Solomon," it
   says, "built Him an house. Howbeit the Most High dwelleth not in
   (places) made with hands." (v. 47-50.) This was shown indeed already by
   what had been before said: but it is shown also by the voice of a
   prophet; "What house will ye build for Me? saith the Lord God. As saith
   the prophet, Heaven is my throne, and earth is my footstool: what house
   will ye build for me? saith the Lord: or what is the place of my rest?
   Hath not my hand made all these things?" (Is. lxvi. 1, 2.)

   Marvel not, he says, if they on whom Christ confers His benefits refuse
   His kingdom, seeing in the case of Moses it was just the same.
   (Recapitulation). "He brought them out;" and rescued them not in a
   general way, but also while they were in the wilderness. "Wonders and
   signs," etc. (v. 35-50.) Do you mark that they themselves (Stephen's
   hearers) are concerned in those old miracles also? "This is that
   Moses:" (v. 37) he, that conversed with God; he, that had been saved
   out of situations so strange and wonderful; he, that wrought so great
   works, and had so great power. ["Which said unto the children of
   Israel, A prophet," etc.] He shows, that the prophecy must by all means
   be fulfilled, and that Moses is not opposed to Him. [386] "This is he
   that was in the Church in the wilderness, and, that said unto the
   children of Israel." (v. 38.) Do you mark that thence comes the root,
   and that "salvation is from the Jews?" (John iv. 22.) "With the Angel,"
   it says, "which spake unto him." (Rom. xi. 16.) Lo, again he affirms
   that it was He (Christ) that gave the Law, seeing Moses was with "Him"
   in the Church in the wilderness. [387] And here he puts them in mind of
   a great marvel, of the things done in the Mount: "Who received living
   oracles to give unto us." On all occasions Moses is wonderful, and (so)
   when need was to legislate. What means the expression, "Living oracles"
   (logia)? Those, whereof the end was shown by words (dia logon): in
   other words, he means the prophecies. [388] Then follows the charge, in
   the first instance, against the patriarchs [after], the "signs and
   wonders," after the receiving of the "lively oracles: To whom," he
   says, "our fathers would not obey." (v. 39.) But concerning those,
   Ezekiel says that they are not "living;" as when he says, "And I gave
   you statutes that are not good." (Ezek. xx. 25.) It is with reference
   to those that he says, "Living. But thrust him from them, and in their
   hearts turned back to Egypt"--the place where they groaned, where they
   cried, whence they called upon God. "And said unto Aaron, Make us gods
   which shall go before us." (v. 40.) O the folly! "Make," say they;
   "that they may go before us." Whither? "Into Egypt." [389] See how hard
   they were to tear away from the customs of Egypt! What sayest thou?
   What, not wait for him that brought thee out, but flee the benefit, and
   deny the Benefactor? And mark how insulting they are: "For as for this
   Moses," they say:--"which brought us out of the land of Egypt" nowhere
   the name of God: instead of that, they ascribed all to Moses. Where
   [390] they ought to give thanks (to God), they bring Moses forward:
   where it was, to do as the Law bade them, they no longer make account
   of Moses. "We know not what is become of him." And yet he told them
   that he was going up to receive the Law: and they had not patience to
   wait forty days. "Make us gods"--they [391] did not say, "a God."--And
   yet one may well wonder at this, that they do not even know.--"And they
   made a calf in those days, and offered sacrifices unto the idol, and
   rejoiced in the works of their own hands" (v. 41): for which they ought
   to have hid their faces. What wonder that ye know not Christ, seeing ye
   knew not Moses, and God Who was manifested by such wonders? But they
   not only knew Him not: they also insulted in another way, by their idol
   making. "Then God turned, and gave them up to worship the host of
   heaven" (v. 42.) Hence these same "customs" date their origin, hence
   the sacrifices: they were themselves the first that made sacrifices to
   their idols! For that is why it is marked, [392] "They made a calf in
   Horeb, and offered sacrifices to the idol:" seeing that, before this
   the name of sacrifice is nowhere mentioned, but only lively ordinances,
   and "lively oracles. And rejoiced"--that is the reason for the feasts.
   (Exod. xxxii. 5, 6.) "As it is written in the Book of the
   Prophets"--and observe, he does not cite the text without a purpose,
   but shows by it that there is no need of sacrifices; saying: "Did ye
   offer slain beasts and sacrifice to Me?"--He lays an emphasis on this
   word (to Me?). "Ye cannot say that it was from sacrificing to Me, that
   ye proceeded to sacrifice to them:--"by the space of forty years:" and
   this too, "in the wilderness," where He had most signally shown Himself
   their Protector. "Yea, ye took up the tabernacle of Moloch, and the
   star of your god Remphan: images which ye made to worship them." [393]
   The cause of sacrifices! "And I will carry you away beyond Babylon."
   (v. 43.) Even the captivity, an impeachment of their wickedness! "But a
   Tabernacle," say you, "there was (the Tabernacle) of Witness.'" (v.
   44.) (Yes,) this is why it was: that they should have God for Witness:
   this was all. "According to the fashion," it says, "that was shown thee
   on the mount:" so [394] that on the mount was the Original. And this
   Tabernacle, moreover, "in the wilderness," was carried about, and not
   locally fixed. And he calls it, "Tabernacle of witness:" i.e. (for
   witness) of the miracles, of the statutes. [395] This is the reason why
   both it and those (the fathers) had no Temple. "As He had appointed,
   that spake unto Moses, that he should make it according to the fashion
   that he had seen." Again, it was none other than He (Christ) that gave
   the fashion itself. "Until the days of David" (v. 45): and there was no
   temple! And yet the Gentiles also had been driven out: for that is why
   he mentions this: "Whom God drave out," he says, "before the face of
   our fathers. Whom He drave out," he says: and even then, no Temple! And
   so many wonders, and no mention of a Temple! So that, although first
   there is a Tabernacle, yet nowhere a Temple. "Until the days of David,"
   he says: even David, and no Temple! "And he sought to find favor before
   God" (v. 46): and built not:--so far was the Temple from being a great
   matter! "But Solomon built Him an house." (v. 47.) They thought Solomon
   was great: but that he was not better than his father, nay not even
   equal to him, is manifest. "Howbeit the Most High dwelleth not in
   temples made with hands; as saith the prophet, Heaven is My throne, and
   earth is My footstool." (v. 48, 49.) Nay, not even these are worthy of
   God, forasmuch as they are made, seeing they are creatures, the works
   of His hand. See how he leads them on by little and little (showing)
   that not even these are to be mentioned. And again the prophecy says
   openly, "What house will ye build Me?" etc. (v. 50.)

   What is the reason that at this point he speaks in the tone of
   invective (kataphorikhos)? Great was his boldness of speech, when at
   the point to die: for in fact I think he knew that this was the case.
   "Ye stiffnecked," he says, "and uncircumcised in heart and ears." This
   also is from the prophets: nothing is of himself. "Ye do always resist
   the Holy Ghost: as your fathers did, so do ye." (v. 51.) When it was
   not His will that sacrifices should be, ye sacrifice: when it is His
   will, then again ye do not sacrifice: when He would not give you
   commandments, ye drew them to you: when ye got them, ye neglected them.
   Again, when the Temple stood, ye worshipped idols: when it is His will
   to be worshipped without a Temple, ye do the opposite. Observe, he says
   not, "Ye resist God," but, "the Spirit:" so far was he from knowing any
   difference between Them. And, what is greater: "As your fathers did,"
   he says, "so do ye." Thus also did Christ (reproach them), forasmuch as
   they were always boasting much of their fathers. "Which of the prophets
   have not your fathers persecuted? and they have slain them which showed
   before of the coming of the Just One:" he still says, "the Just One,"
   wishing to check them: "of Whom ye have been now the betrayers and
   murderers"--two charges he lays against them [396] --"who have received
   the Law by the disposition of Angels, and have not kept it." (v. 52.)
   How, "By the disposition of Angels?" Some say (The Law), disposed by
   Angels; or, put into his hand by the Angel Who appeared to him in the
   bush; for was He man? No wonder that He [397] who wrought those works,
   should also have wrought these. [398] "Ye slew them who preached of
   Him," much more Himself. He shows them disobedient both to God, and to
   Angels, and the Prophets, and the Spirit, and to all: as also Scripture
   saith elsewhere: "Lord, they have slain Thy Prophets, and thrown down
   Thine altars." (1 Kings xix. 10.) They, then, stand up for the Law, and
   say, "He blasphemeth against Moses:" he shows, therefore, that it is
   they who blaspheme, and that (their blasphemy is not only against
   Moses, but) against God; shows that "they" from the very beginning have
   been doing this: that "they" have themselves destroyed their "customs,"
   that there is no need of these: that while accusing him, and saying
   that he opposed Moses, they themselves were opposing the Spirit: and
   not merely opposing, but with murder added to it: and that they had
   their enmity all along from the very beginning. Seest thou, that he
   shows them to be acting in opposition both to Moses and to all others,
   and not keeping the Law? And yet Moses had said, "A Prophet shall the
   Lord raise up unto you: and the rest also told of this (Christ) that He
   would come: and the prophet again said, "What house will ye build Me?"
   and again, "Did ye offer to Me slain beasts and sacrifices" those
   "forty years?" (Deut. xviii. 18.)

   Such is the boldness of speech of a man bearing the Cross. Let us then
   also imitate this: though it be not a time of war, yet it is always the
   time for boldness of speech. For, "I spake," says one, "in Thy
   testimonies before kings, and was not ashamed." (Ps. cxix. 46.) If we
   chance to be among heathens, let us thus stop their mouths. without
   wrath, without harshness. (Comp. Hom. in 1 Cor. iv. S:6; xxxiii. S:4,
   5; Col. xi. S:2.) For if we do it with wrath, it no longer seems to be
   the boldness (of one who is confident of his cause,) but passion: but
   if with gentleness, this is boldness indeed. For [399] in one and the
   same thing success and failure cannot possibly go together. The
   boldness is a success: the anger is a failure. Therefore, if we are to
   have boldness, we must be clean from wrath that none may impute our
   words to that. No matter how just your words may be, when you speak
   with anger, you ruin all: no matter how boldly you speak, how fairly
   reprove, or what not. See this man, how free from passion as he
   discourses to them! For he did not abuse them: he did but remind them
   of the words of the Prophets. For, to show you that it was not anger,
   at the very moment he was suffering evil at their hands, he prayed,
   saying, "Lay not to their charge this sin." So far was he from speaking
   these words in anger; no, he spake in grief and sorrow for their sakes.
   As indeed this is why it speaks of his appearance, that "they saw his
   face as it had been the face of an angel," on purpose that they might
   believe. Let us then be clean from wrath. The Holy Spirit dwelleth not
   where wrath is: cursed is the wrathful. It cannot be that aught
   wholesome should approach, where wrath goes forth. For as in a storm at
   sea, great is the tumult, loud the clamor, and then would be no time
   for lessons of wisdom (philosophhein): so neither in wrath. If the soul
   is to be in a condition either to say, or to be disciplined to, aught
   of philosophy, it must first be in the haven. Seest thou not how, when
   we wish to converse on matters of serious import, we look out for
   places free from noise, where all is stillness, all calm, that we may
   not be put out and discomposed? But if noise from without discomposes,
   much more disturbance from within. Whether one pray, to no purpose does
   he pray "with wrath and disputings:" (1 Tim. ii. 8) whether he speak,
   he will only make himself ridiculous: whether he hold his peace, so
   again it will be even then: whether he eat, he is hurt even then:
   whether he drink, or whether he drink not; whether he sit, or stand, or
   walk; whether he sleep: for even in their dreams such fancies haunt
   them. For what is there in such men that is not disagreeable? Eyes
   unsightly, mouth distorted, limbs agitated and swollen, tongue foul and
   sparing no man, mind distraught, gestures uncomely: much to disgust.
   Mark the eyes of demoniacs, and those of drunkards and madmen; in what
   do they differ from each other? Is not the whole madness? For what
   though it be but for the moment? The madman too is possessed for the
   moment: but what is worse than this? And they are not ashamed at that
   excuse; "I knew not (saith one) what I said." And how came it that thou
   didst not know this, thou the rational man, thou that hast the gift of
   reason, on purpose that thou mayest not act the part of the creatures
   without reason, just like a wild horse, hurried away by rage and
   passion? In truth, the very excuse is criminal. For thou oughtest to
   have known what thou saidst. "It was the passion," say you, "that spoke
   the words, not I." How should it be that? For passion has no power,
   except it get it from you. You might as well say, "It was my hand that
   inflicted the wounds, not I." What occasion, think you, most needs
   wrath? would you not say, war and battle? But even then, if anything is
   done with wrath, the whole is spoiled and undone. For of all men, those
   who fight had best not be enraged: of all men, those had best not be
   enraged, who want to hurt (tous hubrizontas). And how is it possible to
   fight then? you will ask. With reason, with self-command (epieikei&
   139;): since fighting is, to stand in opposition. Seest thou not that
   even these (common) wars are regulated by definite law, and order, and
   times? For wrath is nothing but an irrational impulse: and an
   irrational creature cannot possibly perform aught rational. For
   instance, the man here spoke such words, and did it without passion.
   And Elias said," How long will ye halt on both your knees?" (1 Kings
   xviii. 21) and spake it not in passion. And Phinees slew, and did it
   without passion. For passion suffers not a man to see, but, just as in
   a night-battle, it leads him, with eyes blindfolded and ears stopped
   up, where it will. Then let us rid ourselves of this demon, at its
   first beginning let us quell it, let us put the sign of the Cross on
   our breast, as it were a curb. Wrath is a shameless dog: but let it
   learn to hear the law. If there be in a sheep-fold a dog so savage as
   not to obey the command of the shepherd, nor to know his voice, all is
   lost and ruined. He is kept along with the sheep: but if he makes a
   meal on the sheep, he is useless, and is put to death. If he has learnt
   to obey thee, feed thy dog: he is useful when it is against the wolves,
   against robbers, and against the captain of the robbers that he barks,
   not against the sheep, not against friends. If he does not obey he
   ruins all: if he learns not to mind thee, he destroys all. The mildness
   in thee let not wrath consume, but let it guard it, and feed it up. And
   it will guard it, that it may feed in much security, if it destroy
   wicked and evil thoughts, if it chase away the devil from every side.
   So is gentleness preserved, when evil works are nowhere admitted: so we
   become worthy of respect, when we learn not to be shameless. For
   nothing renders a man so shameless, as an evil conscience. Why are
   harlots without shame? Why are virgins shamefaced? Is it not from their
   sin that the former, from their chastity that the latter, are such? For
   nothing makes a person so shameless, as sin. "And yet on the contrary,"
   say you, "it puts to shame." Yes; him who condemns himself: but him
   that is past blushing, it renders even more reckless: for desperation
   makes daring. For "the wicked," saith the Scripture, "when he is come
   into the depths of evils, despiseth." (Prov. xviii. 3.) But he that is
   shameless, will also be reckless, and he that is reckless, will be
   daring.

   See in what way gentleness is destroyed, when evil thoughts gnaw at it.
   This is why there is such a dog, barking mightily: we have also sling
   and stone (ye know what I mean): we have also spear and enclosure and
   cattle-fold: let us guard our thoughts unhurt. If the dog be gentle
   (saine) with the sheep, but savage against those without, and keep
   vigilant watch, this is the excellence of a dog: and, be he ever so
   famished, not to devour the sheep; be he ever so full, not to spare the
   wolves. Such too is anger meant to be: however provoked, not to forsake
   gentleness; however at quiet, to be on the alert against evil thoughts:
   to acknowledge the friend, and not for any beating forsake him, and for
   all his caressing, to fly at the intruder. The devil uses caressing
   full oft: let [400] the dog know at sight that he is an intruder. So
   also let us caress (sainomen) Virtue, though she put us to pain, and
   show our aversion to Vice, though she give us pleasure. Let us not be
   worse than the dogs, which, even when whipped and throttled, do not
   desert their master: but if [401] the stranger also feed them, even so
   they do hurt. There are times when anger is useful; but this is when it
   barks against strangers. What means it, "Whosoever is angry with his
   brother without a cause?" (Matt. v. 22.) It means, Stand not up in
   thine own quarrel, neither avenge thyself: if thou see another
   suffering deadly wrong, stretch out thy hand to help him. This is no
   longer passion, when thou art clear of all feeling for thyself alone.
   David had gotten Saul into his power, and was not moved by passion, did
   not thrust the spear into him, the enemy he had in his power; but took
   his revenge upon the Devil. (1 Sam. xxvi. 7.) Moses, when he saw a
   stranger doing an injury, even slew him (Exod. ii. 22): but when one of
   his own people, he did not so: them that were brethren he would have
   reconciled; the others not so. That "most meek" (Num. xii. 3) Moses, as
   Scripture witnesseth of him, see how he was roused! But not so, we: on
   the contrary, where we ought to show meekness, no wild beast so fierce
   as we: but where we ought to be roused, none so dull and sluggish.
   (Hom. vi. de laud. Pauli, ad fin.) On no occasion do we use our
   faculties to the purpose they were meant for: and therefore it is that
   our life is spent to no purpose. For even in the case of implements; if
   one use them, one instead of other, all is spoilt: if one take his
   sword, and then, where he should use it and cut with it, uses only his
   hand, he does no good: again, where he should use his hand, by taking
   the sword in hand he spoils all. In like manner also the physician, if
   where he ought to cut, he cuts not, and where he ought not, he does
   cut, mars all. Wherefore, I beseech you, let us use the thing (tho
   pragmati) at its proper time. The proper time for anger is never, where
   we move in our own quarrel: but if it is our duty to correct others,
   then is the time to use it, that we may by force deliver others. (Hom.
   in Matt. xvi. S:7.) So shall we both be like unto God, always keeping a
   spirit free from wrath, and shall attain unto the good things that are
   to come, through the grace and loving-kindness of our Lord Jesus
   Christ, with whom, to the Father and the Holy Ghost together, be glory,
   dominion, and honor, now and evermore, world without end. Amen.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [386] Here the innovator, not perceiving that the renewed exposition
   began above, inserts the formula 'All' idomen anothen ta eiremena, and
   then has: "This, it says, is Moses, which said, A Prophet, etc. To
   this, I suppose, Christ refers, when He says, Salvation is of the
   Jews,' hinting at Himself. This is he that was in the wilderness, with
   the Angel that spake unto him. Lo, again he shows, that it was He,"
   etc. So Edd.

   [387] The meaning of v. 38 is that Moses became (genomenos) a mediator
   between God (represented by the Angel) and the people. Cf. Gal. iii. 19
   where the law is said to have been "ordained through angels, by the
   hand of a mediator" (Moses). No mention is made of angels as revealers
   of the law in Exodus xix. the first mention of angels in connection
   with the giving of the law being in a highly poetic passage in Moses'
   benediction, Deut. xxxiii. 2. (Even here the Heb. text is uncertain.
   Cf. the lxx. in loco). The function of angels in the giving of the law
   has a prominent place in later Jewish theology as opposed to the action
   of mere human ministers. The New Testament notices on the subject
   reflect this later phase of thought (Cf. Acts vii. 53; Heb. ii. 2). See
   Lightfoot on Gal. ii. 19.--G.B.S.

   [388] By logia zonta are meant living oracles in the sense of
   operative, effectual, as Jesus affirmed his words to be "spirit and
   life" (John vi. 63). They contain vital truth. The law was indeed
   "weak" (Rom. viii. 3) but it was so "through the flesh," i.e. human
   sinfulness. It was not inherently weak but was so relatively to the
   great power of sin in man which needed to be overcome.--G.B.S.

   [389] It is not probable that this passage (v. 39, 40) means that the
   people proposed to return to Egypt (as Chrys.). In the O.T. the
   constant representation is that the golden calf (or bull) was
   worshipped as the image of the divinity who had led them out of Egypt
   (Ex. xxxii. 4; 1 Kings xii. 28). It seems clearly implied in Ezek. xx.
   7, 8, 24, that the Israelites while in Egypt had been much addicted to
   the idolatry of the country. The meaning here is that, being
   discouraged and disappointed on account of Moses' continued absence in
   the mount, they were ready to transfer their allegiance from Jehovah to
   some of the divinities to whose worship they had previously been
   accustomed. The worship of cattle was especially common, as of Apis at
   Memphis and Mnevis at Heliopolis.--G.B.S.

   [390] Entha men eucharistein edei, A, B, C. D. F., but N. and Cat.
   acharistein.--E. Kai enpha men autous acharistein en. Edd. euch.

   [391] This clause, omitted by A. B. C , is preserved by N. and the
   Catena. The calf was one, yet they called it Gods: on which St. Chrys.
   remarks elsewhere, that they added polytheism to idolatry.--The next
   sentence may perhaps be completed thus: "that they did not even know
   that there is One God."--Edd. from E.F.D. "So frantic are they, that
   they know not what they say."

   [392] dia gar touto episemainetai. The meaning is: Stephen was accused
   of speaking against "the customs,"--sacrifices, temple, feasts, etc.
   Therefore he significantly points to that critical conjuncture from
   which these "customs" date their introduction: namely, the Provocation
   at Horeb. Prior to that, he tells of "living oracles," life-giving
   precepts: after it, and as its consequence, sacrifices, etc., those
   statutes which were not good, and ordinances by which a man shall not
   live, as God says by Ezekiel. Not a word of sacrifice till then: and
   the first mention is, of the sacrifices offered to the calf. In like
   manner, "they rejoiced," "the people ate and drank, and rose up to
   play:" and in consequence of this, the feasts were prescribed: kai
   euphrainonto, phesin; dia touto kai heortai.--'Episemainetai might be
   rendered, "he marks," "puts a mark upon it" (so the innovator, who
   substitutes, touto kai Dauid episemainomenos legei): we take it
   passively, "there is a mark set over it--it is emphatically denoted."
   In the active, the verb taken intransitively means "to betoken or
   announce itself," "make its first appearance."--In the Treatise adv.
   Judaeos, iv. S:6. tom. i. 624. C. St. Chrysostom gives this account of
   the legal sacrifices: "To what purpose unto Me is the multitude of your
   sacrifices? etc. (Isaiah i. 11, ff.) Do ye hear how it is most plainly
   declared, that God did not from the first require these at your hands?
   Had He required them, He would have obliged those famous saints who
   were before the Law to observe this practice. Then wherefore has He
   permitted it now?' In condescension to your infirmity. As a physician
   in his treatment of a delirious patient, etc.: thus did God likewise.
   For seeing them so frantic in their lust for sacrifices, that they were
   ready, unless they got them, to desert to idols: nay not only ready,
   but that they had already deserted, thereupon He permitted sacrifices.
   And that this is the reason, is clear from the order of events. After
   the feast which they made to the demons, then it was that He permitted
   sacrifices: all but saying: Ye are mad, and will needs sacrifice: well
   then, at any rate sacrifice to Me.'"--(What follows may serve to
   illustrate the brief remark a little further on, Kai he aichmalosia
   kategoria tes kakias.) "But even this, He did not permit to continue to
   the end, but by a most wise method, withdrew them from it...For He did
   not permit it to be done in any place of the whole world, but in
   Jerusalem only. Anon, when for a short time they had sacrificed, he
   destroyed the city. Had He openly said, Desist, they, such was their
   insane passion for sacrificing, would not readily have complied. But
   now perforce, the place being taken away, He secretly withdrew them
   from their frenzy." So here: "Even the captivity impeaches the
   wickedness (which was the cause of the permission of sacrifice.")

   [393] Our passage here follows the lxx. which speaks of Moloch and
   Remphan. The terms in the original (vid. R.V.: Amos v. 25-27) are
   "Siccuth" and "Chiun." It is a disputed point whether these are in the
   prophecy names of divinities or whether they mean respectively
   "tabernacle" and "shrine" (or image). The difficulty lies in the
   ambiguity of the Hebrew text. The name Moloch being akin to the Hebrew
   word for king (mlk), confusion might easily arise. The N.T. text varies
   from the lxx. only in adding the word proskunein (43) to lay emphasis
   upon the charge of idolatry, and in replacing Damascus by Babylon (43),
   an interpretation from the standpoint of subsequent history. The
   statement of our text that the Israelites fell into the worship of
   these divinities in the wilderness rests upon extra-Pentateuchal
   tradition, derived, perhaps, from such prohibitions of Moloch-worship
   and similar idolatries as are found in Lev. xviii. 21, and Deut. xviii.
   10. The charge in the prophecy of Amos is a general one referring to
   the frequent lapses of the people into image-worship down to his own
   time.--G.B.S.

   [394] hoste en to orei he hupographe gegone. In the following
   sentences, there are numerous variations in Edd. from the old text, but
   they do not materially affect the sense, and certainly do not improve
   it.

   [395] The expression here used--he skene tou marturiou is the constant
   but inexact lxx. translation of 'hl mvd "tent of meeting"--i.e. the
   tent where God met the people. From a misunderstanding of the etymology
   of mvd (it being taken from vd to witness, instead of from yd to
   assemble) it was translated by marturion--a rendering which has
   occasioned frequent misunderstanding. Marturion is rightly used in the
   lxx. to render dvt (from vd) in Exod. xxv. 22; Num. ix. 15.--G.B.S.

   [396] E. F. D. Edd. add, "that they knew (Him) not, and that they
   murdered (Him):" but the meaning is, that they betrayed, and that they
   murdered: or, as below, Their fathers slew the Prophets, and they, Him
   Whom they preached.

   [397] ton ekeina poiesanta, A. B. C. N. Cat. i.e. that Christ, Who, as
   the Angel, did those works, etc. The modern text tous ek. poiesantas:
   that those who did those wickednesses, etc.: and so OEc. seems to have
   taken it: "If ye killed them who preached Him to come, no wonder that
   ye kill Me," etc.--Below, for Hoi toinun antipoiountai tou nomou, kai
   elegon, A. B. N. (N. corrected houtoi nun) have Ou toinun k. t. l. and
   A. legontes: "Therefore they claim not the Law (on their side),
   saying," etc.

   [398] 'Angelon (53) cannot refer (as Chrys.) to the Jehovah-angel of
   the bush. It refers to angels as the mediators in the giving of the
   law, an idea which appears in the lxx., the N.T. elsewhere (Gal. iii.
   19; Heb. ii. 2) and is prominent in later Jewish theology (Cf.
   Josephus, Ant. XV. v. 3) Vid. note *, p. 107.--G.B.S.

   [399] Ou gar dunatai homou kai kata tauton (kat' auton A. C. and N.
   originally) kai katorthoma einai kai elattoma. E parresia, katorthoma;
   ho thumos, elattoma.

   [400] Edd. from E. Sainei ho diabolos pollakis hos ho kuon, alla gnoto
   pas hoti. "The devil fawns full oft as the dog, but let every man know
   that," etc. A. B. C. N. hos ho kuon eideto (ideto Ch.) hoti. We restore
   the true reading by omitting hos. "The dog" is anger: the devil sainei,
   not as the dog, but upon the dog, as the allotrios in the preceding
   sentence. "Let our faithful watch-dog see at once that he is an
   intruder." In the following sentence the image is so far incongruous,
   as sainomen here has a different reference: viz. "as the dog fawns upon
   the friend though beaten, so let us," etc.

   [401] an de autous kai trephe ho allotrios kai houto blaptousin (A.
   blapsousin). The antithesis seems to require the sense to be, "While,
   if the stranger even feed them, for all that, they do him a mischief."
   But the words trephe and blaptousin are scarcely suitable in the sense,
   trophen dido and lumainontai. Edd. have from E. alone, pos ou mallon
   blapsousin; in the sense, "If however the stranger (not merely caresses
   but) also (regularly) feeds them, how shall they not do more hurt (than
   good)?" i.e. "If the devil be suffered to pamper our anger, that which
   should have been our safeguard will prove a bane to us."--Perhaps this
   is the sense intended in the old reading; but if so, kai houto is
   unsuitable.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Homily XVIII.

   Acts VII. 54

   "When they heard these things, they were cut to "the heart, and they
   gnashed on him with their teeth."

   See, [402] once more, the wrong-doers in trouble. Just as the Jews are
   perplexed, saying, "What are we to do with these men?" so these also
   are "cut to the heart." (ch. iv. 16.) And yet it was he that had good
   right to be incensed, who, having done no wrong, was treated like a
   criminal, and was spitefully calumniated. But the calumniators had the
   worst of it in the end. So true is that saying, which I am ever
   repeating, "Ill to do, is ill to fare." And yet he (in his charges
   against them) resorted to no calumny, but proved (what he said). So
   sure are we, when we are shamefully borne down in a matter wherein we
   have a clear conscience, to be none the worse for it.--"If [403] they
   desired," say you, "to kill him, how was it that they did not take
   occasion, out of what he said, that they might kill him?" They would
   fain have a fair-seeming plea to put upon their outrage. "Well then,
   was not the insulting them a fair plea?" It was not his doing, if they
   were insulted: it was the Prophet's accusation of them. And besides,
   they did not wish it to look as if they killed him because of what he
   had said against them--just as they acted in the case of Christ; no,
   but for impiety: now [404] this word of his was the expression of
   piety. Wherefore, as they attempted, besides killing him, to hurt his
   reputation also, "they were cut to the heart." For they were afraid
   lest he should on the contrary become an object of even greater
   reverence. Therefore, just what they did in Christ's case, the same
   they do here also. For as He said, "Ye shall see the Son of Man sitting
   on the right hand of God" (Matt. xxvi. 64), and they, calling it
   blasphemy, "ran upon Him;" just so was it here. There, they "rent their
   garments;" here, they "stopped their ears. But he, being full of the
   Holy Ghost, looked up steadfastly into heaven, and saw the glory of
   God, and Jesus standing on the right hand of God, and said, Behold I
   see the heavens opened, and the Son of Man standing on the right hand
   of God. Then they cried out with a loud voice, and stopped their ears,
   and ran upon him with one accord, and cast him out of the city, and
   stoned him." (v. 55-58.) And yet, if he lied, they ought to have
   thought him beside himself, and to have let him go.--But he wished to
   bring them over, "and said, Behold," etc., for, since he had spoken of
   Christ's death, and had said nothing of His resurrection, he would fain
   add this doctrine also. "Standing at the right hand of God." And in
   this manner He appeared to him: [405] that, were it but so, the Jews
   might receive Him: for since the (idea of His) sitting (at the right
   hand of God) was offensive to them, for the present he brings forward
   only what relates to His Resurrection. This is the reason also why his
   face was glorified. For God, being merciful, desired to make their
   machinations the means of recalling them unto Himself. And see, how
   many signs are wrought! "And cast him out of the city, and stoned him."
   Here again, "without the city," and even in death, Confession and
   Preaching. (Heb. xiii. 21.) "And the witnesses laid down their clothes
   at a young man's feet, whose name was Saul. And they stoned Stephen,
   calling [406] upon God, and saying, Lord Jesus, receive my spirit." (v.
   59.) This is meant to show them that he is not perishing, and to teach
   them. "And he knelt down, and cried with a loud voice, Lord, lay not
   this sin to their charge." (v. 60.) To clear himself, and show that
   neither were his former words prompted by passion, he says, "Lord" "lay
   not this sin to their charge": wishing also even in this way to win
   them over. For to show that he forgave their wrath and rage in
   murdering him, and that his own soul was free from all passion, was the
   way to make his saying to be favorably received.

   "And Saul was consenting unto his death." Hereupon arises a
   persecution, and it becomes a great one. "And at that time there was a
   great persecution against the Church which was at Jerusalem. And they
   were all scattered abroad throughout the regions of Judea and Samaria,
   except the Apostles." (ch. viii. 1.) Mark how once more God permits
   temptations to arise; mark, and well observe, how the events are
   ordered by Divine Providence. They were admired because of the signs:
   being scourged, they were none the worse for it: (some) were ordained
   in the matter of the widows [407] : the word increased: once more, God
   permits a great hindrance to arise. And a persecution of no ordinary
   kind ["and they were all scattered," etc.]; for they feared their
   enemies, now become more daring: and at the same time it is shown that
   they were but men, these that were afraid, that fled. For, that thou
   mayest not say after these things that [408] by grace alone they
   effected (what they did), they were also persecuted, and themselves
   became more timorous, while their adversaries were more daring. "And
   were all scattered abroad," it says, "except the Apostles." But this
   was divinely ordered, so that they should no longer all sit there in
   Jerusalem. "And devout men," it says, "carried Stephen to his burial,
   and made great lamentation over him." (v. 2.) If they were "devout,"
   why did they "make great lamentation over him?" They were not yet
   perfect. The man was gracious and amiable: this also shows that they
   were men--not their fear alone, but their grief and lamentation. Who
   would not have wept to see that mild, that lamb-like person stoned, and
   lying dead? [409] Fit eulogy to be spoken over his grave has the
   Evangelist recorded, in this one speech, "Lay not this sin to their
   charge."--"And made," he says, "great lamentation over him."--But let
   us look over again what has been said.

   He [410] mentions the cause of his (angelic) appearance
   (Recapitulation, vii. 54; viii. 2.); "But he, being full of the Holy
   Ghost, looked up steadfastly into heaven, and saw the glory of God, and
   Jesus standing on the right hand of God." And when he said, "I see the
   heavens opened, they stopped their ears, and ran upon him with one
   accord." (v. 56, 57.) And yet in what respect are these things
   deserving of accusation? "Upon him," the man who has wrought such
   miracles, the man who has prevailed over all in speech, the man who can
   hold such discourse! As if they had got the very thing they wanted,
   they straightway give full scope to their rage. "And the witnesses," he
   says, "laid down their clothes at the feet of a young man, whose name
   was Saul." (v. 58.) Observe how particularly he relates what concerns
   Paul, to show thee that the Power which wrought in him was of God. But
   after all these things, not only did he not believe, but also aimed at
   Him with a thousand hands: for this is why it says, "And Saul was
   consenting unto his death."--And this blessed man does not simply pray,
   but does it with earnestness: "having kneeled down." Mark his divine
   death! So long [411] only the Lord permitted the soul to remain in him.
   "And having said this, he fell asleep." (v. 60.)--"And they were all
   scattered abroad throughout the region of Judea and Samaria. (ch. viii.
   1.) And now without scruple they had intercourse with Samaria, whereas
   it had been said to them, "Go not into the way of the Gentiles" "and
   into any city of the Samaritans enter ye not." (Matt. x. 5.) "Except
   the Apostles," it says: they, in this way also, wishing to win the
   Jews,--but not to leave the city,--and to be the means of inspiring
   others with boldness.

   "As for Saul, he made havoc of the Church, entering into every house,
   and haling men and women committed them to prison." (v. 3.) Great was
   his frenzy: that he was alone, that he even entered into houses: for
   indeed he was ready to give his life for the Law. "Haling," it says,
   "men and women:" mark both the confidence, and the violence, and the
   frenzy. All that fell into his hands, he put to all manner of
   ill-treatment: for in consequence of the recent murder, he was become
   more daring. "Therefore they that were scattered abroad went everywhere
   preaching the word. Then Philip went down to the city of Samaria, and
   preached Christ unto them. And the people with one accord gave heed
   unto those things which Philip spake, hearing and seeing the miracles
   which he did. For unclean spirits, crying with loud voice, came out of
   many that were possessed with them: and many taken with palsies, and
   that were lame, were healed. And there was great joy in that city. But
   there was a certain man, called Simon, which before time in the same
   city used sorcery, and bewitched the people of Samaria." (v. 4-9.)
   Observe [412] another trial, this affair of Simon. "Giving out," it
   says, "that he was himself some great one. To whom they all gave heed,
   from the least to the greatest, saying, This man is the great power of
   God. And to him they had regard, because that of long time he had
   bewitched them with sorceries. But when they believed Philip preaching
   the things concerning the kingdom of God, and the name of Jesus Christ,
   they were baptized, both men and women. Then Simon himself believed
   also: and when he was baptized, he continued with Philip, and wondered,
   beholding the miracles and signs which were done. Now when the Apostles
   which were at Jerusalem heard that Samaria had received the word of
   God, they sent unto them Peter and John: who, when they were come down,
   prayed for them, that they might receive the Holy Ghost." (v. 10-15.)
   And (yet) great signs had been done: how then had they not received the
   Spirit? They had received the Spirit, namely, of remission of sins: but
   the Spirit of miracles they had not received. "For as yet He was fallen
   upon none of them: only they were baptized in the name of the Lord
   Jesus. Then laid they their hands on them, and they received the Holy
   Ghost." (v. 16, 17.) For, to show that this was the case, and that it
   was the Spirit of miracles they had not received, observe how, having
   seen the result, Simon came and asked for this. "And when Simon saw
   that through laying on of the Apostles' hands the Holy Ghost was given,
   he offered them money, saying, Give me also this power, that on
   whomsoever I lay hands, he may receive the Holy Ghost." (v. 18, 19.)

   "The [413] persecution," say you, "gained strength." True, but at that
   very time to men possessed before (by a hostile power) it brought
   deliverance. For it planted the miracles like a stronghold, in the
   heart of the enemy's country.--Not even the death of Stephen quenched
   their rage, nay, increased it rather: it scattered wide the teachers,
   so that the greater became the discipleship.--"And there was joy." And
   yet there had been "great lamentation:" true; but mark again the
   good--"Of a long time" was the malady, but this man brought them
   deliverance.--And how came he to baptize Simon also? Just as Christ
   chose Judas.--And "beholding the signs" which he did, forasmuch as the
   others did not receive the (power of working) signs, he durst not ask
   for it.--How was it then that they did not strike him dead, as they did
   Ananias and Sapphira? Because even in the old times, he that gathered
   sticks (on the sabbath-day) was put to death as a warning to others
   (Num. xv. 32) and in no other instance did any suffer the same fate. So
   too on the present occasion, "Peter said to him, Thy money perish,
   because thou hast imagined that the gift of God is to be purchased with
   money."--(v. 20.) Why had not these received the Holy Ghost, when
   baptized? Either because Philip kept this honor for the Apostles; or,
   because he had not this gift (to impart); or, he was one of the Seven:
   which is rather to be said. Whence, I take it, this Philip was one of
   the Apostles. [414] But observe; those went not forth: it was
   Providentially ordered that these should go forth and those be lacking,
   because of the Holy Ghost: for they had received power to work
   miracles, but not also to impart the Spirit to others: this was the
   prerogative of the Apostles. And observe (how they sent) the chief
   ones: not any others, but Peter [and John [415] ]. "And when Simon," it
   says, "saw that through laying on of the Apostles' hands the Holy Ghost
   was given." He would not have said, "And having seen," [416] unless
   there had been some sensible manifestation. [417] "Then laid they their
   hands on them," etc. Just as Paul also did, when they spake with
   tongues. (ch. xix. 6.) Observe the execrable conduct of Simon. "He
   offered money," with what object? And yet he did not see Peter doing
   this for money. And it was not of ignorance that he acted thus; it was
   because he would tempt them, because he wished to get matter of
   accusation against them. And therefore also Peter says, "Thou hast no
   part nor lot in this matter, for thine heart is not right before God
   "because thou hast thought," etc. (v. 21.) Once more he brings to light
   what was in the thoughts, because Simon thought to escape detection.
   "Repent therefore of this thy wickedness and pray God, if perhaps the
   thought of thine heart may be forgiven thee. For I perceive the bond of
   inquity. Then answered Simon, and said, Pray ye to the Lord for me,
   that none of these things which ye have spoken come upon me." (v.
   22-24.) Even this [418] he did only formally, as words of course, when
   he ought to have wept and mourned as a penitent. "If perchance it may
   be forgiven thee." Not as though it would not have been pardoned, had
   he wept, but this is the manner of the Prophet also, to denounce
   absolutely, (apagoreuein) and not to say, "Howbeit, if thou do this,
   thy sin shall be forgiven," but that in any wise the punishment shall
   take effect.

   (a) "Therefore they that were scattered abroad, went everywhere,
   preaching the word." But [419] I would have thee admire how even in a
   season of calamity they neglected not the preaching. "Hearing and
   seeing the miracles which he did." (Recapitulation, v. 4-6.) Just as in
   the case of Moses by contrast (with the magicians) the miracles were
   evident miracles, so here also. There was magic, and so these signs
   were manifest. (b) "For unclean spirits came out of many that were
   possessed with them" (v. 7); for this was a manifest miracle:--not as
   the magicians did: for the other (Simon), it is likely, bound (men with
   spells);--"and many," it says, "that were palsied and lame were
   healed." There was no deceit here: for it needed but that they should
   walk and work. "And to him they all gave heed, saying, This (man) is
   the Power of God." (v. 10.) And that was fulfilled which was spoken by
   Christ, "There shall come false Christs and false Prophets in My
   name."--(Matt. xxiv. 24.) "And to him they had regard, because that of
   long time he had bewitched them with sorceries." (v. 11.) (a) And yet
   there ought to have been not one demoniac there, seeing that of a long
   time he had been bewitching them with sorceries: but if there were many
   demoniacs, many palsied, these pretences were not truth. But Philip
   here by his word also won them over, discoursing concerning the kingdom
   of Christ. (v. 12.) "And Simon," it says, "being baptized, continued
   with Philip (v. 13): not for faith's sake, but in order that he might
   become such (as he). (b) But why did they not correct him instantly?
   They were content with his condemning himself. For this too belonged to
   their work of teaching (thes didaskalias). But [420] when he had not
   power to resist, he plays the hypocrite, just as did the magicians, who
   said, "This is the finger of God." And indeed that he might not be
   driven away again, therefore he "continued with Philip," and did not
   part from him. "And when the Apostles which were at Jerusalem," etc.
   (v. 13, 14.) See how many things are brought about by God's Providence
   through the death of Stephen! (a) "But they," it says, "having come
   down, prayed for them that they might receive the Holy Ghost: for as
   yet He was fallen upon none of them. Then laid they their hands upon
   them, and they received the Holy Ghost." (v. 15-17.) Seest thou that it
   was not to be done in any ordinary manner, but it needed great power to
   give the Holy Ghost? For it is not all one, to obtain remission of
   sins, and to receive such a power. (b) By degrees it is, that those
   receive the gift. It was a twofold sign: both the giving to those, and
   the not giving to this man. [421] Whereas then this man ought, on the
   contrary, to have asked to receive the Holy Ghost, he, because he cared
   not for this, asks power to give It to others. And yet those received
   not this power to give: but this man wished to be more illustrious than
   Philip, he being among the disciples! (a) "He offered them money." (v.
   18, 19.) What? had he seen the others doing this? had he seen Philip?
   Did he imagine they did not know with what mind he came to them? (b)
   "Thy money with thee to perdition" (v. 20): since thou hast not used it
   as it ought to be used. These are not words of imprecation, but of
   chastisement. "To thee," he says, be it (to thee): being such. As if
   one should say, Let it perish along with thy purpose. Hast thou so mean
   conceptions of the gift of God, that thou hast imagined it to be
   altogether a thing of man? It is not this. (a) Wherefore also Peter
   well calls the affair a gift: "Thou hast thought that the gift of God
   may be purchased with money." Dost thou observe how on all occasions
   they are clean from money? "For thine heart is not right in the sight
   of God." (v. 21.) Dost thou see how he does all of malice? To be
   simple, however, was the thing needed. (b) For had it been done with
   simplicity, [422] he would have even welcomed his willing mind. Seest
   thou that to have mean conceptions of great things is to sin doubly?
   Accordingly, two things he bids him: "Repent and pray, if haply the
   thought of thine heart may be forgiven thee." (v. 22.) Seest thou it
   was a wicked thought he had entertained? Therefore he says, "If haply
   it may be forgiven thee:" because he knew him to be incorrigible. (a)
   "For I perceive that thou art in the gall of bitterness, and in the
   bond of iniquity." (v. 23.) Words of exceeding wrath! But otherwise he
   did not punish him: that faith may not thereafter be of compulsion;
   that the matter may not seem to be carried ruthlessly; that he may
   introduce the subject of repentance: or also, because it suffices for
   correction to have convicted him, to have told him what was in his
   heart, to have brought him to confess himself overcome (hoti e&
   128;lo). For that he says, "Pray ye for me," is a confession that he
   has done wrong. Observe him, [423] what a miscreant he is; when he was
   convicted, then he believed: when again he was convicted, then he
   became humble. [424] "Seeing [425] his miracles," ["he was amazed," and
   came over.] He thought to be able to escape detection: he thought the
   thing was an art: but when he had not power to defeat (helhein) the
   Apostles, * * *. (b) Again, he fears the multitude, and is afraid to
   deny it; and yet he might have said, "I did not know: I did it in
   simplicity: but he was struck with dismay first by the former
   circumstance, that he was overcome (hoti e& 128;lo), by the miracles
   and secondly by this, that his thoughts are made manifest. Therefore he
   now takes himself a long wayoff, to Rome, thinking the Apostle would
   not soon come there.

   "And they, when they had testified, and preached the word of the Lord,
   returned to Jerusalem. (v. 25.) "Testified," probably because of him
   (Simon), that they may not be deceived; that thenceforth they may be
   safe. "Having preached," it says, "the word of the Lord, they returned
   to Jerusalem." Why do they go thither again where was the tyranny of
   the bad, where were those most bent upon killing them? Just as generals
   do in wars, they occupy that part of the scene of war which is most
   distressed. "And preached the Gospel in many villages of the
   Samaritans." Observe them again, how they do not (proegoumenos) of set
   purpose come to Samaria, but driven by stress of persecution, just as
   it was in the case of Christ; and how when the Apostles go thither, it
   is to men now believers, no longer Samaritans. "But when the Apostles,"
   it says, "which were at Jerusalem heard this, they sent unto them Peter
   and John. Sent" them, again, to rid them of magic. And [426] besides,
   (the Lord) had given them a pattern at the time when the Samaritans
   believed. "And in many villages," it says, "of the Samaritans, they
   preached the Gospel." (John iv. 39.) Observe how actively employed even
   their journeys were, how they do nothing without a purpose. [427]

   Such travels should we also make. And why do I speak of travels? Many
   possess villages and lands, and give themselves no concern, nor make
   any account of this. That baths may be provided, their revenues
   increased, courts and buildings erected, for this they take plenty of
   pains: but for the husbandry of souls, not so. When you see
   thorns--answer me--you cut them up, you burn, you utterly destroy them,
   to rid your land of the hurt thence arising. And seest thou the
   laborers themselves overrun with thorns, and dost not cut them up, and
   art thou not afraid of the Owner Who shall call thee to account? For
   ought not each individual believer to build a Church, to get a Teacher,
   to cooperate (sunai; resthai) (with him), to make this above all his
   object, that all may be Christians? Say, how is it likely thy laborer
   should be a Christian, when he sees thee so regardless of his
   salvation? Thou canst not work miracles, and so convert (peisai) him.
   By the means which are in thy power, convert him; by kindness, by good
   offices, by gentleness, by courting (kolakei& 139;) him, by all other
   means. Market-places, indeed, and baths, the most do provide; but no
   Churches: nay, sooner everything than this! Wherefore I beseech and
   implore, as a favor I entreat, yea as a law I lay it down, that there
   be no estate to be seen destitute of a Church. [428] Tell not me, There
   is one hard by; there is one in the neighboring properties; the expense
   is great, the income not great. If thou have anything to expend upon
   the poor, expend it there: better there than here. Maintain a Teacher,
   maintain a Deacon, and a sacerdotal body complete. As by a bride,
   whether a wife whom thou takest, or a daughter whom thou givest in
   marriage, [429] so act by the Church: give her a dowry. So shall thy
   estate be filled with blessing. For what shall not be there of all that
   is good? Is it a small thing, tell me, that thy wine-press should be
   blessed; [430] a small thing, tell me, that of thy fruits God is the
   first to taste, and that the first fruits are there (with Him)? And
   then even for the peace of the laboring people this is profitable. Then
   as one whom they must respect, there will be the presbyter among them
   and this will contribute to the security of the estate. There will be
   constant prayers there through thee [431] (infra, note 1, p. 119) hymns
   and Communions through thee; the Oblation on each Lord's Day. For only
   consider what a praise it will be, that, whereas others have built
   splendid tombs, to have it said hereafter: "Such a one built this,"
   thou hast reared Churches! Bethink thee that even until the coming of
   Christ thou shalt have thy reward, who hast reared up the altars of
   God.

   Suppose an Emperor had ordered thee to build an house that he might
   lodge there, wouldest thou not have done everything to please him? And
   here now it is palace of Christ, the Church, the Church which thou
   buildest. Look not at the cost, but calculate the profit. Thy people
   yonder cultivate thy field: cultivate thou their souls: they bring to
   thee thy fruits, raise thou them to heaven. He that makes the beginning
   is the cause of all the rest: and thou wilt be the cause that the
   people are brought under Christian teaching (katechoumenon) both there,
   and in the neighboring estates. Your baths do but make the peasants
   less hardy, your taverns give them a taste for luxury, and yet you
   provide these for credit's sake. Your markets and fairs, (panegureis)
   on the other hand, promote [432] covetousness. But think now what a
   thing it would be to see a presbyter, the moving picture of Abraham,
   gray-headed, girded up, digging and working with his own hands? What
   more pleasant than such a field! Their virtue thrives. No intemperance
   there, nay, it is driven away: no drunkenness and wantonness, nay, it
   is cast out: no vanity, nay, it is extinguished. All benevolent tempers
   shine out the brighter through the simplicity of manners. How pleasant
   to go forth and enter into the House of God, and to know that one built
   it himself: to fling himself on his back in his litter, and [433] after
   the bodily benefit of his pleasant airing, be present both at the
   evening and the morning hymns, have the priest as a guest at his table,
   in associating with him enjoy his benediction, see others also coming
   thither! This is a wall for his field, this its security. This is the
   field of which it is said, "The smell of a full field which the Lord
   hath blessed." (Gen. xxvii. 27.) If, even without this, the country is
   pleasant, because it is so quiet, so free from distraction of business,
   what will it not be when this is added to it? The country with a Church
   is like the Paradise of God. No clamor there, no turmoil, no enemies at
   variance, no heresies: there you shall see all friends, holding the
   same doctrines in common. The very quiet shall lead thee to higher
   views, and receiving thee thus prepared by philosophy, the presbyter
   shall give thee an excellent cure. For here, whatever we may speak, the
   noise of the market drives it all out: but there, what thou shalt hear,
   thou wilt keep fixed in thy mind. Thou wilt be quite another man in the
   country through him: and moreover to the people there he will be
   director, he will watch over them both by his presence and by his
   influence in forming their manners. And what, I ask, would be the cost?
   Make for a beginning a small house (en taxei nahou) to serve as temple.
   Thy successor will build a porch, his successor will make other
   additions, and the whole shall be put to thy account. Thou givest
   little, and receivest the reward for the whole. At any rate, make a
   beginning: lay a foundation. Exhort one another, vie one with another
   in this matter. But now, where there is straw and grain and such like
   to be stored, you make no difficulty of building: but for a place where
   the fruits of souls may be gathered in, we bestow not a thought; and
   the people are forced to go miles and miles, and to make long journeys,
   that they may get to Church! Think, how good it is, when with all
   quietness the priest presents himself in the Church, that he may draw
   near unto God, and say prayers for the village, day by day, and for its
   owner! Say, is it a small matter, that even in the Holy Oblations
   evermore thy name is included in the prayers, and that for the village
   day by day prayers are made unto God?--How greatly this profits thee
   for all else! It chances [434] that certain (great) persons dwell in
   the neighborhood, and have overseers: now to thee, being poor, one of
   them will not deign even to pay a visit: but the presbyter, it is
   likely, he will invite, and make him sit at his table. How much good
   results from this! The village will in the first place be free from all
   evil suspicion. None will charge it with murder, with theft: none will
   suspect anything of the kind.--They have also another comfort, if
   sickness befall, if death.--Then again the friendships formed there by
   people as they go side by side (to and from the Church) are not struck
   up at random and promiscuously: and the meetings there are far more
   pleasant than those which take place in marts and fairs. The people
   themselves also will be more respectable, because of their presbyter.
   How is it you hear that Jerusalem was had in honor in the old times
   above all other cities? Why was this? Because of the then prevailing
   religion. Therefore it is that where God is honored, there is nothing
   evil: as, on the contrary, where He is not honored, there is nothing
   good. It will be great security both with God and with men. Only, I
   beseech you, that ye be not remiss: only may you put your hand to this
   work. For if he who brings out "the precious from the vile," shall be
   "as the mouth of God" (Jer. xv. 19); he who benefits and recovers so
   many souls, both that now are and that shall be even until the coming
   of Christ, what favor shall not that person reap from God! Raise thou a
   garrison against the devil: for that is what the Church is. Thence as
   from headquarters let the hands go forth to work: first let the people
   hold them up for prayers, and then go their way to work. So shall there
   be vigor of body; so shall the tillage be abundant; so shall all evil
   be kept aloof. It is not possible to represent in words the pleasure
   thence arising, until it be realized. Look not to this, that it brings
   in no revenue: if [435] thou do it at all in this spirit, then do it
   not at all; if thou account not the revenue thou gettest thence greater
   than from the whole estate beside; if thou be not thus affected, then
   let it alone; if thou do not account this work to stand thee more in
   stead than any work beside. What can be greater than this revenue, the
   gathering in of souls into the threshing-floor which is in heaven!
   Alas, that ye know not how much it is, to gain souls! Hear what Christ
   says to Peter, "Feed My sheep." (John xxi. 15-17.) If, seeing the
   emperor's sheep, or herd of horses, by reason of having no fold or
   stable, exposed to depredation, thou wert to take them in hand, and
   build a fold or stables, or also provide a shepherd or herdsman to take
   charge of them, what would not the emperor do for thee in return? Now,
   thou gatherest the flock of Christ, and puttest a shepherd over them,
   and thinkest thou it is no great gain thou art earning? But, if for
   offending even one, a man shall incur so great a punishment, how can he
   that saves so many, ever be punished? What sin will he have
   thenceforth? for, though he have it, does not this blot it out? From
   the punishment threatened to him that offends, learn the reward of him
   that saves. Were not the salvation of even one soul a matter of great
   importance, to offend would not move God to so great anger. Knowing
   these things, let us apply ourselves forthwith to this spiritual work.
   And let each invite me, and we will together help to the best of our
   ability. If there be three joint-owners, let them do it by each bearing
   his part: if but one, he will induce the others also that are near.
   Only be earnest to effect this, I beseech you, that in every way being
   well-pleasing unto God, we may attain unto the eternal blessings, by
   the grace and mercy of our Lord Jesus Christ with Whom to the Father
   and the Holy Ghost together be glory, dominion, and honor, now and ever
   world without end. Amen.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [402] In our mss. the Homily opens abruptly with the question, Pos ouk
   elabon ek ton eiremenon aphormen eis to [me Cat.] anelein auton; which
   is left unanswered, till some way further on. See note 2.--Montf.
   notes, "Unus, eisto me anelein." But this reading does not appear in
   any of our mss. though the Catena has it. Edd. from E, have; "How it
   was that they did not take occasion from what he had said to kill him,
   but are still mad, and seek an accusation, one may well wonder. So ever
   in trouble are the wrong-doers. Just then as the chief priests, in
   their perplexity, said," etc. F. D. adopting part of this addition,
   "but are still mad, and seek an accusation. See once more," etc.

   [403] ouden paschomen. Kai eboulonto, phesin (om. D. F.) anelein auton.
   (as if these words were part of the sacred text. Then) Prophasin ('Alla
   proph. D. F.) ethelon eulogon k. t. l. A. B. C. D. F. The modern text
   substitutes, 'Eboulonto men oun anelein; all' ou poiousi touto, aitian
   thelontes eulogon k. t. l.--OEcumenius, however, begins his comment
   thus: Ei eboulonto anelein, pos ouk aneilon eutheos tote;Oti prophasin
   eulogon k. t. l. Hence we restore the true reading, and the proper
   order. Namely, for Kai we read Ei, and transpose to this place, as part
   of the interlocution, the question pos ouk elabon--; So, the phesin is
   explained, the question is followed by its answer, and there is no
   abruptness.

   [404] touto de eusebeias en to rh& 210;ma. i.e. all that Stephen had
   spoken in accusation of their wickedness, especially v. 51-53, was the
   language of piety, of a devout man zealous for the honor of God: they
   could not say, "This is impious;" and they were waiting to catch at
   something which might enable them to cry out, "He blasphemeth:" and,
   disappointed of this, they were cut to the heart.--Below Ben. retains
   (from E. alone) me palin kainon ti peri auton allo genetai, though
   Savile had restored the genuine reading me palin aidesimoteros genetai.
   They had desired to injure his reputation for sanctity, and now feared
   that his speech would have the opposite result.

   [405] Edd. from E. houto de auto legei phanenai, hos pou diexeisin,
   hina kan houto dexontai ton logon. "And Stephen describes Christ as
   appearing to Him in this manner, as one somewhere relates at large, in
   order that," etc.: meaning, that he might have said "sitting at the
   right hand," but forbears to do this, because it was offensive to the
   Jews, and accordingly teos peri tes anastaseos kinei logon, kai phesin
   auton histasthai. The clause hos pou diexeisin seems to have been
   intended by the innovator, not as part of the text, but as a gloss, "as
   is somewhere shown at large." But what Chrys. says is, that Christ was
   pleased to appear in this attitude to Stephen for the sake of the Jews,
   in order, etc.--Hom. vi. in Ascens. (Cat. in 1,) he says, "Why
   standing, and not sitting? To show that He is in act to succor His
   martyr. For thus it is said also of the Father, Stand up, O God, and,
   Now will I stand up, saith the Lord, I will set him in
   safety.'"--Below, Dia touto k. t. l. Comp. de Mundi Creat. Hom. ii. t.
   vi. 447. C. "Why did He cause the face of Stephen to shine? Because he
   was to be stoned as a blasphemer for saying Behold,' etc., therefore
   God, forestalling this, crowned his face with angelic beauty, to show
   those thankless ones, that if he were a blasphemer, he would not have
   been thus glorified." But E. (Edd.) apo toutou stochazomai dedox. "I
   conjecture that it was from this vision (Erasm. from this time: Ben.
   hence) that his face was glorified." In the next sentence, Edd. from E.
   di hon epebouleuonto ekeinoi, di auton ebouleto autous ekkalesasthai,
   ei kai meden pleon egeneto. Kai ekbalontes k. t. l. "by means of the
   very machinations wherewith those were assailed He desired to call (the
   doers) themselves to Himself, even if nothing more had been done."

   [406] A. E. N. Cat. omit the ton Theon.

   [407] katestesan epi ton cheron, A. C. N. Sav. cheiron, Cat. choron, B.
   D. E. F. Morel. Ben. versati sunt in regionibus, Erasm. constituti sunt
   per regiones, Ben.

   [408] hoti te chariti monon katorthoun. Or, "that by grace they only
   succeeded," i.e. always, without failure.

   [409] Chrys. seems to assume that andres eulabeis refers to Christian
   men, a view that has been taken by some modern expositors (as Ewald and
   DeWette). It is better to understand by the term, pious Jews who were
   favorably disposed to Christianity (So Meyer, Olshausen, Lechler,
   Lange, Gloag, Hackett). The usage of eulabes in the N.T. favors this
   view as it is applied to devout persons who were not Christians (vid.
   ii. 5; Luke ii. 25) in every case, except in xxii. 12when it refers to
   Ananias, a Christian, but is used in describing him in a legal point of
   view: eulabes kata ton nomon. Moreover, if Christians had been meant,
   they would not probably have been designated by so vague a term, but,
   as uniformly, would have been called disciples or brethren. The burial
   of Stephen by devout Jews recalls the burial of Jesus by Joseph of
   Arimathaea and Nicodemus (John xix. 38, 39).--G.B.S.

   [410] Ten aitian tes opseos phesin. B. C. Sav. marg. meaning, That his
   face was as the face of an angel was caused by the glory of Christ
   which he now beholds. The modern text omits this, having said the same
   thing above in the words apo toutou, see note 4, p. 112.

   [411] Ben. after Morel. from E. without notice of the true reading (A.
   B. C. N. Cat.), received by Savile, has: Othen theios autou kai ho
   thanatos gegone. Mechri gar toutou sunkechoreto tais psuchais en to
   hade einai. (The latter part is adopted also by D. F.) "Whence also his
   death became divine. For until this time it had been granted to the
   souls to be in Hades." This comment is derived from St. Cyril. Al. from
   whom the Catena cites: "Since we are justified by faith in Him....He
   hath wrought a new thing for us, to meketi men eis hadou trechein tas
   ton somaton apallattomenas psuchas katha kai proen, pempesthai de
   mallon eis cheiras Theou zontos: that our souls, on their deliverance
   from our bodies, no longer as aforetime haste into Hades, but are
   conveyed into the hands of the Living God. And knowing this, Saint
   Stephen said, "Lord Jesus receive my spirit." OEcumen, repeats this,
   almost in the same words.

   [412] In the old text, v. 4-10, are given continuously, and v. 11-19;
   between them the brief comments which we have restored to their proper
   places, viz. here and after v. 15: and after v. 19, the comment which
   we have placed after v. 17. In the modern text, the first comment
   (omitting legon einai k. t. l.) is placed after v. 10; in the second,
   the words, kai semeia megala egeneto, are omitted; the rest is given
   after v. 19.

   [413] The modern text E. F. D. Edd. "But although the persecution then
   most gained strength, nevertheless God again delivered them,
   epiteichisas autois ta semeia. Stephen's death, however, did not quench
   their rage, nay, increased it rather, wherefore also the teachers, etc.
   But observe again how good things take their turn with them, and how
   they are in joy. For there was great joy,' it says, in that city.' And
   yet there had also been great lamentation.' Thus is God ever wont to
   do, and to temper things grievous with things joyful, that He may be
   more held in admiration. But of a long time had this disease been upon
   Simon; wherefore not even thus is he rid of it." But in the genuine
   text, (A. B. C. N. Cat. ad. v. 15-17, and 3, 4.) the subject to
   exeileto and epeteichise is not Theos, but diogmos: and the persons
   delivered are not the disciples, but the Samaritans, described as
   prokatechomenoi, viz. under the influence of Simon's sorceries. In the
   last sentence, the meaning is entirely mistaken: for the nosema is the
   infatuation of the Samaritans, not the wickedness of
   Simon.--'Epeteichise gar autois ta semeia can hardly be rendered
   without an awkward periphrasis: epiteich. ti tini, a phrase frequently
   used by St. Chrys., means to raise up something against a person as an
   epiteichisma, (as Decelea in Attica against the Athenians in the
   Peloponnesian war:) see Mr. Field's Index to Hom. in Matt.

   [414] So A. B. C. N. Cat. Of the Edd., Savile alone retains this
   clause, the rest follow the mod. text, which rejects it. And indeed it
   can hardly be doubted, that St. Chrys. himself would have expunged, or
   altered this statement, had he revised these Homilies: for in the next
   Hom. he shows that the Philip of vv. 26 ff. was certainly not the
   Apostle, but probably one of the seven deacons. The fact seems to be,
   that having had no occasion until now to discuss this question, he had
   assumed (as others had done before him) that the Philip of the Eunuch's
   history was the Apostle of that name: thus in Hom. ad Gen. xxxv. S:2
   (delivered but a few years before), he takes this for granted. Here,
   however, he perceives that the Philip who preached at Samaria could not
   be the Apostle: but at present he is still under the impression, that
   the person by whom the Eunuch was converted was St. Philip the Apostle,
   and accordingly speaks as in the text, "This Philip, I take it, was one
   of the Seven; he of the story of the Eunuch was one of the Apostles."
   Of course it was impossible on a review of the circumstances to rest in
   this conclusion; and in the very beginning of the next Homily he
   tacitly revokes the notion here advanced, and points out how the
   command, "Arise, and go to the south," must have been addressed to
   Philip in Samaria (the deacon), and not Philip the Apostle in
   Jerusalem. (See the note there.) The early writers frequently confound
   the Philip of this chapter (the deacon and evangelist, Acts xxi. 9,
   with the Apostle: Polycrates ap. Eus. H. E. iii. 30, and v. 24, (see
   Vales and Heinichen on the former passage.) Const. Apol. vi. 7. S.
   Clementine Strom. iii. p. 192. Comp. St. Augustin Serm. 266. S:5.--S.
   Isadore of Pelusium, Ep. 448, in reply to a correspondent who was not
   satisfied with his statement (Ep. 447), that "Philip who baptized the
   Eunuch and catechized Simon was not the Apostle, but one of the Seven,"
   and requested proof from Scripture ('Epeide kai marturian zeteis
   graphiken....'Epeide pollon apodeixeon eras,) bids him observe, ch.
   viii. 1. that the Apostles remained at Jerusalem: that Philip the
   Apostle would have been competent to impart the gift of the Spirit: and
   further suggests, that Philip the deacon, fleeing from the persecution,
   was on his way through Samaria to Caesarea his native place, (where we
   afterwards find him xxi. 9), when these events befell, viz. the
   preaching, etc., at Samaria, and the conversion of the Eunuch.--In the
   next sentence, ekeinoi (i.e. the Apostles) ouk exeesan; okonomethe
   toutous (i.e. Philip the deacon and others) exelthein; kai ekeinous
   (the Apostles) husteresai: "should come after," or rather, "should be
   lacking, be behindhand, not be forthcoming (at the time):" but Cat. kai
   ekeinous heteros, "and those (the Apostles) otherwise."--The modern
   text, after "next to Stephen," proceeds thus: "Wherefore also, when
   baptizing, he did not impart the Spirit to the baptized, for neither
   had he authority to do so, since the gift belonged only to the Twelve.
   But observe; those went not forth; it was Providentially ordered that
   these should go forth, ohi kai husteroun tes charitos dia to mepo
   labein Pn. & 169;A., who were deficient in the grace because they had
   not yet received the Holy Ghost. For they received power, etc.
   Consequently, this was the prerogative of the Apostles."

   [415] Kai hora tous koruphaious ouk allous tinas alla Petron. B. C. D.
   F. N. Cat. but A. adds, seemingly from a marginal gloss, kai 'Ioannen
   men, "and John, however," E. (Edd.) hothen kai tous kor. ouk allous
   tinas estin idein touto poiountas. "Whence also the leaders, not any
   others, are to be seen doing this."

   [416] Ouk an de eipen, A. B. D. F. ouk an didotai tote eipen, C. ouk an
   eiden, Cat. Sav. marg. idenN. Read, ouk an "idon de" eipen.--E. ouk an
   houtos eipen.

   [417] Chrys. appropriately remarks that the word idon (18) implies that
   there were visible manifestations connected with the gifts of the
   Spirit here spoken of. This would seem to show that when it said (16)
   that the Holy Spirit had not fallen upon any of the Samaritans, that
   the ordinary influences of the Spirit which accompany conversion, were
   not referred to, but some special and miraculous endowments such as the
   gift of tongues, and of prophecy and perhaps of miracles were
   meant.--G.B.S.

   [418] Kai touto aphosiosei (monon add. D. F.) epoiei, deon klausai kai
   penthesai. Cat. aphosiomenos, l. aphosioumenos, "as a mere formal
   ceremony ominis causa."

   [419] What follows, to the end of the Exposition, has by some accident
   fallen into strange confusion. In the Translation we have endeavored to
   restore the proper order. In the first place it should be observed,
   that the portion beginning Hoi men diamarturamenoi, p. 148. D. Ben. and
   ending at hote proton episteusan, p. 149. A. consisting of about 20
   lines, is interchanged with the portion of about 25 lines, beginning
   Deon oun touton, and ending ekei tou apostolou, p 149, C. These being
   restored to their proper order, which is evident from the contents of
   the two portions, we have, to the end of the Recapitulation, two
   portions, dividing at ouk ischusen helein tous apostolous (existato,)
   p. 148, B. the former beginning with the exposition of v. 4, the second
   with v. 7, and both ending at v. 24. These, it may be supposed, are two
   several and successive expositions. But it will be seen on comparing
   them, that each in itself is often abrupt and incomplete, and that
   their parts fit into each other in a way which can hardly be
   accidental. It may also be remarked, that the length of each is the
   same; each containing about 46 lines. We have marked the order of the
   mss. and Edd. by the letters a, b, prefixed to the several parts.

   [420] This sentence alone seems still to be out of its place. 'Epeide
   de antistenai ouk ischusen k. t. l. might be very fitly inserted in the
   passage below, ending ouk isch. helein t. ap. which is otherwise
   mutilated: see the note there.

   [421] Between this and the following sentence the mss. and Edd. give
   the exposition of v. 25.

   [422] Ei gar meta apheleias egineto, kai kan F.) apedexato (apedexanto
   C. F.) autou ten prothumian. B. C. F. The preceding sentence from (a)
   is kai men aphele edei einai. The connection being lost, this passage
   was not understood, and A. omits it, B. F. N. read asphaleias, and E.
   D. substitute, "If however he had come (proselthen) as he ought to have
   come, he would have been received, he would not like a pest have been
   driven away."

   [423] Ora auton miaron onta. The modern text (Edd.) alters the sense:
   hora pos, kaitoi miaros on, homos. "See how, miscreant though he is,
   nevertheless, etc."

   [424] Simon believed (13) only in an intellectual sense, being
   impressed with wonder, rather than convinced of sin. So, now, it is
   fear of calamity and penalty, not repentance, which leads him to ask
   the apostles to pray for him.--G.B.S.

   [425] Theoron autou ta semeia, enomize dunasthai lanthanein; enomize
   technen einai to pragma; epeide de ouk ischusen idein (Sav. marg.
   helein) tous apostolous, existato kai proselthen. A. B. C. This, which
   is the conclusion of (a), is both corrupt and defective. He is
   enlarging upon the miaria of Simon's conduct, as shown in the preceding
   hote elenchthe....hote palin elenchthe: comp. the following sentence.
   It looks as if the sentence epeide de antistenai ouk ischusen k. t. l.
   must belong to this place. The reading helein t. ap. is probably the
   true one: hoti he& 128;lo is twice said of Simon. Perhaps the passage
   may be restored somewhat thus: "Seeing his miracles, he was amazed, and
   came over." He thought to escape detection, he thought the thing was an
   art: but when he had not power to resist, he plays the hypocrite, as
   the magicians did, who said, "This is the finger of God. Having seen
   the Apostles," (hence the reading idein t. ap.) how by laying on of
   hands etc.; again he thought it was an art, he thought to purchase it
   with money: but when he was not able to defeat the Apostles (as it was
   said above, "he wished to get matter of accusation against them,")
   again he plays the hypocrite, and says, "Pray ye for me. etc."--Edd.
   from E. "Seeing signs wrought he was amazed, showing that all was a lie
   (on his part). It is not said, Proselthen, but, 'Existato. And why did
   he not do the former at once? He thought to be able, etc. epeide de ouk
   ischuse lathein t. ap., proselthen."

   [426] allos de, kai tupon autois ededokei tote, hote hoi Samareitai
   episteusan. A. B. D. F. Sav. marg. But C. "to rid them of magic, to put
   them in mind of the doctrine which they learned from Christ when first
   they believed:" which reading is adopted by E. and Edd.

   [427] The preaching of Philip in Samaria was the first Gentile mission,
   for the Samaritans were a mixed people and were regarded as heathen by
   the Jews. An interesting concatenation of events took its rise in the
   bold preaching of Stephen. On the one side there proceeded from this
   the increased opposition of the Jewish nation and the sad calamity of
   the preacher's own death, but on the other there flowed from this
   opposition and the persecution which was consequent upon it great
   benefit. The Christians were indeed scattered abroad by ill-treatment,
   but with them went the gospel message, and the great work of heathen
   missions dated directly back to the martyrdom of Stephen. Christian
   history furnishes no more impressive illustration of the saying of
   Tertullian: "The blood of martyrs is seed."--G.B.S.

   [428] In St. Chrysostom's time, little had been done for the conversion
   and instruction of the peasantry: hence in the latter half of the
   fourth century paganus came to be as synonymous with "heathen." Even
   Christian proprietors neglected their duty in this regard, while they
   improved their properties, and swelled their revenues by great
   oppression of their tenants and laborers: see Hom. in Matt. xliii.,
   lxi. and at the same time connived at the practice of the old
   idolatries, for the sake of the dues accruing to them from the temples
   which still remained. Thus Zeno of Verona, Serm. xv. p. 120, complains:
   In praediis vestris fumantia undique sola fana non nostis, quae, si
   vera dicenda sunt, dissimulanda subtiliter custoditis. Jus templorum ne
   quis vobis eripiat, quotidie litigatis. The Christianity which was
   outwardly professed in the country parts was often for want of Churches
   and Clergy little more than nominal: and the heathen orator Libanius,
   in his Oratio pro Templis, addressed to the Emperor Theodosius, perhaps
   did not greatly exaggerate in the following description: "When you are
   told, that through this proceeding on your part (viz. the destruction
   of the Temples and suppression of the sacrifices) many are become
   Christians, you must not forget to distinguish between show and
   reality. They are not a whit changed from what they were before: they
   only say they are so. They resort indeed to public acts of religion,
   and mingle themselves with the general body of Christians. But when
   they have a show of praying, they invoke either none or the
   Gods."--Moreover, the country clergy were often themselves ill-taught
   and needing instruction. Thus Hom. in Col. (t. xi. p. 392) delivered at
   Constantinople, Chrys. says: "How much instruction is needed by your
   brethren in the country, and by their teachers (kai tous ekeinon
   didaskalous)!" Which perhaps was the result of a law passed a.d. 398,
   Cod. Theodos. xvi. tit. 2 l. 33 which enacted, that the clergy for the
   Churches founded on states, or in villages, should be from no other
   state or village, but that to which the Church pertained: and of these
   a certain number, at the discretion of the bishop, according to the
   extent of the village, etc.--On the other hand, Chrys. "on the
   Statues," Or, xix. t. ii. p. 189 dwells with much delight on the
   virtues and patriarchal simplicity of the rural clergy in Syria, and
   the Christian attainments of their people.

   [429] ^Osanei gunaika agagon e numphen, e thugatera, te 'Ekkl. houto
   diakeiso. Before thug., A. B. F. N. insert kai, E. alone dous, and so
   Edd. Perhaps we may read hosanei numphe, e gun. ag., e dous thug.

   [430] "The first-fruits of corn and of grapes, or wine were presented
   as oblations at the Altar, and the elements for the Holy Eucharist
   thence taken. See Can. Apost. ii. Cod. Afr. c. 37. Concil. Trull. c.
   28. In a Sermon of St. Chrys. on the Ascension, this peculiar usage is
   mentioned, that a handful of ears of corn in the beginning of harvest
   was brought to the Church, words of benediction spoken over them, and
   so the whole field was considered as blessed. Oper ginetai epi ton
   pedion ton stachuephoron, oligous tis stachuas labon, kai mikron dragma
   poiesas kai prosenenkon to Theo, dia tou mikrou pasan ten arouran
   eulogei; houto kai ho Christos k. t. l. (t. ii. 450. C.)" Neander.

   [431] dia se. Erasm. propter te, Ben. pro te, but this would be huper
   sou, as below where this benefit is mentioned, huper tou kektemenou.

   [432] aitiai pleonexias. Edd. from E. itamous; ta de entautha pan
   tounantion. "make them forward and impudent. But here all is just the
   reverse." Below, hos eikona badizonta tou 'Abr. in the sense above
   expressed, as if it had been badizousan. E. has eis for hos, "walking
   after the likeness:" and Sav. marg, eis oikon bad. meta ton 'Abr.
   "walking into his house after (the manner of) Abraham."

   [433] kai rh& 178;psai heauton huption kai meta ten ai& 240;ran ten
   somatiken kai luchnikois kai heothinois humnois paragenesthai. This
   passage has perplexed scribes and editors. Ai& 240;ra "a swing,
   swinging bed, hammock," or, as here, "litter," or rather, "a swinging
   in such a conveyance: after the swinging motion in his litter, pleasant
   and healthful for the body." The meaning is: "without fatigue, lying at
   his ease on his back, he is borne to Church in his litter, and after
   this wholesome enjoyment for the body, gets good for his soul, in
   attending at evening and morning prayer. Ben. seipsumque projicere
   supinum, et post illam corpoream quietem: as if it related to taking
   rest in his bed, which is inconsistent with the scope of the
   description. Erasmus, et quiescere "in villa" securum, et habere
   "deambulationem" servientem corpori, "to sleep securely in his villa,'
   and to take a walk' which is good for the body." Neander simply, und
   sich niederzuwerfen, "to prostrate himself," (viz. on entering the
   Church)--overlooking both huptionand ai& 240;ran som. Of the mss. A.,
   for kai rh& 178;psai k. t. l. substitutes, kai meta trophen som. "and
   after taking food for the body." C. ex corr. gives heoanfor ai&
   240;ran, F. horan, Sav. marg. "horanal. heoan:" both unmeaning: N. oran
   with two letters erased before it; and B. kai meta ten enaten horan tes
   somatikes metalabein trophes kai en luchn., "and after the ninth hour
   to partake of the food for the body, and to attend at evening and
   morning hymns:" quae lectio non spernenda videtur,' Ben. On the
   contrary, it is both needless and unsuitable, for the repast is
   mentioned afterwards. The "hymns" are the psalmos epiluchnios s.
   luchnikos, ad incensum lucernae, which was Psalm cxli. psalmos
   heothinos, Psalm lxiii. St. Chrysost. in Psalm cxl. and Constit. Apost.
   ii. 59, viii. 37.

   [434] Sumbainei tinas ek geitonon oikein kai epitropous echein. Sav.
   marg. legein. The meaning is not clearly expressed, but it seems to be
   this; "It chances that some important personage has an estate in your
   neighborhood, and occasionally resides there. His overseer informs him
   of your Church: he sends for your presbyter, invites him to his table,
   gains from him such information about your village, as he would never
   have acquired otherwise; for he thinks it beneath him even to call upon
   you. In this way, however, he learns that yours is a well-ordered
   village: and should any crime be committed in that part of the country
   by unknown persons no suspicion even will light upon your people; no
   troublesome inquisition will be held, no fine or penalty levied on your
   estate." The v. 1. legein cannot be the true reading, but something of
   this sort must be supplied: hoi kai legousin auto. It seems also that
   something is wanting between tinas and ek geit. e.g. tinas ek ton
   dunatoteron ek geit. oikein. 3 holos ei houto poieis me poieses. Ben.
   Si omnino id facias, ne facias tamen. Neander, Wenn du so handelst,
   wirst du nichts thun, as if it were ou poieseis.

   [435] holos ei houto poieis me poieses. Ben. Si omnino id facias, ne
   facias tamen. Neander, Wenn du so handelst, wirst du nichts thun, as if
   it were ou poieseis.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Homily XIX.

   Acts VIII. 26, 27

   "And the Angel of the Lord spake unto Philip, saying, arise and go
   toward the south unto the way that goeth down from Jerusalem unto Gaza,
   which is desert. And he arose and went."

   It seems to me, this [436] (Philip) was one of the seven; for from
   Jerusalem he would not have gone southwards, but to the north; but from
   Samaria it was "towards the south. The same is desert:" so that there
   is no fear of an attack from the Jews. And he did not ask, Wherefore?
   but "arose and went. And, behold," it says, "a man of Ethiopia, an
   eunuch of great authority under Candace, queen of the Ethiopians, who
   had the charge of all her treasure, and had come to Jerusalem for to
   worship, was returning, and sitting in his chariot read Esaias the
   prophet." (v. 27, 28.) High encomiums for the man, that he, residing in
   Ethiopia and beset with so much business, and when there was no
   festival going on, and living in that superstitious city, came "to
   Jerusalem for to worship." Great also is his studiousness, that even
   "sitting in his chariot he read. [437] And," it says, "the Spirit said
   unto Philip, Go near, and join thyself to this chariot. And Philip ran
   thither to him, and heard him reading the prophet Esaias, and said,
   Understandest thou what thou readest? And he said, How can I, except
   some man should guide me?" (v. 29-31.) Observe again his piety; that
   though he did not understand, he read, and then after reading,
   examines. "And he desired Philip that he would come up and sit with
   him. The place of the Scripture which he read was this, He was led as a
   sheep to the slaughter; and like a lamb dumb before his shearer, so
   opened He not His mouth: in His humiliation His judgment was taken
   away: and who shall declare His generation? for His life is taken from
   the earth. And the eunuch answered Philip, and said, I pray thee, of
   whom speaketh the prophet this? of himself, or of some other man? Then
   Philip opened his mouth, and began at the same Scripture, and preached
   unto him Jesus." (v. 32-35.) Observe how it is Providentially ordered.
   First he reads and does not understand; then he reads the very text in
   which was the Passion and the Resurrection and the Gift. "And as they
   went on their way, they came unto a certain water: and the eunuch said,
   See, here is water; what doth hinder me to be baptized?" (v. 36.) Mark
   the eager desire, mark [438] the exact knowledge. "And he commanded the
   chariot to stand still: and they went down both into the water, both
   Philip and the eunuch; and he baptized him. And when they were come up
   out of the water, the Spirit of the Lord caught away Philip, that the
   eunuch saw him no more: and he went on his way rejoicing." (v. 38, 39.)
   But why did the Spirit of the Lord bear him away? (Hereby) the
   occurrence was shown to be more wonderful. Even then, the eunuch did
   not know him. Consequently this was done, that Philip might afterwards
   be a subject of wonder to him. [439] "For," it says, "he went on his
   way rejoicing. But Philip was found at Azotus: and passing through he
   preached in all the cities, till he came to Caesarea." (v. 40.) This
   (Philip, therefore) was one of the seven; for there in fact he is
   afterwards found at Caesarea. It was well and expedient therefore that
   the Spirit caught Philip away; else the eunuch would have desired to go
   with him, [440] and Philip would have grieved him by declining to
   comply with his request, the time being not yet come. (a) But [441] at
   the same time here was an encouraging assurance for them that they
   shall also prevail over the heathen: for [442] indeed the high
   character (to axiopiston) of the (first) believers was enough to move
   them. If however the eunuch had stayed there, what fault could have
   been found? [But he knew him not]: for this is why it says, "he went on
   his way rejoicing:" so that had he known him, he would not have been
   (so) delighted.

   "And the Angel of the Lord," etc. (Recapitulation, v. 26.) (b) See
   Angels assisting the preaching, and not themselves preaching, but
   calling these (to the work). But the wonderful nature of the occurrence
   is shown also by this: that what of old was rare, and hardly done, here
   takes place with ease, [443] and see with what frequency! (c) "An
   eunuch," it says, "a man of great authority, under Candace, queen of
   the Ethiopians." [444] (v. 27.) For there women bore rule of old, and
   this was the law among them. Philip did not yet know for whose sake he
   had come into the desert: (d) but [445] what was there to hinder his
   learning all (these particulars) accurately, while in the chariot? "Was
   reading the prophet Esaias." (v. 28.) For the road was desert, and
   there was no display in the matter. Observe also at what time: in the
   most violent heat (of the day). (e) "And the Spirit said unto him." (v.
   29.) Not now the Angel [446] but the Spirit urges him. Why is this?
   "Then," the vision took place, in grosser form, through the Angel, for
   this is for them that are more of the body, but the Spirit is for the
   more spiritual. And how did He speak to him? Of course, suggested it to
   him. Why does not the Angel appear to the other, and bring him to
   Philip? Because it is likely he would not have been persuaded, but
   rather terrified. Observe the wisdom of Philip: he did not accuse him,
   not say, "I know these things exactly:" did not pay court to him, and
   say, "Blessed art thou that readest." But mark his speech, how far it
   is from harshness alike and from adulation; the speech rather of a kind
   and friendly man. "Understandest thou what thou readest?" (v. 30.) For
   it was needful that he should himself ask, himself have a longing
   desire. He plainly intimates, that he knows that the other knew
   nothing: and says, "Understandest thou what thou readest?" at the same
   time he shows him that great was the treasure that lay therein. It
   tells well also, that the eunuch looked not to the outward appearance
   (schhema) (of the man), said not, "Who art thou?" did not chide, not
   give himself airs, not say that he did know. On the contrary, he
   confesses his ignorance: wherefore also he learns. He shows his hurt to
   the physician: sees at a glance, that he both knows the matter, and is
   willing to teach. Look [447] how free he is from haughtiness; the
   outward appearance announced nothing splendid. So desirous was he of
   learning, and gave heed to his words; and that saying, "He that
   seeketh, findeth," (Matt. vii. 8.) was fulfilled in him. "And," it
   says, "he besought Philip, that he would come up and sit with him." (v.
   31.) Do you mark the eagerness, the longing desire? But should any say
   he ought to have waited for Philip (to speak), (the answer is), he does
   not know what is the matter: he could not in the least tell what the
   other was going to say to him, but supposed merely that he was about to
   receive some (lesson of) prophecy. And moreover, this was more
   respectful, that he did not draw him into his chariot, but besought
   him. "And Philip," we have read, "ran to him, and heard him reading;"
   even the fact of his running, showed [448] that he wished to say
   (something). "And the place," it says, "of the Scripture which he read
   was this: As a sheep He was led to the slaughter." [449] (v. 32.) And
   this circumstance, also, is a token of his elevated mind,
   (philosophias) that he had in hand this prophet, who is more sublime
   than all others. Philip does not relate matters to him just as it might
   happen, but quietly: nay, does not say anything until he is questioned.
   Both in the former instance he prayed him, and so he does now, saying,
   "I pray thee of whom speaketh the prophet this?" That [450] he should
   at all know either that the Prophets speak in different ways about
   different persons, or that they speak of themselves in another
   person--the question betokens a very thoughtful mind. [451] Let us be
   put to shame, both poor and rich, by this eunuch. Then, it says, "they
   came to a certain water, and he said, Lo, here is water." (v. 36.)
   Again, of his own accord he requests, saying, "What doth hinder me to
   be baptized?" And see again his modesty: he does not say, Baptize me,
   neither does he hold his peace; but he utters somewhat midway betwixt
   strong desire and reverent fear, saying, "What doth hinder me?" Do you
   observe that he has the doctrines (of faith) perfect? For indeed the
   Prophet had the whole, Incarnation, Passion, Resurrection, Ascension,
   Judgment to come. And if he shows exceeding earnestness of desire, do
   not marvel. Be ashamed, all ye as many as are unbaptized. "And," it
   says, "he commanded the chariot to stand still." (v. 38.) He spoke, and
   gave the order at the same moment, before hearing (Philip's answer).
   "And when they were come up out of the water, the Spirit of the Lord
   caught away Philip;" (v. 39) in order that the occurrence might be
   shown to be of God; that he might not consider it to be merely man.
   "And he went," it says, "on his way rejoicing." (P. 121, note 2.) This
   hints, that he would have been grieved had he known: for the greatness
   of his joy, having had the Spirit also vouchsafed to him, he did not
   even see things present--"But Philip was found at Azotus." (v. 40.)
   Great was the gain to Philip also:--that which he heard concerning the
   Prophets, concerning Habakkuk, concerning Ezekiel, and the rest, he saw
   done in his own person. (Bel. & Dr. v. 36; Ez. iii. 12.) Thence it
   appears that he went a long distance, seeing he "was found at Azotus."
   (The Spirit) set him there, where he was thenceforth to preach: "And
   passing through, he preached in all the cities, until he came to
   Caesarea."

   "And Saul, yet breathing out threatenings and slaughter against the
   disciples of the Lord, went unto the high priest, and desired of him
   letters to Damascus to the synagogues, that if he found any of this
   way, whether they were men or women, he might bring them bound unto
   Jerusalem." (ch. ix. 1, 2.) He fitly mentions Paul's zeal, and shows
   that in the very midst of his zeal he is drawn. "Yet breathing out
   threatenings and slaughter," and not yet sated with the murder of
   Stephen, he was not yet glutted with the persecution of the Church, and
   the dispersion. Lo, this was fulfilled which was spoken by Christ, that
   "they which kill you shall think they offer worship to God." (John xvi.
   2.) He then in this wise did it, not as the Jews: God forbid! For that
   he did it through zeal, is manifest from his going abroad even to
   strange cities: whereas they would not have cared even for those in
   Jerusalem; they were for one thing only, to enjoy honor. But why went
   he to Damascus? It was a great city, a royal city: he was afraid lest
   that should be preoccupied. And observe his strong desire and ardor
   (and), how strictly according to the Law he went to work: he goes not
   to the governor, but "to the priest. That if he found any of this way:"
   for so the believers were called, probably because of their taking the
   direct way that leads to heaven. And why did he not receive authority
   to have them punished there, but brings them to Jerusalem! He did these
   things here with more authority. And mark on what a peril he casts
   himself. He [452] was not afraid lest he should take any harm, but
   (yet) he took others also with him, "that if," it says, "he found any
   of this way, whether they were men or women"--Oh, the
   ruthlessness!--"he might bring them bound." By this journey of his, he
   wished to show them all (how he would act): so far were they from being
   earnest in this matter. Observe him also casting (people) into prison
   before this. The others therefore did not prevail: but this man did
   prevail, by reason of his ardent mind. "And as he journeyed, he came
   near Damascus: and suddenly there shined round about him a light from
   heaven: and he fell to the earth, and heard a voice saying unto him,
   Saul, Saul, why persecutest thou Me?" (v. 3, 4.) Why not in Jerusalem?
   why not in Damascus? That there might be no opening for different
   persons to relate the occurrence in different ways, but that he alone
   should be the authentic narrator (axiopistos), he that [453] went for
   this purpose. In fact, he says this [both in his oration on the
   stairs], and when pleading before Agrippa. "Fell to the earth": (ch.
   xxii, 6: xxvi. 12) for excess of light is wont to shock, because the
   eyes have their measure: it is said also that excess of sound makes
   people deaf and stunned (as in a fit) (apoplhegas). But [454] him it
   only blinded, and extinguished his passion by fear, so that he should
   hear what was spoken. "Saul, Saul," saith He, "why persecutest thou
   me?" And He tells him nothing: does not say, Believe, nor anything
   whatever of the kind: but expostulates with him, all but saying, What
   wrong, great or small, hast thou suffered from Me, that thou doest
   these things? "And he said, Who art Thou Lord?" (v. 5) thus in the
   first place confessing himself His servant. "And the Lord said, I am
   Jesus, whom thou persecutest:" think not thy warring is with men. [455]
   And they which were with him heard the voice of Paul, but saw no person
   to whom he answered--for (the Lord) suffered them to be hearers of what
   was less important. Had they heard the other Voice, they would not have
   believed; but perceiving Paul answering (some person), they marvelled.
   "But arise, and go into the city, and it shall be told thee what thou
   must do." (v. 6.) Observe, how He does not immediately add all, but
   first softens his mind. In the same way He called the disciples also a
   second time. [456] "It shall be told thee," etc.: He gives him good
   hopes, and (intimates) that he shall recover his sight also. "And the
   men which journeyed with him stood speechless, hearing a voice, but
   seeing no man. And Saul arose from the earth; and when his eyes were
   opened, he saw no man: but they led him by the hand, and brought him
   into Damascus" (v. 7, 8):--the spoils of the devil (ta skeue authou),
   "his goods" (Matt. xiii. 29), as from some city, yea, some metropolis
   which has been taken. And the wonder of it is, the enemies and foes
   themselves brought him in, in the sight of all! "And for three days he
   neither did eat nor drink, being blinded." (v. 9.) What could equal
   this? To compensate the discouragement in the matter of Stephen, here
   is encouragement, in the bringing in of Paul: though that sadness had
   its consolation in the fact of Stephen's making such an end, yet it
   also received this further consolation: moreover, the bringing in of
   the villages of the Samaritans afforded very great comfort.--But why
   did this take place not at the very first, but after these things? That
   it might be shown that Christ was indeed risen. This furious assailant
   of Christ, the man who would not believe in His death and resurrection,
   the persecutor of His disciples, how should this man have become a
   believer, had not the power of His resurrection been great indeed? Be
   it so, that the other Apostles favored (His pretensions [457] ): what
   say you to this man? Why then not immediately after His resurrection?
   That his hostility might be more clearly shown as open war. The man who
   is so frantic as even to shed blood and cast men into prisons, all at
   once believes! It was not enough that he had never been in Christ's
   company: the believers must be warred upon by him with vehement
   hostility: he left to none the possibility of going beyond him in fury:
   none of them all could be so violent. But when he was blinded, [458]
   then he saw the proofs of His sovereignty and loving kindness: then he
   answers, "Lord, what wilt Thou have me to do?" that none may say that
   he played the hypocrite, he that was even eager for blood, and went to
   the priests, and flung himself upon such dangers, in persecuting and
   bringing to punishment even them that were in foreign parts--under
   these circumstances he now acknowledges His sovereignty. And why was he
   shone upon by that light not within the city, but before it? The many
   would not have believed, since even there (at Jerusalem when the people
   heard the voice which came from above, they said that "it thundered"
   (John xii. 29, supra, note 2, p. 123); but this man was authority
   enough in reporting what was his own affair. And bound he was brought
   in, though not with bonds upon him: and they drew him, who had expected
   to draw the others. "And he eat not, neither drank:" he condemned
   himself for the past, he confessed, prayed, besought God. But should
   any say, This was the effect of compulsion: (we answer) The same thing
   happened to Elymas: then how came it that he was not changed? (ch.
   xiii. de Laud. Pauli Hom. iv. S:1, t. ii. p. 491.) What (evidence)
   could be more compulsory than the earthquake at the Resurrection, the
   report of the soldiers, the other miracles, the seeing Himself risen?
   But these things do not compel (belief) they are calculated to teach
   (it) (ouk anankastika alla didaktika). Why did not the Jews believe
   when they were told of these things? That he spoke truth was manifest:
   for he would not have been changed, had this not happened; so that all
   were bound to believe. He was not inferior to them that preached the
   Resurrection, and was more credible, by being all at once converted. He
   had no intercourse with any of the believers; it was at Damascus that
   he was converted, or rather before he came to Damascus that this
   happened to him. I ask the Jew: Say, by what was Paul converted? He saw
   so many signs, and was not converted: his teacher (Gamaliel, supra, p.
   87, note 1) was converted, and he remained unconverted. Who convinced
   him--and not only convinced, but all at once inspired him with such
   ardent zeal? Wherefore was it, that he wished even to go into hell
   itself [459] for Christ's sake? The truth of the facts is manifest.

   But, as I said, for the present let us take shame to ourselves (when we
   think of) the eunuch, both in his baptism and his reading. Do ye mark
   how he was in a station of great authority, how he was in possession of
   wealth, and even on his journey allowed himself no rest? What must he
   have been at home, in his leisure hours, this man who rested not even
   on his travels? What must he have been at night? Ye that are in
   stations of dignity, hear: imitate his freedom from pride, [460] (de
   Lazaro, Conc. iii. S:3, t. i. p. 748. c) his piety. Though about to
   return home, he did not say to himself: "I am going back to my country,
   there let me receive baptism;" those cold words which most men use! No
   need had he of signs, no need of miracles: from the Prophet merely, he
   believed. (b) But [461] why is it (so ordered) that he sees (Philip)
   not before he goes to Jerusalem, but after he has been there? It was
   not meet that he should see the Apostles under persecution. Because
   [462] he was yet weak, the Prophet was not easy; (but yet the Prophet)
   catechized him. For even now, if any of you would apply himself to the
   study of the Prophets, he would need no miracles. And, if you please,
   let us take in hand the prophecy itself. "He was led as a sheep to the
   slaughter; and like a lamb dumb before his shearer, so opened He not
   His mouth: in His humiliation His judgment was taken away: and who
   shall declare His generation? for His life is taken from the earth.
   [463] (v. 22, 23.) It is likely he had heard that He was crucified,
   [and now he learns], that "His life is taken away from the earth," and
   the rest that "He did no sin, nor deceit in His mouth:" that He
   prevailed to save others also: [and] who He is, Whose generation is
   unutterable. It is likely he had seen the riven rocks there (on the
   spot), and (had heard) how the veil was rent, and how there was
   darkness, and so forth: and all these things Philip mentioned, merely
   taking his text from the Prophet. It is a great thing, this reading of
   the Scriptures! That was fulfilled which was spoken by Moses, "Sitting,
   lying down, rising up, and walking, remember the Lord thy God." (Deut.
   vi. 7.) For the roads, especially when they are lonely, give us
   opportunity for reflection, there being none to disturb us. Both this
   man is on the road and Paul on the road: howbeit the latter no man
   draws, but Christ alone. This was too great a work for the Apostles:
   and, greater still, in that, the Apostles being at Jerusalem, and no
   person of authority at Damascus, he nevertheless returned thence
   converted: yet those at Damascus knew that he did not come from
   Jerusalem converted, for he brought letters, that he might put the
   believers in bonds. Like a consummate Physician, when the fever was at
   its height, Christ brought help to him: for it was needful that he
   should be quelled in the midst of his frenzy. For then most of all
   would he be brought down, and condemn himself as one guilty of dreadful
   audacity. (a) For these things Paul deplores himself, saying, "Howbeit
   for this cause I obtained mercy, that in me first Jesus Christ might
   show all His long suffering." (1 Tim. i. 13-16.) Verily one has reason
   to admire this eunuch. He did not see Christ, he saw no miracle: he
   beheld Jerusalem standing yet entire (sunesthota): he believed Philip.
   How came he to behave thus? His soul was earnest (memerimnemene). Yet
   the thief (on the cross) had seen miracles: the wise men had seen a
   star; but this man, nothing of the kind. So great a thing is the
   careful reading of the Scriptures! What of Paul then! did he not study
   the law? But he, it seems to me, was specially reserved, for the
   purpose which I have already mentioned by anticipation, because Christ
   would fain draw to Himself the Jews by inducements from every quarter.
   For had they been in their right mind, nothing was so likely to do them
   good as this; for this, more than miracles and all else, was calculated
   to attract them: as, [464] on the other hand, nothing is so apt to
   prove a stumbling block to men of duller minds. See then how, after the
   Apostle, we have God also doing miracles. They accused the Apostles
   after these [miracles of theirs]; they cast them into prison: see
   thereupon God doing the miracles. For instance, the bringing them out
   of prison, was His miracle: the bringing Philip, His miracle: the
   bringing Paul over, was His.--Observe in what way Paul is honored, in
   what way the eunuch. There, Christ appears, probably because of his
   hardness, and because Ananias [465] would not (else) have been
   persuaded. Conversant with these wonders, let us show ourselves worthy.
   But many in these times, even when they come to church, do not know
   what is read; whereas the eunuch, even in public (ep' agorhas) and
   riding in his chariot, applied himself to the reading of the
   Scriptures. Not so you: none takes the Bible in hand: nay, everything
   rather than the Bible.

   Say, what are the Scriptures for? For as much as in you lies, it is all
   undone. What is the Church for? Tie up [466] the Bibles: perhaps the
   judgment would not be such, not such the punishment: if one were to
   bury them in dung, that he might not hear them, he would not so insult
   them as you do now. For say, what is the insult there? That the man has
   buried them. And what here? That we do not hear them. Say, when is a
   person most insulted--when he is silent, and one makes no answer, or,
   when he does speak (and is unheeded)? So that the insult is greater in
   the present case, when He does speak and thou wilt not hear: greater
   the contempt. "Speak not to us" (Is. xxx. 10), we read, they said of
   old to the Prophets: but ye do worse, saying, Speak: [467] we will not
   do. For there they turned them away that they should not even speak, as
   feeling that from the voice itself they got some sort of awe and
   obligation; whereas you, in the excess of your contempt, do not even
   this. Believe me, if you stopped our [468] mouths by putting your hands
   over them, the insult would not be so great as it is now. For say,
   whether shows greater contempt, he that hears, even when hindering by
   this action, or, he that will not even hear? Say--if we shall look at
   it as a case of an insult offered--suppose one person to check the
   party insulting him, and to stop his mouth, as being hurt by the
   insults, and another person to show no concern, but pretend not even to
   hear them: whether will show most contempt? Would you not say the
   latter? For the former shows that he feels himself hit: the latter all
   but stops the mouth of God. Did ye shudder at what was said? Why, the
   mouth by which God speaks, is the mouth of God. Just as our mouth is
   the mouth of our soul, though the soul has no mouth, so the mouth of
   the Prophets is the mouth of God. Hear, and shudder. There, common (to
   the whole congregation) stands the deacon crying aloud, and saying,
   "Let us attend to the reading." It is the common voice of the whole
   Church, the voice which he utters, and yet none does attend. After him
   begins the Reader, "The Prophecy of Esaias," and still none attends,
   although Prophecy has nothing of man in it. Then after this, he says,
   "Thus saith the Lord," [469] and still none attends. Then after this
   punishments and vengeances, and still even then none attends. But what
   is the common excuse? "It is always the same things over again." This
   it is most of all, that ruins you. Suppose you knew the things, even so
   you certainly ought not to turn away: since in the theatres also, is it
   not always the same things acted over again, and still you take no
   disgust? How dare you talk about "the same things," you who know not so
   much as the names of the Prophets? Are you not ashamed to say, that
   this is why you do not listen, because it is "the same things over
   again," while you do not know the names of those who are read, and
   this, though always hearing the same things? You have yourself
   confessed that the same things are said. Were I to say this as a reason
   for finding fault with you, you would need to have recourse to quite a
   different excuse, instead of this which is the very thing you find
   fault with.--Do not you exhort your son? Now if he should say, "Always
   the same things!" would not you count it an insult? It would be time
   enough to talk of "the same things," when we both knew the things, and
   exhibited them in our practice. Or rather, even then, the reading of
   them would not be superfluous. What equal to Timothy? tell me that: and
   yet to him says Paul, "Give attention to reading, to exhortation. (1
   Tim. iv. 13.) For it is not possible, I say not possible, ever to
   exhaust the mind of the Scriptures. It is a well which has no bottom.
   "I said," saith the Preacher, "I am become wise: [470] and then it
   departed from me."--(Eccles. vii. 24.) Shall I show you that the things
   are not "the same?" How many persons, do you suppose, have spoken upon
   the Gospels? And yet all have spoken in a way which was new and fresh.
   For the more one dwells on them, the more insight does he get, the more
   does he behold the pure light. Look, what a number of things I am going
   to speak of:--say, what is narrative? what is prophecy? what is
   parable? what is type? what is allegory? what is symbol? what are
   Gospels? Answer me only to this one point, which is plain: why are they
   called Gospels, "good tidings?" And yet ye have often heard that good
   news ought to have nothing sad in it: yet this "good news" has
   abundance of sadness in it. "Their fire," it saith, "shall never be
   quenched: their worm shall not die:" (Mark ix. 44.) "Shall appoint his
   portion," it saith, "with the hypocrites," with them that are "cut
   asunder: then shall He say, I know you not: Depart from Me, ye that
   work iniquity." (Matt. xxiv. 51; vii. 23.) Surely, [471] we do not
   deceive ourselves, when we imagine that we tell you in your own
   mother-tongue (Ellenisti) these good tidings? You look downcast; you
   are stunned; you are struck all of a heap, unable to hold up your
   heads. "Good news" should have nothing in it of a duty to be done, but
   rather should counsel what is good: whereas these "Gospels" have
   endless duties to be done. And again, to mention other things, as for
   instance, Except a man hate father and mother, he is not worthy of Me"
   (Luke xiv. 26): and "I am not come to bring peace upon earth, but a
   sword" (Matt. x. 34; Luke xii. 51): and "In the world ye shall have
   tribulation--(John xvi. 33.) excellent [472] good tidings these, are
   they not! For good news is such as this--"You shall have this and that
   good thing:" as in common life men say one to another, "What shall I
   have for my good news? Your father is coming, or, your mother:" he does
   not say, "You must do this or that."--Again, tell me, how do the
   Gospels differ from the Prophets? Why are not the Prophecies also
   called Gospels, good tidings? For they tell the same things: for
   instance, "The lame shall leap as an hart." (Is. xxxv. 6.) "The Lord
   shall give the word to them that preach the Gospel" (Ps. lxviii. 11):
   and, "A new heaven and a new earth." (Is. lxv. 17.) Why are not those
   also called Gospels? But if, while you do not so much as know what
   "Gospels" mean, you so despise the reading of the Scriptures, what
   shall I say to you?--Let me speak of something else. Why four Gospels?
   why not, ten? why not twenty? If "many have taken in hand to set forth
   a narrative" (Luke i. 1), why not one person? Why they that were
   disciples (i.e. Apostles)? why they that were not disciples? But why
   any Scriptures at all? And yet, on the contrary, the Old Testament
   says, "I will give you a New Testament." (Jer. xxxi. 31.) Where are
   they that say, "Always the same things?" If ye knew these, that, though
   a man should live thousands of years, they are not "the same things,"
   ye would not say this. Believe me, I will not tell you the answers to
   any of these questions; not in private, not in public: only, if any
   find them out, I will nod assent. For this is the way we have made you
   good-for-nothing, by always telling you the things ready to your hands,
   and not refusing when we ought. Look, you have questions enough:
   consider them, tell me the reasons. Why Gospels? Why not Prophecies?
   Why duties, to be done, in the Gospels? If one is at a loss, let
   another seek the answer, and contribute each to the others from what he
   has: but now we will hold our peace. For if what has been spoken has
   done you no good, much less would it, should we add more. We only pour
   water into a vessel full of holes. And the punishment too is all the
   greater for you. Therefore, we will hold our peace. Which that we may
   not have to do, it rests with yourselves. For if we shall see your
   diligence, perhaps we will again speak, that both ye may be more
   approved, and we may rejoice over you, in all things giving glory to
   the God and Father of our Lord Jesus Christ: to Him be glory and
   dominion now and ever, and world without end. Amen.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [436] So all the mss. and the Catena: except E. which having already
   made Chrys. affirm that Philip was one of the seven, supra, p. 115, and
   note 1, gives a different turn to this passage. "It seems to me, that
   he received this command while in Samaria: because from Jerusalem one
   does not go southward, but to the north: but from Samaria it is to the
   south." An unnecessary comment; for it would hardly occur to any reader
   of the Acts to suppose that Philip had returned to Jerusalem.

   [437] "Behold, an eunuch (comp. p. 122, note 4), a barbarian--both
   circumstances calculated to make him indisposed to study--add to this,
   his dignified station and opulence: the very circumstance of his being
   on a journey, and riding in a chariot: for to a person travelling in
   this way, it is not easy to attend to reading, but on the contrary very
   troublesome: yet his strong desire and earnestness set aside all these
   hindrances," etc. Hom. in Gen. xxxv. S:1. Throughout the exposition of
   the history of the eunuch there given (t. iv. p. 350-352) he is called
   a barbarian: so in the tenth of the "Eleven Homilies," S:5, t. xii.
   393, 394, he is called a "barbarian," and "alien," allophulos, but also
   "a Jew:" all' ouch ho barbaros tote ekeinos tauta eipe (viz. excuses
   for delaying baptism) kai tauta 'Ioudaios on k. t. l. i.e. as Matthaei
   explains in l., "a Jewish proselyte."--Both expositions should be
   compared with this in the text.

   [438] akribeian. Below, horas hoti ta dogmata apertismena eiche. The
   37th verse (Philip's answer and the Eunuch's confession) seems to have
   been absent from St. Chrysostom' copy (unless indeed it is implied in
   the passage just cited). It is found in Laud's Gr. and Lat. copy of the
   Acts, part is cited by St. Irenaeus, p. 196. and part by St. Cypr. p.
   318, but unknown to the other ancient authorities.

   [439] hoste oun husteron auton thaumasthenai, touto egeneto: i.e. as
   below, the eunuch saw that it was the work of God: it was done in order
   that he might not think hoti anthropos estin haplos.--Edd. from E.
   "Why, it may be asked, did the Spirit of the Lord carry Philip away?
   Because he was to pass through other cities, and to preach the Gospel.
   Consequently this was done, etc. that he might not think what had
   happened to him was of man, but of God."

   [440] sunapelthein (OEc. sumparelthein) auta. As there is no auton, the
   meaning seems to be as above expressed, not, "would have desired Philip
   to go with him."

   [441] What follows is confused in the mss. and Edd., by transposition
   of the portions of text here marked a, b; and c, d: the order in the
   mss. being b, a, d. c, e.

   [442] Kai gar to ton pisteuonton axiopiston hikanon autous arai; ei de
   epemeinen (B. epemenon) ekei, poion to enklema; Meaning, perhaps, that
   the character and station of such converts as the eunuch would weigh
   much with their countrymen (tous allophulous). Though if the eunuch had
   stayed behind in Judea, who could have blamed him?--The modern
   text:"--sufficient to persuade the learners to be roused up themselves
   also to the same zeal."

   [443] eucheros, hora meth' hoses aphthonias. Cat. The mss. omit
   eucheros. He means, angelic manifestations.

   [444] It is probable that this eunuch was an Ethiopian by birth and a
   Jewish proselyte. It was customary for such foreign proselytes, as well
   as for Jewish non-residents, to go up to Jerusalem to worship. Others
   suppose him to have been a Jew, resident in Ethiopia; but he is
   designated as "an Ethiopian." The fact that those in his condition were
   not admitted to full standing in the congregation of Israel (Deut.
   xxiii. 1) is not a sufficient reason for the opinion of Meyer that this
   man must have been an uncircumcised heathen--a "proselyte of the gate,"
   since he could occupy the same relation as native Jews in his
   condition. Ethiopia lay to the S. of Egypt and Candace was queen of
   Meroe, the northern portion of the country. Eunuchs not only served as
   keepers of the harem but sometimes, as here, as royal
   treasurers.--G.B.S.

   [445] ti de ekolusen panta auton akribos mathein kai en to ochemati
   onta; kai gar eremos en kai ouk en to pragma epideixis. We conjecture
   the first clause to be meant as the answer to an objection: How should
   Philip know all these particulars? It may indeed relate to the eunuch's
   accurate knowledge (akribeia) above mentioned, note 1. The latter part,
   however, seems to belong to v. 28 to which the Catena refers the
   mention of the chalepotaton kauma.--Edd. (from E. alone), "Pray what
   hindered, say you, that he should learn all, even when in the chariot,
   and especially in the desert? Because the matter was not one of
   display. But let us look over again what has been read. And behold,"
   etc.

   [446] harpazei: but this, derived from v. 39 is not the right word
   here.--This, with the clause immediately preceding in the mss., is thus
   altered by the innovator (E. Edd.): "So little did P. know (houtos ouk
   edei Ph.) for whose sake he was come into the desert: because also
   (hoti kai, F. D. hothen) not now an Angel, but the Spirit bears him
   away. But the eunuch sees none of these things, being as yet not fully
   initiated (ateles, imperfectus Ben.); or because also these things are
   not for the more bodily, but for the more spiritual: nor indeed does he
   learn the things which Philip is fully taught (ekdidasketai)."

   [447] Idete(ide B.) to (ton N.) atuphon; ouden lampron epephereto
   schema. Read to schema.--E. D. F. Edd., Eide and oude gar. Vidit illum
   esse a fastu alienum: neque enim splendidum gestabat vestitum. Ben. and
   similarly Erasm. as if the meaning were, "the eunuch saw there was no
   pride in Philip, for he had no splendid clothing." But it is the eunuch
   in whom this (to atuphon) is praised, (see below, S:4 init.) that he
   did not disdain Philip for the meanness of his appearance: comp. Hom.
   in Gen. xxxv. S:2. "For when the Apostle (supra, p. 115, note 1) had
   said, "Knowest thou," and came up to him in mean attire (meta eutelous
   schematos), the eunuch did not take it amiss, was not indignant, did
   not think himself insulted....but he, the man in great authority, the
   barbarian, the man riding in a chariot, besought him, the person of
   mean appearance, who might for his dress have easily been despised, to
   come up and sit with him," etc.

   [448] edeiknu boulomenon eipein. This seems meant to explain why the
   eunuch at once besought Philip to come up into the chariot: his running
   showed that he wished to say something.--E. Edd. "was a sign of his
   wishing to speak, and the reading (a sign) of his studiousness. For he
   was reading at a time when the sun makes the heat more violent." 1 The
   rendering of he de perioche tes graphes given in the text (A.V.) is
   also that of the R.V. Another interpretation is preferred by many
   scholars: "the content of the Scripture" (graphe being used in the
   limited sense of the particular passage in question). This view
   harmonizes with the derivation of perioche (peri-echein) meaning an
   enclosure, or that which is enclosed. Graphe is also used in the
   limited sense in v. 35 (So, Meyer, Hackett, and Thayer's Lex.)

   [449] The rendering of he de perioche tes graphes given in the text
   (A.V.) is also that of the R.V. Another interpretation is preferred by
   many scholars: "the content of the Scripture" (graphe being used in the
   limited sense of the particular passage in question). This view
   harmonizes with the derivation of perioche (peri-echein) meaning an
   enclosure, or that which is enclosed. Graphe is also used in the
   limited sense in v. 35 (So, Meyer, Hackett, and Thayer's Lex.)

   [450] E (N. om. Cat. to) holos eidenai hoti allos kai (om. C.) peri
   allon legousin hoi prophetai, e hoti k. t. l. A. B. C. Cat. We read, to
   holos eidenai e....But the modern text: "It seems to me that he knew
   not that the prophets speak of other persons: or if not this, he was
   ignorant that they discourse concerning themselves in another person;"
   omitting the last clause, sphodra epeskemmenou (Cat. perieskemmene) he
   erotesis.--In the next sentence B. has retained the true reading,
   ektomian, for which the rest have tamian. N. tamieian.

   [451] The eunuch must have heard much said about Jesus at Jerusalem for
   he had been crucified but five or six years before. In this time of
   persecution and excitement, discussions would be rife concerning the
   Christian interpretation of prophecy. The eunuch seems to have heard
   two theories concerning the prophecies (e.g. Is. liii.) relating to the
   "Servant of Jehovah," one that the prophet was speaking of the Messiah
   (whom the Christians asserted Jesus to be) and the other that the
   prophet spoke concerning himself in these prophecies, an opinion not
   wholly abandoned in modern times. The eunuch's sudden conversion
   presupposes prolonged consideration of the claims of Jesus to be the
   Messiah and a keen interest in religious truth.--G.B.S.

   [452] Edd. "on what danger casting himself, still even so he is afraid
   lest he should suffer some harm. This is the reason why he takes others
   with him, probably to rid himself of his fear: or also, because they
   were many against whom he was going, he takes many, in order that the
   more boldly, whomsoever he should find, both men and women," etc. Just
   the opposite to C.'s meaning: viz. "It is not to be supposed, because
   he took many with him, that he had any fears for himself: he was above
   all such regards. The fact is, he wished to show them all (both the
   Jews at Jerusalem, and the companions of his journey), how they ought
   to act:" dia tes hodou pasin autois deixai ebouleto. C. however has
   pasin autou, N. pasin autous, meaning: "by means of his journey, he
   wished to show them (the Christians bound) to all." Perhaps the true
   reading is autou ten prothumian, or the like. E. D. F. Edd. "Especially
   as by means of the journey he wished to show them all (pasin autois),
   that all depended on him (autou to pan on)."

   [453] ho dia touto apion: i.e. who would have a right to be believed,
   because it was known that he left Jerusalem for the purpose of
   persecuting. Had it taken place in Jerusalem or in Damascus, some would
   have given one account of the matter, some another--as, in the case of
   our Lord, when the voice came to Him from heaven at Jerusalem, "some
   said it thundered, some that an Angel spake to Him," (so Chrys.
   explains below, p. 125)--but, happening in the way it did, the person
   most interested in it, and who by this very thing was caused to take so
   momentous a step, was the authentic narrator; i.e. the story was to
   come from him, as the only competent authority: all' autos axiopistos
   en diegoumenos (so Cat.; C., en diegesasthai: the other mss.
   ediegoumenos) ho dia touto apion; Infra, p. 125, houtos de axiopistos
   en apangellon mallon ta heautou.--In the next sentence, Touto goun
   legei, kai pros 'Agrippan apologoumenos, something seems wanting before
   kai, as supplied in the translation: but also both before and after
   these words: e.g. For the men which were with him, heard not the voice,
   and were amazed and overpowered. In fact, he says this in his oration
   on the stairs, "They heard not the voice of Him that spake to me," and
   when pleading before Agrippa, he says, "And when we were all fallen to
   the ground, I heard a voice." etc.

   [454] 'Alla touton monon eperose: may be rendered, They all saw the
   light, but it blinded only Paul:--or, Him however it only blinded, did
   not cast him into insensibility, but left him otherwise in possession
   of his faculties.

   [455] The remainder of the verse and the first part of v. 6 to pros
   auton, were absent from Chrysostom's copy (and Cat. OEc. Theoph.) as
   from Codd. A. B. C. (of New Test.) and Laud's Gr. and Lat. of Acts: but
   the last have the clause, skleron soi p. k. l. after diokeis, v. 4. St.
   Hil. omits the clause durum est, etc. but has, tremens et pavens,
   etc.--"The voice of Paul:" Didymus in Cat. gives this as Chrysostom's
   solution of the seeming contradiction between this statement and that
   of St. Paul in xxii. 9. "In the first narrative, they heard Paul's
   voice, saying, Who art thou, Lord? But saw no man save Paul: in the
   second, they saw the light, but did not hear the voice of the Lord."

   [456] houto kai tous mathetas ekalesen ek deuterou (Cat. and Sav. marg.
   join ek d. to the next sentence). The meaning is: As here, there is an
   interval between the conversion of Saul, and Christ's announcement of
   the purpose for which he was called (which in Acts xxvi. 15, 16 are put
   together as if all was said at the same time), so in the case of the
   disciples, Andrew, John, and Simon, there was a first call, related in
   John i.; then after a while, Christ called them a second time, (see
   Hom. in Matt. xiv. S:2) namely, to be fishers of men, Matt. iv. In both
   cases there was an interval, during which he and they were prepared for
   the further revelation of His will concerning them. The mod. t. (E.
   Edd.) omits this clause, and substitutes, kai di hon parakeleuetai
   auton poiein parachrema k. t. l. "And by what He bids him do,
   straightway gives him." etc.

   [457] Esto ekeinoi auto echarizonto. Hom. in illud, Saulus adhuc
   spirans, etc. S:5, t. iii. p. 105. "But shameless objectors may say (of
   Peter), that because he was Christ's disciple, because he had been
   partaker at His table, had been with Him three years, had been under
   His teaching, had been deluded and cajoled by Him (ekolakeuthe hup'
   autou apatetheis), therefore it is that he preaches His resurrection:
   but when thou seest Paul, a man who knew Him not, had never heard Him,
   had never been under His teaching: a man, who even after His
   crucifixion makes war upon Him, puts to death them that believe in Him,
   throws all into confusion and disorder, when thou seest him suddenly
   converted, and in his toils for the Gospel outstripping the friends of
   Christ: what plea canst thou then have for thine effrontery, in
   disbelieving the word of the Resurrection?"

   [458] 'Epeide de eplerothe (eplerophorethe, A. om., Cat. eperothe, E.
   D. F. Edd.) tes despoteias autou ta tekmeria kai tes philanthropias
   tote apokrinetai (for t. a. E. D. F. Edd. gnorizei, Cat. eiden); hina
   (gar add B.) me tis heipe hoti hupekrineto, ho kai haimaton epithumon
   k. t. l. (e kai hina me tis...hupekr. Pos gar ho kai haim. ep. k. t. l.
   E. D. F. Edd.) We read 'Epeide de eperothe,...tes ph. eide. Tote ap.
   Kurie, k. t. l. hina le k. t. l.

   [459] Dia ti kai eis geennan euxato apelthein huper tou Christou; The
   modern text substitutes, "that he wished even to be accursed (Rom. ix.
   2.) for Christ," See Hom. xvi, ad Rom. in 1. But Chrys. elsewhere uses
   as strong expressions as he does here. Hom. ii. in 2 Thess. S:4 oude
   ten peiran tes geennes hegeito ti einai dia ton tou Christou pothon.
   And, dia ton tou Ch. pothon, katadechetai kai eis geennan empesein kai
   tes basileias ekpesein, (cited in the Ecloga de Laud. Paul. t. xii. p.
   659, E.)

   [460] to atuphon, above, p. 122, 2. Comp. x. S:5. of the Eleven
   Homilies, t. xii. p. 393. "Admire how this man, barbarian as he was,
   and alien, and liable to be puffed up with his great authority,
   demeaned himself towards a man, poor, beggarly, unknown, whom until
   then he had never set eyes on....If our rulers now, believers though
   they be, and taught to be humble-minded, and with nothing of the
   barbarian about them, meeting in the public place, I do not say an
   unknown stranger, but one whom they know, would be in no great hurry to
   give him a seat beside him (in their carriage), how came this man to
   condescend so much to a perfect stranger--for I will not cease to
   insist upon this--a stranger, I say, one whom he had never seen, a
   mean-looking person, apt to be despised for his appearance, as to bid
   him mount and sit beside him? Yet this he did, and to his tongue
   committed his salvation, and endured to put himself in the position of
   a learner: yea, beseeches, intreats, supplicates, saying, I pray thee,
   of whom saith the Prophet this?' and receives with profound attention
   what he says. And not only so, but having received, he was not remiss,
   did not put off, did not say, Let me get back to my own country, let me
   see my friends, my family, my kinsfolk'--which is what many Christians
   say now-a-days when called to baptism: let me get to my country, let me
   see my wife, let me see my children with my other kinsfolk: with them
   present, and making holiday with me, so will I enjoy the benefit of
   baptism, so partake of the Grace.' But not these words spake he, the
   barbarian: Jew as he was, and trained to make strict account of places,
   especially with (the Law) ever sounding in his ears the duty of
   observing the Place, insomuch that he had gone a long journey to
   Jerusalem, on purpose that he might worship in the place which God
   commanded: and behold, all at once casting away all that he had been
   used to in this regard, and relinquishing this strict observance of
   place, no sooner is the discourse finished, and he sees a fountain by
   the roadside, than he says, See, here is water, what doth hinder me to
   be baptized?'"

   [461] The letters (a) (b) denote the order of the two parts in mss. and
   Edd.

   [462] dia to asthenes eti: Edd, give this to the preceding sentence,
   and then: Oude proteron houtos en eukolon, hos hote ho prophetes auton
   katechesen: "nor was it so easy before, as (it was) when the Prophet
   had catechized him:" which is irrelevant to the question: for Philip
   might have found him engaged in the same study then as afterwards. The
   old text has: ouk en eukolos, ho prophetes gar auton katechesen, but A.
   rightly omits gar. Something is wanting; e.g. either, "until Philip
   catechized him," or rather, "but yet the prophet catechized him." What
   follows is much confused in the mss. By "the prophecy itself" Chrys.
   probably means more than the two verses given in the Acts, viz. Isai.
   liii. 7-12.--"It is likely he had heard that He had been crucified," so
   C. D. F. (i.e. as appears further on, the eunuch when at Jerusalem had
   heard of the Crucifixion, had seen the rent in the rocks, etc., another
   reason why it was fit that he should have first visited Jerusalem:) but
   B., "Perhaps he had not heard:" and E. Edd., "Hence he learnt." After
   "taken from the earth," C. alone has, kai ta alla hos' (sic) hamartian
   ouk epoiesen, the others, hoti ham. ouk ep. after which Savile alone
   adds, "nor was guile found in His mouth." After estaurothe something is
   wanting, e.g. nun de emathen or katechethe. In kai ta alla there seems
   to be a reference to the sequel in "the prophecy itself," viz. "and the
   rest which may be read in Isaiah, as that He did no sin," etc.--A., as
   usual, omits the whole passage: E. refashions it thus; "Hence He learnt
   that He was crucified, that His life is taken away from the earth, that
   He did no sin, that He prevailed to save others also, that His
   generation is not to be declared, that the rocks were rent, that the
   veil was torn, that dead men were raised from the tombs: or rather, all
   these things Philip told him." etc. so Edd.

   [463] In the quotation the N.T. follows the LXX. (Is. liii. 7, 8),
   which but imperfectly renders the original. The meaning is obscure in
   Hebrew, but the best rendering is probably that of the R.V. which
   renders v. 8 thus: "By oppression and judgment he was taken away; and
   as for his generation, who among them considered that he was cut off
   out of the land of the living?" for which the LXX. and N.T. have: "In
   his humiliation his judgment was taken away: His generation who shall
   declare, for his life is taken from the earth." It is almost useless to
   inquire what the LXX. translators could have meant by this rendering.
   Concerning the meaning of the first clause, there are four theories:
   (1) The judgment announced by His enemies was taken away, i.e.,
   annulled by God (Bengel, Lechler). (2) His judicial power was taken
   away during his humiliation, i.e., he did not appear as men's judge
   (Humphrey). (3) His judgment (punishment) was taken away, i.e.,
   ended--by death (Meyer, Robinson). (4) The judgment due him--the rights
   of justice--was withheld by his enemies (Gloag, Hackett). The latter
   part of the LXX. trans.: "who shall declare," etc., has been understood
   in the following ways: (1) Who shall declare his divine Sonship?--the
   reference being to the "eternal generation" of the Son (the Patristic
   view). (2) Who shall declare the number of his spiritual seed, i.e.,
   predict the extent of his kingdom? (the Reformers). (3) Who shall
   declare the wickedness of his contemporaries, for he was put to death
   (Meyer, De Wette, Lechler, Alford, Gloag). This interp. assigns to the
   word "generation," the same meaning which the R.V. gives to it in the
   original passage and is the preferable view. It should be admitted that
   this is a probable theory of what the LXX. ought to have meant by the
   words which they used; that they did consciously mean this is far less
   certain.--G.B.S.

   [464] hosper oun ouden houto skandalizein eiothe tous pachuterous: i.e.
   Saul's conversion would have weighed with the Jews ei noun eichon, but
   it was a great stumbling-block to them as pachuteroi: "as indeed
   nothing is so apt to prove a stumbling-block to men of duller minds,"
   as this is--viz. the sudden conversion of one of their own party to the
   opposite side.

   [465] kai hoti ouk an epeisthe 'Ananias, A. B. C. But Edd. omit
   Ananias: "because he (Paul) would not otherwise have been persuaded."
   In the next sentence, C. F. have 'Entrephomenoi, "nurtured:" B.
   entruphontes, "luxuriating:" A. E. D. Edd. enstrephomenoi.

   [466] deson. i.e. tie them up, and keep them shut. E. Edd. katachoson,
   "Bury." Below, for kai me akouoi auton, we read hina me. C. however has
   akouei, which may imply that the sentence should be joined to the
   preceding one, ou toiaute kolasis, ei tis katachoseien auta en kopro,
   kai ei me akouei auton: "not such the punishment, were one to bury,
   etc., as it is if he refuse to hear them."

   [467] All the mss. and Edd. Me laleite, "Speak not." But the context
   plainly requires the sense. "Speak on, if you will: we will not do what
   you bid us:" though it should rather be, Ouk akouomen.

   [468] E. humin, "your mouths," so Edd. except Sav. and below, ho akouon
   kai me peithomenos meizonos kataphronei, where the old text has, ho
   akouon meiz. kat. kai dia toutou koluon, "by this," viz. by putting his
   hand on the speaker's mouth.

   [469] When the Deacon had ordered silence by proclaiming, if need were,
   several times, Prosechomen! the Reader commenced the Lesson, if from
   the Old Testament or the Gospels, with the formula, Tade legei Kurios,
   "Thus saith the Lord:" (for the Epistles, with, "Dearly beloved
   Brethren.") See Hom. in 2 Thess. iii. S:4. p. 527. D.

   [470] Eipon, esophisthen, phesi, kai tote apeste ap' emou. Ben.
   rendering the passage with Erasmus, "Deceptus sum, et tunc recessit a
   me," remarks. "I do not see how this agrees with what precedes." The
   Paris Editor, "Novi. inquiunt. et tum mihi effluxit," as if it were a
   proverb. In the LXX, it is, Eipa, sophisthesomai, kai haute emakrunthe
   ap' emou. E.V. "I said I will be wise, but it was far from me."

   [471] Ara me apatomen heautous, nomizontes tauta hellenisti humin
   legein; mss. and Edd., ara me without the interrogation. Ben. "Igitur
   ne decipiamus nosmetipsos haec Graeco more dici." The meaning seems to
   be, "When we tell you these things as euangelia, do we deceive
   ourselves in thinking that we are speaking Greek--that we are using the
   term aright?--Yes to judge from your looks, one may see that they are
   anything but euangelia to you. Umeis katepheite, humeis kekophosthe;
   apoplektoi tunchanete kato kuptontes." The innovator (E. Edd.) quite
   alters the meaning, as if it were, "You look as indifferent as if it
   were no concern of yours;" viz. "Or, have you nothing to do with these
   things? But you are struck deaf (kekophosthe), and as if you were in a
   fit, hang down your heads."--Below, for kai palin hetera ero, hoion,
   the same have, hoiaper esti kai ta toiauta, "such as are also these."

   [472] Edd. Kala ge; ou gar tauta euangelia: read Kalage (ougar;) tauta
   euangelia. In the next sentence, Ti moi ton euangelion; Ben. "Quid mihi
   est evangeliorum."
     __________________________________________________________________

   Homily XX.

   Acts IX. 10, 12

   "And there was a certain disciple at Damascus, named Ananias; and to
   him said the Lord in a vision, Ananias. And he said, Behold, I am here,
   Lord. And the Lord said unto him, Arise, and go into the street which
   is called Straight, and inquire in the house of Judas for one called
   Saul, of Tarsus: for, behold, he prayeth, and hath seen in a vision a
   man named Ananias coming in, and putting his hand on him, that he might
   receive his sight."

   What may be the reason that He neither drew any one of high authority
   and importance, nor caused such to be forthcoming for the purpose of
   instructing Paul? [473] It was, because it was not meet that he should
   be induced by men, but only by Christ Himself: as in fact this man
   taught him nothing, but merely baptized him; for, as soon as baptized
   (photistheis), he was to draw upon himself the grace of the Spirit, by
   his zeal and exceeding earnestness. And that Ananias was no very
   distinguished person, is plain. For, "the Lord," it says, "spake unto
   him in a vision, and Ananias answered and said, Lord, I have heard by
   many of this man, how much evil he hath done to Thy saints at
   Jerusalem." (v. 13.) For if he spoke in objection to Him, much more
   would he have done so, had He sent an Angel. And this is why, in the
   former instance, neither is Philip told what the matter is; but he sees
   the Angel, and then the Spirit bids him go near to the chariot. But
   observe here how the Lord relieves him of his fear: "He is blind,"
   saith He, "and prayeth, and art thou afraid?" In the same way Moses
   also is afraid: so that the words betokened that he was afraid, and
   shrunk from the task, not that he did not believe. He said," have heard
   from many concerning this man." What sayest thou? God speaketh, and
   thou hesitatest? They did not yet well know the power of Christ. "And
   here he hath authority from the chief priests to bind all that call on
   Thy name." (v. 14.) How was that known? It is likely that they, being
   in fear, made minute enquiries. He does not say this, as thinking that
   Christ does not know the fact, but, "such being the case, how," says
   he, "can these things be?" As in fact those (in the Gospel) say, "Who
   can be saved?"--(Mark x. 26.) This is done, in order that Paul may
   believe him that shall come to him: "he hath seen in a vision:" it hath
   showed him beforehand: "he prayeth," saith (the Lord): fear not. And
   observe, He speaks not to him of the success achieved: teaching us not
   to speak of our achievements. And, [474] though He saw him afraid, for
   all this He said it not. "Thou shalt not be disbelieved:" "he hath
   seen," saith He, "in a vision a man (named) Ananias:" for this is why
   it was "in a vision," namely, because he was blind. And not even the
   exceeding wonderfulness of the thing took possession of the disciple's
   mind, so greatly was he afraid. But observe: Paul being blind, in this
   way He restored to sight. "But the Lord said unto him, Go thy way: for
   he is a chosen vessel unto Me, to bear My name before the Gentiles, and
   kings, and the children of Israel: for I will show him how great things
   he must suffer for My name's sake." (v. 15, 16.) "Not only," saith He,
   "shall he be a believer, but even a teacher, and great boldness shall
   he show: before Gentiles and kings'--such shall be the spread of the
   doctrine!--that just as He astonished (him) by the former, so He may
   (startle him even more) by the latter. [475] "And Ananias went, and
   entered into the house, and laid his hands upon him, and said, Brother
   Saul"--he straightway addresses him as a friend by that name--"Jesus,
   Who appeared unto thee in the way in which thou camest"--and yet Christ
   had not told him this, but he learnt it from the Spirit--"hath sent me
   unto thee, that thou mayest receive thy sight, and be filled with the
   Holy Ghost." (v. 17.) As he said this, he laid his hands upon him. "And
   immediately there fell from his eyes as it had been scales." (v. 18.)
   Some say this was a sign of his blindness. Why did he not blind his
   eyes (entirely)? This was more wonderful, that, with his eyes open, he
   did not see: (v. 8) which was just his case in respect of the Law,
   until [476] the Name of Jesus was put on him. "And he received sight
   forthwith, and arose, and was baptized. And having taken food, he
   recovered strength." (v. 19.) He was faint, therefore, both from his
   journey and from his fear; both from hunger, and from dejection of
   mind. Wishing therefore to deepen his dejection, He made the man blind
   until the coming of Ananias: and, that he might not imagine the
   blindness to be (only) fancy, this is the reason of the scales. He
   needed no other teaching: that which had befallen was made teaching (to
   him). "And he was with the disciples which were at Damascus certain
   days. And straightway in the synagogues he preached Jesus, [477] that
   He is the Son of God." (v. 20.) See, straightway he was a teacher in
   the synagogues. He was not ashamed of the change, was not afraid while
   the very things in which he was glorious afore-time, the same he
   destroyed. Even [478] from his first appearance on the stage here was a
   man, death-dealing, ready for deeds of blood: seest thou what a
   manifest sign (was here)? And with this very thing, he put all in fear:
   for, said they, Hither also is he come for this very thing. "But all
   that heard him were amazed, and said: Is not this he that destroyed
   them which called on this name in Jerusalem, and came hither for that
   intent, that he might bring them bound unto the chief priests? But Saul
   increased the more in strength, and confounded the Jews which dwelt at
   Damascus, proving that this is very Christ." (v. 21, 22.) As one
   learned in the Law, he stopped their mouths, and suffered them not to
   speak. They thought they were rid of disputation in such matters, in
   getting rid of Stephen, and they found another, more vehement than
   Stephen. [479]

   (Recapitulation.) But let us look at what relates to Ananias. [480] The
   Lord said not to him, Converse with him, and catechize him. For if,
   when He said, "He prayeth, and hath seen a man laying his hands upon
   him," (v. 11, 12.) He did not persuade him, much less had He said this.
   So that he shall not disbelieve thee, "he hath seen in a vision."
   Observe how in the former instance neither is Philip told all
   immediately. Fear not, He saith: "for this man is a chosen vessel for
   Me. (v. 15.) He more than sufficiently released him of his fear, if the
   case be so that this man shall be so zealous in our cause, as even to
   suffer many things. And justly he is called "a vessel" (or,
   instrument)--for reason shows that evil is not a physical quality: "a
   vessel of election" (or, chosen instrument), He saith; for we choose
   that which is approved. And let not any imagine, that (Ananias) speaks
   in unbelief of what was told him, as imagining that Christ was
   deceived: far from it! but affrighted and trembling, he did not even
   attend to what was said, at hearing the name of Paul. Moreover, the
   Lord does not tell that He has blinded him: at the mention of his name
   fear had prepossessed his soul: "see," he says, "to whom Thou art
   betraying me: and hither for this very purpose is he come, to bind all
   that call upon Thy Name.' I fear, lest he take me to Jerusalem: why
   dost Thou cast me into the mouth of the lion?" He is terrified, even
   while he speaks these words; that from every quarter we may learn the
   energetic character (areten) of the man. For that these things should
   be spoken by Jews, were nothing wonderful: but that these (the
   believers) are so terrified, it is a most mighty proof of the power of
   God. Both the fear is shown, and the obedience greater after the fear.
   For there was indeed need of strength. Since He says, "a vessel of
   election," that thou mayest not imagine that God is to do all, He adds,
   "to bear My Name before Gentiles and kings, and the children of Israel.
   Ananias has heard what he most desired--that against the Jews also he
   will take his stand: this above all gave him courage. "For I," saith
   He, "will show him how great things he must suffer for My Name's sake."
   At the same time also this is said by way of putting Ananias to the
   blush: If he, that was so frantic, shall suffer all things, and thou
   not willing even to baptize him! "It is well," saith he: "let him
   continue blind" (this [481] is why he says these words): "he is blind:
   why dost Thou at all bid me open his eyes, that he may bind (men)
   again?" Fear not the future: for that opening of his eyes he will use
   not against you, but for you (with reference to that saying, "That he
   may receive his sight" (v. 12), these words are spoken): for not only
   will he do you no harm, but he "will suffer many things." And what is
   wonderful indeed is, [482] that he shall first know "how great things
   he shall suffer," and then shall take the field against the
   perils.--"Brother Saul, the Lord Jesus"--he saith not, "Who made thee
   blind," but, "Who appeared with thee in the way, hath sent me unto thee
   that thou mayest receive thy sight" (v. 17): observe this man also, how
   he utters nothing boastful, but just as Peter said in the case of the
   lame man, "Why look ye on us, as though by our own power or holiness we
   had made him to walk," (ch. iii. 12) so here also he saith, "Jesus, Who
   appeared unto thee." (b) Or, [483] (he saith it) that the other may
   believe: and he saith not, He that was crucified, the Son of God, He
   that doeth wonders: but what? "He that appeared unto thee:" (speaking)
   from what the other knew: as Christ also added no more, neither said, I
   am Jesus, the Crucified, the Risen: but what? "Whom thou persecutest."
   Ananias said not, "The persecuted," that he may not seem as it were to
   rave over him (epenthousi& 139;n), to deride him, "Who appeared unto
   thee in the way:" and yet He did not (visibly) appear, but was seen by
   the things done. And immediately he added, wishing to draw a veil over
   the accusation: "That thou mayest receive thy sight." I came not to
   reprove the past, but to bestow the gift: "that thou mayest receive thy
   sight, and be filled with the Holy Ghost." (a) With hands laid on, he
   spake these words. "And immediately there fell from his eyes," etc. (v.
   18): a double blindness is removed.--And why saith it, "Having taken
   food, he was strengthened?" (v. 19.) Because they that are in such case
   become relaxed: he had no heart to partake of food before, until he
   obtained the mighty gifts. (c) It seems to me, that both Paul and
   Cornelius, at the very instant when the words were spoken, received the
   Spirit. And yet (in this case) the giver was no great one. So true is
   it, that there was naught of man's in the things done, nor aught was
   done by man, but God was present, the Doer of these things. And at the
   same time (the Lord) both teaches him to think modestly of himself, in
   that He does not bring him to the Apostles who were so admired, and
   shows that there is nothing of man here. He was not filled, however,
   with the Spirit which works signs: that in this way also his faith
   might be shown; for he wrought no miracles. "And straightway," it says,
   "in the synagogues he preached Jesus"--(v. 20) not that He is
   risen--not this: no, nor that He liveth: but what? immediately he
   strictly expounded the doctrine--"that this is the Son of God. And all
   that heard him were amazed," etc. (v. 21.) They were reduced to utter
   incredulity. And yet they ought not to have wondered only, but to
   worship and reverence. "Is not this he," etc. He had not merely been a
   persecutor, but "destroyed them which called on this Name"--they did
   not say, "on Jesus;" for hatred, they could not bear even to hear His
   name--and what is more marvellous still, "and came hither for this
   purpose," etc. "We cannot say, that he associated with the Apostles
   before." See by how many (witnesses) he is confessed to have been of
   the number of the enemies! But Paul not only was not confounded by
   these things, nor hid his face for shame, but "increased the more in
   strength, and confounded the Jews" (v. 22), i.e. put them to silence,
   left them nothing to say for themselves, "proving, that this is very
   Christ." "Teaching," it says: for this man was a teacher.

   "And after that many days were fulfilled, the Jews took counsel to kill
   him." [484] (v. 23.) The Jews again resort to that valid argument
   (ischuron sullogismon) of theirs, not now seeking false-accusers and
   false-witnesses; they cannot wait for these now: but what do they? They
   set about it by themselves. For as they see the affair on the increase,
   they do not even use the form of a trial. "But their laying await was
   known of Saul. And they watched the gates day and night to kill him."
   (v. 24.) For this was more intolerable to them than the miracles which
   had taken place--than the five thousand, the three thousand, than
   everything, in short. And observe him, how he is delivered, not by
   (miraculous) grace, but by man's wisdom--not as the apostles
   were--(ekeinoi, ch. v. 19) that thou mayest learn the energetic
   (areten) character of the man, how he shines even without miracles.
   "Then the disciples took him by night," that the affair might not be
   suspected, "and let him down by the wall in a basket." [485] (v. 25.)
   What then? having escaped such a danger, does he flee? By no means, but
   goes where he kindled them to greater rage.

   (Recapitulation, v. 20, 21.) "And straightway in the synagogues he
   preached Jesus"--for he was accurate in the faith--"that this is the
   Son of God. But all that heard him were amazed," etc., for indeed it
   was incredible. "But Saul increased," etc. Therefore "after many days"
   this happens: viz. the Jews "took counsel to kill him. And their laying
   await was known of Saul." (v. 22-24.) What does this mean? It is likely
   that for awhile he did not choose to depart thence, though many,
   perhaps, besought him; but when he learnt it, then he permitted his
   disciples: for he had disciples immediately.

   "Then the disciples," etc. (v. 25.) Of this occurrence he says: "The
   ethnarch of Aretas the king kept the city of the Damascenes with a
   garrison, desiring to apprehend me." (2 Cor. xi. 32.) But observe the
   Writer here, [486] that he does not tell the story ambitiously, and so
   as to show what an important person Paul was, saying, "For they stirred
   up the king," and so forth: but only, "Then the disciples took him by
   night, and let him down by the wall--in a basket:" for they sent him
   out alone, and none with him. And it was well they did this: the
   consequence being, that he showed himself to the Apostles in Jerusalem.
   Now they sent him out, as bound to provide for his safety by flight:
   but he did just the contrary--he leaped into the midst of those who
   were mad against him. This it is to be on fire, this to be fervent
   indeed! From that day forth he knew all the commands which the Apostles
   had heard: "Except a man take up his cross, and follow Me." (Matt. x.
   38.) The very fact that he had been slower to come than the rest made
   him more zealous: for "to whom much is forgiven" (Luke vii. 47) the
   same will love more, so that the later he came, the more he loved: * *
   * [487] and having done ten thousand wrongs, he thought he could never
   do enough to cast the former deeds into the shade. "Proving" (v. 22),
   it says: i.e. with mildness teaching. And observe, they did not say to
   him, Thou art he that destroyed: why art thou changed? for they were
   ashamed: but they said it to themselves. For he would have said to
   them, This very thing ought to teach you, as in fact he does thus plead
   in his speech before Agrippa. Let us imitate this, man: let us bear our
   souls in our hands ready to confront all dangers.--(That he fled from
   Damascus) this was no cowardice: [488] he preserved himself for the
   preaching. Had he been a coward, he would not have gone to Jerusalem,
   would not immediately have commenced teaching: he would have abated
   somewhat of his vehemence: for he had been taught by the fate of
   Stephen. He was no coward, but he was also prudent (oikonomikos) (in
   husbanding himself). Wherefore he thought it no great thing to die for
   the Gospel's sake, unless he should do this to great advantage: willing
   not even to see Christ, Whom most of all he longed to see, while the
   work of his stewardship among men was not yet complete. (Phil. i. 23,
   24). Such ought to be the soul of a Christian. From [489] his first
   appearance from the very outset, the character of Paul declared itself:
   nay even before this, even in the things which he did "not according to
   knowledge" (Rom. x. 2), it was not by man's reasoning that he was moved
   to act as he did. [490] For if, so long afterwards, he was content not
   to depart, much more at the beginning of his trading voyage, when he
   had but just left the harbor! Many things Christ leaves to be done by
   (ordinary) human wisdom, that we may learn that (his disciples) were
   men, that it was not all everywhere to be done by grace: for otherwise
   they would have been mere motionless logs: but in many things they
   managed matters themselves.--This is not less than martyrdom,--to
   shrink from no suffering for the sake of the salvation of the many.
   Nothing so delights God. Again will I repeat what I have often said:
   and I repeat it, because I do exceedingly desire it: as Christ also did
   the same, when discoursing concerning forgiveness: "When ye pray,
   forgive if ye have aught against any man:" (Mark xi. 25.) and again to
   Peter He said, "I say not unto thee, Forgive until seven times, but
   until seventy-times seven." (Matt. xviii. 22.) And Himself in fact
   forgives the transgressions against Him. So do we also, because we know
   that this is the very goal of Christianity, continually discourse
   thereof. Nothing is more frigid than a Christian, who cares not for the
   salvation of others. Thou canst not here plead poverty: for she that
   cast down the two mites, shall be thine accuser. (Luke xxi. 1.) And
   Peter said, "Silver and gold have I none." (Acts iii. 6.) And Paul was
   so poor, that he was often hungered, and wanted necessary food. Thou
   canst not plead lowness of birth: for they too were ignoble men, and of
   ignoble parents. Thou canst not allege want of education: for they too
   were "unlearned men." (Acts iv. 13.) Even if thou be a slave therefore
   and a runaway slave, thou canst perform thy part: for such was
   Onesimus: yet see to what Paul calls him, and to how great honor he
   advances him: "that he may communicate with me," he says, "in my
   bonds." (Philem. v. 13.) Thou canst not plead infirmity: for such was
   Timothy, having often infirmities; for, says the apostle, "Use a little
   wine for thy stomach's sake, and thine often infirmities." (1 Tim. v.
   23.) Every one can profit his neighbor, if he will fulfil his part. See
   ye not the unfruitful trees, how strong they are, how fair, how large
   also, and smooth, and of great height? But if we had a garden; we
   should much rather have pomegranates, or fruitful olive trees: for the
   others are for delight to the eye, not for profit, which in them is but
   small. Such are those men who only consider their own interest: nay,
   not such even since these persons are fit only for burning: whereas
   those trees are useful both for building and for the safety of those
   within. Such too were those Virgins, chaste indeed, and decent, and
   modest, but profitable to none (Matt. xxv. 1) wherefore they are
   burned. Such are they who have not nourished Christ. For observe that
   none of those are charged with particular sins of their own, with
   fornication, for instance, or with perjury; in short, with no sin but
   the having been of no use to another. Such was he who buried his
   talent, showing indeed a blameless life, but not being useful to
   another. (ib. 25.) How can such an one be a Christian? Say, if the
   leaven being mixed up with the flour did not change the whole into its
   own nature, would such a thing be leaven? Again, if a perfume shed no
   sweet odor on those who approach it, could we call it a perfume? Say
   not, "It is impossible for me to induce others (to become
   Christians)"--for if thou art a Christian, it is impossible but that it
   should be so. For as the natural properties of things cannot be
   gainsaid, so it is here: the thing is part of the very nature of the
   Christian. Do not insult God. To say, that the sun cannot shine, would
   be to insult Him: to say that a Christian cannot do good, is to insult
   God, and call Him a liar. For it is easier for the sun not to give
   heat, nor to shine, than for the Christian not to send forth light: it
   is easier for the light to be darkness, than for this to be so. Tell me
   not that it is impossible: the contrary is the impossible. Do not
   insult God. If we once get our own affairs in a right state, the other
   will certainly follow as a natural and necessary consequence. It is not
   possible for the light of a Christian to be hid; not possible for a
   lamp so conspicuous as that to be concealed. Let us not be careless.
   For, as the profit from virtue reaches both to ourselves, and to those
   who are benefited by it: so from vice there is a two-fold loss,
   reaching both to ourselves, and to those who are injured by it. Let
   there be (if you will) some private man, who has suffered numberless
   ills from some one, and let no one take his part, yet let that man
   still return good offices; what teaching so mighty as this? What words,
   or what exhortations could equal it? What wrath were it not enough to
   extinguish and soften? Knowing therefore these things, let us hold fast
   to virtue, as knowing that it is not possible to be saved otherwise,
   than by passing through this present life in doing these good works,
   that we may also obtain the good things which are to come, through the
   grace and mercy of our Lord Jesus Christ, with Whom to the Father
   together with the Holy Spirit be glory, might, honor, now and ever,
   world without end. Amen.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [473] OEcumen. adds from some other source, "but Ananias who was one of
   the Seventy:" and afterwards, "And this Ananias was a deacon, as Paul
   himself testifies in the Canons:" the latter from Ammonius the
   Presbyter, in the Catena.--Below, Kai hoti (Cat., Oti gar) ou ton
   sphodra episemon en, delon, C. comp. p. 279. But Edd. "But that Ananias
   also was one of the very distinguished persons, is plain both from what
   (the Lord) reveals and says to him, and from what he himself says in
   answer: Lord, I have heard," etc.

   [474] Kai phoboumenon idon, oude houtos eipen. Ouk apistethese. The
   mod, t. prefixes Mallon d, and adds, alla ti; 'Anastas poreutheti.
   "Nay, even seeing him afraid, even then He said not, Thou shalt not be
   disbelieved: (Erasm. negligently, Be not unbelieving:) but what?
   Arise," etc. So Morel. Sav. but Ben. puts a full stop at idon: as if
   the meaning were, "because He would teach us," etc.: or rather,
   "because He also saw him to be afraid. Nor did He speak thus. Thou
   shalt not," etc. But the full stop should be placed at eipen: "nay,
   though he saw him afraid, He did not tell him what had happened to
   Paul--the victory He had won over this adversary. But only, Fear not to
   be disbelieved for he hath seen," etc.

   [475] hina hosper exepletten touto, houto kakeino. (Sav. marg. touto,
   kakeino.) "That as He (Christ) astonished (Ananias) by the one, so He
   may by the other." touto, by the announcement of Saul as a believer;
   ekeino, by that of his becoming a preacher, and before Gentiles and
   kings. (Chrys. is negligent in his use of the pronouns houtos and
   ekeinos.) Or it may be, "that as he (Saul) astonished (men) by his
   conversion, so by his wonderful boldness as a preacher."--E. Edd. omit
   this, and substitute, "as to prevail over all nations and kings."

   [476] "But when was the name of Jesus put upon Paul, that he should
   recover his sight? Here is either something wrong in the text, or we
   must say that Ananias put the name of Jesus on Paul, when, having laid
   his hands on him, he told him that it was Jesus from whom he should
   receive his sight." Ben.,--who surely must have overlooked the clause
   hoper epathen epi tou nomou, to which these words belong.--Above, Tines
   phasi tes peroseos einai touto semeion, the meaning is, that this
   falling off the scales, etc., is an emblem of his mental blindness, and
   of his recovery therefrom. The innovator, not understanding this,
   alters it to, tautas tines phasi tes p. autou einai aitias. "Some say
   that these were the cause of his blindness:" which is accepted by
   Edd.--And below, "lest any should imagine," etc., where tis, E.
   bracketted by Sav., adopted by the other Edd. is due to the same hand.

   [477] For Iesoun (the reading accredited by the leading authorities in
   v. 20) here and in the second exposition, E. alone has Christon (with
   text recept.) adopted by Edd.

   [478] Kai eutheos ek trooimion, thanaton ho anthropos en viz. ch. vii.
   58. C. has thanaton, for which A. conjecturally substitutes thaumastos.

   [479] The narratives given by Paul himself of his conversion in Acts
   xxii. and Acts xxvi. as well as allusion to the subjects in his
   epistles, present some harmonistic difficulties, which have, however,
   been greatly exaggerated by a criticism which is unfavorable to the
   historical character of the Acts. The constant factors in all the
   accounts are: the light from heaven, the voice of Jesus and Saul's
   answer, and the solemn charge commissioning Saul to bear the name of
   Christ to the Gentiles. In Acts xxvi. the interview with Ananias is
   omitted; in chap. xxii. it is narrated, but the occasion of Ananias'
   going to Saul is not given; in chap. ix. the Lord is represented as
   speaking to him and bidding him go, and it is affirmed that at the same
   time Saul has a vision of his coming. In xxii. the address of Ananias
   is considerably more extended than in ix. Some minor points of
   difference have been noted, as: in ix. 7 it is said that Saul's
   companions heard the voice but saw no one, while in xxii. 9, it is said
   that they saw the light but heard not the voice of Him who spoke. The
   discrepancy is resolved by many by translating ekousan(xxii. 9)
   "understood"--an admissable sense (so, Lechler, Hackett, Lange). It is
   certainly an unwarranted criticism which rejects the common matter of
   the various narratives upon the ground of such incidental variations in
   the traditions in which a great and mysterious experience has been
   preserved.--G.B.S.

   [480] Skeuos de kaleitai dikaios; deiknuntos tou logou hoti ouk esti
   phusike he kakia; skeuos, phesin, ekloges; to dokimon gar eklegometha.
   A. B. C. N. i.e. "Justly is he called a skeuos, for he is well-fitted
   for the work of Christ by his energy and earnestness. These need but to
   be turned to the right objects. It is contrary to right reason to say,
   that evil is a physical quality or essence, and therefore unchangeable.
   (See this argued Hom. lix. in Matt. p. 596.) A fit implement,
   therefore, and of no common kind: a skeuos ekloges, of all others to be
   chosen, because of its approved suitableness for the purpose." Thus St.
   Chrysostom constantly interprets this expression. Hom. xviii. in Rom.
   S:6 t. ix. 638. "When the stars were created, the Angels admired: but
   this man Christ Himself admired, saying, A chosen vessel is this man to
   Me!" Comm. in c. 1. Gal. S:9, t. x. 674 "Called me by His grace. Yet
   God saith, that He called Him, because of his virtue, (dia ten areten,)
   saying, A chosen vessel, etc.: i.e. fit to do service, and do a great
   work...But Paul himself everywhere ascribes it all to grace." Hom. iii.
   in 1 Tim. S:1, t. xi. 562. "God, foreknowing what he would be before he
   began to preach, saith, A chosen vessel etc. For as they who in war
   bear the royal standard, the labarum as we call it, have need of much
   skill and bravery not to deliver it into the enemy's hands, so they
   that bear the name of Christ," etc. And de Compunct. ad Demetr. lib. i.
   S:9, t. i. 138. "Since grace will have our part, (ta par' hemon zetei,)
   therefore some it follows and abides with, from some it departs, and to
   the rest it never even reaches. And to show that God first examined
   well the bent of the will (proairesis,) and thereupon gave the grace
   before this blessed man had done aught wonderful, hear what the Lord
   saith of him: A chosen vessel," etc.--The modern text: "And having said
   Skeuos, so as to show that the evil in him (he kakia autou) is not
   physical, He adds, ekloges, to declare that he is also approved; for,"
   etc.--OEcumen. deiknusin hoti ouk esti phusike he kakia auto, "The Lord
   shows that vice is not natural to him."

   [481] dia touto tauta legei: i.e. Ananias' objection, (v. 13) in fact
   comes to this: this was the feeling which prompted his words. The
   innovator substitutes, dia touto nun hemeros, hoti..."therefore is he
   now gentle, because he is blind:" E. Edd.--The meaning is; "In saying,
   I will show him how much he shall suffer,' etc. the Lord rebukes
   Ananias' reluctance to baptize him, and restore his sight: his answer,
   Lord, I have heard,' etc. was in fact as good as saying, Let him remain
   blind, it is better so." The parenthetic, pros to, Ina anablepse, tauta
   eiretai, looks like a marginal note of one who did not perceive the
   connection.--E. makes it, "To that saying, That he may receive his
   sight,' let this be added."

   [482] Kai to de thaumaston hoti proteron peisetai, kai tote. So all our
   mss. (Cat. to pr.) We conjecture the true reading to be, hoti proteron
   eisetai: "he shall first know," viz. "how many things he must suffer,"
   etc. v. 16.

   [483] In the mss. and Edd. the portions here marked b, a, c, occur in
   the order a, b, c. The clause e hoste pisteusai ekeinon being thus
   thrown out of its connection, perplexed the scribes: Cat. omits he,
   "until he obtained the mighty gifts, so that he (ekeinon, Ananias?)
   believed." A. E. F. D. reject the clause altogether. N. hoste kai p. e.

   [484] It is noticeable that in chap. xxii. 17, Paul is reported as
   connecting his going to Jerusalem directly with the narrative of his
   conversion, while in Gal. i. 16, 17 he states that it was not until
   three years after his conversion that he went up to Jerusalem. The
   various notices can only be matched together on the view that the
   coming to Jerusalem mentioned in ix. 26 was the same as that of Gal. i.
   18, and that this occurred about three years after his conversion. The
   hemerai hikanai of v. 23 must therefore include the time spent in
   Arabia (Gal. i. 17)., after which Paul must have returned to Damascus,
   before going up to Jerusalem. In this way the narratives can be
   harmonized without admitting a contradiction (as Baur, Zeller, De
   Wette); it is probable, however, that Luke did not know of the visit to
   Arabia, but connected Paul's going to Jerusalem closely with his
   conversion.--G.B.S.

   [485] The best textual authorities (A. B. C. ',) and critics (Tisch. W.
   and H., Lechler, Meyer, Gloag) here read: "his (Saul's) disciples," So
   R.V....The reference is to the band of converts whom he had been
   successful in winning at Damascus. In Paul's own narrative of his
   escape from Damascus (2 Cor. xi. 33) he states more specifically that
   he was let down "through a window, through the wall." This may have
   been either through the window of a house overhanging the wall, or
   through a window in the face of some portion of the wall (Cf. Josh. ii.
   15; 1 Sam. xix. 12).--G.B.S.

   [486] touton: Edd. ton euangelisten: and below from E. alone, "alla
   monon hoti epegeiran ton basilea, not speaking ambitiously, and making
   Paul illustrious, but only (saying) that they stirred up the king." But
   he does not say it, and his not saying it is the very thing which
   Chrys. commends: all' hora touton ou philotimos legonta, oude lampron
   deiknunta ton P., "'Epegeiran gar," phesin, "ton basilea." The phesin
   here is put hypothetically, "as if he had said," or "when he might have
   said." The sentence, however, requires something to complete it, such
   as we have added in the translation.

   [487] 'All' enedra (N. henedra) epoiei ton proton chronon, kai muria
   edikekos, ouden hegeito hikanon, k. t. l. So all our mss. except E. If
   enedra be not corrupt, it seems to be used in a sense unknown to the
   Lexicons.--Edd. from E. "Therefore it is that he so pillories
   (steliteuon) his former life, and brands (stizon) himself repeatedly,
   and thinks nothing enough," etc.

   [488] Hom.xxv. in 2 Cor. p. 615. Hom. v. de Laud. S. Pauli, t. ii. 501.

   [489] Hom.xxvi. in 2 Cor. p. 617, B.

   [490] Mallon de kai pro toutou, kai en hois ou kata gnosin epoiei, ouk
   (B. oude, A. om. anthropino kinoumenos logismo diepratteto. i.e. "Even
   as a persecutor, he was not swayed by common worldly considerations."
   The mod. t. (Edd.) perverts the Author's meaning:"--nay even before
   this. For in the things, etc. he was moved by man's reasoning to act as
   he did."
     __________________________________________________________________

   Homily XXI.

   Acts IX. 26, 27

   "And when Saul was come to Jerusalem, he assayed to join himself to the
   disciples: but they were all afraid of him, and believed not that he
   was a disciple. But Barnabas took him, and brought him to the Apostles,
   and declared unto them how he had seen the Lord in the way."

   One may well be much at a loss here to understand how it is that,
   whereas in the Epistle to the Galatians Paul says, "I went not to
   Jerusalem," but "into Arabia" and "to Damascus," and, "After three
   years I went up to Jerusalem," and "to see Peter" (Gal. i. 17),
   (historhesai Cat.) here the writer says the contrary. (There, Paul
   says,) "And none of the Apostles saw I; but here, it is said
   (Barnabas), brought him to the Apostles."--Well, then, either (Paul)
   means, "I went not up with intent to refer or attach myself to them
   (anathesthai)--for what saith he? "I referred not myself, neither went
   I to Jerusalem to those who were Apostles before me:" [491] or else,
   that the laying await for him in Damascus was after his return from
   Arabia; [492] or else, again, that the visit to Jerusalem was after he
   came from Arabia. Certainly of his own accord he went not to the
   Apostles, but "assayed to join himself unto the disciples"--as being
   [493] a teacher, not a disciple--"I went not," he says, "for this
   purpose, that I should go to those who were Apostles before me:
   certainly, I learnt nothing from them." Or, [494] he does not speak of
   this visit, but passes it by, so that the order is, "I went into
   Arabia, then I came to Damascus, then to Jerusalem, then to Syria:" or
   else, again, that he went up to Jerusalem, then was sent to Damascus,
   then to Arabia, then again to Damascus, then to Caesarea. Also, the
   visit "after fourteen years," probably, was when he brought up the
   [alms to the] brethren together with Barnabas: (Gal. ii. 1) or else he
   means a different occasion. (Acts xi. 30.) [495] For the Historian for
   conciseness, often omits incidents, and condenses the times. Observe
   how unambitious the writer is, and how he does not even relate (related
   in ch. xxii. 17-21) that vision, but passes it by. "He assayed," it
   says, "to join himself to the disciples. And they were afraid of him."
   By this again is shown the ardor of Paul's character: not (only) from
   the mouth of Ananias, and of those who wondered at him there, but also
   of those in Jerusalem: "they believed not that he was a disciple:" for
   truly that was beyond all human expectation. [496] He [497] was no
   longer a wild beast, but a man mild and gentle! And observe how he does
   not go to the Apostles, such is his forbearance, but to the disciples,
   as being a disciple. He was not thought worthy of credit. "But
   Barnabas"--"Son of Consolation" is his appellation, whence also he
   makes himself easy of access to the man: for "he was a kind man" (ch.
   xi. 24), exceedingly, and this is proved both by the present instance,
   and in the affair of John (Mark)--"having taken him, brought him to the
   Apostles, and related to them how he had seen the Lord in the way."
   [498] (xv. 39.) It is likely that at Damascus also he had heard all
   about him: whence he was not afraid but the others were, for he was a
   man whose glance inspired fear. "How," it says, "he had seen the Lord
   in the way, and that He had spoken unto him, and how in Damascus he had
   spoken boldly in the name of the Lord. And he was with them coming in
   and going out at Jerusalem, and speaking boldly in the name of Jesus"
   (v. 28): these things were demonstrative of the former, and by his acts
   he made good what was spoken of him. "And he spake, and disputed with
   the Hellenists." (v. 29.) So then the disciples were afraid of him, and
   the Apostles did not trust him; by this therefore he relieves them of
   their fear. "With the Hellenists:" he means those who used the Greek
   tongue: and this he did, very wisely; for those others, those profound
   Hebrews had no mind even to see him. "But they," it says, "went about
   to slay him:" a token, this, of his energy, and triumphant victory, and
   of their exceeding annoyance at what had happened. Thereupon, fearing
   lest the issue should be the same as in the case of Stephen, they sent
   him to Caesarea. For it says, "When the brethren were aware of this,
   they brought him down to Caesarea, and sent him forth to Tarsus" (v.
   30), at the same time to preach, and likely to be more in safety, as
   being in his own country. But observe, I pray you, how far it is from
   being the case that everything is done by (miraculous) grace; how, on
   the contrary, God does in many things leave them to manage for
   themselves by their own wisdom and in a human way; so [499] to cut off
   the excuse of idle people: for if it was so in the case of Paul, much
   more in theirs. [500] "Then, it says, "the Church throughout all Judea
   and Galilee and Samaria had peace (they), being edified, and walking in
   the fear of the Lord, and abounded in the comfort of the Holy Ghost."
   [501] (v. 31.) He is about to relate that Peter goes down (from
   Jerusalem), therefore that you may not impute this to fear, he first
   says this. For while there was persecution, he was in Jerusalem, but
   when the affairs of the Church are everywhere in security, then it is
   that he leaves Jerusalem. See how fervent and energetic he is! For he
   did not think, because there was peace, therefore there was no need of
   his presence. Paul [502] departed, and there was peace: there is no war
   nor disturbance. Them, they respected most, as having often stood by
   them, and as being held in admiration by the multitude: but him, they
   despised, and were more savage against him. See, how great a war, and
   immediately, peace! See what that war effected. It dispersed the
   peace-makers. In Samaria, Simon was put to shame: in Judea, the affair
   of Sapphira took place. Not that, because there was peace, therefore
   matters became relaxed, but such was the peace as also to need
   exhortation. "And it came to pass, as Peter passed throughout all
   quarters, he came down also to the saints which dwelt at Lydda." (v.
   32.) Like the commander of an army, he went about, inspecting the
   ranks, what part was compact, what in good order, what needed his
   presence. See how on all occasions he goes about, foremost. When an
   Apostle was to be chosen, he was the foremost: when the Jews were to be
   told, that these were "not drunken," when the lame man was to be
   healed, when harangues to be made, he is before the rest: when the
   rulers were to be spoken to, he was the man; when Ananias, he (ch. i.
   15; ii. 15; iii. 4-12; iv. 8; v. 3-15.): when healings were wrought by
   the shadow, still it was he. And look: where there was danger, he was
   the man, and where good [503] management (was needed); but where all is
   calm, there they act all in common, and he demands no greater honor
   (than the others). When need was to work miracles, he starts forward,
   and here again he is the man to labor and toil. "And there he found a
   certain man named AEneas, which had kept his bed eight years, and was
   sick of the palsy. And Peter said unto him, AEneas, Jesus Christ maketh
   thee whole: arise, and make thy bed. And he arose immediately." (v. 33,
   34.) And why did he not wait for the man's faith, and ask if he wished
   to be healed? In the first place, the miracle served for exhortation to
   many: hear then how great the gain. "And all that dwelt at Lydda and
   Saron saw him, and turned to the Lord." (v. 35.) For the man was
   notable. "Arise, and make thy bed:" he does well to give a proof of the
   miracle: for they not only released men of their diseases, but in
   giving the health they gave the strength also. Moreover, at that time
   they had given no proofs of their power, so that the man could not
   reasonably have been required to show his faith, as neither in the case
   of the lame man did they demand it. (ch. iii. 6.) As therefore Christ
   in the beginning of His miracles did not demand faith, so neither did
   these. For in Jerusalem indeed, as was but reasonable, the faith of the
   parties was first shown; "they brought out their sick into the streets,
   but as Peter passed by, his shadow at least might fall upon some of
   them" (ch. v. 15); for many miracles had been wrought there; but here
   this is the first that occurs. For of the miracles, some were wrought
   for the purpose of drawing others (to faith); some for the comfort of
   them that believed. "Now there was at Joppa a certain disciple named
   Tabitha, which by interpretation is called Dorcas: this woman was full
   of good works and alms-deeds which she did. And it came to pass in
   those days, that she was sick, and died: whom when they had washed,
   they laid her in an upper chamber. And forasmuch as Lydda was nigh to
   Joppa, and the disciples had heard that Peter was there, they sent unto
   him two men, desiring him that he would not delay to come to them." (v.
   36-38). Why did they wait till she was dead? Why was not Peter
   solicited (eskule) before this? So right-minded (philosophhountes) were
   they, they did not think it proper to trouble (skullein) the Disciples
   about such matters, and to take them away from the preaching: as indeed
   this is why it mentions that the place was near, seeing [504] they
   asked this as a thing beside his mark, and not now in the regular
   course. "Not to delay to come unto them:" for she was a disciple. And
   Peter arose, and went with them. And when he was come, they led him
   into the upper chamber." (v. 39.) They do not beseech, but leave it to
   him to give her life (soterian.) See [505] what a cheering inducement
   to alms is here! "And all the widows," it says, "stood round him
   weeping, and showing the coats and garments which Dorcas had made while
   she was with them." Peter went into the apartment, as one who took it
   calmly, but see what an accession came of it! It is not without a
   meaning that the Writer has informed us of the woman's name, but to
   show that the name she bore (pheronumos en) matched her character; as
   active and wakeful was she as an antelope. For in many instances there
   is a Providence in the giving of names, as we have often told you. "She
   was full," it says, "of good works:" not only of alms, but "of good
   works," first, and then of this good work in particular. "Which," it
   says, "Dorcas made while she was with them." Great humility! Not as we
   do; but they were all together in common, and in company with them she
   made these things and worked. "But Peter put them all forth, and
   kneeled down, and prayed; and turning him to the body said, Tabitha,
   arise. And she opened her eyes: and when she saw Peter, she sat up."
   (v. 40.) Why does he put them all out? That he may not be confused nor
   disturbed by their weeping. "And having knelt down, he prayed." Observe
   the intentness of his prayer. "And [506] he gave her his hand." (v.
   41.) So did Christ to the daughter of Jairus: "And (says the
   Evangelist) having taken her by the hand." Mark severally, first the
   life, then the strength brought into her, the one by the word, the
   other by his hand--"And he gave her his hand, and lifted her up, and
   when he had called the saints and widows, presented her alive:" to some
   for comfort, because they received back their sister, and because they
   saw the miracle, and for kindly support (prostasian) to others. "And it
   was known throughout all Joppa; and many believed in the Lord. And it
   came to pass, that he tarried many days in Joppa with one Simon a
   tanner." (v. 42-43.) Mark the unassuming conduct, mark the moderation
   of Peter, how he does not make his abode with this lady, or some other
   person of distinction, but with a tanner: by all his acts leading men
   to humility, neither suffering the mean to be ashamed, nor the great to
   be elated! "Many days;" [507] for they needed his instruction, who had
   believed through the miracles.--Let us look then again at what has been
   said.

   "Assayed," it says, "to join himself to the disciples."
   (Recapitulation, v. 26.) He did not come up to them unabashed, but with
   a subdued manner. "Disciples" [508] they were all called at that time
   by reason of their great virtue, for there was the likeness of the
   disciples plainly to be seen. "But they were all afraid of him." See
   how they feared the dangers, how the alarm was yet at its height in
   them. "But Barnabas," etc. (v. 27.)--it seems to me that Barnabas was
   of old a friend of his--"and related," etc.: observe how Paul says
   nothing of all this himself: nor would he have brought it forward to
   the others, had he not been compelled to do so. "And he was with them,
   coming in and going out at Jerusalem, and speaking boldly in the name
   of the Lord Jesus." (v. 28, 29.) This gave them all confidence. "But
   they went about to slay him: which when the brethren knew" etc. (v.
   30.) Do you observe how both there (at Damascus), and here, the rest
   take care for him, and provide for him the means of departure, and that
   we nowhere find him thus far receiving (direct supernatural) aid from
   God? So the energy of his character is betokened. "To Caesarea, and
   sent him forth to Tarsus:" so that, I suppose, he did not continue his
   journey by land, but sailed the rest of it. And this (departure) is
   Providentially ordered, that he might preach there also: and so
   likewise were the plots against him ordered by God's Providence, and
   his coming to Jerusalem, that the story about him might no longer be
   disbelieved. For there he was "speaking boldly," it says, "in the name
   of the Lord Jesus; and he spake and disputed against the Hellenists;"
   and again, "he was with them coming in and going out.--So [509] the
   Church throughout all Judea and Galilee and Samaria had peace"--i.e. it
   increased: and peace with itself, that peace which is peace indeed: for
   the war from without would have done them no harm --"they being
   edified, and walking in the fear of the Lord, and abounded in the
   consolation of the Holy Ghost." And the spirit consoled them both by
   the miracles and by the works, and independently of these in the person
   of each individual. "And it came to pass, etc. And Peter said unto him,
   Eneas," etc. (v. 32-34.) [510] But before discourse, before
   exhortations, he says to the lame man himself, "Jesus Christ maketh
   thee whole." This word he believed in any wise, and was made whole.
   Observe how unassuming he is: for he said not, "In the Name," but [511]
   rather as a sign he narrates the miracle itself, and speaks as its
   Evangelist. "And having seen him," it says, "all that dwelt in Lydda,
   and Saron, turned unto the Lord.--Now there was at Joppa," etc. (v. 35,
   36.) Observe everywhere the signs taking place. But let us so believe
   them, as if we were now beholding them. It is not simply said, that
   Tabitha died, but that she died, having been in a state of weakness.
   And (yet) they did not call Peter until she died; then "they sent and
   told him not to delay to come unto them." Observe, they send and call
   him by others. And he comes: he did not think it a piece of disrespect,
   to be summoned by two men: for, it says, "they sent two men unto
   him."--Affliction, my beloved, is a great thing, and rivets our souls
   together. Not a word of wailing there, nor of mourning. See [512] how
   thoroughly matters are cleansed! "Having washed her," it says, "they
   laid her in an upper chamber:" that is, they did all (that was right)
   for the dead body. Then Peter having come, "knelt down, and prayed; and
   turning him to the body, said, Tabitha, arise." (v. 40.) They did not
   perform all their miracles with the same ease. But this was profitable
   for them: for truly God took thought not only for the salvation of
   others, but for their own. He that healed so many by his very shadow,
   how is it that he now has to do so much first? There are cases also in
   which the faith of the applicants cooeperated. This is the first dead
   person that he raises. Observe how he, as it were, awakes her out of
   sleep: first she opened her eyes: then upon seeing (Peter) she sat up:
   then from his hand she received strength. "And it was known throughout
   all Joppa, and many believed in the Lord." (v. 42.) Mark the gain, mark
   the fruit, that it was not for display. Indeed, this is why he puts
   them all out, imitating his Master in this also.

   [513] For where tears are--or rather, where miracles are, there tears
   ought not to be; not where such a mystery is celebrating. Hear, I
   beseech you: although somewhat of the like kind does not take place
   now, yet in the case of our dead likewise, a great mystery is
   celebrating. Say, [514] if as we sit together, the Emperor were to send
   and invite some one of us to the palace, would it be right, I ask, to
   weep and mourn? Angels are present, commissioned from heaven and come
   from thence, sent from the King Himself to call their fellow servant,
   and say, dost thou weep? Knowest thou not what a mystery it is that is
   taking place, how awful, how dread, and worthy indeed of hymns and
   lauds? Wouldest thou learn, that thou mayest know, that this is no time
   for tears? For it is a very great mystery of the Wisdom of God. As if
   leaving her dwelling, the soul goes forth, speeding on her way to her
   own Lord, and dost thou mourn? Why then, thou shouldst do this on the
   birth of a child: for this in fact is also a birth, and a better than
   that. For here she goes forth to a very different light, is loosed as
   from a prison-house, comes off as from a contest. "Yes," say you, "it
   is all very well to say this, [515] in the case of those of whose
   salvation we are assured." Then, what ails thee, O man, that even in
   the case of such, thou dost not take it in this way? Say, what canst
   thou have to condemn in the little child? Why dost thou mourn for it?
   What in the newly baptized? for he too is brought into the same
   condition: why dost thou mourn for him? For as the sun arises clear and
   bright, so the soul, leaving the body with a pure conscience, shines
   joyously. Not such the spectacle of Emperor as he comes in state to
   take possession of the city (epibainonta poleos), not such the hush of
   awe, as when the soul having quitted the body is departing in company
   with Angels. Think what the soul must then be! in what amazement, what
   wonder, what delight! Why mournest thou? Answer me.--But it is only in
   the case of sinners thou doest this? Would that it were so, and I would
   not forbid your mournings, would that this were the object! This
   lamentation were Apostolic, this were after the pattern of the Lord;
   for even Jesus wept over Jerusalem. I would that your mournings were
   discriminated by this rule. But when thou speakest the words of one
   [516] that would call back (the dead), and speakest of thy long
   intimacy and his beneficence, it is but for this thou mournest (not
   because he was a sinner), thou dost but pretend to say it. Mourn,
   bewail the sinner, and I too will give a loose to tears; I, more than
   thou, the greater the punishment to which he is liable as such: I too
   will lament, with such an object. But not thou alone must lament him
   that is such; the whole city must do the same, and all that meet you on
   the way, as men bewail them that are led to be put to death. For this
   is a death indeed, an evil death, the death of sinners. But (with you)
   all is clean reversed. Such lamentation marks a lofty mind, and conveys
   much instruction; the other marks a littleness of soul. If we all
   lamented with this sort of lamentation, we should amend the persons
   themselves while yet living. For as, if it rested with thee to apply
   medicines which would prevent that bodily death, thou wouldest use
   them, just so now, if this death were the death thou lamentest, thou
   wouldest prevent its taking place, both in thyself and in him. Whereas
   now our behavior is a perfect riddle; that having it in our power to
   hinder its coming, we let it take place, and mourn over it when it has
   come. Worthy indeed of lamentations are they (when we consider), what
   time as they shall stand before the judgment seat of Christ, what words
   they shall then hear, what they shall suffer! To no purpose have these
   men lived: nay, not to no purpose, but to evil purpose! Of them too it
   may be fitly said, "It were good for them had they never been born."
   (Mark xiv. 21.) For what profit is it, I ask, to have spent so much
   time to the hurt of his own person? Had it been spent only to no
   purpose, were not that, I ask you, punishment enough! If one who has
   been an hired servant twenty years were to find that he has had all his
   labor in vain, would he not weep and lament, and think himself the most
   miserable of men? Why, here is a man who has lost all the labor of a
   whole life: not one day has he lived for himself, but to luxury, to
   debauchery, to covetousness, to sin, to the devil. Then, say, shall we
   not bewail this man? shall we not try to snatch him from his perils?
   For it is, yes, it is possible, if we will, to mitigate his punishment,
   if we make continual prayers for him, if for him we give alms. However
   unworthy he may be, God will yield to our importunity. For if [517]
   Paul showed mercy on one (who had no claims on his mercy), and for the
   sake of others spared one (whom he would not have spared), much more is
   it right for us to do this. By means of his substance, by means of
   thine own, by what means thou wilt, aid him: pour in oil, nay rather,
   water. Has he no alms-deeds of his own to exhibit? Let him have at
   least those of his kindred. Has he none done by himself? At least let
   him have those which are done for him, that his wife may with
   confidence beg him off in that day, having paid down the ransom for
   him. The more sins he has to answer for, the greater need has he of
   alms, not only for this reason, but because the alms has not the same
   virtue now, but far less: for it is not all one to have done it
   himself, and to have another do it for him; therefore, the virtue being
   less, let us by quantity make it the greatest. Let us not busy
   ourselves about monuments, not about memorials. This is the greatest
   memorial: set widows to stand around him. Tell them his name: bid them
   all make for him their prayers, their supplications: this will overcome
   God: though it have not been done by the man himself, yet because of
   him another is the author of the almsgiving. Even this pertains to the
   mercy of God: "widows standing around and weeping" know how to rescue,
   not indeed from the present death, but from that which is to come. Many
   have profited even by the alms done by others on their behalf: for even
   if they have not got perfect (deliverance), at least they have found
   some comfort thence. If it be not so, how are children saved? And yet
   there, the children themselves contribute nothing, but their parents do
   all: and often have women had their children given them, though the
   children themselves contributed nothing. Many are the ways God gives us
   to be saved, only let us not be negligent.

   How then if one be poor? say you. Again I say, the greatness of the
   alms is not estimated by the quantity given, but by the purpose. Only
   give not less than thine ability, and thou hast paid all. How then, say
   you, if he be desolate and a stranger, and have none to care for him?
   And why is it that he has none, I ask you? In this very thing thou
   sufferest thy desert, that thou hast none to be thus thy friend, thus
   virtuous. This is so ordered on purpose that, though we be not
   ourselves virtuous, we may study to have virtuous companions and
   friends--both wife, and son, and friend--as reaping some good even
   through them, a slight gain indeed, but yet a gain. If thou make it thy
   chief object not to marry a rich wife, [518] but to have a devout wife,
   and a religious daughter, thou shalt gain this consolation; if thou
   study to have thy son not rich but devout, thou shalt also gain this
   consolation. If thou make these thine objects then wilt thyself be such
   as they. This also is part of virtue, to choose such friends, and such
   a wife and children. Not in vain are the oblations made for the
   departed, not in vain the prayers, not in vain the almsdeeds: all those
   things hath the Spirit ordered, [519] wishing us to be benefited one by
   the other. See: he is benefited, thou art benefited: because of him,
   thou hast despised wealth, being set on to do some generous act: both
   thou art the means of salvation to him, and he to thee the occasion of
   thine almsgiving. Doubt not that he shall get some good thereby. It is
   not for nothing that the Deacon cries, "For them that are fallen asleep
   in Christ, and for them that make the memorials for them." It is not
   the Deacon that utters this voice, but the Holy Ghost: I speak of the
   Gift. What sayest thou? There is the Sacrifice in hand, and all things
   laid out duly ordered: Angels are there present, Archangels, the Son of
   God is there: all stand with such awe, and in the general silence those
   stand by, crying aloud: and thinkest thou that what is done, is done in
   vain? Then is not the rest also all in vain, both the oblations made
   for the Church, and those for the priests, and for the whole body? God
   forbid! but all is done with faith. What thinkest thou of the oblation
   made for the martyrs, of the calling made in that hour, martyrs though
   they be, yet even "for martyrs?" [520] It is a great honor to be named
   in the presence of the Lord, when that memorial is celebrating, the
   dread Sacrifice, the unutterable mysteries. For just as, so long as the
   Emperor is seated, is the time for the petitioner to effect what he
   wishes to effect, but when he is risen, say what he will, it is all in
   vain, so at that time, while the celebration of the mysteries is going
   on, it is for all men the greatest honor to be held worthy of mention.
   For look: then is declared the dread mystery, that God gave Himself for
   the world: along with that mystery he seasonably puts Him in mind of
   them that have sinned. For as when the celebration of Emperors'
   victories is in progress, then, as many as had their part in the
   victory receive their meed of praise, while at the same time as many as
   are in bonds are set at liberty in honor of the occasion; but when the
   occasion is past, he that did not obtain this favor then, no longer
   gets any: so is it here likewise: this is the time of celebration of a
   victory. For, saith it, "so often as ye eat this bread, ye do show
   forth the Lord's death." Then let us not approach indifferently, nor
   imagine that these things are done in any ordinary sort. But it is in
   another sense [521] that we make mention of martyrs, and this, for
   assurance that the Lord is not dead: and this, for a sign that death
   has received its death's blow, that death itself is dead. Knowing these
   things, let us devise what consolations we can for the departed,
   instead of tears, instead of laments, instead of tombs, our alms, our
   prayers, our oblations, that both they and we may attain unto the
   promised blessings, by the grace and loving-kindness of His
   only-begotten Son our Lord Jesus Christ, with Whom to the Father and
   the Holy Ghost together be glory, dominion, honor, now and ever, world
   without end. Amen.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [491] St. Chrysostom's exposition cannot be correctly reported here.
   Perhaps what he did say, was in substance as follows: "but I went into
   Arabia, and returned again unto Damascus: whence we learn, that the
   plot against him at Damascus was after his return from Arabia, and then
   the visit (to Jerusalem), after the escape from Damascus. Certainly of
   his own accord he went not to the Apostles," etc.--(So far, the first
   hypothesis, viz. that the visit, Acts ix. and the visit in Gal. are one
   and the same. Then) "or else, Paul does not mean this visit (viz. after
   the flight from Damascus), but passes it by, so that the order (in his
   narration) is as follows: I went to Arabia, then to Damascus, then
   viz., at some time during the residence in Damascus, to Jerusalem (to
   see Peter), then to Syria, i.e. back to Damascus: whereas, had he
   related matters fully, it should have been, that he went into Arabia,
   thence to Damascus, then to Jerusalem to see Peter, thence to Damascus
   again, then again to Jerusalem after the escape from D., thence to
   Caesarea."

   [492] For e ei me touto, E. gives (as emendation) eita palin, and
   ekeithen, for apo 'Arabias, but retains the e ei me touto of the
   preceding clause, which equally needs correction.

   [493] E. F. D. Edd. "As not being a teacher, but a disciple:" the
   reading of A. B. C. N. is attested by Cat. OEc. but below it is said
   that he joined himself to the disciples, hate matheten onta, Infra,
   note 1, p. 135.

   [494] Here should begin the alternative to the former hypothesis
   (beginning e toinun touto phesin) perhaps, with e, ei me touto. Cat,
   has apelthon, elthon, which we adopt, as the mention of Syria shows
   that the narrative in Gal. i. 17-21, is referred to; the subject
   therefore of legei, aphiesin is Paul, and tauten means the visit in
   Acts ix. The next sentence, for e ei me touto palin k. t. l. requires
   to be remodelled as above, e. g. deon legein hoti ex 'Arabias eis Dam.
   hupostrepsas, anelthen eis Ierosoluma, eita eis Dam. apelthe palin,
   eita palin eis Ieros., eita exepemphthe eis Kaisareian. The reporter,
   or redactor, seems to have intended a recital of St. Paul's movements
   before as well as after his conversion; viz. (from Tarsus) he went up
   to Jerusalem, then was sent (by the high-priest) to Damascus: then
   (after his conversion) went into Arabia (the mod. substitutes, Syria):
   then returned to Damascus: then (omitting all the rest) to
   Caesarea.--In the Comment. on Gal. i. t. x. 675, D. Chrys. expounds
   thus: "Whereas he says, I went not up,' this also may be said, that he
   went not up at the outset of his preaching, and, when he did, it was
   not for the purpose of learning."

   [495] Chrys. here confuses the visits of Paul to Jerusalem. That
   mentioned in Acts xi. 30, was the second visit, when he went to carry
   the gift of alms to the poor. The visit mentioned in Gal. ii. 1,
   synchronizes with Acts xv. 1, sq., when Paul went to attend the
   Apostolic council.--G.B.S.

   [496] The incredulity of the Christians at Jerusalem concerning the
   genuineness of Saul's conversion is difficult to understand, especially
   since they must have heard of the miraculous manner of it. It can,
   however, more readily be conceived of if, as we suppose, the three
   years absence from the city had intervened, and during this period,
   Saul had been unheard of. The impression might have gone abroad that he
   had fallen back into his old Jewish life. Certainly the persecution
   which the Christians at Jerusalem had suffered at his hands would
   incline them to be incredulous concerning his conversion, unless there
   were positive proof of it. When it is said (27) that Barnabas brought
   Paul "to the apostles" in Jerusalem, we must hold this statement
   subject to the modification made in Paul's own statement (Gal. i. 18)
   that during this visit he saw, of the apostles, only Peter and James,
   the Lord's brother. These may have been the only apostles then in the
   city, for Paul's stay was but for fifteen days. The purpose of this
   visit was to see Peter (Gal. i. 18).--G.B.S.

   [497] A. B. C. ekeino. Barnabas de anthropos epieikes kai hemeros hen;
   kai hora k. t. l. Cat. ekei. Barnabas anthropos epieikes en; kai hora.
   The epithet hemeros, "tamed," was felt to be unsuitable to Barnabas,
   hence Cat. omits it, OEc. substitutes (from below) kai chrestos
   sphodra. The mod. t. transposes the clause to the comment on v. 27. The
   fact seems to be, that Barnabas de is out of its place, and that anthr.
   ep. kai hem. is a description of Saul's present bearing contrasted with
   his former character: and that the sentence should begin with ekeino,
   somewhat in this way: ou gar en ontos prosdokias anthropines. 'Ekeino
   e.g. to therion, that raging wild-beast, now was a man, mild and
   gentle.--Below, all the mss. have hate matheten onta, which is not
   easily reconciled with the former passage (note c). There it is
   represented, that he assayed to join himself to the disciples as being
   a teacher, and not a disciple; here, that he did this as being a
   disciple, and dia to metriazein. OEc, combines this with the former
   statement: "he went not to the Apostles, but assayed," etc., metriazon,
   hate did. on, kai ou math., where Henten. renders modeste de se
   sentiens "quum tamen" praeceptor esset et non discipulus: rather,
   forbearing to put himself forward as he might have done, seeing he was
   himself a teacher, etc. The Catena has the dia to metriazein after
   apionta, and again after onta. Hence the true reading may be, kai hora
   auton ou pros t. ap. apionta, alla pros tous mathetas; ouch hate
   matheten onta, alla dia to metriazein.

   [498] A. B. C. (and Cat.) give the text, "But Barnabas--in the way,"
   continuously, and then the comments all strung together. Also the
   clause "it is likely--about him" is placed last, after gorgos en ho
   aner. This expression (Cat. adds gar) may denote either the quick, keen
   glance of Paul's eye, or the terror with which he was regarded--"to
   them the man had a terrible look with him."--The modern text: "But
   Barnabas--in the way.' This Barnabas was a mild and gentle sort of man.
   Son of Consolation' is the meaning of his name: whence also he became a
   friend to Paul. And that he was exceedingly kind and accessible, is
   proved both from the matter in hand, and from the affair of John.
   Whence he is not afraid, but relates how he had seen,' etc.--in the
   name of the Lord Jesus.' For it is likely, etc. Wherefore also tauta
   ekeinon kataskeuastika poion, dia ton ergon ebebaiose ta lechthenta."
   In the original text it is simply Tauta ekeinon kataskeuastika, kai dia
   ton ergon ebebaiose ta lechthenta, which being put before v. 28, would
   mean, that the conduct of Paul "in Damascus," the pos eparres.,
   evidenced the truth of what he said, about the Lord's appearing to him
   in the way. Hence in the mod. text: "wherefore Barnabas making the
   latter prove the former, confirmed by (Paul's) deeds the things told of
   him." (But Ben., Ideo haec ad illa praeparant, dum ille operibus dicta
   confirmat. Erasm., Ideo et haec praeparatoria facit operibus confirmans
   ea quae dicta erant.) We have transposed the clause, as comment on v.
   28.

   [499] This and the next clause are transposed in the mss. so that ep'
   auton would mean "in the case of the brethren."

   [500] The reason given in v. 30 for Paul's leaving Jerusalem is, that
   he was in danger of being slain by his opponents; that assigned by
   himself in xxii. 17, 18 is a revelation of the Lord given to him when
   in a trance in the temple, warning him that Jerusalem would not receive
   his message, and charging him to go unto the Gentiles. The two
   explanations have a common element in the opposition of the Jews and
   Hellenists at Jerusalem to Paul and their rejection of his message.
   "Paul, notwithstanding the opposition and machinations of the Jews, may
   have felt desirous to remain: he had a warm heart toward his brethren
   according to the flesh; he was eager for their conversion; and it
   required a revelation from Christ himself to cause him to comply with
   the importunity of his friends and to depart. Luke mentions the
   external reason; Paul the internal motive." (Gloag.)--G.B.S.

   [501] A. B. C. of N.T. and vulg. Hieron. have the singular throughout;
   and so Cat. in 1. Edd. from E. the plural throughout: our other mss.;
   oikodomouenoi and poreuomenoi (F. D. perisseuomenoi), "they being
   edified" etc., in apposition with 'Ekklesia.

   [502] i.e. If Paul had remained there would not have been peace and
   quiet.' It is doubtful, as the text stands, whether the subject to
   edounto is, the Jewish believers, or, the adversaries: and
   katephronoun, egriainon seem inconsistent as predicated of the same
   persons. Perhaps what Chrys. said is not fully reported, and the text
   may be completed thus: (comp. p. 304,) "there is no war from without,
   nor disturbance within. For the Jewish believers respected the
   Apostles, as having often stood by them, and the unbelievers durst not
   attack them as being had in admiration by the people: but as for Paul,
   the one party--viz. the zealous Jewish believers, the profound
   Hebrews,' despised him, while the others--viz. the unbelievers were
   more savage against him." Edd. (from E. alone). "And why, you may ask,
   does he this, and passes through' when there is peace, and after Paul's
   departure, i.e. why does Peter delay his journey until Paul is gone,
   and all is quiet? Because them they most respected, as having," etc.

   [503] Kai entha oikonomia; entha de, k. t. l. It does not appear what
   oikonomia can be intended, unless it be the order taken for the
   appointment of the deacons, but this was the act of all the Apostles,
   vi. 2. Hence perhaps the reading should be: entha de oikonomia, kai
   entha...."But where management (or regulation) only is concerned, and
   where all is peace," etc.

   [504] eipou (epou, B) en taxei parergou touto etoun (en, C.),
   proegoumenos de ouk eti, mathetria gar en. A. B. C. Cat. But Edd. hoste
   deixai hoti en k. t. l. and mathetria gar en before proeg. OEcum, en
   taxei gar par. touto etoun, math. gar en, omitting. proeg. de
   ouketi.--"If the place had not been near, they would not have made the
   request: for it was asking him to put himself out of his way, to do
   this over and above, and not in the regular course."--This is a hint to
   the hearers that they should show the like forbearance and discretion,
   in not giving their Bishop unnecessary trouble.

   [505] Oras eleemosunes pose ginetai protrope. Edd. from E, "Thus is
   here fulfilled the saying, Alms delivereth from death. And all the
   widows,'" etc. Below, for Eis ten oikian eiseei ho Petros hos
   philosophon; hora de pose he epidosis gegonen: the same have, "Where
   she was laid out dead, they take Peter, tacha oi& 231;menoi pros
   philosophian auto ti charizesthai, perhaps thinking to give him a
   subject for elevated thought. Seest thou," etc.--The meaning seems to
   be, "Peter went to see the dead body, expecting no miracle, but only as
   one who could bear such sights, and would teach others to do so: but
   see what a mighty additional boon came of it!"

   [506] In the mss. Kai kratesas, phesi, tes cheiros. & 169;Ora (E. Edd.
   'Entautha deiknusi) kata meros k. t. l. But the passage cited is from
   Luke viii. 52, kai kratesas tes cheiros autes, ephonese k. t. l. to
   which, and probably to the ekbalon exo pantas there preceding, St.
   Chrys. here referred.

   [507] Edd. from E. hos kai dia touto ekrine dielthein, epeide tes autou
   didaskalias edeonto hoi pisteusantes. "Who also for this reason judged
   it right to make this circuit, because those who had believed needed
   his instruction."

   [508] The modern text: "He calls by the name of disciples' even those
   who were not included in the company of the twelve (Apostles), because
   they were all called disciples," etc.

   [509] Here the modern text has: "And the Churches had peace, being
   edified, and walking in the fear of the Lord:" i.e. they increased, and
   (had peace), peace as it is in itself, the true peace, eirenen auten
   depou pros heauten, ten ontos eirenen." (The singular he 'Ekkl. being
   altered to the plural, the reference in pros heauten was not
   perceived.) "With good reason. For the war from without exceedingly
   afflicted them. And were filled with the consolation of the Holy
   Ghost.'" See p. 136, note 3.

   [510] Something must be supplied: e.g. "He did not wait for Eneas to
   ask, or to show his faith," as above, p. 301.--Edd. from E. "And it
   came to pass--maketh thee whole.' It is not the word of one making a
   display, but of confidence that the thing shall be. And it does very
   much seem to me, that the sick man believed this word, and was made
   whole. That Peter is unassuming, is clear from what follows. For he
   said not, In the Name of Jesus, but rather as a miracle he narrates it.
   And they that dwelt at Lydda saw, and turned unto the Lord.' It was not
   for nothing that I said, that the miracles were wrought in order to
   persuade and comfort. But in Joppa--and died.' Do you mark the miracles
   everywhere taking place? It is not merely said, etc. Wherefore also
   they do not call Peter until she was dead. And having heard, (that
   Peter was there) the disciples sent,'" etc.

   [511] 'All' hos semeion mallon auto (autos B.) diegeitai kai
   euangelizetai: "he speaks not in the form of command or promise, but of
   narration: he relates it, Evangelist-like, as a fact."

   [512] Ora pos diakathairetai ta pragmata (omitted in E. D. F. Edd.):
   i.e. how the Gospel has purged away all excess of mourning, and all
   noisy demonstrations of grief. St. Chrys. frequently inveighs against
   the heathenish customs of mourning for the dead, which were still
   practised--such as the hiring of heathen mourning-women: Hom. in Matt.
   xxxi. p. 207. A. "I confess to you, I am ashamed when I see the troops
   of women tearing their hair, gashing their flesh, as they move through
   the market--and this under the very eyes of the heathen." Conc. in Laz.
   v. t. i. p. 765 D. where the Christian mode of interment is described;
   viz. the procession of clergy with psalms and hymns of praise, lighted
   tapers, etc. comp. Hom. iv. in Heb. (ii. 15.)

   [513] Entha gar dakrua, mallon de entha thaumata, ou dei dakrua
   pareinai; entha toiouton musterion teleitai. It seems, he was going to
   say, "Where tears are, it is no fit time for miracles," but corrects
   himself, for put in that way the proposition was not true. The
   innovator weakly substitutes, "For where tears are, such a mystery
   ought not to be performed: or rather, where miracles are, there tears
   ought not to be."

   [514] The rest of the Hom. is given in the Florilegium or Eclogae, in
   t. xii. ecl. xlv.--the only instance in which these Homilies have been
   employed in that compilation. Its author used the old text: it does not
   appear that any of his various readings were derived from the modern
   text.

   [515] epi ton eudokimon: i.e. those who are certainly not reprobates
   (ouk adokimon). In the next sentence, E. Edd. kai ti pros se, anthrope;
   su gar oude epi ton eudok. touto poieis. Ben. Et quid hoc ad te, o
   homo? tu enim erga probos hoc non agis. Erasm. tu enim neque apud
   probatissimos hoc agis. The other mss. and Ecl. ti oun...hoti.

   [516] Otan de anakaloumenos rh& 208;mata leges kai sunetheian kai
   prostasian, so mss. and Edd. but Ecl. anakaloumenou, which we adopt. To
   the same purport, but more fully, Hom. xii. in 1 Cor. p. 392. (and Ecl.
   xlv.) "If when some (friend) were taken into the palace and crowned,
   thou shouldest bewail and lament, I should not call thee the friend of
   him that is crowned, but very much his hater and enemy. But now, say
   you, I do not bewail him, but myself.' But neither is this the part of
   a friend, that for thine own sake thou wouldest have him still in the
   contest, etc. But I know not where he is gone.' How knowest thou not,
   answer me? For whether he lived rightly or otherwise, it is plain where
   he will go. Why, this is the very reason why I do bewail--because he
   departed a sinner.' This is mere pretence. If this were the reason of
   thy lamenting him that is gone, thou oughtest while he was alive to
   have amended him, and formed his manners," etc.

   [517] Ei gar Paulos heteron ele& 219;se, kai di allous allon (Ecl.
   allon) epheisato, pollo mallon hemas touto dei poiein. But E. Edd. Ei
   dia Paulon heterous diesose, kai di allous allon pheidetai, pos ouchi
   kai di hemas to auto touto ergasetai; "If (God) for Paul's sake saved
   others, and for some men's sake spares other men, how shall He not for
   our sakes do this same thing?" In Hom. xli. in 1 Cor. p. 393. B. Chrys.
   uses for illustration Job's sacrifice for his sons, and adds, "For God
   is wont to grant favors to others in behalf of others, heterois huper
   heteron charizesthai. And this Paul showed, saying, Ina en pollo
   prosopo, k. t. l. 2 Cor. i. 11." But here the reference seems to be to
   2 Cor. ii. 10, "To whom ye forgive anything, I forgive also; for if I
   forgave anything, to whom I forgave it, for your sakes' forgave I it in
   the person of Christ."--St. Chrysostom constantly teaches, as here,
   that the souls of the departed are aided by the prayers, alms, and
   Eucharistic oblations of the living, Hom. xli. in 1 Cor. u. s. "Even if
   he did depart a sinner,...we ought to succor him, in such sort as may
   be (hos an hoi& 231;n te e), not by tears, but by prayers and
   supplications, and alms and oblations. For not idly have these things
   been devised, nor to no purpose do we make mention of the departed in
   the Divine Mysteries, and for them draw near, beseeching the Lamb Which
   lieth there, Which taketh away the sins of the world, but in order that
   some consolation may thence come to them. Nor in vain does he that
   stands beside the altar, while the dread Mysteries are celebrating, cry
   out, For all that sleep in Christ, and for them that make the memorials
   for them.'" See also Hom. iii. ad Phil. p. 217, 218. Comp. St. Cyrill.
   Hier. Catech. Mystag. v. S:9, St. Augustin, Serm. 172.

   [518] eulabe gunaika kai thugatrion agagesthai semnon. A. B. C. In the
   Edd. kai thug. semnon, is transposed after me ploutounta hui& 232;n
   katalipein all' eulabe: and so in the Ecl. which however retains ag,
   between thug. and semnon. In the old text, wife and daughter are
   mentioned first, as the persons most apt to perform these offices of
   religion: in agagesthai there is a zeugma; "to take to wife, and to
   have wife and daughter, etc."

   [519] Hom.iii. in Phil. ad fin. Ouk eike tauta enomothetethe huto ton
   apostolon k. t. l. "Not idly were these things enacted by the Apostles,
   that in the dread mysteries there is mention made of the departed: they
   know that to them great is the gain which accrues, great the benefit.
   For when the whole congregation stands there, all lifting up their
   hands, the sacerdotal body (pleroma hieratikon), and the dread
   sacrifice is laid out, how shall we fail to prevail with God, in
   supplicating for these?"

   [520] Ti oiei to huper marturon prospheresthai, to klethenai en ekeine
   te hora kan martures osi, kan (kai A. huper marturon; There is no
   reason to suppose (as Neander, Der Heilige Johannes Chrysostomus, t.
   ii. p. 162) that the words kan martures k. t. l. are part of the
   Liturgy: the meaning is, Think what a great thing it is to be mentioned
   in that Prayer of Oblation; to be mentioned as the martyrs are
   mentioned, for of them also, martyrs though they be, the same form of
   expression is used, huper marturon.--In the Liturgy of St. Chrysostom
   the words are, Eti prospheromen soi ten logiken tauten latreian huper
   ton en pistei anapauomenon propatoron, pateron, patriarchon, propheton,
   apostolon, kerukon, euangeliston, marturon k. t. l. See St. Augustin,
   Hom. on St John, p. 842, note a.

   [521] i.e. not to intercede on their behalf, but for commemoration of
   Christ's victory over death, achieved in Himself and in them. The
   Eucharist is, so to say, Christ's epinikia, in which the Martyrs are
   eulogized as sharers of His triumph (and this is our commemoration of
   truth), and the prisoners are set at liberty (and in this sense we name
   our dead).
     __________________________________________________________________

   Homily XXII.

   Acts X. 1-4

   "There was a certain man in Caesarea called Cornelius, a centurion of
   the band called the Italian band, a devout man, and one that feared God
   with all his house, which gave much alms to the people, and prayed to
   God alway. He saw in a vision evidently about the ninth hour of the day
   an angel of God coming in to him, and saying unto him, Cornelius. And
   when he looked on him, he was afraid, and said, What is it, Lord? And
   he said unto him, Thy prayers and thine alms are come up for a memorial
   before God."

   This man is not a Jew, nor of those under the Law, but he had already
   forestalled our manner of life. [522] Observe, thus far, two persons,
   both of high rank, receiving the faith, the eunuch at Gaza and this
   man; and the pains taken on behalf of these men. But do not imagine
   that this was because of their high rank: God forbid! it was because of
   their piety. For that the Scripture mentions their dignified stations,
   is to show the greatness of their piety; since it is more wonderful
   when a person being in a position of wealth and power is such as these
   were. What makes the praise of the former is, his undertaking so long a
   journey, and this when there was no (festival) season to require it,
   [523] and his reading on his road, and while riding in his chariot, and
   his beseeching Philip, and numberless other points: and the great
   praise of the latter is, that he makes alms and prayers, and is a just
   man, holding such a command. The reason why the writer describes the
   man so fully, is, that none may say that the Scripture history relates
   falsehoods: "Cornelius," he says, "a centurion of the band called the
   Italian band." (v. 1.) A "band," spheira, is what we now call a
   "numerous." [524] "A devout man," he says, "and one that feared God
   with all his house" (v. 2): that you may not imagine that it is because
   of his high station that these things are done.--When Paul was to be
   brought over, there is no angel, but the Lord Himself: and He does not
   send him to some great one, but to a very ordinary person: [525] but
   here, on the contrary, He brings the chief Apostle (to these Gentiles),
   not sends them to him: herein condescending to their weakness, and
   knowing how such persons need to be treated. As indeed on many
   occasions we find Christ Himself hasting (to such), as being more
   infirm. Or (it may be) because (Cornelius) was not able himself to
   leave his home. But here again is a high commendation of alms, just as
   was there given by means of Tabitha. "A devout man," it says, "and one
   that feared God with all his house." Let us hear this, whoever of us
   neglect them of our own house, whereas this man was careful of his
   soldiers also. "And that gave alms," it says, "to all the people." Both
   his doctrines and his life were right. "He saw in a vision evidently,
   about the ninth hour of the day, an angel of God coming in to him, and
   saying unto him, Cornelius." (v. 3.) Why does he see the angel? This
   also was in order to the full assurance of Peter, or rather, not of
   him, but of the others, the weaker ones. "At the ninth hour," when he
   was released from his cares and was at quiet, when he was engaged in
   prayers and compunction. "And when he looked on him, he was afraid."
   (v. 4.) Observe how what the angel speaks he does not speak
   immediately, but first rouses and elevates his mind. At the sight,
   there was fear, but a fear in moderation, just so far as served to fix
   his attention. Then also the words relieved him of his fear. The fear
   roused him: the praise mitigated what was unpleasant in the fear. "Thy
   prayers," saith he, "and thine alms are come up for a memorial before
   God. And now send men to Joppa, and call for one Simon, whose surname
   is Peter." (v. 5.) Lest they should come to a different person, he
   designates the man not only by his surname, but by the place. "And the
   same," saith he, "is lodging with one Simon a tanner, who hath his
   house by the seaside." (v. 6.) Do you mark how the Apostles, for love
   of solitude and quiet, affected the retired quarters of the cities?
   "With one Simon a tanner:" how then if it chanced that there was
   another? Behold, there is another token, his dwelling by the seaside.
   All three tokens could not possibly coincide (elsewhere). He does not
   tell him for what purpose, that he may not take off the intense desire,
   but he leaves him to an eager and longing expectation of what he shall
   hear. "And [526] when the Angel which spake unto Cornelius was
   departed, he called two of his household servants, and a devout soldier
   of them that waited on him continually; and when he had declared all
   these things unto them, he sent them to Joppa." (v. 7, 8.) Do you see,
   that it is not without purpose that the writer says this? (it shows)
   that those also "who waited on him continually" were such as he. "And
   when he had declared the whole matter unto them:" observe the
   unassuming character of the man: for he does not say, Call Peter to me:
   but, in order also to induce him to come, he declared the whole
   matter:--this was so ordered by Providence;--for he did not choose to
   use the authority of his rank to fetch Peter to him; therefore "he
   declared the matter;" such was the moderation of the man: and yet no
   great notion was to be formed of one lodging with a tanner. "And on the
   morrow, as they journeyed, and drew nigh to the city" (v. 9.)--observe
   how the Spirit connects the times: no sooner than this, and no later,
   He Causes this to take place--"Peter about the sixth hour went up upon
   the housetop to pray:" that is, privately and quietly, as in an upper
   chamber. "And he became very hungry, and would have eaten; but while
   they made ready, there fell upon him a trance." (v. 10.) What means
   this expression, [527] ekstasis, "trance?" Rather, there was presented
   to him a kind of spiritual view (theoria): the soul, so to say, was
   caused to be out of the body (exeste). "And saw heaven opened, and,
   knit at the four corners, a certain vessel descending unto him, as it
   had been a great sheet, and let down to the earth: wherein were all
   manner of fourfooted beasts of the earth, and wild beasts, and creeping
   things, and fowls of the air. And there came a voice to him, Rise,
   Peter; kill, and eat. But Peter said, Not so, Lord; for I have never
   eaten anything that is common or unclean. And the voice spake unto him
   again the second time, What God hath cleansed, that call not thou
   common. This was done thrice: and the vessel was received up again into
   heaven." (v. 11-16.) What is this? It is a symbol of the whole world.
   The [528] man was uncircumcised: and --for he had nothing in common
   with the Jews--they would all accuse him as a transgressor: "thou
   wentest in to men uncircumcised, and didst eat with them: (ch. xi. 3)"
   this [529] was a thing altogether offensive to them: observe then what
   is providentially managed. He himself also says, "I have never eaten:"
   not being himself afraid--far be the thought from us--but it is so
   contrived by the Spirit, in order that he may have it to say in answer
   to those accusing him, that he did object: for it was altogether
   necessary for them to observe the Law. He was in the act of being sent
   to the Gentiles: therefore that these also may not accuse him, see how
   many things are contrived (by the Providence of God). For, that it may
   not seem to be a mere fancy, "this was done thrice. I [530] said,"
   saith he, "Not so, Lord, for I have never eaten aught common or
   unclean.--And the voice came unto him, What God hath cleansed, that
   call not thou common." (ch. xi. 8, with x. 14.) It seems indeed to be
   spoken to him, but the whole is meant for the Jews. For if the teacher
   is rebuked, much more these. [531] The earth then, this is what the
   linen sheet denotes, and the wild beasts in it, are they of the
   Gentiles, and the command, "Kill and eat," denotes that he must go to
   them also; and that this thing is thrice done, denotes baptism. "What
   God hath cleansed," saith it, "call not thou common." Great daring!
   Wherefore [532] did he object? That none may say that God was proving
   him, as in the case of Abraham, this is why he says, "Not so, Lord,"
   etc. not gainsaying--just as to Philip also He said, "How many loaves
   have ye?" Not to learn, but tempting, or "proving him." [533] And yet
   it was the same (Lord) that had discoursed above (in the Law)
   concerning things clean and unclean. But in that sheet were also "all
   the four-footed beasts of the earth:" the clean with the unclean. And
   [534] for all this, he knew not what it meant. "Now while Peter doubted
   in himself what this vision which he had seen should mean, behold, the
   men which were sent from Cornelius had made enquiry for Simon's house,
   and stood before the gate, and called, and asked whether Simon, which
   was surnamed Peter, were lodged there. But while Peter," it says,
   "doubted in himself" (v. 17, 18), the men come at the right moment to
   solve his doubt: just as (the Lord) suffered Joseph first to be
   perturbed in mind, and then sends the Angel: for the soul with ease
   accepts the solution, when it has first been in perplexity. His
   perplexity neither lasts long (when it did occur), nor (did it occur)
   before this, but just at the moment when they "asked whether he were
   lodging there. While Peter thought on the vision, the Spirit said unto
   him, Behold, three men seek thee. Arise therefore, and get thee down,
   and go with them, doubting nothing: for I have sent them." (supra, p.
   142, and 145, note 7; v. 19, 20.) And this again is a plea for Peter in
   answer to the disciples, that he did doubt, and was instructed to doubt
   nothing. "For I," saith He, "have sent them." Great is the authority of
   the Spirit! What God doth, this the Spirit is said to do. Not so the
   Angel, but having first said, "Thy prayers and thine alms have
   ascended, for a memorial before God," to show that he is sent from
   thence, then he adds, "And now send men," etc.: the Spirit not so, but,
   "For I have sent them. Then Peter went down to the men which were sent
   unto him from Cornelius; and said, Behold, I am he whom ye seek: what
   is the cause wherefore ye are come? And they said, Cornelius the
   centurion, a just man, and one that feareth God and of good report
   among all the nation of the Jews, was warned from God by an holy angel
   to send for thee into his house, and to hear words of thee." (v. 21,
   22.) They speak his praises, so as to persuade him that an Angel has in
   fact appeared unto him. "Then called he them in," [535] (b) that they
   may suffer no harm, "and lodged them:" thenceforth he without scruple
   takes his meals with them. "And on the morrow Peter went away with
   them, and certain brethren from Caesarea accompanied him. And the
   morrow after, they entered into Caesarea." (v. 23, 24.) The man was a
   person of note, and it was in a city of note that he then was.

   (a) But let us look over again what has been said. "There was a certain
   man in Caesarea," etc. (Recapitulation, v. 1, 2.) Observe with whom the
   beginning of the Gentiles is made--with "a devout man," and one proved
   to be worthy by his works. For if, though the case be so, they are
   still offended, if this had not been the case, what would not have been
   the consequence! But [536] mark the greatness of the assurance. (c) To
   this end [537] all is done (in the way it is done), and the affair
   takes its beginning from Judea. (d) "He saw in a vision, evidently,"
   etc. (v. 3). It was not in his sleep that the Angel appeared to him,
   but while he was awake, in the daytime, "about the ninth hour. He [538]
   saw an Angel of God coming in unto him, and saying unto him, Cornelius.
   And when he looked on him, he was afraid." So occupied was he with
   himself. Implying, that it was in consequence of the Angel's calling
   him by a voice that he saw him; as, had he not called him, he would not
   have seen him: so taken up was he with the act in which he was engaged.
   [539] But the Angel says to him, "Thy prayers and thine alms are come
   up for a memorial before God, and now send men to Joppa, and call for
   one Simon, who is called Peter." (v. 5.) So far, he signified that the
   sending for him would be for good consequences, but in what way good,
   he did not intimate. [540] So, neither does Peter relate the whole
   matter, but everywhere, the narratives are in part only, for the
   purpose of making the hearers apply their minds to what is said. "Send
   and call for Simon:" in like manner the Angel only calls Philip. "And
   [541] as they went on their journey, and drew nigh to the city" (v. 9):
   in order that Peter should not be in perplexity too long. "Peter went
   up upon the housetop," etc. Observe, that not even his hunger forced
   him to have recourse to the sheet. "Rise, Peter," saith the Voice,
   "kill and eat." (v. 13.) Probably he was on his knees when he saw the
   vision.--To me [542] it seems that this also denotes the Gospel (or,
   "the Preaching"). That the thing taking place was of God (the
   circumstances made evident, namely), both that he sees it (descending)
   from above, and that he is in a trance; and, that the voice comes from
   thence, and the thrice confessing that the creatures there were
   unclean, and its coming from thence, and being drawn back thither (all
   this), is a mighty token of the cleanness (imparted to them).--But why
   is this done? For [543] the sake of those thereafter, to whom he is
   about to relate it. For to himself it had been said, "Go not into the
   way of the Gentiles." (Matt. x. 5.) * * For if Paul needed both (to
   give) circumcision, and (to offer) sacrifice, much more (was some
   assurance needed) then, in the beginning of the Preaching, while they
   were as yet weaker. (Acts xvi. 3; xxi. 16.)--Observe [544] too how he
   did not at once receive them. For, it says, they "called, and asked,
   whether Simon, which was surnamed Peter, were lodging there." (v. 18.)
   As it was a mean looking house, they asked below, they inquired [545]
   of the neighbors. "And while Peter thought, the Spirit said unto him,
   Arise, get thee down, and go, nothing doubting, for I have sent them."
   (v. 19, 20.) And he does not say, For to this end did the vision appear
   unto thee; but, "I have sent them. Then Peter went down" (v. 21)--this
   is the way the Spirit must be obeyed, without demanding reasons. For it
   is sufficient for all assurance to be told by Him, This do, this
   believe: nothing more (is needed)--"Then Peter went down, and said,
   Behold, I am he whom ye seek: [546] what is the cause wherefore ye are
   come?" He saw a soldier, saw a man: [547] it was not that he was
   afraid, on the contrary, having first confessed that he was the person
   whom they sought, then he asks for the cause (of their coming); that it
   may not be supposed that the reason of his asking the cause, was, that
   he wished to hide himself: (he asks it) in order, that if it be
   immediately urgent, he may also go forth with them, but if not, may
   receive them as guests. "And [548] they said, etc. into his house." (v.
   22.) This he had ordered them. Do not think he has done this out of
   contempt: not as of contempt has he sent, but so he was ordered. "And
   Cornelius was waiting for them, and had called together his kinsmen and
   near friends." (v. 24.) It was right that his kinsmen and friends
   should be gathered to him. But being there present, [549] they would
   have heard from him (what had happened).

   See how great the virtue of alms, both in the former discourse, and
   here! There, it delivered from death temporal; here, from death
   eternal; and opened the gates of heaven. Such are the pains taken for
   the bringing of Cornelius to the faith, that both an angel is sent, and
   the Spirit works, and the chief of the Apostles is fetched to him, and
   such a vision is shown, and, in short, nothing is left undone. How many
   centurions were there not besides, and tribunes, and kings, and none of
   them obtained what this man did! Hear, all ye that are in military
   commands, all ye that stand beside kings. "A just man," it says,
   "fearing God; devout" (v. 2, and 22); and what is more [550] than all,
   with all his house. Not as we (who): that our servants may be afraid of
   us, do everything. but not that they may be devout. And [551] over the
   domestics too, so * *. Not so this man; but he was "one that feared God
   with all his house" (v. 2), for he was as the common father of those
   with him, and of all the others (under his command.) But observe what
   (the soldier) says himself. For, fearing * *, he adds this also: "well
   reported of by all the nation." For what if he was uncircumcised? Nay,
   but those give him a good report. Nothing like alms: great is the
   virtue of this practice, when the alms is poured forth from pure
   stores; for it is like a fountain discharging mud, when it issues from
   unjust stores, but when from just gains, it is as a limpid and pure
   stream in a paradise, sweet to the sight, sweet to the touch, both
   light and cool, when given in the noon-day heat. Such is alms. Beside
   this fountain, not poplars and pines, nor cypresses, but other plants
   than these, and far better, of goodly stature: friendship with God,
   praise with men, glory to Godward, good-will from all; blotting out of
   sins, great boldness, contempt of wealth. This is the fountain by which
   the plant of love is nourished: for nothing is so wont to nourish love,
   as the being merciful: it makes its branches to lift themselves on
   high. This fountain is better than that in Paradise (Gen. ii. 10); a
   fountain, not dividing into four heads, but reaching unto Heaven
   itself: this gives birth to that river "which springeth up into eternal
   life" (John iv. 14): on this let Death light, and like a spark it is
   extinguished by the fountain: such, wherever it drops, are the mighty
   blessings it causes. This quenches, even as a spark, the river of fire:
   this so strangles that worm, as naught else can do. (Mark ix. 44.) He
   that has this, shall not gnash his teeth. Of the water of this, let
   there be dropped upon the chains, and it dissolves them: let it but
   touch the firebrands, [552] it quenches all.--A fountain does not give
   out streams for a while and anon run dry,--else must it be no more a
   fountain,--but ever gushes: so let our fountain give out more copiously
   of the streams of mercy (in alms). This cheers him that receives: this
   is alms, to give out not only a copious, but a perennial, stream. If
   thou wouldest that God rain down His mercy upon thee as from fountains,
   have thou also a fountain. And [553] yet there is no comparison
   (between God's fountain and thine): for if thou open the mouths of this
   fountain, such are the mouths of God's Fountain as to surpass every
   abyss. God does but seek to get an opportunity on our part, and pours
   forth from His storehouses His blessings. When He expends, when He
   lavishes, then is He rich, then is He affluent. Large is the mouth of
   that fountain: pure and limpid its water. If thou stop not up the
   fountain here, neither wilt thou stop up that fountain.--Let no
   unfruitful tree stand beside it, that it may not waste its spray. Hast
   thou wealth? Plant not poplars there: for such is luxury: it consumes
   much, and shows nothing for it in itself, but spoils the fruit. Plant
   not a pine-tree--such is wantonness in apparel, beautiful only to the
   sight, and useful for nothing--nor yet a fir-tree, nor any other of
   such trees as consume indeed, but are in no sort useful. Set it thick
   with young shoots: plant all that is fruitful, in the hands of the
   poor, all that thou wilt. Nothing richer than this ground. Though small
   the reach of the hand, yet the tree it plants starts up to heaven and
   stands firm. This it is to plant. For that which is planted on the
   earth will perish, though not now, at any rate a hundred years hence.
   Thou plantest many trees, of which thou shalt not enjoy the fruit, but
   ere thou canst enjoy it, death comes upon thee. This tree will give
   thee its fruit then, when thou art dead.--If thou plant, plant not in
   the maw of gluttony, that the fruit end not in the draught-house: but
   plant thou in the pinched belly, that the fruit may start up to heaven.
   Refresh the straightened soul of the poor, lest thou pinch thine own
   roomy soul.--See you not, that the plants which are over-much watered
   at the root decay, but grow when watered in moderation? Thus also
   drench not thou thine own belly, that the root of the tree decay not:
   water that which is thirsty, that it may bear fruit. If thou water in
   moderation, the sun will not wither them, but if in excess, then it
   withers them: such is the nature of the sun. In all things, excess is
   bad; wherefore let us cut it off, that we also may obtain the things we
   ask for.--Fountains, it is said, rise on the most elevated spots. Let
   us be elevated in soul, and our alms will flow with a rapid stream: the
   elevated soul cannot but be merciful, and the merciful cannot but be
   elevated. For he that despises wealth, is higher than the root of
   evils.--Fountains are oftenest found in solitary places: let us
   withdraw our soul from the crowd, and alms will gush out with us.
   Fountains, the more they are cleaned, the more copiously they flow: so
   with us, the more we spend, the more all good grows.--He that has a
   fountain, has nothing to fear: then neither let us be afraid. For
   indeed this fountain is serviceable to us for drink, for irrigation,
   for building, for everything. Nothing better than this draught: it is
   not possible for this to inebriate. Better to possess such a fountain,
   than to have fountains running with gold. Better than all gold-bearing
   soil is the soul which bears this gold. For it advances us, not into
   these earthly palaces, but into those above. The gold becomes an
   ornament to the Church of God. Of this gold is wrought "the sword of
   the Spirit" (Eph. vi. 17), the sword by which the dragon is beheaded.
   From this fountain come the precious stones which are on the King's
   head. Then let us not neglect so great wealth, but contribute our alms
   with largeness, that we may be found worthy of the mercy of God, by the
   grace and tender compassion of His only begotten Son, with Whom to the
   Father and Holy Ghost together be glory, dominion, honor, now and ever,
   world without end. Amen.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [522] The conversion of Cornelius marks an important step in the
   progress of the gospel. Hitherto Christianity had been confined to
   Jews, Hellenists, and that mixed people--the Samaritans (unless, as is
   improbable, the Ethiopian chamberlain formed an exception). Now a
   beginning was made of receiving the Gentiles, and in connection with
   that apostle to whom Christ had committed a certain leadership and
   privilege of opening the doors to the Kingdom (ch. Acts xv. 7). The
   narrative is one of the important notices in the N.T. concerning the
   gradual realization of Christ's command to make disciples of all
   nations, and shows, so far as it relates to Peter, with how great
   difficulty the most enlightened of the early Christians conceived of
   Christianity becoming free from the forms of Judaism. Cornelius was
   doubtless a Roman who had become dissatisfied with the idolatrous
   religion of his people and who had been attracted by the influences of
   the Jewish religion to the worship of the true God. There is no
   evidence, however, that he was a proselyte to the Jewish religion. He
   could not have failed to hear of Jesus and his disciples. Probably
   Philip, the deacon, was at this time residing in Caesarea and Peter had
   been preaching and working miracles in the neighboring towns. It is not
   unlikely that the vision which he had, appealed to thoughts and
   convictions concerning the gospel which had been growing stronger in
   his own mind. To the vision of Cornelius, that of Peter forms the
   complement. They symbolize the great facts that while God in his
   providence was preparing his apostles for the larger truth of
   Christianity for the world, he was also preparing the Gentile world for
   the reception of the gospel. It is noticeable that the three centurions
   who appear in the N.T. are favorably mentioned. (Matt. viii. 10;
   xxviii. 54, and this passage).--G.B.S.

   [523] kai to, mede kairou kalountos. As above xix. p. 120, note 2,
   Chrys. remarks, that there was no festival which required the presence
   of the eunuch at Jerusalem. Probably he was led to this by the
   circumstance, that the incident of the eunuch occurs after the
   Martyrdom of St. Stephen and the Conversion of St. Paul, i.e. according
   to the Church Calendar, between the 26th of December and the 25th of
   January.

   [524] "Speira and cohors in Polyb. differ. The Greeks call the cohort
   lochos, it contained about five hundred men. Polyb. vi. kai men meros
   hekaston ekalese kai tagma kai speiran kai semeion. Casaubon: Ac
   singulas partes appellant ordinem, manipulum, signum." Downe ap. Sav.

   [525] alla pros eutele. The innovator (E. Edd.) having made Chrys. say
   above, Hom. xx. S:1, that Ananias was a man of note, here alters the
   text to: "But the Lord Himself appears: neither does He send him to
   some one of the Twelve, but to Ananias." Below kai ouk autous pempei
   pros auton: meaning, it seems, Cornelius and his hour. The same hand
   substitutes (for explanation of the plural, auton te asthenei& 139;),
   "as He did Philip to the eunuch, condescending to their infirmity." And
   in the following sentence; "Since Christ Himself is often seen going to
   them that are ill, and in their own persons unable to come to Him."

   [526] The clause houtos lalesei soi ti se dei poiein is not recognized
   by Chrys., nor by the leading authorities. See infra, p. 145, note 6.

   [527] ti estin ekstasis. Because the word also, and more commonly,
   means the being beside one's self, amazed, or stupefied by excess of
   grief, Chrys. explains that it denotes the being rapt out of the bodily
   consciousness: it was not that Peter was out of his mind, but his soul
   out of the body. (St. Augustin, Serm. 266, S:6, "orantis mens alienata
   est; sed ab infimis ad superua; non ut deviaret, sed ut videret.")
   Comp. Exp. in Psa. 115. t. v. p. 312, D. "In Gen. ii. 21. the ekstasis
   which fell upon Adam denotes a kind of insensibility, for ekst. means
   to exo heautou genesthai: and in Acts x. 10 it denotes karon tina kai
   to exo aistheseos genesthai: and everywhere ekstasis implies this. It
   comes, either by the act of God: or because the excess of calamity
   causes a kind of stupor, karos. For calamity likewise is wont to
   occasion ekst. and karos." Didymus (or some other author) in the
   Catena: "They that have chosen to be disciples of frantic women, I
   mean, they of Phrygia (the Montanists), affirm that the Prophets, when
   possessed by the Holy Ghost, were not in a condition to be strictly
   cognizant of their own thoughts, being borne away from themselves at
   the instant of prophesying. And they think to confirm their error by
   this Scripture, which says, that Peter exestakenai. But let these silly
   ones, these indeed frantic persons, know that this is a word of many
   significations. It denotes the amazement of wonder: and the being wrapt
   above sensible objects, led on to spiritual things: and the being
   beside one's self (parakoptein)--which is not be said either of Peter,
   or of the Prophets. Nay Peter, in his trance, was strictly cognizant,
   so as to report what he had seen and heard, and to be sensible of what
   the things shown were symbolical. The same is to be said of all the
   Prophets--that their consciousness kept pace with the things presented
   to their view." Comp. on this subject, S. Epiphan. adv. Haeres. Montan.
   2. hosa gar oi prophetai eirekasi meta suneseos parakolouthountes
   ephthengonto. Euseb. H. E. v. 17. relates that Miltiades wrote a
   treatise peri tou me dein propheten en ekstasei lalein. See also S.
   Heironym, Praef, in Esai. "Neque vero ut Montanus cum insanis foeminis
   somniat, prophetae in ecstasi locuti sunt, ut nescirent quid
   loquerentur, et cum alios erudirent, ipsi ignorarent quid dicerent."
   Id. Proem. in Nahum. Praef. in Abac. and, on the difference between the
   heathen mantis and the divinely inspired Prophet, St. Chrysost. Hom.
   xxix. in 1 Cor. p. 259, C. touto gar manteos idion, to exestekenai k.
   t. l. and Expos. in Psa. xliv. p. 161. C.--The clause tessarsin archais
   dedemenon, before skeuos ti, (A. B. C ) agrees with the Lat. of S.
   Hilar. p. 750, "exquatuor principiis ligatum vas quoddam," etc.

   [528] St. Chrysostom's exposition, as we gather it from this and the
   following Homily, seems to be in substance as follows: St. Peter was
   not ignorant of nor averse to, the counsel of God in respect of the
   free admission of the Gentiles. He did not need instruction on this
   point for himself, and the vision was not so much intended for his
   instruction or assurance, as for reproof to the Jewish believers who
   were not yet enlightened in this mystery. (Even the token which was
   given in the descent of the Holy Ghost on Cornelius before baptism, was
   for them, not for him.) He needed but a command to act upon it without
   hesitation. But because this would certainly be regarded as a flagrant
   offence by the weaker brethren, for their sakes this symbolical lesson
   is given: and the circumstances are so contrived (oikonomeitai) as to
   silence their objections. It is so ordered, that the matter of
   accusation is put by them in this form, "Thou didst go in to men
   uncircumcised, and didst eat with them." Had they said, "Thou didst
   baptize such," St. Peter could not have alleged that he did it
   reluctantly: but to the charge of unclean eating he had his answer: "I
   did object; I said, not so, Lord, for nothing common or unclean," etc.
   This carried with it his exculpation from the whole matter of offence:
   for they would apply it thus--"he baptized these Gentiles, but not
   without objecting to the command; not until his reluctance was
   overruled," though in fact St. Peter had no such reluctance.

   [529] Touto panu autois prosistato (B. and Sav. marg. paristato) Erasm.
   Et hoc illis valde frequens erat. Ben. Et illis admodum cordi erat. But
   Hom. xxiv. 2. hina me proste (prosste) autois, Ben. remarks that
   prosistasthai in the sense "offendere" is frequent in St. Chrysostom.
   It properly applies to food against which the stomach rises: "to raise
   the gorge, to be nauseous, disgusting, offensive." See Field Annotat.
   in Hom. ad Matt. p. 319. B.--Touto, i.e. the going in to men
   uncircumcised, and eating with them. Comp. Hom. li. in Matt. p. 317.
   (Am. ed.) "Such was the strict observance in respect of meats, that,
   even after the Resurrection, Peter said, Not so, Lord,' etc. For though
   he said this for the sake of others, and so as to leave himself a
   justification against those who should accuse him, and that he may show
   that he did object,' (hoti kai anteipon), and for all this, the point
   was not conceded to him, still it shows how much was made of this
   matter."

   [530] Here besides the clause, "this was done thrice," something is
   wanting: e.g. "And observe how Peter relates the matter, and justifies
   himself," viz. in xi. 8, "I said," saith he, "Not so, Lord, for nothing
   common or unclean hath ever entered my mouth." Here for eipon, B. has
   eipen, which is adopted by the modern text, in which the whole passage
   is refashioned thus: "Since then they would all accuse him as a
   transgressor, and this was altogether offensive to them, of necessity
   it is managed (oikon.) that he says, "I never ate:" not being himself
   afraid, God forbid! but, as I said, being managed (oikonomoumenos) by
   the Spirit, that he may have a justification to those accusing him,
   namely, that he did object: for they made a great point of keeping the
   Law. He was sent to the Gentiles: therefore, that these also may not
   have to accuse him, as I said before, these things are contrived, or
   also, that it may not seem to be a fancy, he said, Not so, Lord,'" etc.

   [531] Peter's vision fitly represents the divine lesson concerning the
   destination of the gospel and the manner of its progress. None of the
   apostles doubted that Christianity was for the Gentiles: the great
   question was, whether it was to be preached to them through the medium
   of Judaism. Should it still be held within Jewish forms? Should
   circumcision and observance of the Mosaic law be required? This was a
   great practical question in the days of transition from Judaism to
   Christianity. Later Paul became the champion of the idea that it was to
   be cut loose from the Jewish system. Peter and James came but slowly to
   this idea. The destruction of Jerusalem and the fall of the Jewish
   state brought the question to a decisive settlement. Apart from this,
   however, the Pauline type of teaching on this point constantly gained
   ground and influence. The vision of Peter takes its place in the
   gradual development of the idea that Christianity was free from the
   law--an idea on which he seems after this to have held a somewhat
   uncertain and vacillating position, so that Paul "resisted him to the
   face" for his declining to eat with the Gentiles at Antioch on account
   of the presence of certain delegates from Jerusalem--a practice in
   which he had, before their coming, engaged (Gal. ii. 11, 12). It is not
   strange that perplexing questions arose concerning the relations of the
   new system to the old at this time. The general line of procedure was
   settled by the apostolic conference at Jerusalem (Acts xv., Gal. i.,
   ii.) and was substantially determined by the apostle Paul. While as
   matter of fact, the Church has always followed the lead of Paul in this
   matter, the most diverse views still prevail among Christians as to the
   relation, theoretically considered, of Christianity to Judaism and the
   Old Testament Scriptures.--G.B.S.

   [532] St. Chrys. seems here to be controverting a different exposition.
   He will not allow that the vision was meant for instruction to St.
   Peter, as if he were in ignorance up to this time of the counsel of God
   concerning the Gentiles. Let it not be said, that like as God did tempt
   Abraham, so He was putting Peter to the proof whether he would obey the
   call to the Gentiles, as if Peter understood the vision in that sense.
   Had he so understood the command, "Kill and eat," he would not have
   objected; for he could not be either ignorant or unwilling. But he did
   not so understand it, and his objection was solely to the matter of
   eating. And as he needed not the lesson (it was intended for others):
   so neither did God need to learn his willingness. When God tempts, or
   proves, it is not to learn something that He did not know before; as,
   when Christ said to Philip, "Whence shall we buy bread that these may
   eat? this He said tempting, or, proving him, for He Himself knew what
   He would do." He put that question to Philip that he might the more
   admire the greatness of the miracle which he was about to work. (see
   note 2.) But nothing of the kind can be said here: the case is not
   parallel: the command to baptize the Gentiles would not surprise Peter:
   he expected no less from the beginning.--His objection, then, was to
   the thing itself, the command, "kill and eat." And no wonder, for the
   same Lord had in the Law strictly commanded to distinguish between
   clean and unclean, while there in the sheet were animals of all sorts
   indiscriminately.

   [533] Hom.xlii. in Ev. Joann. S:2. "What meaneth, Tempting, or, proving
   him? was He ignorant what would be said by him? This cannot be said,
   ...We may learn the meaning from the Old Testament. For there also it
   is said, After these things God did tempt Abraham, etc. He did not say
   this in order to learn by the proof whether he would obey or not--how
   should it be so? for He knoweth all things before they come into
   existence: but on both occasions it is spoken after the manner of men.
   As, when it is said, He searcheth the hearts of men, it indicates the
   search, not of ignorance, but of perfect knowledge; so when it is said,
   He tempted, tried, or proved, it means no other than that He perfectly
   knew.--Or, it may mean, that He made the person more approved: as
   Abraham there, so Philip by this question, leading him into the sure
   knowledge of the sign:" i.e. bringing more home to his mind the
   greatness of the miracle, by leading him in the first place to estimate
   the utter inadequacy of the means.

   [534] Either this refers to the clause, "This was done thrice," etc.,
   which should be inserted; or, the connection may be--This very
   circumstance of the clean and unclean being together in the sheet (as
   in the Ark), might have led him to an apprehension of the thing
   symbolized, viz., that he was not commanded to "kill and eat" the
   unclean with the clean (by the same Lord who of old had commanded a
   distinction of meats), but that the time was come to baptize all
   nations without respect of persons. But, obvious as it may seem, St.
   Peter was still ignorant what it meant: as the Writer adds, And while
   Peter was at a loss to know what the vision should mean, etc.--In E.
   (Edd.) the whole passage from "that this is thrice done, denotes
   baptism," is refashioned thus: "Not so, Lord, for I have never eaten
   aught common or unclean.' And why, it may be asked, did he object? That
   none may say that God was tempting him, as in the case of Abraham, when
   he was ordered to offer up his son as a sacrifice: as in the case of
   Philip, when he was asked by Christ, How many loaves have ye? not that
   he may learn, did He so ask, but proving him. And yet in the Law Moses
   had distinctly enjoined concerning clean and unclean, both of land and
   sea; and yet for all this he knew not."

   [535] The letters a, b, c, d, denote the order of the parts in the old
   text. But C. has the formula of recapitulation, both in the beginning
   of (a), and again in (d), before the verse, "And the Angel said," etc.:
   E. D. F. Edd. retain it only in the latter place.

   [536] 'All' hora pose asphaleia, i.e. how it is made infallibly
   certain, that it was the purpose of God to admit the Gentiles without
   circumcision. It might indeed be inserted in (b), after sundiaitatai:
   "he has no scruples--but mark the greatness of the assurance he has
   received." In the modern text, the connection is, "He called them in,
   and lodged them. See what security: (Thea pose asphaleia) in order that
   they should take no harm, he calls them in, and thenceforth without
   scruple," etc. i.e. "how sure he feels that he is doing right in
   receiving them: with what assuredness of mind he does this." But Sav.
   "See what security for them, in order that they should take no harm."

   [537] Dia touto panta ginetai, A. B. C. N. Cat. But Edd. Dio kai ep'
   auto panta homou oikonomeitai: "wherefore both in his person at once
   all the circumstances are providentially ordered, and" etc.

   [538] Here after the clause, houtos heauto proseichen (meaning, as
   afterwards explained, that he did not notice the Angel until he spoke),
   A. B. C. have, Legei de ho angelos k. t. l. Edd. 'All' idomen anothen
   ta eiremena. Kai eipen ho angelos k. t. l.

   [539] The old text: "And thy prayers, saith he. So far," etc. Edd. "And
   send for Simon, who is called Peter. So far, etc."

   [540] The text is defective here. He seems to be commenting upon the
   variations of the different narratives: viz. the writer himself v. 6.
   mentions only the command to send for Peter. (p. 142, note 4.) The
   messengers v. 22 add, "And to hear words of thee." Cornelius, v. 32,
   "who, when he cometh, shall speak unto thee." St. Peter 11, 14, "who
   shall tell thee words, whereby thou and all thy house shall be saved."
   "On the other hand," he says, "neither does Peter, though he is more
   full on this point, relate all that the Angel said, but gives only the
   substance." See the comment on 11, 14.

   [541] The modern text, omitting this clause, and the comment, inserts
   the rest of the verse, "Peter went up," etc.: and has below, But that
   Peter may not be in perplexity too long, he hears a voice saying,
   "Rise, Peter, kill and eat." But the meaning is, The Spirit caused the
   vision to take place when they were near the city, that Peter might not
   be too long in doubt: as above, on the same clause, "Observe how the
   Spirit connects the times," etc.

   [542] 'Emoi dokei kai (om. A. B.) to (om. Cat.) kerugma touto heinai
   (om. Cat.) Oti theion en to ginomenon to te anothen idein, to te en
   ekstasei genesthai. (Here deloi, deiknusin, or the like, must be
   supplied. OEcumen. Deiknutai de hoti theion k. t. l. In the modern text
   the wording is slightly altered, but the sense is the same. In the
   latter part, for hoti akatharta en ekei, OEcumen. has ekeina: the
   modern text substitutes kai to tris touto genesthai, kai to ouranon
   aneochthenai, kai to ekeithen k. t. l. and at the end, tou theion einai
   to pragma for katharotetos.--Above, he had said that the sheet was a
   symbol of the world; now he adds, that the command "Kill and eat"
   denotes the Gospel, to be preached universally: that the descent of the
   sheet from heaven, and the circumstance of Peter's being in a spiritual
   trance, shows that the thing was of God--not a phantasia. Again: that
   it is all done thrice, denotes baptism: thrice the Voice says, Kill and
   eat: thrice Peter confesses that the creatures are unclean: thrice it
   is declared that God hath cleansed them: nay, thrice these unclean
   creatures are let down from heaven, and drawn up thither again: a
   mighty proof that they are now clean, and of the Kingdom of Heaven.

   [543] It was remarked above, that St. Chrysostom's exposition proceeds
   upon the assumption, that St. Peter did not need the instruction for
   himself. Here the reporter has not fully expressed his meaning: which
   should be to this effect. "Since it had been said at the outset to
   Peter and the other Apostles, Go not into the way of the Gentiles,'
   though after the Resurrection they were commanded to baptize all
   nations,' it is no marvel that the less enlightened brethren needed
   some strong assurance on this behalf. And if at a later time, we find
   Paul, to conciliate the Jewish believers, causing Timothy to be
   circumcised and himself offering sacrifice, much more was some
   condescension to their infirmity needed now."--Didymus in the Catena
   puts the question, "How was it that Peter needed a revelation in the
   matter of Cornelius, when the Lord after his Resurrection had expressly
   ordered to baptize all the nations?' or how came it that the Apostles
   in Jerusalem, having heard of the affair of Cornelius, disputed with
   Peter?" To which he answers: "Peter did undoubtedly need the
   revelation; for he knew not that the distinction of circumcision and
   uncircumcision was to cease: knew not for certain that the Lord meant
   the Gentiles to be baptized apart from the visible worship under the
   Law, until the Lord manifested this mystery to him, convincing him both
   by the emblem of the sheet, and by the faith and grace of the Holy
   Spirit given to the Gentiles, that in Christ Jesus there is no
   distinction of Jew and Greek: of which thing because the Apostles at
   Jerusalem were ignorant, therefore they contended with Peter, until
   they also learnt the hidden riches of God's mercy over all mankind."
   St. Cyril, Alex., also, c. Julian. (ibid.) explains, that "Peter was
   fain to dwell in the Jewish customs, and, in a manner, was loath to go
   on to the better, because he was overawed by the types: therefore he is
   corrected by this vision."

   [544] E. D. F. Edd. omit this clause, see note x: and A. B. for
   oude...edexato have ouden...edeixato, which is evidently corrupt.
   "Neither did he at once receive these Gentiles: not until the Spirit
   expressly commanded him."

   [545] So Cat. and the mss. except E., which has ou tous geitonas
   eroton, and so OEcumen. But the meaning seems to be, that not expecting
   to find so mean a house, and thinking they might have come wrong, they
   asked below, in the street, i.e. inquired of the neighbors.

   [546] Here Edd. from E. have, "Wherefore did he not receive them
   immediately, but asks this question?" but D. F. insert it as above, Ora
   pos ouk eutheos autous edexato, with the addition, alla punthanetai. In
   the next sentence: A. B. C. Cat. eiden stratioten, eiden anthropon;
   i.e. Saw a soldier, saw him, as he would have seen any common man,
   without fear. For this, D. F. have eide stratiotas anthropous. E. Edd.
   eide stratiotas ontas tous epistantas.--Below, for kai zetesas A. B. C.
   Cat. which the other mss. omit, we correct, hon ezetesan.

   [547] In the old text, the last words of the citation, v. 22. eis ton
   oikon autou. the rest being lost, are joined on to hina xenise: Cat.
   eis ton oikon autous. Edd. from E. D. F. "But why do they say, Sends
   for thee into his house?' Because he had given them this order. And
   perhaps also, by way of apology, they as good as say, Do not find fault
   (meden katagnos;) not as of contempt has he sent, etc." In A. B. C.
   Cat. me kataphroneses, for which Sav. marg. has hos an eipoien, me
   kataphr., is corrupt: perhaps it should be me nomises, hoti
   katephronese se; ouch hos k. t. l.

   [548] 'all' (A. kai) ekei parontos autou ekousan an (A. tauta akouein).
   We read, parontes, and conjecture the meaning to be, But they being
   there present, would have heard from Cornelius an account of all that
   had happened to him. Edd. from E. D. F. Allos de kai ekei parontes
   mallon autou ekousan an. "And besides by being there present they would
   the more hear him (Peter)," what he had to say.

   [549] Here Edd. from E. have, "Wherefore did he not receive them
   immediately, but asks this question?" but D. F. insert it as above, Ora
   pos ouk eutheos autous edexato, with the addition, alla punthanetai. In
   the next sentence: A. B. C. Cat. eiden stratioten, eiden anthropon;
   i.e. Saw a soldier, saw him, as he would have seen any common man,
   without fear. For this, D. F. have eide stratiotas anthropous. E. Edd.
   eide stratiotas ontas tous epistantas.--Below, for kai zetesas A. B. C.
   Cat. which the other mss. omit, we correct, hon ezetesan.

   [550] The modern text: "and what is greater, that he was such with all
   his house. So intent was he, and so set upon this, that he not only
   well ordered his own affairs, but also over his household (epi tes
   oiketeias) he did the same. For not as we, who," etc.

   [551] A. B. kai epi tes oiketeias de houtos. 'All' houtos ouch houtos,
   alla meta tes oikias hapases. & 244;sper gar k. t. l. C., kai epi t.
   oik. de ouketi kakos, alla dikaios; hosper gar k. t. l. Below, the
   modern text has, "he feared God with all his house, as being the common
   father, not only of all who were with him, but also of the soldiers
   under him." In the next sentence, Ora de ti phesin kai autos, the
   meaning seems to be, "Observe what is said of him by the soldier whom
   Cornelius sent: A just man, and one that feareth God:' and then--for
   fearing (lest Peter should refuse to come to him, as being a Gentile)
   he adds this--and well reported of by all the nation of the Jews." Edd.
   from E. alone: "But hear also what they say besides: for of necessity
   that is added, Well reported of by all the nation,' that none may say,
   What, if he was uncircumcised? Even those, saith he, give him a good
   report. Why then, there is nothing like alms; or rather great is the
   virtue of this thing, when," etc.

   [552] kan eis tas lampadas (E. Edd., kaminous) hapsetai(empese, E. D.
   F. Edd.) In the next sentence, Haute he pege k. t. l. the pronoun must
   be omitted.--E. D. F., Edd., "As therefore the fountain in Paradise
   (or, in a garden) does not give out streams," etc.

   [553] Kaitoige ouden ison. & 174;An gar su tautes k. t. l.--Edd., Ouden
   tautes ison. & 174;An su tautes k. t. l. "Nothing like this fountain.
   If then," etc.--Below, Otan analiske, hotan dapana, k. t. l. in itself,
   may perhaps be better referred to the giver of alms: "when (one)
   expends, when one lavishes (alms)," etc. but in that case the
   connection is obscure.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Homily XXIII.

   Acts X. 23, 24

   "Then called he them in, and lodged them. And on the morrow Peter went
   away with them, and certain brethren from Joppa accompanied him. And
   the morrow after they entered into Caesarea. And Cornelius waited for
   them, and had called together his kinsmen and near friends."

   "He" called them in, and lodged them." Good, that first he gives the
   men friendly treatment, after the fatigue of their journey, and makes
   them at home with him; "and on the morrow," sets out with them." And
   certain accompany him: this too as Providence ordered it, that they
   should be witnesses afterwards when Peter would need to justify
   himself. "And Cornelius was waiting for them, and had called together
   his kinsmen and near friends." This is the part of a friend, this the
   part of a devout man, that where such blessings are concerned, he takes
   care that his near friends shall be made partakers of all. Of course
   (his "near" friends), those in whom he had ever full confidence;
   fearing, with such an interest at stake, to entrust the matter to
   others. In my opinion, it was by Cornelius himself that both friends
   and kinsmen had been brought to a better mind. "And as Peter was coming
   in, Cornelius met him, and fell down at his feet, and worshipped him."
   (v. 25.) This, both to teach the others, and by way of giving thanks to
   God, and showing his own humility: thereby making it plain, that though
   he had been commanded, yet in himself he had great piety. What then did
   Peter? "But Peter took him up, saying, Stand up; I myself also am a
   man." (v. 26.) Do you mark how, before all else (the Apostles) teach
   them this lesson, not to think great things of them? "And as he talked
   with him, he went in, and found many that were come together. And he
   said unto them, Ye know how that it is an unlawful thing for a man that
   is a Jew to keep company, or come unto one of another nation; but God
   hath showed me that I should not call any man common or unclean." (v.
   27, 28.) Observe, he straightway speaks of the mercy of God, and points
   out to them that it is a great grace that God has shown them. Observe
   also how while he utters great things, at the same time he speaks
   modestly. For he does not say, We, being men who do not deign to keep
   company with any (such), have come to you: but what says he? "Ye
   know"--God commanded this [554] --"that it is against law to keep
   company with, or come unto, one of another nation." Then he goes on to
   say, "And to me God has shown"--this he says, that none may account the
   thanks due to him--"that I should call no man"--that it may not look
   like obsequiousness to him, "no human being," says he--"common or
   unclean." [555] (v. 29.) "Wherefore also"--that they may not think the
   affair a breach of the law on his part, nor (Cornelius) suppose that
   because he was in a station of command therfore he had complied, but
   that they may ascribe all to God,--"wherefore also I came without
   gainsaying as soon as I was sent for:" (though) not only to keep
   company, but even to come unto (him) was not permitted. "I ask
   therefore, for what intent ye have sent for me." Already Peter had
   heard the whole matter from the soldiers also, but he wishes them first
   to confess, and to make them amenable to the Faith. What then does
   Cornelius? He does not say, Why, did not the soldiers tell thee? but
   observe again, how humbly he speaks. For he says, "From the fourth day
   I was fasting until this hour; and at the ninth hour I prayed in my
   house, and, behold, a man stood before me in bright clothing, and said,
   Cornelius, thy prayer is heard, and thine alms are come up for a
   memorial before God. And at the ninth hour," he says, "I was praying."
   (v. 30, 31.) It seems to me, that this man had also fixed for himself
   set times of a life under stricter rule, and on certain days. [556] For
   this is why he he says, "From the fourth day." [557] See how great a
   thing prayer is! When he advanced in piety, then the Angel appears to
   him. "From the fourth day:" i.e. of the week; not "four days ago." For,
   "on the morrow Peter went away with them, and on the morrow after they
   entered into Caesarea:" this is one day: and the day on which the
   persons sent came (to Joppa) one day: and on the third (the Angel)
   appeared: so that there are two days after that on which (Cornelius)
   had been praying. "And, behold, a man stood before me in bright
   clothing:" he does not say, an Angel, so unassuming is he: "and said,
   Cornelius, thy prayer is heard, and thine alms are had in remembrance
   in the sight of God. Send therefore to Joppa, and call hither Simon,
   whose surname is Peter: he is lodged in the house of one Simon a tanner
   by the seaside: who, when he cometh, shall speak unto thee. Immediately
   therefore I sent to thee; and thou hast well done that thou art come.
   Now therefore are we all here present before God, to hear all things
   that are commanded thee of God." (v. 31-33.) (b) See [558] what faith,
   what piety! He knew that it was no word of man that Peter spake, when
   he said, "God hath shown me." Then says the man, "We are present to
   hear all things that are commanded thee of the Lord. (a) Therefore it
   was that Peter asked, "For what intent have ye sent for me?" on purpose
   that he might so speak these very words. (d) "Then Peter opened his
   mouth, and said, Of a truth I perceive that God is no respector of
   persons: but in every nation he that feareth Him, and worketh
   righteousness, is acceptable to him." (v. 34, 35.) That is, be he
   uncircumcised or circumcised. (c) This also Paul declaring, saith, "For
   there is no respect of persons with God." [559] (Rom. ii. 11.) (e) What
   then? (it may be asked) is the man yonder in Persia acceptable to Him?
   If he be worthy, in this regard he is acceptable, that it should be
   granted him to be brought unto faith (tho kataxiothhenai tes pisteos).
   The Eunuch from Ethiopia He overlooked not. "What shall one say then of
   the religious men who have been overlooked?" It is not the case, that
   any (such) ever was overlooked. But what he says is to this effect,
   that God rejects no man. [560] "In every nation, he that feareth God
   and worketh righteousness:" (by righteousness) he means, all virtue.
   Mark, how he subdues all elation of mind in him. That (the Jews) may
   not seem to be in the condition of persons cast off (he adds), "The
   word which He sent unto the children of Israel, preaching peace by
   Jesus Christ: He is Lord of all (v. 36): this he says also for the sake
   of those present (of the Jews), that He may persuade them also: this is
   why he forces Cornelius to speak. "He," saith he, "is Lord of all." But
   observe at the very outset, "The word," says he, "which He sent unto
   the children of Israel;" he gives them the preeminence. Then he adduces
   (these Gentiles) themselves as witnesses: "ye know," says he, "the
   matter which came to pass throughout all Judea, beginning at
   Galilee"--then he confirms it from this also--"after the baptism which
   John preached" (v. 37)--"even Jesus of Nazareth, how God anointed Him
   with the Holy Ghost and with power." (v. 38.) He does not mean, Ye know
   Jesus, for they did not know Him, but he speaks of the things done by
   Him: [561] "Who went about doing good, and healing all that were
   oppressed of the devil: by this [562] he shows that many cases of lost
   senses or paralyzed limbs are the devil's work, and a wrench given to
   the body by him: as also Christ said. "For God was with Him." Again,
   lowly terms. "And we are witnesses of all things which He did, both in
   the country of the Jews, and in Jerusalem" (v. 39): both "we," saith
   he, and ye. Then the Passion, and the reason why they do not believe:
   "Whom also they slew, and hanged on a tree. Him God raised up the third
   day, and showed Him openly; not to all the people, but unto witnesses
   chosen before of God, even to us, who did eat and drink with Him after
   He rose from the dead." (v. 40, 41.) This is a proof of the
   Resurrection. "And he commanded us to preach unto the people, and to
   testify that it is He which was ordained of God to be the Judge of
   quick and dead." (v. 42.) This is great. Then he adduces the testimony
   from the Prophets: "To Him give all the prophets witness, that through
   His name, whosoever believeth in Him shall receive remission of sins."
   (v. 43.) This is a proof of that which was about to be: this is the
   reason why he here cites the Prophets.

   But let us look over again what relates to Cornelius. (Recapitulation.)
   He sent, it says, to Joppa to fetch Peter. "He was waiting for him,"
   etc; see how fully he believed that Peter would certainly come: (b)
   "and [563] fell down at his feet, and worshipped him." (v. 24, 25.) (a)
   Mark how on every side it is shown how worthy he is! (So) the Eunuch
   there desired Philip to come up and sit in the chariot (ch. viii. 31),
   although not knowing who he was, upon no other introduction
   (epangelias) than that given by the Prophet. But here Cornelius fell at
   his feet. (c) "Stand up, I myself also am a man." (v. 26.) Observe how
   free from adulation his speech is on all occasions, and how full of
   humility. "And conversing with him, he came in." (a) (v. 27.)
   Conversing about what? I suppose saying these words: "I myself also am
   a man." (e) Do you mark (Peter's) unassuming temper? He himself also
   shows that his coming is God's doing: "Ye know that it is unlawful for
   a man that is a Jew," etc. (v. 28.) And why did he not speak of the
   linen sheet? Observe Peter's freedom from all vainglory: but, that he
   is sent of God, this indeed he mentions; of the manner in which he was
   sent, he speaks not at present; when the need has arisen, seeing he had
   said, "Ye know that it is unlawful for a man that is a Jew to keep
   company with, or to come unto, one of another nation," he simply adds,
   "but to me God hath shown," etc. There is nothing of vainglory here.
   "All ye," he says, "know." He makes their knowledge stand surety for
   him. But Cornelius says, "We are present before God to hear all things
   that are commanded thee of the Lord" (v. 33): not, Before man, but,
   "Before God." This is the way one ought to attend to God's servants. Do
   you see his awakened mind? do you see how worthy he was of all these
   things? "And Peter," it says, "opened his mouth, and said, Of a truth I
   perceive that God is no respecter of persons." (v. 34.) This he said
   also by way of justifying himself with the Jews then present. For,
   being at the point to commit the Word to these (Gentiles), he first
   puts this by way of apology. What then? Was He "a respecter of persons"
   beforetime? God forbid! For beforetime likewise it was just the same:
   "Every one," as he saith, "that feareth Him, and worketh righteousness,
   would be acceptable to Him." As when Paul saith, "For when the Gentiles
   which have not the Law, do by nature the things of the Law." (Rom. ii.
   14.) "That feareth God and worketh righteousness:" he assumes [564]
   both doctrine and manner of life: is "accepted with Him;" for, if He
   did not overlook the Magi, nor the Ethiopian, nor the thief, nor the
   harlot, much more them that work righteousness, and are willing, shall
   He in anywise not overlook. "What say you then to this, that there are
   likely persons (epieikheis), men of mild disposition, and yet they will
   not believe?" (Above, p. 149, note 2.) Lo, you have yourself named the
   cause: they will not. But besides the likely person he here speaks of
   is not this sort of man, but the man "that worketh righteousness:" that
   is, the man who in all points is virtuous and irreproachable, when he
   has the fear of God as he ought to have it. But whether a person be
   such, God only knows. See how this man was acceptable: see how, as soon
   as he heard, he was persuaded. "Yes, and now too," say you, "every one
   would be persuaded, be who he may." But the signs that are now, are
   much greater than those, and more wonderful.--Then Peter commences his
   teaching, and reserves for the Jews the privilege of their birth. "The
   [565] word," he says, "which He sent unto the children of Israel,
   preaching peace (v. 36), not bringing judgment. He is sent to the Jews
   also: yet for all this He did not spare them. "Preaching peace through
   Jesus Christ. He is Lord of all." First he discourses of His being Lord
   and in exceeding elevated terms, seeing he had to deal with a soul more
   than commonly elevated, and that took all in with ardor. Then he proves
   how He was Lord of all, from the things which He achieved "throughout
   all Judea. For ye know," saith he, "the matter which came to pass
   throughout all Judea:" and, what is the wonderful part of it,
   "beginning at Galilee: after the baptism which John preached." (v. 37.)
   First he speaks of His success, and then again he says concerning Him,
   "Jesus of Nazareth." Why, what a stumbling-block, this birthplace! "How
   [566] God anointed Him with the Holy Ghost and with power." (v. 38.)
   Then again the proof--how does that appear?--from the good that He did.
   "Who went about doing good, and healing all that were oppressed of the
   devil:" and the greatness of the power shown when He overcomes the
   devil; and the cause, "Because God was with Him." Therefore also the
   Jews spake thus: "We know that Thou art a teacher come from God: for
   none can do these miracles except God be with him." (John iii. 2.)
   Then, when he has shown that He was sent from God, he next speaks of
   this, that He was slain: that thou mayest not imagine [567] aught
   absurd. Seest thou how far they are from hiding the Cross out of view,
   nay, that together with the other circumstances they put also the
   manner? "Whom also," it says, "they slew by hanging on a tree. And gave
   Him," it is added, "to be made manifest not to all the people, but to
   witnesses before ordained of God, even unto us:" and yet it was
   (Christ) Himself that elected them; but this also he refers to God. "To
   the before-ordained," he says, "even to us, who did eat and drink with
   Him after that He was risen from the dead." (v. 39, 41.) See whence he
   fetches his assurance of the resurrection. What is the reason that
   being risen he did no sign, but only ate and drank? Because the
   Resurrection itself was a great sign, and of this nothing was so much
   [568] a sign as the eating and drinking. "To testify," saith he--in a
   manner calculated to alarm--that they may not have it in their power to
   fall back upon the excuse of ignorance: and he does not say, "that He
   is the Son of God," but, what would most alarm them, "that it is He
   which is ordained of God, to be the Judge of quick and dead." (v. 42.)
   "To him give all the Prophets witness," etc. (v. 43.) When by the
   terror he has agitated them, then he brings in the pardon, not spoken
   from himself but from the Prophets. And what is terrifying is from him,
   what is mild from the Prophets.

   All ye that have received this forgiveness, all ye to whom it has been
   vouchsafed to attain unto faith, learn, I beseech you, the greatness of
   the Gift, and study not to be insolent to your Benefactor. For we
   obtained forgiveness, not that we should become worse, but to make us
   far better and more excellent. Let none say that God is the cause of
   our evil doings, in that He did not punish, nor take vengeance. If (as
   it is said) a ruler having taken a murderer, lets him go, say, is he
   (not) [569] judged to be the cause of the murders afterwards committed?
   See then, how we expose God to the tongues of the wicked. For what do
   they not say, what leave unuttered? "(God) Himself," say they, "allowed
   them; for he ought to have punished them as they deserved, not to honor
   them, nor crown them, nor admit them to the foremost privileges, but to
   punish and take vengeance upon them: but he that, instead of this,
   honors them, has made them to be such as they are." Do not, I beseech
   and implore you, do not let any man utter such speech as far as we are
   concerned. Better to be buried ten thousand times over, than that God
   through us should be so spoken of! The Jews, we read, said to (Christ)
   Himself, "Thou that destroyest the Temple, and in three days buildest
   it up, come down from the Cross" (Matt. xxvii. 40): and again, "If Thou
   be the Son of God:" but the reproaches here are more grievous than
   those, that [570] through us He should be called a teacher of
   wickedness! Let us cause the very opposite to be said, by having our
   conversation worthy of Him that calleth us, and (worthily) approaching
   to the baptism of adoption. For great indeed is the might of baptism
   (photismatou): it makes them quite other men than they were, that
   partake of the gift; it does not let the men be men (and nothing more).
   Make thou the Gentile (ton Ellena), to believe that great is the might
   of the Spirit, that it has new-moulded, that it has fashioned thee
   anew. Why waitest thou for the last gasp, like a runaway slave, like a
   malefactor, as though it were not thy duty to live unto God? Why dost
   thou stand affected to Him, as if thou hadst in Him a ruthless, cruel
   Master? What can be more heartless (psuchroteron), what more miserable,
   than those who make that the time to receive baptism? God made thee a
   friend, and vouchsafed thee all His good things, that thou mayest act
   the part of a friend. Suppose you had done some man the greatest of
   wrongs, had insulted him, and brought upon him disgraces without end,
   suppose you had fallen into the hands of the person wronged, and he, in
   return for all this, had honored you, made you partaker of all that he
   had, and in the assembly of his friends, of those in whose presence he
   was insulted, had crowned you, and declared that he would hold you as
   his own begotten son, and then straightway had died: say, would you not
   have bewailed him? would you not have deemed his death a calamity?
   would you not have said, Would that he were alive, that I might have it
   in my power to make the fit return, that I might requite him, that I
   might show myself not base to my benefactor? So then, where it is but
   man, this is how you would act; and where it is God, are you eager to
   be gone, that you may not requite your benefactor for so great gifts?
   Nay rather, choose the time for coming to Him so that you shall have it
   in your power to requite Him like for like. True, [571] say you, but I
   cannot keep (the gift). Has God commanded impossibilities? Hence it is
   that all is clean reversed, hence that, all the world over, every thing
   is marred--because nobody makes it his mark to live after God. Thus
   those who are yet Catechumens, because they make this their object,
   (how they may defer baptism to the last,) give themselves no concern
   about leading an upright life: and those who have been baptized
   (photisthentes), whether it be because they received it as children, or
   whether it be that having received it in sickness, and afterwards
   recovered (anenenkontes), they had no hearty desire to live on (to the
   glory of God), so it is, that neither do these make an earnest business
   of it: nay, even such as received it in health, have little enough to
   show of any good impression, and warmly affected for the time, these
   also presently let the fire go out. Why do you flee? why do you
   tremble? what is it you are afraid of? You do not mean to say that you
   are not permitted to follow your business? I do not part you from your
   wife! No, it is from fornication that I bar you. I do not debar you
   from the enjoyment of your wealth? No, but from covetousness and
   rapacity. I do not oblige you to empty out all your coffers? No, but to
   give some small matter according to your means to them that lack, your
   superfluities to their need, and not even this unrewarded. We do not
   urge you to fast? We do but forbid you to besot yourselves with
   drunkenness and gormandizing. The things we would retrench are but the
   very things which bring you disgrace; things which even here, on this
   side of hell-fire, you yourselves confess to be things to be shunned
   and hated. We do not forbid you to be glad and to rejoice? Nay, only
   rejoice not with a disgraceful and unbecoming merriment. What is it you
   dread, why are you afraid, why do you tremble? Where marriage is, where
   enjoyment of wealth, where food in moderation, what matter of sin is
   there in these things? And yet, they that are without enjoin the
   opposites to these, and are obeyed. For they demand not according to
   thy means, but they say, Thou must give thus much: and if thou allege
   poverty, they will [572] make no account of that. Not so Christ: Give,
   saith He, of what thou hast, and I inscribe thee in the first rank.
   Again those say, If thou wilt distinguish thyself, forsake father,
   mother, kindred, friends, and keep close attendance on the Palace,
   laboring, toiling, slaving, distracted, suffering miseries without
   number. Not so Christ; but keep thou, saith He, at home with thy wife,
   with thy children, and as for thy daily occupations reform and regulate
   them on the plan of leading a peaceable life, free from cares and from
   perils. True, say you, but the other promises wealth. Aye, but Christ a
   kingdom, and more, He promises wealth also with it. For, "Seek ye,"
   saith He, "the kingdom of Heaven, and all these things shall be added
   unto you" (Matt. vi. 33): throwing in, [573] by way of additional boon,
   what the other holds out as the main thing: and the Psalmist says, he
   has "never seen the righteous forsaken, nor his seed begging their
   bread." (Ps. xxxvii. 25.) Let us set about practising virtue, let us
   make a beginning; let us only lay hold on it, and you shall see what
   the good will be. For surely in these (worldly) objects you do not
   succeed so without labor, that you should be so faint-hearted for these
   (higher) objects--that [574] you should say, Those are to be had
   without labor, these only with toil. Nay,--what need to tell you what
   is the true state of the case?--those are had only with greater labor.
   Let us not recoil from the Divine Mysteries, I beseech you. Look not at
   this, that one who was baptized before thee, has turned out ill, and
   has fallen from his hope: since among soldiers also we see some not
   doing their duty by the service, while we see others distinguishing
   themselves, and we do not look only at the idle ones, but we emulate
   these, the men who are successful. But besides, consider how many,
   after their baptism, have of men become angels!

   Fear the uncertainty of the future. "As a thief in the night," so death
   comes: and not merely as a thief, but while we sleep it sets upon us,
   and carries us off while we are idling. To this end has God made the
   future uncertain, that we may spend our time in the practice of virtue,
   because of the uncertainty of expectation. But He is merciful, say you.
   How long shall we hear this senseless, ridiculous talk? I affirm not
   only that God is merciful, but that nothing can be more merciful than
   He, and that He orders all things concerning us for our good. How many
   all their life do you see afflicted with the worst form of leprosy! (en
   elephanti diagontas, "Elephantiasis,") how many blind from their
   earliest youth even to old age! others who have lost their eyesight,
   others in poverty, others in bonds, others again in the mines, others
   entombed (katachosthentas) together, others (slaughtered) in wars!
   These things say you, do not look like mercy. Say, could He not have
   prevented these things had He wished, yet He permits them? True, say
   you. Say, those who are blind from their infancy, why are they so? I
   will not tell you, until you promise me to receive baptism, and, being
   baptized, to live aright. It is not right to give you the solution of
   these questions. The preaching is not meant just for amusement. For
   even if I solve this, on the back of this follows another question: of
   such questions there is a bottomless deep. Therefore [575] do not get
   into a habit of looking to have them solved for you: else we shall
   never stop questioning. For look, if I solve this, I do but lead the
   way to question upon question, numberless as the snowflakes. So that
   this is what we learn, rather to raise questions, not to solve the
   questions that are raised. For even if we do solve them, we have not
   solved them altogether, but (only) as far as man's reasoning goes. The
   proper solution of such questions is faith: the knowing that God does
   all things justly and mercifully and for the best: that to comprehend
   the reason of them is impossible. This is the one solution, and another
   better than this exists not. For say, what is the use of having a
   question solved? This, that one needs no longer to make a question of
   the thing which is solved. And if thou get thyself to believe this,
   that all things are ordered by the Providence of God, Who, for reasons
   known to Himself, permits some things and actively works others, thou
   art rid of the need of questioning, and hast gotten the gain of the
   solution. But let us come back to our subject. Do you not see such
   numbers of men suffering chastisements? God (say you) permits these
   things to be. Make the right use of the health of the body, in order to
   the health of the soul. But you will say, What is the use to me of
   labors and toil, when it is in my power to get quit of all (my sins)
   without labor? In the first place, this is not certain. It may happen,
   that a person not only does not get quit of his sins without labor, but
   that he departs hence with all his sins upon him. However, even if this
   were certain, still your argument is not to be tolerated. He has drawn
   thee to the contests: the golden arms lie there. When you ought to take
   them, and to handle them, you wish to be ingloriously saved, and to do
   no good work! Say, if war broke out, and the Emperor were here, and you
   saw some charging into the midst of the phalanxes of the enemy, hewing
   them down, dealing wounds by thousands, others thrusting (with the
   sword's point), others bounding (now here, now there), others dashing
   on horseback, and these praised by the Emperor, admired, applauded,
   crowned: others on the contrary thinking themselves well off if they
   take no harm, and keeping in the hindmost ranks, and sitting idly
   there; then after the close of the war, the former sort summoned,
   honored with the greatest gifts, their names proclaimed by the heralds:
   while of the latter, not even the name becomes known, and their reward
   of the good obtained is only that they are safe: which sort would you
   wish to belong to? Why, if you were made of stone, if you were more
   stupid even than senseless and lifeless things, would you not ten
   thousand times rather belong to the former? Yea, I beseech and implore
   you. For if need were to fall fighting, ought you not eagerly to choose
   this? See you not how it is with them that have fallen in the wars, how
   illustrious they are, how glorious? And yet they die a death, after
   which there is no getting honor from the emperor. But in that other
   war, there is nothing of the kind, but thou shalt in any wise be
   presented with thy scars. Which scars, even without persecutions, may
   it be granted all us to have to exhibit, through Jesus Christ our Lord,
   with Whom to the Father and the Holy Ghost together be glory, dominion,
   honor, now and ever, and world without end. Amen.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [554] So mss. and Edd. but the clause ho Theos touto ekeleuse might be
   better transferred, in the sense, "It is only in obedience to God's
   command that I come to you." Below, Eita hina medeis auto ten charin
   eche (A. B. C. D. F. Cat.) epagei (om. C.) ti phesin; (A. B. C. but
   Cat. for epagei ti phesin; has, tauta phesin;) Kai emoi k. t. l. We
   read, Eita epagei, Kai emoi edeixen ho Theos (hina medeis auto ten
   charin eche tauta phesin) medena k. t. l.

   [555] By saying "it is not lawful," Peter does not refer to any
   specific command in the Mosaic law forbidding intercourse with
   Gentiles. The separateness of the Jewish people from the heathen world
   had, indeed, its basis in the Levitical system, especially in the
   regulations concerning ceremonial cleanness. Still the Jews had
   constant commercial relations with other nations. Peter here refers, no
   doubt, to the customary and traditional exclusiveness of his nation
   which had become a social as well as a religious trait, and which had
   been extended far beyond the purport of the Mosaic requirements, which
   had for their end the preservation of the truth and purity of the
   religion of the nation. This exclusive and jealous spirit is frequently
   reflected in the N.T. and contemporaneous literature. The Jewish
   Christians accuse Peter (Acts xi. 3) of eating with the uncircumcised.
   On another occasion, the prejudices of his kinsmen and friends
   intimidated him and constrained him to break off his custom of
   associating with the Gentile Christians at meals (Gal. ii. 11 sq.).
   "Moses," says Josephus, "does not allow those who come to us without
   living according to our laws to be admitted into communion with us"
   (Contra Apion. ii. 29). Tacitus accuses the Jews of harboring "the
   bitterest animosity against all other nations" (Hist. v. 5) and Juvenal
   says that they will not point out the way except to those of their own
   religion, and that they will "conduct those only to the fountain
   inquired after who are circumcised" (Sat. xiv. 103). How great was the
   lesson then, which Peter had been taught in the vision! It is not
   strange that it was only gradually learned and practised.--G.B.S.

   [556] Kai en tisin hemerais; so all the mss. with Cat. (en tisin hem.)
   and OEcum. If the text be not corrupt, Chrys. must be understood to
   interpret apo tetartes hem. of the "fourth day of the week:" i.e.
   Cornelius had anticipated, among other pious observances, this practice
   also, viz. of the Wednesday fast. Otherwise, there is no intelligible
   connection for the following words, Dia gar touto eipen, 'Apo tetartes
   hemeras. This, he says, was an advance in piety: and then it was that
   the Angel appeared to him. Then he proceeds to argue, that it is not
   "four days ago," for the time does not amount to that number of days:
   the day on which Peter arrived was not the fourth, but between that and
   the day on which Cornelius prayed, there are but two entire days. It
   seems that this must be St. Chrysostom's meaning, though it is obscured
   by mistakes of the scribes. B. C. haute mia hemera; kai hen elthon mia;
   kai te trite ephane; hos einai deuteran meth' hen proseuxato. (A. omits
   the passage.) E. D. F. Edd. haute mia hemera; kai hen apelthon hoi
   pemphthentes, mia; kai hen elthon, mia; kai te tetarte ephane; hos
   einai deuteran meth' hen proseuxato. Cat. and OEc. agree with E. D. F.
   in supplying the clause omitted in B. C , to which however they add
   para Korneliou: they have also tetarte ephane, but for the last clause
   they read, hosei triten horan meth' hen proseuxato. But the sense
   intended by Chrys. should be: "This, the day (on which they left
   Joppa), is one day (before the day on which Cornelius is speaking): and
   the day on which the messengers from Cornelius came, one day;
   (therefore the second day before that on which Cornelius is speaking:)
   and on the third day (previous) the Angel appeared: so that,
   exclusively of the day on which Cornelius is speaking, and that on
   which Cornelius prayed, there are two days." This sense will be
   satisfied by reading, haute mia hemera; kai hen elthon hoi pemphthentes
   para Korneliou, mia; kai te trite ephane; & 244;ste einai duo hemeras
   meth' hen proseuxato. The scribes, mistaking both the drift and the
   method of the calculation, supposed haute hem. to mean "the day of
   Peter's arrival:" but the day before that was the day on which they
   came away (apelthon) from Joppa, and on the previous day the messengers
   arrived (elthon), and on the day before that, which is therefore the
   fourth, the Angel appeared: hence they insert the words kai hen
   apelqon...mia, in order to make out the calculation, i.e. to verify the
   day of the Vision as the fourth day before that on which Cornelius is
   speaking. So Cat. OEc. and. E.D.F. But B. C. retain the original
   reading, and only mistake the abbreviated form hoste einai b'hem., i.e.
   duo hemeras, as if it meant "the second day," deuteran hemeran: which
   reading, though unintelligible, was retained by the later Editors. But
   what Chrys. means to say, is, that, not reckoning the day of the vision
   and the day of the meeting, there are two whole days: therefore the day
   of the vision was not "the fourth day hence;" consequently, that it
   means "the fourth day of the week." This hasty and ill considered
   interpretation of the expression apo tetartes hemeras, was suggested by
   the circumstance that the rule was to fast on the dies stationum,
   tetras and prosabbaton, to "the ninth hour:" so that the practical
   scope of the interpretation may be of this kind: "See how this man,
   Gentile as he was, had forestalled our rule of discipline: he fasted on
   the fourth day of the week, and to the ninth hour of the day: and see
   how God was pleased to approve of his piety, by sending the Angel to
   him on that day, and at that hour. But you who know the rule, and why
   it is prescribed, do not obey it," etc.--On the Dies Stationum, see
   Tertull. de Jejun. 1. where in defence of the Montanists, who extended
   the fast beyond the ninth hour, (or 3 p.m.) he says: Arguunt nos quod
   stationes plerumque in vesperam producamus: ib. 10. AEque stationes
   nostras ut indignas, quasdam vero et in serum constitutas, novitatis
   nomine incusant, hoc quoque munus et ex arbitrio obeundum esse
   dicentes, et non ultra nonam detinendum, suo scilicet more: i.e. the
   Catholics maintained, that the fast on these days ought not to be
   compulsory, nor to be prolonged beyond the ninth hour. Epiphan. Expos.
   Fid. S:. 22. di holou men tou etous he nesteia phulattetai en te aute
   hagi& 139; katholike ekklesi& 139;, phemi de tetradi kai prosabbato
   heos horas ennates.

   [557] It is wholly improbable that apo tetrates hemeras refers to the
   fourth day of the week, as Chrys. supposes. The meaning is that, four
   days ago (reckoning from the time when he was speaking) he was praying
   ("observing the ninth hour of prayer") until the time of day at which
   he was now saying these words to Peter. There is still less ground for
   Chrysostom's interpretation if with Lechler, Tischendorf, and Westcott
   and Hort nestheuon be omitted from the text.--G.B.S.

   [558] The letters a, b, c, d, mark the order of these portions in B. C.
   At the end of (a) the clause, "We are present," etc. is repeated. In A
   the order is, a, d, the rest being omitted: in the modern text, a, d,
   c, b: and the text, "Now therefore are we all present," etc. between
   (c) and (b).--With the interpretation of dektos comp. Severianus of
   Gabala in the Catena on x. 4, ouk eipen en panti ethnei ho poion
   dikaiosunen sozetai, alla dektos estin. toutestin, axios ginetai tou
   dechthenai. And St. Chrys. Hom. viii. in 1 Cor. C. dektos auto esti;
   toutesti, kalei kai epispatai auton pros ten aletheian. Paul is cited
   as an instance: persecutor as he was, "yet, because he led a blameless
   life, and did not these things of human passion, he was both accepted
   and far outwent all. But if some one should say, How is it that such an
   one, the Greek, kind as he is and good and humane, continues in error?'
   I answer, that he has a fault of a different kind, vainglory or
   sluggishness of mind, or not being in earnest about his salvation, but
   thinking that all the circumstances of his life are mere chance-medley
   and haphazard. But by him that worketh righteousness,' Peter means, him
   that is blameless in all things (comp. infra p. 151.)......How is it
   then,' you will say, that impure persons have been accounted worthy to
   have the Gospel preached to them (katexiothesan tou kerugmatos)?'
   Because they were willing and desirous. For some, even which are in
   error, He draws, when they become cleansed from their vices; and others
   coming of their own accord, He repulses not: many also have inherited
   their piety from their ancestors."

   [559] The word prosopolemptes--"respector of persons"--(personarum
   acceptor Vulg.) is a term founded upon the phrase, lambanein prhosopon,
   an imitation of the Hebrew ns' phnym, to accept the person, the
   presence; to have a favorable or partial regard to the outward
   appearance,--as opposed to hsyv phnym, to turn away the face (of the
   petitioner) i.e. to deny him favor or acceptance (1 Kgs. ii. 16, 17,
   20; 2 Chron. vi. 42; cf. Gen. xxxii. 21; 1 Kgs. v. i.)--G.B.S.

   [560] The pertinent comments of Dr. Gloag may here be fitly introduced
   (v. 35): "Peter is here speaking of the admissibility of the Gentiles
   into the Church of Christ; and he here asserts that there is no natural
   obstacle in the way of any one who fears God and works righteousness;
   that there is now no barrier such as circumcision, no external
   hindrance, but that all are equally acceptable to God. As Meyer well
   puts it, dektos auto estin indicates the capability in relation to God
   to become a Christian, but not the capability to be saved without
   Christ; or, as Bengel observes, non indifferentissimus religionum, sed
   indifferenta nationum hic asseritur." (Gloag, Com. in loco).--G.B.S.

   [561] There is no sufficient reason for the statement of Chrys. that
   those to whom Peter spoke did not know Jesus. It is meant that they
   were acquainted with the chief facts of his life. Grammatically Iesoun
   (38) must be construed as the object (resumed in another form) of
   humeis oidate (37). Residents in Caesarea must have heard of Jesus'
   teaching and miracles, during his lifetime on earth. Moreover, the
   apostles had taught in the neighboring cities and wrought miracles, and
   probably Philip had been for some little time residing and laboring in
   Caesarea itself (Acts viii. 40).--G.B.S.

   [562] 'Enteuthen deiknusi pollas peroseis diabolikas kai diastrophen
   (B., diastrophas) somatos (Cat., somaton) hup' ekeinou genomenas. The
   term perosis here includes loss of sight, speech, hearing, palsied or
   withered limbs. "He shows that these are diabolical, and that they are
   a violent wrenching, or distortion, of the body from its proper
   condition, caused by him." The sense requires either diastrophas or
   genomenen. The next sentence, hosper kai ho Christos elegen, omitted by
   Edd., though, except E., all the mss. and Cat. have it, may refer to
   such expressions as that in Luke xiii. 16. Or, it may be in its proper
   place after the following clause, "For God was with Him:" again, a
   lowly expression: just as Christ spake: "for My Father is with Me."

   [563] The letters denote the order of the parts in the mss. and Edd.

   [564] kai dogma tithesi (E. Edd. eisagei) kai politeian. i. e. "it is
   assumed, or the case is put, that the person has the right doctrine, of
   the One True God (that feareth God), and that he is of a right
   conversation (that worketh righteousness.)"

   [565] In the mss. and Edd. the order is confused. In the old text: "The
   word--Lord of all. First he discourses--with ardor. Yet for all this He
   did not spare them. Then he proves how He is Lord of all. Which He
   sent, preaching good tidings, not bringing judgment. [3.] He is sent
   from God to the Jews. Then He shows this withal from the things which
   He achieved," etc. So, with verbal alterations, the modern text, except
   that it omits the clause, ou men oude houtos epheisato.

   [566] Here also the order in the mss. is confused. "Again proof. How
   God--with power. Whence does this appear? who went about--of the devil.
   Then from the good that He did, and the greatness," etc. The modern
   text has the same order, and the alterations do not affect the sense.

   [567] Perhaps it should be phantasthe, "that he (Cornelius) may not
   imagine," etc., therefore he mentions first the Divine Mission, then
   the Crucifixion.

   [568] tautes de ouden houto semeion meizon en, hos to phagein kai
   piein. Cat. rightly omits meizon en. E. Edd. houtos eis apodeixin
   meizon, hos.

   [569] The original reporter seems to have misunderstood what was said.
   If eipe moi be retained, we must read ouchi autos. The sense is, "Take
   heed lest any lay the blame of your evil doings upon God. For you know
   what would be said of a magistrate who should let a murderer go
   unpunished; that he would be held responsible for all the murders that
   may be afterwards done by that man, or in consequence of his impunity.
   Dread lest through your misconduct God be thus blasphemed." But--as if
   Chrysostom's meaning had been, Since God's purpose in forgiving us our
   sins was, that we should lead more virtuous and holy lives, therefore
   let none presume to say that God, by forgiving us, is the cause of the
   evil doings of which we are afterwards guilty"--the modern text (E. D.
   F. Edd.) goes on thus: "For say, if a magistrate, etc. is he judged to
   be the cause of the murders thereafter committed? By no means. And how
   is it that we ourselves, while, by the things we dare to do, we expose
   God to be insulted by godless tongues, do not fear and shudder? For
   what," etc.

   [570] E. D. F. Edd. "Therefore, that it may not be possible for Him
   through us to be called, etc., and lest by the very fact of His being
   thus blasphemed; we ourselves become liable to the punishment thereof
   (For through you,' it is written, My Name is blasphemed among the
   Gentiles,') let us cause the very opposite to be said, by having our
   conversation worthy of Him that calleth us, and (worthily) approaching
   to the baptism of adoption. For great indeed," etc. In C. it is:
   "teacher of wickedness. Let us cause the very opposite to be said. For
   great indeed." etc. B. "teacher of wickedness. For great indeed," etc.
   But the genuineness of the latter clauses, axios tou kalountos
   politeuomenoi kai to tes huiothesias prosiontes baptismati, which are
   also needed by the following context, is attested by A. which retains
   them; for this ms. abridges much, but never borrows from the modern
   text.

   [571] Here all the mss. have Ti pheugeis; ti tremeis; ti dedoikas;
   (Edd. omit the two latter clauses,) which, being out of place here, and
   required below, we have transposed to the beginning of the set of
   questions Me gar ouk eni k. t. l.--Below, he laments that the
   Catechumens, while delaying their baptism, if possible, to their dying
   hour, think themselves no way concerned to lead a virtuous life: of the
   baptism he distinguishes three classes: 1. those who received the
   sacrament in infancy; 2. those who were baptized in sickness and fear
   of death, but afterwards recovered: both which sorts, he says, are
   alike careless (the former because baptized in unconscious infancy),
   the latter because they did not think to survive, and had no hearty
   desire to live to the glory of God; 3. those baptized in mature age,
   and in health; and these also, if at the time their affections were
   kindled, soon let the flame go out.

   [572] ouden prospoiesontai, meaning perhaps, "they will pretend to make
   no account of that: they will say that that makes no difference." Edd.
   from E. only, oude houtos aphistantai, "they do not desist for all
   that."--Below: kai auta tauta diaplattekai rh& 192;thmize: i.e. Christ
   does not require you to abandon your calling in life, but these same
   occupations and duties of your station He bids you to mould and bring
   into entire conformity with His commandments:--ton apragmona bion zen
   kai akindunon: something is wanting, the sense being, "making it your
   object (not to obtain distinction, wealth, etc. but) to lead a quiet
   life in godliness and honesty." Savile reads zethi.

   [573] Kai epi prosthekes mesei, ha proegoumenos ekeinos; kai ouk eiden,
   phesi, dikaion k. t. l. The modern text (E. D. F. Edd.) inverts the
   meaning: Kai ekeinos men oude en prosthekes merei, houtos de kai
   proegoumenos. "And the former does not even by way of additional boon
   (hold out this), the latter (Christ) as the main thing." Adding, "I
   have been young, saith (the Psalmist), for indeed I am become old: and
   I never saw," etc.

   [574] E. D. F. Edd. "Yes,' say you, those (are to be had) without
   labor, these with labor.' Away with (such talk): it is not, no it is
   not so, but if one must say the truth, those (objects) are more yoked
   with toils, and are achieved with greater toil: but these, if we
   choose, easily."

   [575] Oste me pros touto ethizete heautous, pros to lusin zetein. A. B.
   C. Sav. But the modern text has monon for pros touto, and adds alla kai
   pros to me zetein: "therefore accustom yourselves not only to seek the
   solution (of the questions), but also not to raise the
   questions."--Below: hoste touto manthanomen (so A. D. F. Sav. the rest,
   manthanomen) mallon zetein, ouchi (Edd. e) ta zetethenta luein.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Homily XXIV.

   Acts X. 44, 46

   "While Peter yet spake these words, the Holy Ghost fell on all them
   which heard the word. And they of the circumcision which believed were
   astonished, as many as came with Peter, because that on the Gentiles
   also was poured out the gift of the Holy Ghost. For they heard them
   speak with tongues, and magnify God."

   Observe God's providential management. He does not suffer the speech to
   be finished, nor the baptism to take place upon a command of Peter,
   but, when He has made it evident how admirable their state of mind is,
   and a beginning is made of the work of teaching, and they have believed
   that assuredly baptism is the remission of sins, then forthwith comes
   the Spirit upon them. Now this is done by God's so disposing it as to
   provide for Peter a mighty ground of justification. [576] And it is not
   simply that the Spirit came upon them, but, "they spake with tongues:"
   which was the thing that astonished those who had come together. They
   altogether disliked the matter, wherefore it is that the whole is of
   God; and as for Peter, it may almost be said, that he is present only
   to be taught [577] (with them) the lesson, that they must take the
   Gentiles in hand, and that they themselves are the persons by whom this
   must be done. For whereas after all these great events, still both in
   Caesarea and in Jerusalem a questioning is made about it, how would it
   have been if these (tokens) had not gone step by step with the progress
   of the affair? Therefore it is that this is carried to a sort of
   excess. [578] Peter seizes his advantage, and see the plea he makes of
   it. "Can any man forbid water, that these should not be baptized, which
   have received the Holy Ghost as well as we?" (v. 47.) Mark the issue to
   which he brings it; how he has been travailing to bring this forth. So
   (entirely) was he of this mind! "Can any one, he asks, "forbid water?"
   It is the language, we may almost say, of one triumphantly pressing his
   advantage (epembainontos) against such as would forbid, such as should
   say that this ought not to be. The whole thing, he says, is complete,
   the most essential part of the business, the baptism with which we were
   baptized. "And he commanded them to be baptized in the name of Jesus
   Christ." (v. 48.) After he has cleared himself, then, and not before,
   he commands them to be baptized: teaching them by the facts themselves.
   Such was the dislike the Jews had to it! Therefore it is that he first
   clears himself, although the very facts cry aloud, and then gives the
   command. "Then prayed they him"--well might they do so--"to tarry
   certain days:" and with a good courage thenceforth he does tarry.

   "And the Apostles and brethren that were in Judea heard that the
   Gentiles had also received the word of God. And when Peter was come up
   to Jerusalem, they that were of the circumcision contended with him,
   saying, Thou wentest in to men uncircumcised, and didst eat with them."
   (ch. xi. 1-3.) After such great things, "they of the circumcision
   contended:" not the Apostles; God forbid! It means, they took no small
   offence. [579] And see what they allege. They do not say, Why didst
   thou preach? but, Why didst thou eat with them? But Peter, not stopping
   to notice this frigid objection--for frigid indeed it is--takes his
   stand (histatai) on that great argument, If they had the Spirit Itself
   given them, how could one refuse to give them the baptism? But how came
   it that in the case of the Samaritans this did not happen, but, on the
   contrary, neither before their baptism nor after it was there any
   controversy, and there they did not take it amiss, nay, as soon as they
   heard of it, sent the Apostles for this very purpose? (ch. viii. 14.)
   True, but neither in the present case is this the thing they complain
   of; for they knew that it was of Divine Grace: what they say is, Why
   didst thou eat with them? Besides, the difference [580] is not so great
   for Samaritans as it is for Gentiles. Moreover, it is so managed (as
   part of the Divine plan) that he is accused in this way: on purpose
   that they may learn: for Peter, without some cause given, would not
   have related the vision. But observe his freedom from all elation and
   vainglory. For it says, "But Peter rehearsed the matter from the
   beginning, and expounded it by order unto them, saying, I was in the
   city of Joppa, praying:" he does not say why, nor on what occasion:
   "and in a trance I saw a vision, a certain vessel descend, as it had
   been a great sheet, let down from heaven by four corners; and it came
   even to me (v. 4, 5): upon the which when I had fastened mine eyes, I
   considered, and saw fourfooted beasts of the earth, and wild beasts,
   and creeping things, and fowls of the air. And I heard a voice saying
   unto me, Arise, Peter; slay and eat." (v. 6, 7.) As much as to say,
   This of itself was enough to have persuaded me--my having seen the
   linen sheet: but moreover a Voice was added. "But I said, Not so, Lord:
   for nothing common or unclean hath at any time entered into my mouth."
   (v. 8.) Do you mark? "I did my part," says he: "I said, that I have
   never eaten aught common or unclean:" with reference to this that they
   said, "Thou wentest in, and didst eat with them." But this he does not
   say to Cornelius: for there was no need to mention it to him. "But the
   voice answered me again from heaven, What God hath cleansed, that call
   not thou common. And this was done three times: and all were drawn up
   again into heaven." (v. 9, 10.) The essential points were those [581]
   (that ensued at Caesarea); but by these he prepares the way for them.
   Observe how he justifies himself (by reasons), and forbears to use his
   authority as teacher. For the more mildly he expresses himself, the
   more tractable he makes them. "At no time," says he, "has aught common
   or unclean entered into my mouth.--And, behold--this too was part of
   his defence--three men stood at the house in which I was, sent to me
   from Caesarea. And the Spirit bade me go with them, nothing doubting."
   (v. 11, 12.) Do you mark that it is to the Spirit the enacting of laws
   belongs! "And these also accompanied me"--nothing can be more lowly,
   when he alleges the brethren for witnesses!--"these six men, and we
   entered into the man's house: and he showed us how he had seen an angel
   in his house, which stood and said unto him, Send men to Joppa, and
   call for Simon, whose surname is Peter; who shall tell thee words,
   whereby thou and all thy house shall be saved." (v. 13, 14.) And he
   does not mention the words spoken by the Angel to Cornelius, "Thy
   prayers and thine alms are come up for a memorial before God, that he
   may not disgust them; but what says he? "He shall tell thee words,
   whereby thou and all thy house shall be saved:" with good reason this
   is added. [582] Also he says nothing of the man's fitness (epieikes).
   "The Spirit," he might say, "having sent (me), God having commanded, on
   the one part having summoned (me) through the Angel, on the other
   urging (me) on, and solving my doubt about the things, what was I to
   do?" He says none of these things, however: but makes his strong point
   of what happened last, which even in itself was an incontrovertible
   argument. "And as I began to speak," etc. (v. 15.) Then why did not
   this happen alone? Of superabundance (ek periousias) this is wrought by
   God, that it might be shown that the beginning too was not from the
   Apostle. But had he set out of his own motion, without any of these
   things having taken place, they would have been very much hurt: so
   [583] that from the beginning he disposes their minds in his favor**:
   saying to them, "Who have received the Holy Ghost even as we." And not
   content with this, he reminds them also of the words of the Lord: "Then
   remembered I the word of the Lord, how that he said, John indeed
   baptized with water; but ye shall be baptized with the Holy Ghost." (v.
   16.) He means, that no new thing has happened, but just what the Lord
   foretold. "But [584] there was no need to baptize?" (Comp. p. 158.) But
   the baptism was completed already. And he does not say, I ordered them
   to be baptized: but what says he? "Forasmuch then as God gave them the
   like gift as He did unto us, who believed on the Lord Jesus Christ;
   what was I, that I could withstand God?" (v. 17.) He shows that he had
   himself done nothing: for the very thing which we have obtained, he
   says, that same did those men receive. That he may more effectually
   stop their mouths, therefore he says, "The like gift." Do you perceive
   how he does not allow them to have less: when they believed, says he,
   the same gift did God give unto them, as He did to us who believed on
   the Lord, and Himself cleanses them. And he does not say, To you, but
   to us. Why do you feel aggrieved, when we [585] call them partakers
   (with us?) "When they heard these things, they held their peace, and
   glorified God, saying, Then hath God also to the Gentiles granted
   repentance unto life." (v. 18.) Do you mark that it all came of Peter's
   discourse, by his admirably skilful way of relating the facts? They
   glorified God that He had given repentance to themselves (kai autois)
   also: they were humbled by these words. Hence was the door of faith
   opened thenceforth to the Gentiles. But, if you please, let us look
   over again what has been said.

   "While Peter yet spake," etc. (Recapitulation.) He does not say that
   Peter was astonished, but, "They of the circumcision:" since he knew
   what was in preparation. And yet they ought to have marvelled at this,
   how they themselves had believed. When they heard that they had
   believed, they were not astonished, but when God gave them the Spirit.
   Then [586] "answered Peter and said," etc. (v. 47.) And therefore it is
   that he says, "God hath shown that I should not call common or unclean
   any human being." (v. 28.) He knew this from the first, and plans his
   discourse beforehand (with a view to it). Gentiles? What Gentiles
   henceforth? They were no longer Gentiles, the Truth being come. It is
   nothing wonderful, he says, if before the act of baptism they received
   the Spirit: in our own case this same happened. Peter shows that not as
   the rest either were they baptized, but in a much better way. This is
   the reason why the thing takes place in this manner, that they may have
   nothing to say, but even in this way may account them equal with
   themselves. "And they besought him," it says, "to tarry certain days."
   (v. 48.) "And the Apostles and brethren, etc. And they of the
   circumcision contended with him." (ch. xi. 1, 2.) Do you remark how
   they were not kindly disposed towards him? Saying "Thou wentest in to
   men uncircumcised, and didst eat with them." (v. 3.) Do you note what
   zeal they had for the Law? Not Peter's authority abashed them, not the
   signs which had taken place, not the success achieved, what a thing it
   was, the Gentiles having "received the word:" but they contended about
   those petty things. For if none of those (signs) had taken place, was
   not the success (itself) enough? [587] But not so does Peter frame his
   defence: for he was wise, or rather it was not his wisdom, but the
   Spirit that spake the words. And by the matter of his defence, he shows
   that in no one point was he the author, but in every point God, and
   upon Him he casts the whole. "The trance," he says--"it was He that
   caused me to fall into it, for "I was in Joppa," etc.: the vessel--it
   was He that showed it; I objected: again, He spake, and even then I did
   not hear: the Spirit commanded me to go, and even then though I went, I
   did not run: I told that God had sent me, and after these things, even
   then I did not baptize, but again God did the whole. God baptized them,
   not I." And he does not say, Was it not right then to add the water?
   but, implying that nothing was lacking, "What was I, that I should
   withstand God?" What a defence is here! For he does not say, Then
   knowing these things, hold your peace; but what? He stands their
   attack, and to their impeachment he pleads--"What was I, to be able to
   hinder God?" It was not possible for me to hinder--a forcible plea
   indeed, and such as might well put them to shame. Whence being at last
   afraid, "they held their peace and glorified God."

   In like manner ought we also to glorify God for the good things which
   befall our neighbors, only [588] not in the way that the rest of the
   newly-baptized are insulted, when they see others receiving baptism,
   and immediately departing this life. It, is right to glorify God, even
   though all be saved: and as for thee, if thou be willing, thou hast
   received a greater gift (than they): I do not mean in respect of the
   baptism, for the gift there is the same for him as for thee, but in
   regard that thou hast received a set time for winning distinction. The
   other put on the robe, and was not suffered to exhibit himself
   therewith in the procession, whereas to thee, God hath given full
   opportunity to use thine arms for the right purpose, thereby to make
   proof of them. The other goes his way, having only the reward of his
   faith: thou standest in the course, both able to obtain an abundant
   recompense for thy works, and to show thyself as much more glorious
   than he, as the sun is than the smallest star, as the general, nay
   rather as the Emperor himself, than the lowest soldier. Then blame
   thyself, or rather not blame, but correct: for it is not enough to
   blame thyself; it is in thy power to contend afresh. Hast thou been
   thrown? hast thou taken grievous hurt? Stand up, recover thyself: thou
   art still in the course, the meeting (theatron) is not yet broken up.
   Do you not see how many that have been thrown in the wrestling have
   afterwards resumed the combat? Only do not willingly come by thy fall.
   Dost thou count him a happy man for departing this life? Much rather
   count thyself happy. Was he released of his sins? But thou, if thou
   wilt, shalt not only wash away thy sins, but shalt also have
   achievements (of good works), which in his case is not possible. It is
   in our power to recover ourselves. Great are the medicinal virtues
   (pharmaka) of repentance: let none despair of himself. That man truly
   deserves to be despaired of, who despairs of himself; that man has no
   more salvation, nor any hopes. It is not the having fallen into a depth
   of evils, it is the lying there when fallen, that is dreadful, it is
   not the having come into such a condition, it is the making light of it
   that is impious. The very thing that ought to make thee earnest, say,
   is it this that makes thee reckless? Having received so many wounds,
   hast thou fallen back? Of the soul, there can be no incurable wound;
   for the body, there are many such, but none for the soul: and yet for
   those we cease not in our endeavors to cure them, while for these we
   are supine. Seest thou not the thief (on the cross), in how short a
   time he achieved (his salvation)? Seest thou not the Martyrs, in how
   short a time they accomplished the whole work? "But martyrdom is not to
   be had nowadays." True, but there are contests to be had, as I have
   often told you, if we had the mind. "For they that wish," says the
   Apostle, "to live godly in Christ Jesus, shall suffer persecution." (2
   Tim. iii. 12.) They that live godly are always undergoing persecution,
   if not from men, at any rate from evil spirits, which is a more
   grievous persecution. Yes, and it is in consequence, first and
   foremost, of ease and comfort, that those who are not vigilant undergo
   this. Or thinkest thou it is a trifling persecution to be living at
   ease? This is more grievous than all, this is worse than persecution.
   For, like a running flux, ease makes the soul languid (chaunhoi): and
   as summer and winter, so persecution and ease. But to show you that
   this is the worse persecution, listen: it induces sleep in the soul, an
   excessive yawning and drowsiness, it stirs up the passions on every
   side, it arms pride, it arms pleasure, it arms anger, envy, vainglory,
   jealousy. But in time of persecution none of these is able to make a
   disturbance; but fear, entering in, and plying the lash vigorously, as
   one does to a barking dog, will not let any of these passions so much
   as attempt to give tongue. Who shall be able in time of persecution to
   indulge in vainglory? Who to live in pleasure? Not one: but there is
   much trembling and fear, making a great calm, composing the harbor into
   stillness, filling the soul with awe. I have heard from our fathers
   (for in our own time God grant it may not happen, since we are bidden
   not to ask for temptation), that in the persecution of old time one
   might see men that were indeed Christian. None of them cared for money,
   none for wife, none for children, nor home, nor country: the one great
   concern with all was to save their lives (or, souls). There were they
   hiding, some in tombs and sepulchres, some in deserts: yes tender and
   dainty women too, fighting all the while with constant hunger.

   Then think whether any longing for sumptuous and dainty living at all
   came into the mind of a woman, while in hiding beside a coffin (para
   larnaki), and waiting for her maid-servant to bring her meal, and
   trembling lest she should be taken, and lying in her terror as in a
   furnace: was she even aware that there ever was such a thing as dainty
   living, that such things as dress and ornaments exist at all (hoti
   kosmos holos estin)? Seest thou that now is the persecution, with our
   passions, like wild beasts, setting upon us on every side? Now is the
   trying persecution, both in this regard, and especially if it is not
   even thought to be persecution at all. For this (persecution) has also
   this evil in it, that being war, it is thought to be peace, so that we
   do not even arm ourselves against it, so that we do not even rise: no
   one fears, no one trembles. But if ye do not believe me, ask the
   heathen, the persecutors, at what time was the conduct of the
   Christians more strict, at what time were they all more proved? Few
   indeed had they then become in number, but rich in virtue. For say,
   what profit is it, that there should be hay in plenty, when there might
   be precious stones? The amount consists not in the sum of numbers, but
   in the proved worth. Elias was one: yet the whole world was not worth
   so much as he. And yet the world consists of myriads: but they are no
   myriads, when they do not even come up to that one. "Better [589] is
   one that doeth the will of God, than ten thousand who are
   transgressors:" for the ten thousands have not yet reached to the one.
   "Desire not a multitude of unprofitable children." (Ecclus. xvi. 1.)
   Such bring more blasphemy against God, than if they were not
   Christians. What need have I of a multitude? It is (only) more food for
   the fire. This one might see even in the body, that better is moderate
   food with health, than a (fatted) calf with damage. This is more food
   than the other: this is food, but that is disease. This too one may see
   in war: that better are ten expert and brave men, than ten thousand of
   no experience. These latter, besides that they do no work, hinder also
   those that do work. The same too one may see to be the case in a ship,
   viz. that better are two experienced mariners, than ever so great a
   number of unskilful ones: for these will sink the ship. These things I
   say, not as looking with an evil eye upon your numbers, but wishing
   that all of you should be approved men, and not trust in your numbers.
   Many more in number are they who go down into hell: but greater than it
   is the Kingdom, however few it contain. As the sand of the sea was the
   multitude of the people (Israel) yet one man saved them. Moses was but
   one, and yet he availed more than they all: Joshua was one and he was
   enabled to do more than the six hundred thousand. Let us not make this
   our study merely, that (the people) may be many, but rather, that they
   may be excellent; when this shall have been effected, then will that
   other follow also. No one wishes at the outset to make a spacious
   house, but he first makes it strong and sure, then spacious: no one
   lays the foundations so that he may be laughed at. Let us first aim at
   this, and then at the other. Where this is, that also will be easy: but
   where this is not, the other, though it be, is to no profit. For if
   there be those who are able to shine in the Church, there will soon be
   also numbers: but where these are not, the numbers will never be good
   for anything. How many, suppose you, may there be in our city who are
   likely to be saved (tous sozomenous)? It is disagreeable, what I am
   going to say, but I will say it nevertheless. Among all these myriads,
   there are not to be found one hundred likely to be saved: nay, even as
   to these, I question it. For think, what wickedness there is in the
   young, what supineness in the aged! None [590] makes it his duty to
   look after his own boy, none is moved by anything to be seen in his
   elder, to be emulous of imitating such an one. The patterns are
   defaced, and therefore it is that neither do the young become admirable
   in conduct. Tell not me, "We are a goodly multitude:" this is the
   speech of men who talk without thought or feeling (psuchrhon.) In the
   concerns of men indeed, this might be said with some show of reason:
   but where God is concerned, (to say this with regard to Him) as having
   need of us, [591] can never be allowed. Nay, let me tell you, even in
   the former case, this is a senseless speech (psuchron). Listen. A
   person that has a great number of domestics, if they be a corrupt set
   what a wretched time will he have of it! For him who has none, the
   hardship, it seems, amounts to this, that he is not waited on: but
   where a person has bad servants, the evil is, that he is ruining
   himself withal, and the damage is greater (the more there are of them.)
   For it is far worse than having to be one's own servant, to have to
   fight with others, and take up a (continual) warfare. These things I
   say, that none may admire the Church because of its numbers, but that
   we may study to make the multitude proof-worthy; that each may be
   earnest for his own share of the duty--not for his friends only, nor
   his kindred as I am always saying, nor for his neighbors, but that he
   may attract the strangers also. For example, Prayer is going on; there
   they lie (on bended knees), all the young, stupidly unconcerned
   (psuchroi), (yes,) and old too: [592] filthy nuisances rather than
   young men; giggling, laughing outright, talking--for I have heard even
   this going on--and jeering one another as they lie along on their
   knees: and there stand you, young man or elder: rebuke them, if you see
   them (behaving thus): if any will not refrain, chide him more severely:
   call the deacon, threaten, do what is in your power to do: and if he
   dare do anything to you, assuredly you shall have all to help you. For
   who is so irrational, as, when he sees you chiding for such conduct,
   and them chidden not to take your part? Depart, having received your
   reward from the Prayer.--In a master's house, we count those his
   best-disposed servants, who cannot bear to see any part of his
   furniture in disorder. Answer me; if at home you should see the silver
   plate lie tossed out of doors, though it is not your business, you will
   pick it up and bring it into the house: if you see a garment flung out
   of its place, though you have not the care of it, though you be at
   enmity with him whose business it is, yet, out of good-will to the
   master, will you not put it right? So in the present case. These are
   part of the furniture: if you see them lying about in disorder, put
   them to rights: apply to me, I do not refuse the trouble: inform me,
   make the offender known to me: it is not possible for me to see all:
   excuse me (in this). See, what wickedness overspreads the whole world!
   Said I without reason that we are (no better than) so much hay
   (disorderly as) a troubled sea? I am not talking of those (young
   people), that they behave thus; (what I complain of, is) that such a
   sleepy indifference possesses those who come in here, that they do not
   even correct this misbehavior.

   Again I see others stand talking while Prayer is going on; while the
   more consistent [593] of them (do this) not only during the Prayer, but
   even when the Priest is giving the Benediction. O, horror! When shall
   there be salvation? when shall it be possible for us to propitiate
   God?--Soldiers [594] go to their diversion, and you shall see them, all
   keeping time in the dance, and nothing done negligently, but, just as
   in embroidery and painting, from the well-ordered arrangement in each
   individual part of the composition, there results at once an exceeding
   harmony and good keeping, so it is here: we have one shield, one head,
   all of us (in common): and if but some casual point be deranged by
   negligence, the whole is deranged and is spoilt, and the good order of
   the many is defeated by the disorder of the one part. And, fearful
   indeed to think of, here you come, not to a diversion, not to act in a
   dance, and yet you stand disorderly. Know you not that you are standing
   in company with angels? with them you chant, with them sing hymns, and
   do you stand laughing? Is it not wonderful that a thunderbolt is not
   launched not only at those (who behave thus), but at us? For such
   behavior might well be visited with the thunderbolt. The Emperor is
   present, is reviewing the army: and do you, even with His eyes upon
   you, stand laughing, and endure to see another laughing? How long are
   we to go on chiding, how long complaining? Ought not such to be treated
   as very pests and nuisances; as abandoned, worthless reprobates,
   fraught with innumerable mischiefs, to be driven away from the Church?
   When will these forebear laughing, who laugh in the hour of the dread
   Mystery (hen hora phrikes)? when refrain from their trifling, who talk
   at the instant of the Benediction? Have they no sense of shame before
   those who are present? have they no fear of God? Are our own idle
   thoughts not enough for us, is it not enough that in our prayers we
   rove hither and thither, but laughter also must needs intrude, and
   bursts of merriment? Is it a theatrical amusement, what is done here?
   Aye, but, methinks, it is the theatres that do this: to the theatres we
   owe it that the most of you so refuse to be curbed by us, and to be
   reformed. What we build up here, is thrown down there: and not only so,
   but the hearers themselves cannot help being filled with other
   filthinesses besides: so that the case is just the same as if one
   should want to clean out a place with a fountain above it discharging
   mire; for however much you may clean out, more runs in. So it is here.
   For when we clean people out, as they come here from the theatres with
   their filthiness, thither they go again, and take in a larger stock of
   filthiness, as if they lived for the purpose of only giving us trouble,
   and then come back to us, laden with ordure, in their manners, in their
   movements, in their words, in their laughter, in their idleness. Then
   once more we begin shovelling it out afresh, as if we had to do this
   only on purpose that, having sent them away clean, we may again see
   them clogging themselves with filth. Therefore I solemnly protest to
   you, the sound members, that this will be to you judgment and
   condemnation, and I give you over to God from this time forth, if any
   having seen a person behaving disorderly, if any having seen any person
   talking, especially in that part (of the Service), shall not inform
   against him, not bring him round (to a better behavior). To do this is
   better than prayer. Leave thy prayer and rebuke him, that thou mayst
   both do him good, and thyself get profit, and so we may be enabled all
   to be saved and to attain unto the Kingdom of Heaven, through the grace
   and loving-kindness of our Lord Jesus Christ, with Whom to the Father
   and the Holy Ghost together be glory, dominion, honor, now and ever,
   and world without end. Amen.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [576] This is the only instance in the Acts in which the Holy Spirit is
   said to be given anterior to baptism (cf. xix. 5, 6) which was
   generally accompanied by the laying on of hands by the apostles. A
   special reason is observable here which greatly diminishes the force of
   Baur's objections to the historicity of the narrative drawn from this
   exceptional order of events, viz: the marked receptivity of Cornelius
   and his company. Perhaps it was intended by divine providence to
   signalize this bringing in of the first fruits of the Gentiles by
   showing how little the gifts of grace are conditioned upon outward
   rites. Some critics suppose that this gift of the Spirit before baptism
   was granted to impress Peter with the idea of the admissibility of the
   Gentiles, but this seems unnecessary, as he had been taught this lesson
   already by the vision and had distinctly avowed his conviction (v. 35).
   Chrysostom's exposition is in the line of the latter interpretation; he
   forcibly calls this gift of the Spirit an apologiamegale for Peter. The
   principle which Bengel lays down in his comments--liberum gratia habet
   ordinem--together with the special significance of the occasion is a
   sufficient explanation of the apparently exceptional manner of the
   bestowment of the Spirit here.--G.B.S.

   [577] kai ho Petros schedon haplos paresti paideuomenos. Erasm. fere
   simpliciter adest ut discat. Not meaning that St. Peter needed to be
   taught (see above p. 146, note 1), but that--such is the oikonomia for
   his exculpation--it is made to appear as if he needed the lesson and
   was now taught it, and had his misapprehensions rectified in common
   with them. Ben., entirely mistaking the meaning, has quasi fortuito
   adest docens.

   [578] Kai dia touto meth' huperboles ginetai. Erasm. Idcirco haec cum
   excellentia quadam fiebant. Ben. Ideo haec modo singulari fiunt. But
   the meaning is, "There is a lavish array of Divine interpositions. The
   mission of the Angel to Cornelius, Peter's vision, the command given by
   the Spirit, above all, the gift of the Holy Ghost and the speaking with
   tongues before the baptism. This last was in itself an unanswerable
   declaration of the will of God, and sufficed for the Apostle's
   justification. The others are ek periousias, arguments ex abundanti."

   [579] Some critics (as Meyer, Olshausen) have affirmed the opposite of
   what Chrys. states, in regard to the hoi ek peritomes. He excludes the
   apostles from this category; they would include them. The hoi ek
   peritomes, however, seem to have been a special class of Christians in
   the mind of the writer. In expressing the fact that the Church learned
   of the reception of the Gentiles, the "apostles and brethren" are
   named, but when the narrative advances to the thought of the contention
   against Peter on account of it, a new term is chosen; the writer could
   not allow the same subject to stand for the verb diekrinonto, but
   chooses another term--hoi ek peritomes. The two subjects, then, can
   hardly be identical. The phrase more probably denotes judaizing
   Christians, i.e. those who gave special prominence to the Law and the
   necessity of circumcision (So Lechler, Gloag, Alford).--G.B.S.

   [580] Allos de ou tosouton to diaphoron Samareiton kai ethnon. Edd.
   (from E. alone,) for ou tosouton have polu kai apeiron, "great and
   infinite the difference between Samaritans and Gentiles."

   [581] A. B. C. (after v. 11. which we have removed), 'Ekeina anankaia
   en (read ta an.) alla dia touton auta kataskeuazei. By ekeina he means,
   what we have heard above, what happened at Caesarea. The modern text
   (Edd.): "What points were essential, he relates, but of the rest he is
   silent: or rather by these he confirms them also, kai auta
   kataskeuazei."

   [582] touto eikotos proskeitai. i.e. though this was not mentioned
   before (see above, p, 145. note 6) with good reason it is added here:
   viz. for Peter's justification. Edd. from E. "that he may not disgust
   them: but what had nothing great in it. He shall speak,' etc. Do you
   mark how for this reason I mentioned before, he hastens on?" But the
   saying, "He shall speak," etc. was great, even greater than that which
   he omits: but this was not necessary, the other (Chrys. means) made a
   strong point for Peter's defence, and therefore is added.

   [583] anothen auton ten dianoian oikeioi, viz. by letting them see how
   all along it was not his doing. Then before legon pros autous,
   something is wanting: e.g. "Which done, he urges most effectively, Who
   have received,'" etc.

   [584] E. D. F. Edd. "But there was no need to baptize, it may be said,
   for the baptism was complete, when the Spirit fell upon them.'
   Therefore he does not say, I first ordered them to be baptized but
   what? Can any man forbid water that these should not be baptized?' By
   this showing that he did nothing himself. What therefore we have
   obtained, those received."

   [585] hotan hemeis autous koinonous legomen; "when we put them on a
   level with us the Apostles and first disciples, in regard that they
   received the Spirit in the same manner as we received, and as the rest
   of you did not?"

   [586] tote ho P. husteron existatai; kai dia touto phesin. "But when
   God gave them the Spirit, then Peter afterwards is astonished," etc.
   This is evidently corrupt. Tote ho P. seems to be part of the text v.
   46. tote apekrithe ho P. For husteron existatai we may perhaps restore,
   kai pros touto ho P. husteron histatai. "On this Peter afterwards
   insists (as above, p. 156), and with a view to this he says (before),
   God hath shown me,'" etc. The innovator substitutes: "When Peter
   expounded to them his trance, saying, God hath shown me,'" etc. So Edd.

   [587] Ei gar meden touton en, ouk erkei to katorthoma; Of the Edd. only
   Savile puts this, as it ought to be, interrogatively: Ben. renders, non
   sat fuisset praestium.

   [588] monon me kathaper hoi loipoi ton neophotiston epereazontai, hotan
   allous horosi photisthentas, kai euthus apiontas. Doxazein dei ton
   Theon, kan pantes sothosin; kai su e& 129;n theles k. t. l. Above Hom.
   i. p. 20, it is said, "the sick man" having received baptism in the
   prospect of death, "if he recovers, is as vexed" because of his baptism
   "as if some great harm had happened to him." And so it might have been
   said here, "not (to feel) as some of the newly-baptized (are apt to do,
   who) are annoyed (or aggrieved, etereazontai), when they see others"
   etc.: i.e. who, seeing such cases, think themselves ill used that they
   were not allowed to defer their baptism to the last moment, but were
   forced upon the alternative either of leading a strict life, or of
   forfeiting the grace of baptism. But the assertion hoi loipoi ton
   neoph. is too sweeping, and the word epereazontai is scarcely suitable
   to this sense: it should rather have been deinopathousin or
   anaxiopathousin. The meaning, not fully expressed, is: "only not, like
   as the rest of the newly-baptized are insulted, taunted or jeered (by
   some), when they see others," etc.: i.e. it is right to glorify God,
   only not to imagine that God is glorified by those who, exulting in the
   safety of their friends who received baptism at the point of death,
   taunt the rest of the newly baptized, saying, "See, these men are safe:
   they are baptized to some purpose; while you have received the gift,
   only to be in danger of losing it."--He adds, "It is right to glorify
   God, though all be saved"--though that were the case with all except
   yourself, that they passed at once from baptism to that world, with the
   gift unimpaired, and no more in danger to be lost. "And as for you, if
   you will, you have received a greater gift," than they: etc.--For
   epereazontai, A. has epereazousin: and this is adopted by the
   innovator, who alters the passage thus (E. Edd.): "to glorify God, all'
   ouk epereazein (adopted by F. D.) kathaper oi polloi ton neophot.
   etereazousin, when they see, etc. It is right to glorify God, kai hoti
   menein ou sunchorei; & 169;Oste kai su e& 129;n theles k. t. l.(Erasm.
   et non insultare: Ben. non autem insultare illis.)

   [589] kreisson heis poion to thelema Kuriou, e murioi paranomoi. St.
   Chrys. repeatedly cites this, and almost in the same words, as a text
   of Scripture, and the Edd. refer it to Ecclus. xvi. 3, but there it is,
   kreisson gar heis e chilioi (with no various reading), and here the
   following words, hoi (B. ei) gar murioi pros ton (to, B. F. hena oudepo
   ephthasan, seem to be meant as part of the citation. For these E. Edd.
   substitute, Touto kai tis sophos ainittomenos houto tos phesi. Savile
   adopts both, but reads ou gar murioi.

   [590] Oudeis ten epimeleian echei tou paidos tou heautou; oudeis echei
   zelon pros presbuten idon mimesasthai. i.e. "The young are neglected by
   their own parents and masters, and elsewhere they see no good example
   of the old to move them to virtue."

   [591] 'Epi de tou Theou tou deomenou hemon, ouk eti. So A. B. C. The
   modern text, tou oud.

   [592] pantes neoi psuchroi kai gerontes. The last word must be corrupt,
   for he is speaking only of the young: perhaps it should be gemontes
   with some genitive, e.g. "full of folly," or "evil thoughts." Then,
   katharmata mallon e neoi, more fit to be swept away from the floor as
   filthy litter than to be regarded as young men. But katharma, in the
   sense derived from the heathen ritual, has no equivalent in our
   language: it means, what remains of the sacrifice used for lustration
   or atonement, which as having taken into itself the uncleanness or the
   guilt which was to be removed, was regarded with the utmost abhorrence.

   [593] hoi de epieikesteroi auton. Erasm., Et quidam ex illis, adhuc
   meliores scilicet. Ben. alios modestiores scilicet. But the irony is
   not of this kind, and the word here has its proper sense: "men whose
   conduct is more of a piece, the more consistent of them." Some stand
   and talk during the prayers, yet kneel and are silent for the
   Benediction: but these make no such inconsistent pretence: they do not
   commit this absurdity at least.--Comp. Hom. i. in. Oziam, S:4, t. vi.
   p. 101. "A grievous disease prevails in the Church: when we have
   purposed to hold converse with God, and are in the act of sending up
   the doxology to Him, we interrupt our business, and each takes his
   neighbor aside to talk with him about his domestic concerns, about the
   goings on in the agora, the public, the theatre, the army: how this was
   well managed, that neglected: what is the strong point, and what the
   weak point in this or that business: in short, about all sorts of
   public and private matters they talk here with one another. Is this
   pardonable? When a man speaks with the earthly sovereign, he speaks
   only on the subjects the sovereign chooses to speak and put questions
   about, and if against the will of the sovereign he should presume to
   start any other subject, he would bring upon himself the severest
   punishment. And you, who are speaking with the King of kings, to Whom
   the angels minister with dread reverence, do you leave your converse
   with Him to talk about mire, and dust, and spiders--for that is what
   earthly things are? But you say, the public affairs are in such a bad
   way, and there is much to talk of and much to be anxious about. And
   whose fault is that? They say, The blunders of our rulers are the
   cause. No, not the blunders of our rulers, but our sins: the punishment
   of our faults. It is these have ruined all, have brought upon us all
   our sufferings, wars, and defeats. Therefore if we had an Abraham, a
   Moses, a David, a Solomon, for our ruler, yea, the most righteous of
   men, it would signify nothing as far as the cause of all our evils is
   concerned...And if we have one of the most iniquitous of men, a
   blundering ill-managing person for our ruler, it is our own folly and
   wickedness that has brought this upon us, it is the punishment of our
   sins. Therefore let each when he comes here think of his own sins, and
   not complain of others." Hom. ix. in 1 Tim. he complains of the women
   talking in Church.

   [594] The illustration is taken from some kind of shield dance, which
   formed one of the amusements of the camp, skilfully executed by a large
   body of soldiers. The innovator, (E. D. F. Edd.) not understanding the
   allusion, substitutes: "If you go to a diversion, you will see all
   keeping time in the dance, and nothing done negligently. As therefore
   in a well-harmonized and curiously wrought lyre, one well sounding
   symphony results from the orderly arrangement severally of the
   component parts, so here there ought to result from all one symphonious
   harmony. For we are become one Church, we count as members, fitly
   joined together' of one Head, we all make one Body: if any carnal point
   be done negligently, the whole, etc. Thus the good order," etc.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Homily XXV.

   Acts XI. 19

   "Now they which were scattered abroad upon the persecution that rose
   about Stephen travelled as far as Phenice, and Cyprus, and Antioch,
   preaching the word to none but unto the Jews only."

   The persecution turned out to be no slight benefit as "to them that
   love God all things work together for good." (Rom. viii. 28.) If they
   had made it their express study how best to establish the Church, they
   would have done no other thing than this--they dispersed the teachers.
   [595] Mark in what quarters the preaching was extended. "They
   travelled," it says, "as far as Phenice and Cyprus and Antioch; to none
   however did they preach the word but to Jews only." Dost thou mark with
   what wise purposes of Providence so much was done in the case of
   Cornelius? This serves both to justify Christ, and to impeach the Jews.
   When Stephen was slain, when Paul was twice in danger, when the
   Apostles were scourged, then the Gentiles received the word, then the
   Samaritans. Which Paul also declares: "To you it was necessary that the
   Word of God should first be spoken; but since ye thrust it from you,
   and judge yourselves unworthy, lo, we turn unto the Gentiles." (ch.
   xiii. 46.) Accordingly they went about, preaching to Gentiles also.
   "But some of them were men of Cyprus and Cyrene, who, when they were
   come to Antioch, spake unto the Greeks, preaching the Lord Jesus:" (v.
   20.) for it is likely both that they could now speak Greek, and that
   there were such men in Antioch. [596] "And the hand of the Lord," it
   says, "was with them," that is, they wrought miracles; "and a great
   number believed, and turned unto the Lord." (v. 21.) Do you mark why
   now also there was heed of miracles (namely) that they might believe?
   "Then tidings of these things came unto the ears of the church which
   was in Jerusalem: and they sent forth Barnabas, that he should go as
   far as Antioch." (v. 22.) What may be the reason that, when such a city
   received the word, they did not come themselves? Because of the Jews.
   But they send Barnabas. However, it is no small part of the
   providential management even so that Paul comes to be there. It is both
   natural, and it is wisely ordered, that they are averse to him, and
   (so) that Voice of the Gospel, that Trumpet of heaven, is not shut up
   in Jerusalem. Do you mark how on all occasions, Christ turns their ill
   dispositions to needful account and for the benefit of the Church? Of
   their hatred to the man, He availed Himself for the building up of the
   Church. But observe this holy man--Barnabas, I mean--how he looked not
   to his own interests, but hasted to Tarsus. "Who, when he came, and had
   seen the grace of God, was glad, and exhorted them all, that with
   purpose of heart, they would cleave unto the Lord. For he was a good
   man, and full of the Holy Ghost, and of faith: and much people was
   added unto the Lord." (v. 23, 24.) He was a very kind man, and
   single-hearted, and considerate (sungnomonikos). "Then departed
   Barnabas to Tarsus, for to seek Saul." (v. 25.) He came to the athletic
   wrestler, the general (fit to lead armies), the champion of single
   combat, the lion--I am at a loss for words, say what I will--the
   hunting-dog, killer of lions, bull of strength, lamp of brightness,
   mouth sufficing for a world. "And when he had found him, he brought him
   to Antioch." (v. 26.) Verily this is the reason why it was there they
   were appointed to be called Christians, because Paul there spent so
   long time! "And it came to pass, that a whole year they assembled
   themselves with the Church, and taught much people. And the disciples
   were first called Christians at Antioch." [597] No small matter of
   praise to that city! This is enough to make it a match for all, that
   for so long a time it had the benefit of that mouth, it first, and
   before all others: wherefore also it was there in the first place that
   men were accounted worthy of that name. Do you observe the benefit
   resulting (to that city) from Paul, to what a height that name, like a
   standard (semheion), exalted it? Where three thousand, where five
   thousand, believed, where so great a multitude, nothing of the sort
   took place, but they were called "they [598] of the way:" here they
   were called Christians. "And in these days came prophets from Jerusalem
   unto Antioch." (v. 27.) It was need that the fruit of alms should also
   be planted there. And see how of necessity (anankaios) (it comes about
   that) none of the men of note becomes their teacher. They got for their
   teachers, men of Cyprus, and Cyrene, and Paul--though he indeed
   surpassed (the Apostles) themselves--since Paul also had for teachers
   Ananias and Barnabas. But [599] here of necessity (this was the case).
   "And there stood up one of them named Agabus, and signified by the
   spirit that there would be great dearth throughout the world, which
   also came to pass in the days of Claudius Caesar." (v. 28.) "By the
   Spirit," it says: for, that they may not imagine that this was the
   reason why the famine came, (namely) because Christianity was come in,
   because the demons were departed, the Holy Ghost foretells it: this,
   however, was nothing wonderful, for in fact Christ predicted it. Not
   this was the reason, else this must have been the case from the
   beginning: but it was because of the evils done to the Apostles--and
   God had borne long with them; but, when they pressed upon them, a great
   famine ensues, betokening to the Jews the coming woes. "If it was
   because of them, in any wise it ought to have stopped (there), when it
   did exist. What harm had the Gentiles done, that they should have their
   share in the evils? They ought rather to have been marked as approved
   (eudokimhesai), because they were doing their part, were slaying,
   punishing, taking vengeance, persecuting on every side. And mark also
   at what time the famine comes: precisely when the Gentiles were
   thenceforth added to the Church. But if, as you say, it was because of
   the evils (done by the Jews), these ought to have been exempted." How
   so? Christ, forestalling this objection, said, "Ye shall have
   tribulation." (John xvi. 33.) (It is) just as if you should say, They
   ought not to have been scourged either. "Then the disciples, every man
   according to his ability, determined to send relief unto the brethren
   which dwelt in Judea." (v. 29.) Mark how the famine becomes to them the
   means of salvation, an occasion of alms-giving, a harbinger of many
   blessing. And (so it might have been) to you, one may say, if you were
   so minded, but ye would not. But it is predicted, that they might be
   prepared beforehand for almsgiving. "Unto the brethren which dwelt in
   Judaea;" for they were enduring great hardships, but before this, they
   were not suffering from famine. "Which also they did, and sent it to
   the elders by the hands of Barnabas and Saul." (v. 30.) Do you mark
   them, that no sooner do they believe than they bring forth fruit, not
   only for their own but for those afar off? And Barnabas is sent and
   Saul, to minister (the same.) Of this occasion ('Enthautha) he says (to
   the Galatians), "And James, Cephas, and John gave to me and Barnabas
   the right hands of fellowship, only" (they would) "that we should
   remember the poor." (Gal. ii. 9.) James was yet living. [600]

   "Now they which were scattered abroad upon the persecution," etc.
   (Recapitulation.) Do you mark how even in the tribulation instead of
   falling to lamentations and tears, as we do, they give themselves up to
   a great and good work? "Travelled as far as Phenice, and Cyprus, and
   Antioch," and there with more security preached the word. "And some of
   them, which were men of Cyprus and Cyrene," etc. (v. 20.) And they did
   not say, "(What), we, Cyrenians and Cyprians, to attack this splendid
   and great city!" but trusting in the grace of God, they applied
   themselves to the work of teaching, nor did these (Gentiles) themselves
   think scorn to learn anything of them. Mark how by small means all is
   brought about: mark the preaching how it spreads: mark those in
   Jerusalem, having like care for all, holding the whole world as one
   house. "They heard that Samaria had received the word, and" (ch. viii.
   14) to Samaria they send the Apostles: they heard what had befallen at
   Antioch, and to Antioch they send Barnabas: they also send again, and
   (these) prophets. For the distance was great, and it was not meet the
   Apostles at present should separate from thence, that they might not be
   thought to be fugitives, and to have fled from their own people. But
   then, almost precisely, is the time of their parting from Jerusalem,
   when the state (of the Jews) was shown to be past remedy, when the war
   was close at hand, and they must needs perish: when the sentence was
   made absolute. For, until Paul went to Rome, the Apostles were there
   (at Jerusalem). But they depart, not because afraid of the war--how
   should it be so?--seeing those they went to, were those that should
   bring the war: and moreover the war breaks out only after the Apostles
   were dead. For of them (the Apostles) says, "The wrath is come upon
   them unto the end." (1 Thess. ii. 16.) The more insignificant the
   persons, the more illustrious the grace, working great results by small
   means.--"And [601] he exhorted them to cleave unto the Lord, for he was
   a good man." (v. 23, 24.) By "good man," I take it, he means one that
   is kind, (chreston) sincere, exceedingly desirous of the salvation of
   his neighbors--"for he was a good man, and full of the Holy Ghost and
   of faith. To [602] cleave unto the Lord with purpose of heart" (this is
   said): with encomium and praise. "And much people was added unto the
   Lord:" for like rich land this city received the word, and brought
   forth much fruit. "Then departed Barnabas to Tarsus," etc. (v. 25.) But
   why did he take him off from Tarsus and bring him here? Not without
   good reason; for here were both good hopes, and a greater city, and a
   great body of people. See how grace works all, not [603] Paul: by small
   means the affair was taking its commencement. When it is become
   difficult the Apostles take it up. Why did they not before this seen
   Barnabas? Because they had enough to do (escholento) with Jerusalem.
   Again they justified themselves [604] to the Jews, that the Gentiles
   were receiving (proselambane) the word, even without enjoying so great
   attention. There is about to be a questioning: therefore the affair of
   Cornelius forestalled it. Then indeed they say, "That we to the
   Gentiles, and they to the Circumcision." (Gal. ii. 9.) Observe,
   henceforth the very stress of the famine introduces the fellowship on
   the part of the Gentiles, namely, from the alms. For they receive the
   offerings sent from them.

   "Now [605] they which were scattered abroad," etc. (v. 19) and not as
   we who pass our time in lamentations and tears, in our calamities; but
   with more fearlessness they passed their time, as having got to a
   distance from those hindering them, and as being among men not afraid
   of the Jews: which also helped. And they came to Cyprus, where they had
   the sea between them, and greater freedom from anxiety: so [606] they
   made no account of the fear of men, but (still) they gave the
   precedence to the regard of the Law: "they spake to Jews only. But
   there were in Antioch certain men of Cyprus and Cyrene:" these, of all
   others, least cared for the Jews: "who spake unto the Greeks, preaching
   the Lord Jesus." (v. 20.) Probably it was because of their not knowing
   Hebrew, that they called them Greeks. And "when" Barnabas, it says,
   "came and had seen the grace of God,"--not the diligence of men--"he
   exhorted them to cleave unto the Lord" (v. 23): and by this he
   converted more. "And much people was added unto the Lord." Why do they
   not write to Paul, but send Barnabas? They did not yet know the virtue
   of the man: but it is providentially ordered that Barnabas should come.
   As there was a multitude, and none to hinder, well might the faith
   grow, and above all because they had no trials to undergo. Paul also
   preaches, and is no longer compelled to flee. And it is well ordered,
   that not they speak of the famine, but the prophets. The men of Antioch
   also did not take it amiss that they sent not the Apostles, but were
   content with their teachers: so fervent were they all for the word.
   They did not wait for the famine to come, but before this they sent:
   "according as each had the ability." And observe, among the Apostles,
   others are put in charge with this trust, but here Paul and Barnabas.
   For this was no small order (oikonomia) of Providence. Besides, it was
   the beginning, and it was not fit they should be offended.

   "As each had the ability, they sent." But now, none does this, although
   there is a famine more grievous than that. For the cases are not alike,
   for (all) to bear the calamity in common, and, while all (the rest)
   abound, for the poorer to be famishing. And the expression shows that
   the givers also were poor, for, it says, "as each of them had the
   means." A twofold famine, even as the abundance is twofold: a severe
   famine, a famine not of hearing the word of the Lord, but of being
   nourished by alms. [607] Then, both the poor in Judea enjoyed the
   benefit, and so did those in Antioch who gave their money; yea, these
   more than those: but now, both we and the poor are famishing: they
   being in lack of necessary sustenance, and we in luxurious living,
   [608] lacking the mercy of God. But this is a food, than which nothing
   can be more necessary. This is not a food, from which one has to
   undergo the evils of repletion: not a food, of which the most part ends
   in the draught. (aphedrhona.) Nothing more beauteous, nothing more
   healthful, than a soul nurtured by this food: it is set high above all
   disease, all pestilence, all indigestion and distemper: none shall be
   able to overcome it, (helhein) but just as, if one's body were made of
   adamant, no iron, nor anything else, would have power to hurt it, even
   so when the soul is firmly compact by almsgiving, nothing at all shall
   be able to overcome it. For say, what shall spoil this? Shall poverty?
   It cannot be, for it is laid up in the royal treasuries. But shall
   robber and housebreaker? Nay, those are walls which none shall be able
   to break through. But shall the worm? Nay, this treasure is set far
   above the reach of this mischief also. But shall envy and the evil eye?
   Nay, neither by these can it be overcome. But shall false accusations
   and plottings of evil? No, neither shall this be, for safe as in an
   asylum is this treasure. But it were a shame should I make it appear as
   if the advantages which belong to almsgiving were only these (the
   absence of these evils), and not (the presence of) their opposites. For
   in truth it is not merely that it is secure from ill-will; it also gets
   abundant blessing from those whom it benefits. For as the cruel and
   unmerciful not only have for enemies those whom they have injured, but
   those also who are not themselves hurt, partake the grief and join in
   the accusation: so those that have done great good have not only those
   who are benefited, but those also who are not themselves affected, to
   speak their praises. Again (that), it is secure from the attacks of the
   evil-disposed, and robbers, and housebreakers--what, is this all the
   good, or is it this--that besides the not suffering diminution, it
   grows also and increases into multitude? What more shameful than
   Nebuchadnezzar, what more foul, what more iniquitous? The man was
   impious; after tokens and signs without number he refused to come to
   his senses (anenenkhein), but cast the servants of God into a furnace:
   and (yet) after these doings, he worshipped. What then said the
   Prophet? "Wherefore," saith he, "O king let my counsel be acceptable
   unto thee, ransom (lutrosai) thy sins by alms, and thine iniquities by
   mercies to the poor: peradventure there shall be pardon for thy
   transgressions." (Dan. iii. 27.) In so speaking, he said it not
   doubting, nay, with entire confidence, but wishing to put him in
   greater fear, and to make a stronger necessity of doing these things.
   For if he had spoken it as a thing unquestionable, the king would have
   been more supine: just as it is with us, we then most urge some person
   (whom we wish to persuade), when [609] they say to us, "Exhort such an
   one," and do not add, "he will be sure to hear," but only,
   "peradventure he will hear:" for by leaving it doubtful, the fear is
   made greater, and urges him the more. This is the reason why the
   Prophet did not make the thing certain to him. What sayest thou? For so
   great impieties shall there be pardon? Yes. There is no sin, which alms
   cannot cleanse, none, which alms cannot quench: all sin is beneath
   this: it is a medicine adapted for every wound. What worse than a
   publican? The very matter (hupothesis) (of his occupation) is
   altogether one of injustice: and yet Zaccheus washed away all these
   (sins). Mark how even Christ shows this, by the care taken to have a
   purse, and to bear the contributions put into it. And Paul also says,
   "Only that we remember the poor" (Gal. ii. 10): and everywhere the
   Scripture has much discourse concerning this matter. "The ransom," it
   saith, "of a man's soul is his own wealth" (Prov. xiii. 8): and with
   reason: for, saith (Christ), "if thou wouldest be perfect, sell what
   thou hast, and give to the poor, and come, follow Me." (Matt. xix. 21.)
   This may well be part of perfection. But alms may be done not only by
   money, but by acts. For example: one may kindly stand (prosthenai) by a
   person (to succor and defend him), one may reach to him a helping hand:
   the service rendered (prostasia) by acts has often done more good even
   than money. Let us set to work all the different kinds of almsgiving.
   Can you do alms by money? Be not slack. Can you by good offices? Say
   not, Because I have no money, this is nothing. This is a very great
   point: look upon it as if you had given gold. Can you do it by kind
   attentions (therapeias)? Do this also. For instance, if you be a
   physician, (give) your skill: for this also is a great matter. Can you
   by counsel? This (service) is much greater than all: this (alms) is
   better than all, or it is also more, by how much the gain it has is
   greater. For in so doing you put away not starvation, but a grievous
   death. (ch. iii. 6; vi. 4.) With such alms the Apostles above measure
   abounded: therefore it was that the distribution of money they put into
   the hands of those after them, themselves exhibiting the (mercy) shown
   by words. Or is it, think you, a small alms, to a lost, castaway soul,
   a soul in uttermost jeopardy, possessed by a burning fever (puroseos),
   to be able to rid it of its disease? For example, do you see one
   possessed by love of money? Pity the man. Is he in danger of
   suffocation? Quench his fire. "What if he will not be persuaded?" Do
   your part, and be not remiss. Have you seen him in bonds?--for wealth
   is indeed bonds. (Matt. xxv. 35 ff.) Go to him, visit him, console him,
   try to release him of his bonds. If he refuse, he shall bear the blame
   himself. Have you seen him naked, and a stranger?--for he is indeed
   naked, and a stranger to heaven. Bring him to your own inn, clothe him
   with the garment of virtue, give him the city which is in heaven. "What
   if I myself be naked?" say you. Clothe also yourself first: if you know
   that you are naked, assuredly you know that you need to be clothed; if
   you know what sort of nakedness this is. [610] What numbers of women
   now wear silken apparel but are indeed naked of the garments of virtue!
   Let their husbands clothe these women. "But they will not admit those
   garments; they choose to have these." Then do this also first: induce
   them to have a longing for those garments: show them that they are
   naked: speak to them of judgment to come: answer me, [611] what is the
   clothing we shall need there? But if ye will bear with me, I also will
   show you this nakedness. He that is naked, when it is cold, shrinks and
   shudders, and stands there cowering, and with his arms folded: but in
   summer heat, not so. If then I shall prove to you that your rich men,
   and rich women, the more they put on, the more naked they are, do not
   take it amiss. How then, I ask you, when we raise the subject of
   hell-fire, and of the torments there? Do not these shrink and shudder
   more than those naked ones? Do they not bitterly groan and condemn
   themselves? What? when they come to this or that man, and say to him,
   Pray for me, do they not speak the same words as those (naked
   wretches)?

   Now indeed, after all that we can say, the nakedness is not yet
   apparent: but it will be plain enough there. How, and in what way? When
   these silken garments and precious stones shall have perished, and it
   shall be only by the garments of virtue and of vice that all men are
   shown, when the poor shall be clad with exceeding glory, but the rich,
   naked and in disgraceful sort, shall be haled away to their
   punishments. What more naked (Edd. "more dainty") than that rich man
   who arrayed himself in purple? What poorer than Lazarus? Then which of
   them uttered the words of beggars? which of them was in abundance? Say,
   if one should deck his house with abundance of tapestry hangings, and
   himself sit naked within, what were the benefit? So it is in the case
   of these women. Truly, the house of the soul, the body I mean, they
   hang round with plenty of garments: but the mistress of the house sits
   naked within. Lend me the eyes of the soul, and I will show you the
   soul's nakedness. For what is the garment of the soul? Virtue, of
   course. And what its nakedness? Vice. For just as, if one were to strip
   any decent person, that person would be ashamed, and would shrink and
   cower out of sight; just so the soul, if we wish to see it, the soul
   which has not these garments, blushes for shame. How many women, think
   you, at this moment feel ashamed, and would fain sink to the very
   depth, as if seeking some sort of curtain, or screen, that they may not
   hear these words? But those who have no evil conscience, are
   exhilarated, rejoice, find delight, and gayly deck themselves
   (enkallopizontai) with the things said. Hear concerning that blessed
   Thekla, [612] how, that she might see Paul, she gave even her gold: and
   thou wilt not give even a farthing that thou mayest see Christ: thou
   admirest what she did, but dost not emulate her. Hearest thou not that
   "Blessed are the merciful, for they shall obtain mercy?" (Matt. v. 7.)
   What is the gain of your costly garments? how long shall we continue
   agape for this attire? Let us put on the glory of Christ: let us array
   ourselves with that beauty, that both here we may be praised, and there
   attain unto the eternal good things, by the grace and mercy of our Lord
   Jesus Christ, with Whom, to the Father and the Holy Ghost together, be
   glory, dominion, honor, now and ever, world without end. Amen.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [595] The narrative beginning with xi. 19, may be considered as a
   resumption of viii. 4, sq. where the preaching of Philip in Samaria is
   referred to the persecution at Jerusalem as its occasion. The
   dispersion of the disciples now becomes the means of a great extension
   of the Gospel and the founding of the first Gentile Church (at Antioch
   in Syria). This is the third great movement in the spread of early
   Christianity. The order is: (1) The preaching of Philip in Samaria, (2)
   The conversion of Cornelius and his company--the first Gentile
   additions to the church, (3) This mission which resulted in the
   founding of the church at Antioch. But at this time Divine Providence
   was preparing an agent who was destined soon to enter upon his great
   life work as the Christian missionary to the Gentile world, to prove
   the chief means of spreading the gospel throughout the Roman
   world--this was the former persecutor Saul, now transformed into the
   great apostle to the Gentiles. The conversion of Cornelius must have
   occurred about eight years after the ascension of Jesus. During this
   time the church had continued Jewish. But in this very period the
   conditions were preparing for the extension of Christianity to the
   Gentile world. Stephen had caught glimpses of the largeness of God's
   truth and purposes. Peter had learned that God is no respecter of
   persons. The mother church at Jerusalem now finds that God's grace has
   outrun all their former conception of its scope; consecrated and able
   men like Barnabas and Paul are rising up to labor in the line of the
   more comprehensive conception of Christianity's method and purpose
   which is now dawning upon the consciousness of the church.--G.B.S.

   [596] While the textual evidence for the reading Ellenistas (v. 20.)
   predominates over that for the reading Ellenas (A. C.), yet the latter
   is the reading adopted by Meyer, Tischendorf, and most critics (not so,
   W. and H.) on grounds of internal evidence, such as: (1) That they
   should preach to Hellenists--men of Jewish nationality residing out of
   Judea--would be nothing noteworthy, since they had long been received
   into the Christian community. (2) The contrast between vv. 19 and 20
   would be greatly weakened, if not lost, on the supposition that
   Hellenistic Jews were meant. If this view is correct, they now preached
   to the Greeks, the uncircumcised heathen, and the Antioch Church was
   founded and its reception into Christian fellowship approved by the
   mother church at Jerusalem. Antioch now became an important centre of
   Christian work, second only to Jerusalem. Here Paul labored a year, and
   from Antioch he went forth to his three great missionary
   journeys.--G.B.S.

   [597] The name Christians was probably given by the Gentiles. The word
   appears but twice, besides here, in the N.T. (Acts xxvi. 8; 1 Pet. iv.
   16), and in both cases it is implied that the name was a name applied
   to the disciples of Jesus by others. The Jews could hardly have
   originated the name since Christ was to them but the Greek equivalent
   for their sacred name Messiah, and from that word they would not have
   formed a name for the hated sect. The Jews called them rather Nazarenes
   (Acts xxiv. 5). The Romans seem to have misunderstood the origin of the
   name, as Tacitus says: Auctor nominis ejus (Christiani) Christus, as if
   Christus was an appellative instead of a title.--G.B.S.

   [598] all' hoi tes hodou monon ekouon, so Cat. OEcum. which we adopt.
   A.B.C. all' hoti, the modern text all' eti.

   [599] anankaios de entautha, as above pos anankaios. But in the mss.
   part of the text v. 28. being transposed, it reads "But here of
   necessity he says there will be a great dearth," etc.--Below, Ei di
   autous en, pantos edei kai onta pausasthai. Ti edikesan Ellenes, hina
   kai autoi ton kakon metechosin; eudokimesai gar autous mallon echren,
   hoti to auton epoioun, k. t. l. 'All' ei dia ta kaka, phesin, k. t. l.
   So the old text in mss. and Cat. The meaning is obscure, but on the
   whole it seems most probable that all this is an interlocution of an
   objector. "If as you say, it was because of the Jews, assuredly it
   ought, even when it was there, to have ceased (and not gone on to the
   rest of the world). What harm had the Gentiles done, that they should
   share in the punishment? Why, they ought rather to have been
   distinguished by special marks of the Divine favor, because they were
   doing their part (in executing God's judgments upon the Jews), were
   slaying, punishing. etc. Observe, too, the time when this visitation
   first came--precisely when the Gentiles were added to the Church.
   Whereas if, as you say, it was because of the evils the Jews inflicted
   upon the believers, these (the believers, Jews and Gentiles) ought to
   have been exempted," etc. The modern text has: "But even if (all' ei
   kai) it were because of them, yet because of the rest (dia tous allous)
   it ought, even when it was, to have ceased. For what harm had the
   Gentiles done, that even they, having done no harm, should have their
   share of the evils? But if not because of the Jews verily they ought
   rather to have been even marked objects of favor," etc. Perhaps this
   was intended to mean: "Suppose it was inflicted by the demons, the Gods
   of the heathen, because of the Christians, why were the Gentiles
   included? And as for the Jews, if it was not, as I say, sent by God
   because of their wickedness, but as the heathen say, was a token of the
   anger of their Gods because of the new religion, why assuredly the Jews
   ought to have been marked objects of favor because they were doing all
   they could to exterminate the faith." But if so, it does not appear how
   the next sentence, was understood, "And observe at what time," etc.

   [600] Eti 'Iakobos eze. So, except E., all our mss.--Ben. finds it
   strange that this clause is added in some mss. "For what is it to the
   matter in hand, that James was yet living? And which James? For James
   the brother of John is mentioned presently afterwards, as slain with
   the sword: and James the brother of the Lord, Bishop of Jerusalem, is
   repeatedly mentioned as living, in the subsequent history. Then for
   what purpose should it be noticed here that he was alive? And yet why
   the copyists should add this clause, is not easy to see." The copyists
   are not in fault. St. Chrys. (not fully reported) is identifying this
   visit to Jerusalem with the visit mentioned in Gal. ii. The mention
   there made (v. 9) of James, whom at the moment he takes to be James the
   brother of John (especially as he is named with Cephas and John), leads
   him to remark, "James was yet alive:" i.e. when Paul and Barnabas went
   up with the alms, and when this conference ensued. (Acts xi.) A similar
   inadvertency with respect to St. Philip has been noted above, p. 115,
   note 1--E. substitutes tosouton ophelei ho limos. and connects the
   following sentence with this by reading Kai hora autous, where the rest
   have Oras autous, as if the thlipsis here spoken of was the famine:
   which however had not yet begun. Hence Ben. Et vide illos ex fame, etc.
   In like manner the innovator has mistaken the connection below. See
   note 1, p. 165. In fact, the Recapitulation begins here.

   [601] Here Edd. from E. insert the formula of recapitulation, all'
   idomen k. t. l.

   [602] Edd, from E.: "Wherefore also with purpose of heart he exhorted
   all: that is, with encomium and praise:" as if te prothesei tes kardias
   belonged to parekalei, in the sense, "with heartfelt earnestness he
   exhorted."

   [603] ou Paulon; dia mikron archen to pragma elambane. C. omits Paulon;
   dia, D. om. ou Paulon. Edd. from E., "not Paul: and how by the small
   means, the affair took its beginning, but when it became conspicuous,
   then they sent Barnabas. And why did they not send him before this?
   They took much forethought for their own people, and did not wish the
   Jews to accuse them because they received the Gentiles: and yet because
   of their inevitably mixing with them, since there was some questioning
   about to arise, the matters relating to Cornelius forestalled (this).
   Then indeed they say," etc.

   [604] The meaning seems to be, that they let the preaching to the
   Gentiles take its course at first; and were enabled to say to the Jews,
   "See, the Gentiles receive the word without encouragement from us: kai
   ou tosautes apolauonta epimeleias."

   [605] The matter contained in this second recapitulation looks as if it
   were derived from a different, and in part fuller, report. The
   innovator as above (note 1, p. 164) connects it with the preceding:
   "they receive the offerings sent from them; who also, not as we," etc.

   [606] Kai ouk elaloun ton logon ei me 'Ioudaiois monois; houtos ton men
   ton anthropon phobon ouden hegounto; ton de tou nomou proetimon.
   'Ioudaiois monois elaloun. For proetimon, A. B. prosetimoun. The
   passage is corrupt, but the sense is sufficiently plain, and is thus
   expressed by E. Edd. "Which thing itself helped not a little. But they
   came also to Cyprus, where was great fearlessness (adees), and greater
   freedom from anxiety. But to none,' it says, did they speak the word
   save to Jews only.' Not because of the fear of men, of which they made
   no account, did they this thing:" but keeping the law, and still
   bearing them, kai autous eti diabastazontes."--Below, v. 23, Edd. from
   E, "Perhaps by praising the multitude and receiving them, by this he
   converted more: as above, meta enkomiou kai epainou.

   [607] He means, There is no lack of wealth, no lack of hearing the word
   of God: this is the aphthonia diple. Yet many poor around us are
   famishing, and the rich who might aid them, starve their own souls, by
   their neglect of almsgiving: diplous limos.

   [608] hemeis de en spatale tou eleous ontes tou Theou. Read hemeis de
   (en spatale hontes), tou eleous tou Theou, sc. aporountes. The mod.
   text substitutes spanei for spatale.

   [609] kathaper kai hemeis tote malista athoumen tinas, hotan legosin
   hemin...kai me epagagomen, A. B. C. We read tina, and epagagosin. "When
   people bid us exhort some person, adding, Peradventure he will hear,
   not, He will certainly hear, we are then most urgent in our endeavor to
   persuade him." The mod. text hotan legomen. i.e. "When we would induce
   some persons to exhort some one, we the more effectually urge them to
   do so, when we say, Peradventure he will hear," etc. The sense would be
   improved by reading hemas othousi tines, "persons then most urge us,
   when they say," etc.

   [610] ei tautes (mod. text adds monon) tes gumnotetos epistasai ton
   tropon: which might also be taken with the following sentence, If you
   know what sort of nakedness this is (why then, only think) what numbers
   of women, etc. A. has posai oun. The mod. text adds, dunese gnonai
   rhadios kai ten autes katastolen. "If you know the sort of nakedness
   this is, you will easily be able to know the (manner of) clothing it."

   [611] E. Edd. "Say, We need other (garments) there, not these."--Below,
   therous de, ouk eti: i.e. cold, not heat, makes the naked body shudder:
   not cold, but hell-fire, the naked soul.

   [612] In the "Acts of Paul and Thekla," Grab. Spicileg. Patr. t. i. p.
   95. reprinted with a translation by Jeremiah Jones, On the Canon of the
   N. T., vol. ii. p. 353 ff. the incident is thus related (ch. ii.):
   "When the proconsul heard this, he ordered Paul to be bound, and to be
   put in prison.....But Thekla, in the night taking off her earnings,
   gave them to the turnkey, and he opened for her the doors, and let her
   in: and having given to the keeper of the prison a silver mirror, she
   was admitted unto Paul, and having sat at his feet, heard from him the
   mighty works of God." The earliest notice of this work occurs in
   Tertull. de Bapt. c. 17: Thekla is mentioned, or her history referred
   to, by other ancient writers, as St. Greg. Naz., Sulpic. Severus, St.
   Augustin; see Jones u. s. p. 387 ff. A Homily in her praise ascribed to
   St. Chrysostom, t. ii. p. 749, is justly placed by Savile among the
   amphiballomena.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Homily XXVI.

   Acts XII. 1, 2

   "Now at that time Herod the King stretched forth his hands to vex
   certain of the Church. And he killed James the brother of John with the
   sword. And because he saw it pleased the Jews, he proceeded further to
   take Peter also. Then were the days of unleavened bread."

   "At that time," of course meaning the time immediately following: for
   [613] this is the custom of Scripture. And he well says that Herod "the
   king" (did this): this was not he of Christ's time. Lo, a different
   sort of trial--and mark what I said in the beginning, how things are
   blended, how rest and trouble alternate in the whole texture of the
   history--not now the Jews, nor the Sanhedrim, but the king. Greater the
   power, the warfare more severe, the more it was done to obtain favor
   with the Jews. "And," it says, "he slew James the brother of John with
   the sword:" (taking him) at random and without selection. But, should
   any raise a question, why God permitted this, we shall say, that it was
   for the sake of these (Jews) themselves: thereby, first, convincing
   them, that even when slain (the Apostles) prevail, just as it was in
   the case of Stephen: secondly, giving them opportunity, after satiating
   their rage, to recover from their madness; thirdly, showing them that
   it was by His permission this was done. "And when he saw," it says,
   "that it pleased the Jews, he proceeded further to seize Peter also. O
   excessive wickedness! On whose behalf was it, that he gratified them by
   doing murders thus without plan or reason? "And it was the day of
   unleavened bread." Again, the idle preciseness of the Jews: to kill
   indeed they forbade not, but [614] at such a time they did such things!
   "Whom having arrested, he put in ward, having delivered him to four
   quaternions of soldiers." (v. 4.) This was done both of rage, and of
   fear. "He slew," it says, "James the brother of John with the sword."
   Do you mark their courage? For, that none may say that without danger
   or fear of danger they brave death, as being sure of God's delivering
   them, therefore he permits some to be put to death, and chief men too,
   Stephen and James, thereby convincing their slayers themselves, that
   not even these things make them fall away, and hinder them. "Peter
   therefore was kept in prison: but prayer was made without ceasing of
   the Church unto God for him." (v. 5.) For the contest was now for life
   and death: both the slaying of the one made them fearful, and the
   casting of the other into prison. "And when Herod would have brought
   him forth, the same night Peter was sleeping between two soldiers,
   bound with two chains; and the keepers before the door kept the prison.
   And, behold, the angel of the Lord came upon him, and a light shined in
   the prison: and he smote Peter on the side, and raised him up, saying,
   Arise up quickly. And his chains fell off from his hands." (v. 6, 7.)
   In that night He delivered him. "And a light shined in the prison,"
   that [615] he might not deem it fancy: and none saw the light, but he
   only. For if, notwithstanding this was done, he thought it a fancy,
   because of its unexpectedness; if this had not been, much more would he
   have thought this: so [616] prepared was he for death. For his having
   waited there many days and not being saved caused this. Why then, say
   you, did He not suffer him to fall into the hands of Herod, [617] and
   then deliver him? Because that would have brought people into
   astonishment, whereas this was credible: [618] and they would not even
   have been thought human beings. But in the case of Stephen, what did He
   not do? Did He not show them his face as it had been the face of an
   angel? But what in short did He leave undone here also? "And the angel
   said to him, Gird thyself, and bind on thy sandals." (v. 8.) Here again
   it shows, that it was not done of craft: for one that is in haste and
   wishes to break out (of prison), is not so particular as to take his
   sandals, and gird himself. "And he did so. And he said unto him, Put on
   thy cloak, and follow me. And he went out, and followed him; and wist
   not that it was true which was done by the Angel; but thought he saw a
   vision. When they were past the first and the second ward, they came
   unto the iron gate that leadeth unto the city; which opened to them of
   its own accord." (v. 9, 10.) Behold, a second miracle. "And they went
   out, and passed on through one street; and forthwith the angel departed
   from him. And when Peter was come to himself, he said, Now I know of a
   surety, that the Lord hath sent His Angel, and hath delivered me out of
   the hand of Herod, and from all the expectation of the people of the
   Jews." (v. 10, 11.) When the angel departed, then Peter understood:
   "Now I perceive," says he, not then. But why is this so, and why is
   Peter not sensible of the things taking place, although he had already
   experienced a like deliverance when all were released? (ch. v. 18.)
   (The Lord) would have the pleasure come to him all at once, and that he
   should first be at liberty, and then be sensible of what had happened.
   The circumstance also of the chains having fallen off from his hands,
   is a strong argument of his not having fled. [619] "And when he had
   considered the thing, he came to the house of Mary the mother of John,
   whose surname was Mark; where many were gathered together praying." (v.
   12.) Observe how Peter does not immediately withdraw, but first brings
   the good tidings to his friends. "And as Peter knocked at the door of
   the gate, a damsel came to hearken, named Rhoda. And when she knew
   Peter's voice, she opened not the gate for gladness,"--Mark even the
   servant-girls, how full of piety they are,--"but ran in, and told how
   Peter stood before the gate." (v. 13-15.) But they, though it was so,
   shook their heads (incredulously): "And they said unto her, Thou art
   mad. But she constantly affirmed that it was even so. And they said, It
   is his angel. "But Peter continued knocking: and when they had opened
   the door, and saw him, they were astonished. But he, beckoning unto
   them with the hand to hold their peace, declared unto them how the Lord
   had brought him out of the prison. And he said, Go show these things
   unto James, and to the brethren. And he departed, and went into another
   place." (v. 16, 17.) But let us review the order of the narrative.

   (Recapitulation.) "At that time," it says, "Herod the king stretched
   forth his hands to afflict certain of the Church." (v. 1.) Like a wild
   beast, he attacked all indiscriminately and without consideration. This
   is what Christ said: "My cup indeed ye shall drink, and with the
   baptism wherewith I am baptized, shall ye be baptized." (Mark x. 39.)
   (b) "And [620] he killed James the brother of John." (v. 2.) For there
   was also another James, the brother of the Lord: therefore to
   distinguish him, he says, "The brother of John." [621] Do you mark that
   the sum of affairs rested in these three, especially Peter and James?
   (a) And how was it he did not kill Peter immediately? It mentions the
   reason: "it was the day of unleavened bread:" and he wished rather to
   make a display (ekpompheusai) with the killing of him. "And when he saw
   it pleased the Jews." (v. 3.) For their own part, they now in
   consequence of Gamaliel's advice, abstained from bloodshedding: and
   besides, did not even invent accusations; but by means of others they
   compassed the same results. (c) This (counsel of Gamaliel's) above all
   was their condemnation: for the preaching was shown to be no longer a
   thing of men. "He proceeded further to kill Peter also." (ch. v. 8.) In
   very deed was that fulfilled, "We are accounted as sheep for the
   slaughter." (Psa. xliv. 13.) "Seeing," it says, "it was a pleasing
   thing to the Jews." (Rom. viii. 36.) A pleasing thing, bloodshed, and
   unrighteous bloodshed, wickedness, impiety! [622] He ministered to
   their senseless (atopois) lusts: for, whereas he ought to have done the
   contrary, to check their rage, he made them more eager, as if he were
   an executioner, and not a physician to their diseased minds. (And this)
   though he had numberless warnings in the case of both his grandfather
   and his father Herod, how the former in consequence of his putting the
   children to death suffered the greatest calamities, and the latter by
   slaying John raised up against himself a grievous war. But [623] as
   they thought * * He feared lest Peter, in consequence of the slaying of
   James, should withdraw; and wishing to have him in safe keeping, he put
   him in prison: "and delivered him to four quaternions of soldiers" (v.
   4): the stricter the custody, the more wondrous the display. "Peter
   therefore was kept in prison." (v. 5.) But this was all the better for
   Peter, who was thereby made more approved, and evinced his own manly
   courage. And it says, "there was earnest prayer making." It was the
   prayer of (filial) affection: it was for a father they asked, a father
   mild. "There was," it says, "earnest prayer." Hear how they were
   affected to their teachers. No factions, no perturbation: [624] but
   they betook them to prayer, to that alliance which is indeed
   invincible, to this they betook them for refuge. They did not say,
   "What? I, poor insignificant creature that I am, to pray for him!" for,
   as they acted of love, they did not give these things a thought. And
   observe, it was during the feast, that (their enemies) brought these
   trials upon them, that their worth might be the more approved. "And
   when Herod," etc. (v. 6.) See Peter sleeping, and not in distress or
   fear! That same night, after which he was to be brought forth, he
   slept, having cast all upon God. "Between two soldiers, bound with two
   chains." (comp. 1 Pet. v. 7.) Mark, how strict the ward! "And says,
   Arise." (v. 7.) The guards were asleep with him, and therefore
   perceived nothing of what was happening. "And a light shined." What was
   the light for? In order that Peter might see as well as hear, and not
   imagine it to be all fancy. And the command, "Arise quickly, [625] "
   that he may not be remiss. He also smote him; so deeply did he sleep.
   (a) "Rise," says he, "quickly:" this is not to hurry him
   (thorubhountos) but to persuade him not to delay. (c) "And" immediately
   "his chains fell off from his hands." (b) How? answer me: where are the
   heretics?--let them answer. "And the Angel said unto him," etc. (v. 8)
   by this also convincing him that it is no fancy: to this end he bids
   him gird himself and put on his shoes, that he may shake off his sleep,
   and know that it is real. (a) (e) "And he wist not that it was true
   that was done by the Angel, but thought he saw a vision" (v. 9): (e)
   well he might, by reason of the excessive greatness (huperbolen) of the
   things taking place. Do you mark what a thing it is for a miracle to be
   excessive (huperbole semeiou)? how it amazes (ekplettei) the beholder?
   how it will not let the thing be believed? [626] For if Peter "thought
   he saw a vision," though he had girded himself and put on his shoes,
   what would have been the case with another? "And," it says, "when they
   had passed the first and the second ward, they came to the iron gate,
   which opened unto them of its own accord" (v. 10): and yet the things
   that had happened within (the prison) were more marvellous: but this
   was now more after the manner of man. "And having gone out, they went
   along one street and immediately (all until') the Angel departed from
   him." (v. 11.) When there was no hindrance, then the Angel departed.
   For Peter would not have gone along (prohelthen), there being so many
   hindrances. "And when he came to himself:" for in very truth, it was
   indeed an amazement (ekplexis). "Now," saith he, "I know"--now, not
   then, when I was in the prison,--"that the Lord hath sent His Angel,
   and hath delivered me out of the hand of Herod and from all the
   expectation of the people of the Jews. And when he had considered" (v.
   12), it says: viz. where he was, or, that he must not without more ado
   depart but requite his Benefactor: "he came to the house of Mary the
   mother of John." Who is this John? Probably [627] he that was always
   with them: for this is why he adds his distinctive name (to parasemon),
   "whose surname was Mark." But observe, "praying" in the night, how much
   they got by it: what a good thing affliction is; how wakeful it made
   them! Do you see how great the gain resulting from the death of
   Stephen? do you see how great the benefit accruing from this
   imprisonment? For it is not by taking vengeance upon those who wronged
   them that God shows the greatness of the Gospel: but in the wrong-doers
   themselves, [628] without any harm happening to those, he shows what a
   mighty thing the afflictions in themselves are, that we may not seek in
   any wise deliverance from them, nor the avenging of our wrongs. And
   mark how the very servant-girls were henceforth upon an equality with
   them. "For joy," it says, "she opened not." (v. 13, 14.) This too is
   well done, that they likewise may not be amazed by seeing him at once,
   and that they may be incredulous, and their minds may be exercised.
   "But ran in," etc. just as we are wont to do, she was eager to be
   herself the bringer of the good tidings, for good news it was indeed.
   "And they said unto her, Thou art mad: but she constantly affirmed that
   it was even so: then said they, It is his Angel." (v. 15.) This is a
   truth, that each man has an Angel. [629] And what would the Angel?
   [630] It was from the time (of night) that they surmised this. But when
   he "continued knocking, and when they had opened, and saw him, they
   were astonished. But he beckoning to them with his hand" (v. 16, 17),
   made them keep quiet, to hear all that had happened to him. He was now
   an object of more affectionate desire to the disciples, not only in
   consequence of his being saved, but by his sudden coming in upon them
   and straightway departing. Now, both his friends learn all clearly; and
   the aliens also learn, if they had a mind, but they had not. The same
   thing happened in the case of Christ. "Tell these things," he says, "to
   James, and to the brethren." How free from all vainglory! Nor did he
   say, Make known these things to people everywhere, but, "to the
   brethren. And he withdrew to another place:" for he did not tempt God,
   nor fling himself into temptation: since, when they were commanded to
   do this, then they did it. "Go," it was said, "speak in the temple to
   the people." (ch. v. 20.) But this the Angel said not (here); on the
   contrary, by silently removing him and bringing him out by night, he
   gave him free permission to withdraw--and this too is done, that we may
   learn that many things are providentially brought about after the
   manner of men--so that he should not again fall into peril.--For that
   they may not say, "It was his Angel," [631] after he was gone, they say
   this first, and then they see himself overthrowing their notion of the
   matter. Had it been the Angel, he would have knocked at the door, would
   not have retired to another place. And [632] what followed in the day,
   make them sure.

   "So Peter was kept in the prison," etc. (v. 5.) They, being at large,
   were at prayer: he, bound, was in sleep. "And he wist not that it was
   true." (v. 9.) If he thought it was true that was happening, he would
   have been astonished, he would not have remembered [633] (all the
   circumstances): but now, seeming to be in a dream, he was free from
   perturbation. "When," it says, "they were past the first and the second
   ward"--see also how strong the guard was--"they came unto the iron
   gate." (v. 10.) "Now know I that the Lord hath sent His Angel." (v.
   11.) Why is not this effected by themselves? [634] (I answer,) By this
   also the Lord honors them, that by the ministry of His Angels he
   rescues them. Then why was it not so in the case of Paul? There with
   good reason, because the jailer was to be converted, whereas here, it
   was only that the Apostle should be released. (ch. xvi. 25.) And God
   disposes all things in divers ways. And there too, it is beautiful,
   that Paul sings hymns, while here Peter was asleep. "And when he had
   considered, he came to the house of Mary," etc. (v. 12.) Then let us
   not hide God's marvels, but for our own good let us study to display
   these abroad for the edifying of the others. For as he deserves to be
   admired for choosing to be put into bonds, so is he worthy of more
   admiration, that he withdrew not until he had reported all to his
   friends. "And he said, Tell James and the brethren." (v. 17.) That they
   may rejoice: that they may not be anxious. Through these [635] those
   learn, not those through him: such thought had he for the humbler
   part!--

   Truly, nothing better than affliction not above measure (summetrou).
   What think you must have been their state of mind--how full of delight!
   Where now are those women, who sleep the whole night through? Where are
   those men, who do not even turn themselves in their bed? Seest thou the
   watchful soul? With women, and children, and maid-servants, they sang
   hymns to God, made purer than the sky by affliction. But now, if we see
   a little danger, we fall back. Nothing ever was more splendid than that
   Church. Let us imitate these, let us emulate them. Not for this was the
   night made, that we should sleep all through it and be idle. To this
   bear witness the artisans, the carriers, and the merchants (to this),
   the Church of God rising up in the midst of the night. Rise thou up
   also, and behold the quire of the stars, the deep silence, the profound
   repose: contemplate with awe the order (oikonomian) of thy Master's
   household. Then is thy soul purer: it is lighter, and subtler, and
   soaring disengaged: the darkness itself, the profound silence, are
   sufficient to lead thee to compunction. And if also thou look to the
   heavens studded with its stars, as with ten thousand eyes, [636] if
   thou bethink thee that all those multitudes who in the daytime are
   shouting, laughing, frisking, leaping, wronging, grasping, threatening,
   inflicting wrongs without number, lie all one as dead, thou wilt
   condemn all the self-willedness of man. Sleep hath invaded and defeated
   (helenxen) nature: it is the image of death, the image of the end of
   all things. If [637] thou (look out of window and) lean over into the
   street, thou wilt not hear even a sound: if thou look into the house,
   thou wilt see all lying as it were in a tomb. All this is enough to
   arouse the soul, and lead it to reflect on the end of all things.

   Here indeed my discourse is for both men and women. Bend thy knees,
   send forth groans, beseech thy Master to be merciful: He is more moved
   by prayers in the night, when thou makest the time for rest a time for
   mourning. Remember what words that king uttered: "I have been weary
   with my groaning: every night will I wash my bed, I will water my couch
   with my tears." (Ps. vi. 6.) However delicate a liver thou mayest be,
   thou art not more delicate than he: however rich thou mayest be, thou
   art not richer than David. And again the same Psalmist saith, "At
   midnight I rose to give thanks unto Thee for the judgments of Thy
   righteousness." (Ps. cxix. 62.) No vainglory then intrudes upon thee:
   how can it, when all are sleeping, and not looking at thee? Then
   neither sloth nor drowsiness invades thee: how can they, when thy soul
   is aroused by such great things? After such vigils come sweet slumbers
   and wondrous revelations. Do this, thou also the man, not the woman
   only. Let the house be a Church, consisting of men and women. For think
   not because thou art the only man, or because she is the only woman
   there, that this is any hindrance. "For where two," He saith, "are
   gathered together in My Name, there am I in the midst of them." (Matt.
   xviii. 20.) Where Christ is in the midst, there is a great multitude.
   Where Christ is, there needs must Angels be, needs must Archangels also
   and the other Powers be there. Then ye are not alone, seeing ye have
   Him Who is Lord of all. Hear again the prophet also saying, "Better is
   one that doeth the will of the Lord, than ten thousand transgressors."
   (comp. Ecclus. xvi. 3.) Nothing more weak than a multitude of
   unrighteous men, nothing more strong than one man who lives according
   to the law of God. If thou hast children wake up them also, and let thy
   house altogether become a Church through the night: but if they be
   tender, and cannot endure the watching, let them stay for the first or
   second prayer, and then send them to rest: only stir up thyself,
   establish thyself in the habit. Nothing is better than that storehouse
   which receives such prayers as these. Hear the Prophet speaking: "If I
   remembered Thee upon my bed, I thought upon Thee in the dawn of the
   morning." (Ps. lxiii. 7.) But you will say: I have labored much during
   the day, and I cannot. Mere pretext this and subterfuge. For however
   much thou hast labored, thou wilt not toil like the smith, who lets
   fall such a heavy hammer from a great height upon the (metal flying off
   in) sparks, and takes in the smoke with his whole body: and yet at this
   work he spends the greater part of the night. Ye know also how the
   women, if there is need for us to go into the country, or to go forth
   unto a vigil, watch through the whole night. Then have thou also a
   spiritual forge, to fashion there not pots or cauldrons, but thine own
   soul, which is far better than either coppersmith or goldsmith can
   fashion. Thy soul, waxen old in sins, cast thou into the
   smelting-furnace of confession: let fall the hammer from on high: that
   is, the condemnation of thy words (thon rhematon ten katagnosin): light
   up the fire of the Spirit. Thou hast a far mightier craft (than
   theirs). Thou art beating into shape not vessels of gold, but the soul,
   which is more precious than all gold, even as the smith hammers out his
   vessel. For it is no material vessel that thou art working at, but thou
   art freeing thy soul from all imaginations belonging to this life. Let
   a lamp be by thy side, not that one which we burn, but that which the
   prophet had, when he said, "Thy law is a lamp unto my feet." (Ps. cxix.
   105.) Bring thy soul to a red heat, by prayer: when thou seest it hot
   enough, draw it out, and mould it into what shape thou wilt. Believe
   me, not fire so effectual to burn off rust, as night prayer to remove
   the rust of our sins. Let the night-watchers, if no one else, shame us.
   They, by man's law, go their rounds in the cold, shouting loudly, and
   walking through lanes (stenophon) and alleys, oftentimes drenched with
   rain and (all) congealed with cold, for thee and for thy safety, and
   the protection of thy property. There is he taking such care for thy
   property, while thou takest none even for thy soul. And yet I do not
   make thee go thy rounds in the open air like him, nor shout loudly and
   rend thy sides: but in thy closet itself, or in thy bedchamber, bend
   thy knees, and entreat thy Lord. Why did Christ Himself pass a whole
   night on the mountain? Was it not, that He might be an ensample to us?
   Then is it that the plants respire, in the night, I mean: and then also
   does the soul take in the dew even more than they. What the sun has
   parched by day becomes cool again at night. More refreshing than all
   dew, the tears of the night descend upon our lusts and upon all heat
   and fever of the soul, and do not let it be affected in any such way.
   But if it do not enjoy the benefit of that dew, it will be burnt up in
   the daytime. But God forbid (it should be so [638] )! Rather, may we
   all, being refreshed, and enjoying the mercy of God, be freed from the
   burden of our sins, through the grace and mercy of our Lord Jesus
   Christ, with Whom to the Father together with the Holy Spirit be glory,
   might, honor, now and ever, world without end. Amen.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [613] The modern text (E. D. F. Edd.) "But here it is said in this
   sense, elsewhere in a different sense. For when Matthew says, In those
   days cometh John preaching,' he speaks it not as meaning the days
   immediately following, but those' in which the things he relates were
   about to take place. For it is the custom of Scripture to use this mode
   of speech, and at one time to expound in their sequence the things
   successively taking place, at another to relate as in immediate
   succession the things about to take place afterwards. And he well says
   that Herod the king did this, for this was not he of Christ's time:" as
   if Chrys. meant, He does right to call him king, for this was not the
   tetrarch of the Gospel history. But this is merely a parenthetic
   remark: the point to which the kalos legei refers is this--that the
   persecution is now raised by a king, not by the Jews: "he does well to
   designate Herod as the king, thereby showing that the trial here was of
   a different kind, more severe, as the power wielded against them was
   greater."

   [614] en de kairo toiouto toiauta epratton. So mss. and Edd. But the
   Catena has en de kairo toiouto prattein ouk ethelon. "They had no
   objection to killing, but they had rather not do it at such a time."

   [615] This seems more suitable to the clause, "And his chains fell off
   from his hands:" but see below in the recapitulation, p. 170.

   [616] i.e. so unexpected was it, so entirely had he made up his mind
   that he was to be put to death, that he thought it all a dream.

   [617] i.e. on the morrow, to be led out to execution, and then and
   there deliver him.

   [618] touto de piston egeneto. That would have astonished: this was
   calculated to obtain belief. E. D. F. Edd. touto de huper auton
   egeneto. "But this was done for their sakes for they would not have
   been counted human beings, if he had done all after the manner of God,
   ei theoprepos panta epoiei."

   [619] In the old text this sentence and the next are transposed. The
   mod. text has restored the true order, but for hedonen has apallagen,
   "his deliverance to come to him all at once."--The connection may be
   thus supplied, "When he came to himself, he found himself there at
   large, and with his hands no longer chained. And this circumstance
   again is a strong evidence that he had not fled."

   [620] The order in mss. and Edd. is a, b, c. Haute, in the beginning of
   (c) evidently refers to tes paraineseos tes Gam. in (a).

   [621] James the brother of John was the son of Zebedee, commonly called
   the "elder" James. He was the first of the apostles to suffer
   martyrdom. The other James, called "the Lord's brother" (Gal. i, 19.)
   mentioned in v. 17 (cf. Acts xv. 13; xxi. 18) was the Bishop of
   Jerusalem, a man of much importance and influence in the apostolic
   church, whom Paul reckons among the "pillars" (Gal. ii. 9). Chrys.
   gives no opinion here concerning him. Three views have prevailed in the
   church: (1) that he was the same as the apostle, James the son of
   Alphaeus and is called the "brother" of Jesus in the loose sense of
   that word in which it is taken as equivalent to "relative." (2) That he
   was the son of Joseph by a former marriage. (3) That he was the son of
   Joseph and Mary--the real brother of Jesus and is called an apostle in
   Gal. i. 19, in the more comprehensive sense which that word acquired
   according to which it was applied also to Paul and Barnabas (Acts xiv.
   14). This view seems to me the correct one. There were also other
   brothers (Matt. xii. 46; Matt xiii. 55, 56) Joses, Simon and Judas, and
   sisters who are not personally named. Chrys. seems to have held view
   (2) in his earlier writings, but to have adopted view (1), following
   Jerome. (Cf. Lightfoot on Galatians, pp. 289, 290).--G.B.S.

   [622] A. B. C. kakia, asebeia. Cat phonos adikos kakias;asebeia tais k.
   t. l. Mod. text substitutes for these two words, Polle he anoia tou
   Erodou.

   [623] Kathos de oonto A. B. C. Either this is out of its place, or the
   sentence is incomplete. The mod. text substitutes, "And when he had
   apprehended him, he put him in prison."

   [624] ouk estasiasan, ouk ethorubethesan: alluding perhaps to the
   factious and turbulent proceedings, which in his time often ensued when
   a Bishop was removed or at the point of death. But possibly estas. is
   corrupt.--Below, Touto de en huper Petrou, etc. the meaning seems to
   be, "That Herod was permitted to do this, and that Peter was delivered
   into his hands, not withdrawing upon the death of James, was all the
   better for Peter: it gave fresh proof of his worth, it showed how
   courageous he was in himself, independently of supernatural aid."

   [625] A. B. C. Cat. kai to "en tachei," hoste me rhathumesai; kai
   eplexen auton; (C. kai ekplexis en eis auton) houto batheos ekatheuden.
   Perhaps C. has preserved the true reading, see on v. 11. If so, it
   should be transposed with the part marked (a), viz. "--by the Angel:
   and it was an amazement to him, so deeply did he sleep: but he thought
   he saw a vision." The letters as usual denote the order of parts in the
   mss. Before (b), the clause, "And he passed the first and second ward,"
   is inserted. It is not easy to see what can be the reference of the
   question, Pos; pou eisin hoi hairetikoi; it can hardly be meant for the
   mention of the sandals and cloak, v. 8, for the persons who objected to
   the Christians, that, according to Christ's command, they ought to have
   no shoes, nor two coats, etc. were not heretics, but heathens: see Hom.
   in illud, Salutate Prisc. et Aq. t. iii. 181. and Hom. ix. in Philip.
   t. xi. 272 (the latter cited in the Catena here).

   [626] A. B. C. Cat. apistethenai, "be disbelieved?" But this is
   evidently corrupt.

   [627] hisos ekeinos ho aei autois sunon. OEcumen. may have read ouk
   ekeinos, for he has, hina deixe hoti ou tou aei sunontos autois
   'Ioannou ten metera phesin: "to show that he does not mean the mother
   of John (the Apostle) who was always with them, he adds his distinctive
   name."

   [628] en autois tois adikousin. Perhaps it may mean, He brings it home
   to the conviction of the wrong-doers themselves, etc. 'Ekeinon, i.e.
   the enemies. But adikoumenois would suit the meaning better than
   adikousin, and then ekeinon would be right: otherwise it should be
   auton.

   [629] The interpretation of Chrys. regarding the idea of the company
   assembled in Mary's house expressed by: "It is his angel," is doubtless
   correct. Others interpret: "It is his messenger"--a messenger sent by
   Peter to them, but it is said that Rhoda recognized Peter's voice (14).
   Others understand angel in the sense of spirit--a view which is not
   sanctioned by linguistic usage. Their idea was that Peter's guardian
   angel who had taken on his form and appearance was before the door. The
   belief in guardian angels attending individuals was common in later
   Jewish theology as well as in the Greek and Roman religions. It was
   doubtless stimulated in the early church by the saying of Jesus
   concerning children: "In heaven their angels do always behold the face
   of my Father who is in heaven" (Matt. xvii. 10), which seems to
   sanction the idea (cf. Heb. i. 14).--G.B.S.

   [630] kai ti bouletai ho angelos; A. B. C. Cat. The mod. text
   substitutes, "And whence did it come into their minds at that time to
   surmise that it was an Angel?"

   [631] i.e. It was so ordered (okonometo) that the notion of its being
   his Angel came into their minds before they saw him, in order that it
   might not be possible for them to think this after he was gone.

   [632] Pistoutai de autous kai to en hemera genomenon. i.e. "When it was
   day there was no small stir among the soldiers," etc. v. 18. The
   innovator, not perceiving the meaning, substitutes kai to me en hemera
   genesthai, "And its not happening by day, confirms their belief."

   [633] emnemoneusen. i.e. astonishment would have deprived him of the
   power of remembering, and afterwards relating the circumstances, v. 17.

   [634] Here, and on former occasion, v. 19. Hence the plural dhi eauton.

   [635] dia touton (the persons assembled in the house of Mary) ekeinoi
   (James and the brethren), ouk ekeinoi dia toutou. This is corrupt, but
   the meaning is, James and the more important of the brethren learn the
   particulars through these inferior persons, not these through those,
   but through Peter himself. Mod. text, hina dia touton ekeinoi
   manthanosin, ouk autoi di ekeinon

   [636] Mod. text adds, "thou wilt enjoy all pleasure, being led
   forthwith to reflect on the Creator."

   [637] An diakupses eis ton stenopon. The stenopoi, angiportus or vici
   are the lanes or alleys in the quarters formed by intersection of the
   broad streets, plateiai.

   [638] Mod. text alla me genoito medena humon hupekkauma tou puros
   ekeinou genesthai: "God forbid that any of you should become the fuel
   of that fire."
     __________________________________________________________________

   Homily XXVII.

   Acts XII. 18, 19

   "Now as soon as it was day, there was no small stir among the soldiers,
   what was become of Peter. And when Herod had sought for him, and found
   him not, he examined the keepers, and commanded that they should be put
   to death. And he went down from Judea to Caesarea, and there abode."

   Some persons, it is likely, are at a loss how to explain it, that God
   should quietly look on while (His) champions [639] are put to death,
   and now again the soldiers on account of Peter: and yet it was possible
   for Him after (delivering) Peter to rescue them also. But it was not
   yet the time of judgment, so as to render to each according to his
   deserts. And besides, it was not Peter that put them into his hands.
   For the thing that most annoyed him was the being mocked; just as in
   the case of his grandfather when he was deceived by the wise men, that
   was what made him (feel) cut to the heart--the being (eluded and) made
   ridiculous. [640] "And having put them to the question," it says, "he
   ordered them to be led away to execution." (Matt. ii. 16.) And yet he
   had heard from them--for he had put them to the question--both that the
   chains had been left, and that he had taken his sandals, and that until
   that night he was with them. "Having put them to the question:" but
   what did they conceal? [641] Why then did they not themselves also
   flee? "He ordered them to be led away to execution:" and yet he ought
   to have marvelled, ought to have been astonished at this. The
   consequence is, by the death of these men (the thing), is made manifest
   to all: both his wickedness is exposed to view, and (it is made clear
   that) the wonder (is) of God. "And he went down from Judea to Caesarea,
   and there abode: and Herod was highly displeased with them of Tyre and
   Sidon: but they came with one accord to him, and, having made Blastus
   the king's chamberlain their friend, desired peace; because their
   country was nourished by the king's country. And upon a set day Herod,
   arrayed in royal apparel, sat upon his throne, and made an oration unto
   them. And the people gave a shout, saying, It is the voice of a god,
   and not of a man,' And immediately the angel of the Lord smote him,
   because he gave not God the glory: and he was eaten of worms, and gave
   up the ghost." (v. xx. 23.) * * But see how (the writer) here does not
   hide these things. [642] Why does he mention this history? Say, what
   has it to do with the Gospel, that Herod is incensed with the Tyrians
   and Sidonians? It is not a small matter, even this, how immediately
   justice seized him; although not because of Peter, but because of his
   arrogant speaking. And yet, it may be said, if those shouted, what is
   that to him? Because he accepted the acclamation, because he accounted
   himself to be worthy of the adoration. Through him those most receive a
   lesson, who so thoughtlessly flattered him (al. hoi kolakeuontes).
   Observe again, while both parties deserve punishment, this man is
   punished. For this is not the time of judgment, but He punishes him
   that had most to answer for, leaving the others to profit by this man's
   fate. [643] "And the word of God," it says, "grew," i.e. in consequence
   of this, "and multiplied." (v. 24.) Do you mark God's providential
   management? "But Barnabas and Saul returned from Jerusalem, when they
   had fulfilled their ministry, and took with them John, whose surname
   was Mark." (v. 25.) "Now there were in the Church that was at Antioch,
   certain prophets and teachers; as Barnabas, and Simeon that was called
   Niger, and Lucius of Cyrene, and Manaen, which had been brought up with
   Herod the tetrarch, and Saul." [644] (ch. xiii. 1.) He still mentions
   Barnabas first: for Paul was not yet famous, he had not yet wrought any
   sign. "As they ministered to the Lord, and fasted, the Holy Ghost said,
   Separate Me Barnabas and Saul for the work whereunto I have called
   them. And when they had fasted and prayed, and laid their hands on
   them, they sent them away." (v. 2, 3.) What means, "Ministering?"
   Preaching. "Separate for Me," it says, "Barnabas and Saul." What means,
   "Separate for Me?" For the work, for the Apostleship. See again by what
   persons he is ordained (gumnotera. Cat. semnotera, "more awful.") By
   Lucius the Cyrenean and Manaen, or rather, by the Spirit. The less the
   persons, the more palpable the grace. He is ordained henceforth to
   Apostleship, so as to preach with authority. How then does he himself
   say, "Not from men, nor by man?" [645] (Gal. i. 1.) Because it was not
   man that called or brought him over: this is why he says, "Not from
   men. Neither by man," that is, that he was not sent by this (man), but
   by the Spirit. Wherefore also (the writer) thus proceeds: "So they,
   being sent forth by the Holy Ghost, departed unto Seleucia; and from
   thence they sailed to Cyprus." (v. 4.) But let us look over again what
   has been said.

   (Recapitulation.) "And when it was day," etc. (v. 18.) For [646] if the
   Angel had brought out the soldiers also, along with Peter, it would
   have been thought a case of flight. Then why, you may ask, was it not
   otherwise managed? Why, where is the harm? Now, if we see that they who
   have suffered unjustly, take no harm, we shall not raise these
   questions. For why do you not say the same of James? Why did not (God)
   rescue him? "There was no small stir among the soldiers." So (clearly)
   had they perceived nothing (of what had happened). Lo, I take up the
   plea in their defence. The chains were there, and the keepers within,
   and the prison shut, nowhere a wall broken through, all told the same
   tale: the man had been carried off: [647] why dost thou condemn them?
   Had they wished to let him off, they would have done it before, or
   would have gone out with him. "But he gave them money?" (ch. iii. 6.)
   And how should he, who had not to give even to a poor man, have the
   means to give to these? And then neither had the chains been broken,
   nor were they loosed. He ought to have seen, that the thing was of God,
   and no work of man. "And he went down from Judea to Caesarea, and there
   abode. And Herod was highly displeased with them of Tyre and Sidon,"
   etc. (v. 19.) He is now going to mention (a matter of) history: this is
   the reason why he adds the names, that it may be shown how he keeps to
   the truth in all things. "And," it says, "having made Blastus the
   king's chamberlain their friend, they desired peace; because their
   country was nourished by the king's country." (v. 20, 21.) For probably
   there was a famine. "And on a set day," etc. (Joseph. Ant. xix.)
   Josephus also says this, that he fell into a lingering disease. Now the
   generality were not aware of this, [648] but the Apostle sets it down:
   yet at the same time their ignorance was an advantage, in regard that
   they imputed what befell (Agrippa) to his putting James and the
   soldiers to death. Observe, when he slew the Apostle, he did nothing of
   this sort but when (he slew) these; in fact he knew not what to say
   about it: [649] as being at a loss, then, and feeling ashamed, "he went
   down from Judea to Caesarea." I suppose it was also to bring those (men
   of Tyre and Sidon) to apologize, that he withdrew (from Jerusalem): for
   with those he was incensed, while paying such court to these. See how
   vainglorious the man is: meaning to confer the boon upon them, he makes
   an harangue. But Josephus says, that he was also arrayed in a splendid
   robe made of silver. Observe both what flatterers those were, and what
   a high spirit was shown by the Apostles: the man whom the whole nation
   so courted, the same they held in contempt. (v. 24.) But observe again
   a great refreshing granted to them, and the numberless benefits
   accruing from the vengeance inflicted upon him. But if this man,
   because it was said to him, "It is the voice of God and not of a man
   (v. 22) although he said nothing himself, suffered such things: much
   more should Christ, had He not Himself been God (have suffered) for
   saying always as He did, "These words of mine are not Mine" (John xiv.
   10; xviii. 36) and, "Angels minister to Me," and such like. But that
   man ended His life by a shameful and miserable death, and thenceforth
   no more is seen of him. And observe him also, easily talked over even
   by Blastus, like a poor creature, soon incensed and again pacified, and
   on all occasions a slave of the populace, with nothing free and
   independent about him. But mark also the authority of the Holy Ghost:
   "As they ministered to the Lord, and fasted, the Holy Ghost said,
   Separate Me Barnabas and Saul." (ch. xiii. 2.) What being would have
   dared, if not of the same authority, to say this? "Separate," etc. But
   this is done, that they may not keep together among themselves. The
   Spirit saw that they had greater power, and were able to be sufficient
   for many. And how did He speak to them? Probably by prophets: therefore
   the writer premises, that there were prophets also. And they were
   fasting and ministering: that thou mayest learn that there was need of
   great sobriety. In Antioch he is ordained, where he preaches. Why did
   He not say, Separate for the Lord, but, "For me?" It shows that He is
   of one authority and power. "And when they had fasted," etc. Seest thou
   what a great thing fasting is? "So they being sent forth by the Holy
   Ghost:" it shows that the Spirit did all.

   A great, yes a great good is fasting: it is circumscribed by no limits.
   When need was to ordain, then they fast: and to them while fasting, the
   Spirit spake. Thus much only do I enjoin: (I say) not fast, but abstain
   from luxury. Let us seek meats to nourish, not things to ruin us; seek
   meats for food, not occasions of diseases, of diseases both of soul and
   body: seek food which hath comfort, not luxury which is full of
   discomfort: the one is luxury, the other mischief; the one is pleasure,
   the other pain; the one is agreeable to nature, the other contrary to
   nature. For say, if one should give thee hemlock juice to drink, would
   it not be against nature? if one should give thee logs and stones,
   wouldest thou not reject them? Of course, for they are against nature.
   Well, and so is luxury. For just as in a city, under an invasion of
   enemies when there has been siege and tumult, great is the uproar, so
   is it in the soul, under invasion of wine and luxury. "Who hath woe?
   who hath tumults? who hath discomforts and babblings? Are they not they
   that tarry long at the wine? Whose are bloodshot eyes?" (Prov. xxiii.
   29, 30.) But yet, say what we will, we shall not bring off those who
   give themselves up to luxury, unless [650] we bring into conflict
   therewith a different affection. And first, let us address ourselves to
   the women. Nothing uglier than a woman given to luxury, nothing uglier
   than a woman given to drink. The bloom of her complexion is faded: the
   calm and mild expression of the eyes is rendered turbid, as when a
   cloud intercepts the rays of the sunshine. It is a vulgar,
   (aneleutheron) slave-like, thoroughly low-lived habit. How disgusting
   is a woman when from her breath you catch sour whiffs of fetid wine: a
   woman belching, giving out a fume (chumon) of decomposing meats;
   herself weighed down, unable to keep upright; her face flushed with an
   unnatural red; yawning incessantly, and everything swimming in a mist
   before her eyes! But not such, she that abstains from luxurious living:
   no (this abstinence makes her look) a more beautiful, well-bred
   (sophronestera) woman. For even to the body, the composure of the soul
   imparts a beauty of its own. Do not imagine that the impression of
   beauty results only from the bodily features. Give me a handsome girl,
   but turbulent (tetaragmenen), loquacious, railing, given to drink,
   extravagant, (and tell me) if she is not worse-looking than any ugly
   woman? But if she were bashful, if she would hold her peace, if she
   learnt to blush, if to speak modestly (summetros), if to find time for
   fastings; her beauty would be twice as great, her freshness would be
   heightened, her look more engaging, fraught with modesty and good
   breeding (sophrosunes kai kosmiotetos). Now then, shall we speak of
   men? What can be uglier than a man in drink? He is an object of
   ridicule to his servants, of ridicule to his enemies, of pity to his
   friends; deserving condemnation without end: a wild beast rather than a
   human being; for to devour much food is proper to panther, and lion,
   and bear. No wonder (that they do so), for those creatures have not a
   reasonable soul. And yet even they, if they be gorged with food more
   than they need, and beyond the measure appointed them by nature, get
   their whole body ruined by it: how much more we? Therefore hath God
   contracted our stomach into a small compass; therefore hath He marked
   out a small measure of sustenance, that He may instruct us to attend to
   the soul.

   Let us consider our very make, and we shall see there is in us but one
   little part that has this operation--for our mouth and tongue are meant
   for singing hymns, our throat for voice--therefore the very necessity
   of nature has tied us down, that we may not, even involuntarily, get
   into much trouble (pragmateian) (in this way). Since, if indeed
   luxurious living had not its pains, nor sickness and infirmities, it
   might be tolerated: but as the case is, He hath stinted thee by
   restrictions of nature, that even if thou wish to exceed, thou mayest
   not be able to do so. Is not pleasure thine object, beloved? This thou
   shalt find from moderation. Is not health? This too thou shalt so gain.
   Is not easiness of mind? This too. Is not freedom? is not vigor and
   good habit of body, is not sobriety and alertness of mind? (All these
   thou shalt find); so entirely are all good things there, while in the
   other are the contraries to these, discomfort, distemper, disease,
   embarrassment--waste of substance (aneleutheria). Then how comes it,
   you will ask, that we all run eagerly after this? It comes of disease.
   For say, what is it that makes the sick man hanker after the thing that
   does him harm? Is not this very hankering a part of his disease? Why is
   it that the lame man does not walk upright? This very thing, does it
   come of his being lazy, and not choosing to go to the physician? For
   there are some things, in which the pleasure they bring with them is
   temporary, but lasting the punishment: others just the contrary, in
   which the endurance is for a time, the pleasure perpetual. He,
   therefore, that has so little solidity and strength of purpose as not
   to slight present sweets for future, is soon overcome. Say, how came
   Esau to be overcome? how came he to prefer the present pleasure to the
   future honor? Through want of solidity and firmness of character. (Gen.
   xxv. 33.) And this fault itself, say you, whence comes it? Of our
   ownselves: and it is plain from this consideration. When we have the
   mind, we do rouse ourselves, and become capable of endurance. Certain
   it is, if at any time necessity comes upon us, nay, often only from a
   spirit of emulation, we get to see clearly what is useful for us. When
   therefore thou art about to indulge in luxury, consider how brief the
   pleasure, consider the loss--for loss it is indeed to spend so much
   money to one's own hurt--the diseases, the infirmities: and despise
   luxury. How many shall I enumerate who have suffered evils from
   indulgence? Noah was drunken, and was exposed in his nakedness, and see
   what evils came of this. (Gen. ix. 20.) Esau through greediness
   abandoned his birthright, and was set upon fratricide. The people of
   Israel "sat down to eat and to drink, and rose up to play." (Ex. xxxii.
   6.) Therefore saith the Scripture, "When thou hast eaten and drunken,
   remember the Lord thy God." (Deut. vi. 12.) For they fell over a
   precipice, in failing into luxury. "The widow," he saith, "that liveth
   in pleasure, is dead while she liveth" (1 Tim. v. 6): and again, "The
   beloved waxed sleek, grew thick, and kicked" (Deut. xxxii. 15): and
   again the Apostle, "Make not provision for the flesh, to fulfil the
   lusts thereof." (Rom. xiii. 14.) I am not enacting as a law that there
   shall be fasting, for indeed there is no one who would listen; but I am
   doing away with daintiness, I am cutting off luxury for the sake of
   your own profit: for like a winter torrent, luxury overthrows all:
   there is nothing to stop its course: it casts out from a kingdom: what
   is the gain of it (ti to pleon)? Would you enjoy a (real) luxury? Give
   to the poor; invite Christ, so that even after the table is removed,
   you may still have this luxury to enjoy. For now, indeed, you have it
   not, and no wonder: but then you will have it. Would you taste a (real)
   luxury? Nourish your soul, give to her of that food to which she is
   used: do not kill her by starvation.--It is the time for war, the time
   for contest: and do you sit enjoying yourself? Do you not see even
   those who wield sceptres, how they live frugally while abroad on their
   campaigns? "We wrestle not against flesh and blood" (Eph. vi. 12); and
   are you fattening yourself when about to wrestle? The adversary stands
   grinding his teeth, and are you giving a loose to jollity, and devoting
   yourself to the table? I know that I speak these things in vain, yet
   not (in vain) for all. "He that hath ears to hear, let him hear." (Luke
   viii. 8.) Christ is pining through hunger, and are you frittering
   yourself away (diasphas) with gluttony? Two inconsistencies (Duo
   ametriai). For what evil does not luxury cause? It is contrary to
   itself: so that I know not how it gets its name: but just as that is
   called glory, which is (really) infamy, and that riches, which in truth
   is poverty, so the name of luxury is given to that which in reality is
   nauseousness. Do we intend ourselves for the shambles, that we so
   fatten ourselves? Why cater for the worm that it may have a sumptuous
   larder? Why make more of their humors (ichhoras)? Why store up in
   yourself sources of sweat and rank smelling? Why make yourself useless
   for everything? Do you wish your eye to be strong? Get your body well
   strung? For in musical strings, that which is coarse and not refined,
   is not fit to produce musical tones, but that which has been well
   scraped, stretches well, and vibrates with full harmony. Why do you
   bury the soul alive? why make the wall about it thicker? Why increase
   the reek and the cloud, with fumes like a mist steaming up from all
   sides? If none other, let the wrestlers teach you, that the more spare
   the body, the stronger it is: and (then) also the soul is more
   vigorous. In fact, it is like charioteer and horse. But there you see,
   just as in the case of men giving themselves to luxury, and making
   themselves plump, so the plump horses are unwieldy, and give the driver
   much ado. One may think one's self (agapeton) well off, even with a
   horse obedient to the rein and well-limbed, to be able to carry off the
   prize: but when the driver is forced to drag the horse along, and when
   the horse falls, though he goad him ever so much, he cannot make him
   get up, be he ever so skilful himself, he will be deprived of the
   victory. Then let us not endure to see our soul wronged because of the
   body, but let us make the soul herself more clear-sighted, let us make
   her wing light, her bonds looser: let us feed her with discourse, with
   frugality, (feeding) the body only so much that it may be healthy, that
   it may be vigorous, that it may rejoice and not be in pain: that having
   in this sort well ordered our concerns, we may be enabled to lay hold
   upon the highest virtue, and to attain unto the eternal good things by
   the grace and loving-kindness of our Lord Jesus Christ, with Whom, to
   the Father and Holy Ghost together, be glory, dominion, honor, now and
   ever, world without end. Amen.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [639] perieiden tous athletas apollumenous: i.e. those (as St. Stephen,
   St. James) engaged in contending for the heavenly prize. The mod. t.
   substitutes, "Many are quite at a loss, how God could quietly look on
   while his children (or servants? tous paidas, Ben. infantes) were put
   to death because of Him, and now again," etc. After this sentence, the
   same inserts from the recapitulation: "But--if the Angel," etc.
   to....."why did He not rescue him? and besides"--

   [640] mallon auton epoiei diapriesthai (as in ch. vii. 54, cut to the
   heart with passion) kai katagelaston einai. The last words are either
   misplaced, or something is wanting; perhaps (after diapriesthai), to
   diakrouesthai kai katagelaston einai.

   [641] i.e. what was to be drawn from them by the torture? Had they let
   him out, they would have contrived appearances, or would themselves
   have fled. But the reporter's notes of what St. Chrys. said, seem to be
   very defective, and the arrangement much confused.

   [642] all' hora pos houtos ou kruptei tauta. In the recapitulation (see
   note 3, p. 175) he says, that the death of Herod was regarded as a
   judgment for his having slain James and the soldiers. Here, it seems,
   he must have said something to that effect; then, "but observe how St.
   Luke does not conceal the true state of the case, viz. that he was
   punished not for this, but for the sin which he proceeds to mention."
   We have transposed the text v. 20-23. mss. and Edd. place it before ou
   mikron oude touto estin, thus separating these words from their
   connection with the preceding question.

   [643] Josephus' narrative of the death of Herod (Ant. xix. 8, 2) is of
   peculiar interest here on account of its substantial agreement with
   that of Luke. The following points of agreement may be noted: (1) The
   place was Caesarea. (2) He was attacked by disease in a public assembly
   when, arrayed in gorgeous apparel, he received the impious flatteries
   of the people. (3) His disease and death were a penalty for accepting
   the flattery of those who accorded to him divine honors. Thus the main
   outlines are the same. Josephus introduces some historical notices,
   such as that the occasion was a celebration in honor of the Emperor
   Claudius, which are wanting in Luke. He also relates that after
   receiving the people's flattery, Herod observed an owl perched on a
   rope above him, which he interpreted at once as an omen of the fate
   which soon befell him. The supernatural element--"an angel smote
   him"--is wanting in Josephus. The Jewish historian is less specific in
   describing the disease which he speaks of as violent pains in the
   bowels and adds that after the attack, Herod lingered five days and
   died in the fifty-fourth year of his age and the seventh of his
   reign.--G.B.S.

   [644] At this point (ch. xiii.) begins the second part of the Book of
   Acts which has chiefly to do with the missionary labors of Paul. It is
   a reasonable supposition that the previous chapters rest upon different
   documents from those which follow. From chapter xvi. onward occur the
   so-called "we" passages (e.g. xvi. 10; xx, 6. xxi. 1; xxvii. 1) in
   which the writer, identifying himself with his narratives, indicates
   that he writes from personal knowledge and experience. The appointment
   of Barnabas and Saul at Antioch for missionary service, marked an epoch
   in the history of the early church and practically settled the
   questions relating to the admission of the Gentiles to the Christian
   community.--G.B.S.

   [645] mss. and Edd. di anthropon, but the singular is implied below in
   ouch hupo toude. In the old text, B. C. Cat. "Not from men nor by men?
   Because not man called nor brought him over: that is, neither by men;
   therefore he says, that he was not sent (B., I was not sent) by this,"
   etc. The mod. text "Not from men neither by men. The one, not from men,
   he uses to show that not man, etc.: and the other, neither by men, that
   he was not sent by this (man), but by the Spirit. Wherefore," etc.

   [646] Here he further answers the question raised in the opening of the
   discourse. The mod. text transposes it to that place, beginning the
   recapitulation with, "And when it was day there was no small stir among
   the soldiers because of Peter, and having put the keepers to the
   question, he ordered them to be led away to execution.' So senseless
   was he, houtos ouk estheto, that he even sets about punishing them
   unjustly." The latter clause is added by the innovator. For esthetoCat.
   has preserved the true reading, esthonto.

   [647] anarpastos ho anthropos gegone. Ben. homo ille raptus non est.

   [648] i.e. of the circumstances related v. 22, 23.--Below, plen alla
   kai he agnoia ophelei, i.e. to the believers: and yet, as he says
   above, the writer does not conceal the facts: see note 3, p. 174.

   [649] mss. and Edd. ouden toiouton eipgasato; hote de toutous, loipon
   en aphasi& 139; en: what this means, is very obscure, only the last
   clause seems to be explained by the following, hate oun heporekos kai
   aischunomenos, i.e. not knowing what to think of it, he withdrew from
   Jerusalem. Ben. quando illos, nihil dicebat. Erasm., et quando alios,
   nihil de illis traditur.--Below, 'Emoi dokei kai ekeinous pros ten
   apologian enagon apagagein orgizeto gar ekeinois, toutous houto
   therapeuon. By ekeinous, ekeinois, he means the Tyrians and Sidonians:
   apagagein, sc. heauton, to have withdrawn himself from Jerusalem, to
   Caesarea, nearer to Tyre and Sidon. The innovator substitutes, 'Emoi
   dokei kai ekeinous apagagein boulomenos, pros apologian elthe touton;
   orgizeto gar k. t. l. which Ben. renders Mihi videtur, cum illos
   abducere vellet, ad hos venisse ut sese purgaret.

   [650] ouk apostesomen...an me heteron antistesomen pathos (Mod. text
   pros het. and to pathos), i.e. unless, as Solomon does in the last
   clause of the text cited, we set against this lust a different
   affection, viz. vanity, especially female vanity, regard to personal
   appearance. Hence that last clause might be better transposed to the
   end of this sentence.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Homily XXVIII.

   Acts XIII. 4, 5

   "So they, being sent forth by the Holy Ghost, departed unto Seleucia;
   and from thence they sailed to Cyprus. And when they were at Salamis,
   they preached the word of God in the synagogues of the Jews: and they
   had also John to their minister."

   As soon as they were ordained they went forth, and hasted to Cyprus,
   that being a place where was no ill-design hatching against them, and
   where moreover the Word had been sown already. In Antioch there were
   (teachers) enough, and Phoenice too was near to Palestine; but Cyprus
   not so. However, you are not to make a question of the why and
   wherefore, when it is the Spirit that directs their movements: for they
   were not only ordained by the Spirit, but sent forth by Him likewise.
   "And when they were come to Salamis, they preached the word of God in
   the synagogues of the Jews." Do you mark how they make a point of
   preaching the word to them first, not to make them more contentious?
   [651] The persons mentioned before "spake to none but to Jews only"
   (ch. xi. 19), and so here they betook them to the synagogues. "And when
   they had gone through the isle unto Paphos, they found a certain
   sorcerer, a false prophet, a Jew, whose name was Bar-jesus: which was
   with the deputy of the country, Sergius Paulus, a prudent man; who
   called for Barnabas and Saul, and desired to hear the word of God. But
   Elymas the sorcerer (for so is his name by interpretation) withstood
   them, seeking to turn away the deputy from the faith." (v. 6-8.) Again
   a Jew sorcerer, as was Simon. And observe this man, how, while they
   preached to the others, he did not take it much amiss, but only when
   they approached the proconsul. And then in respect of the proconsul the
   wonder is, that although prepossessed by the man's sorcery, he was
   nevertheless willing to hear the Apostles. So it was with the
   Samaritans: and from the competition (sunkriseos) the victory appears,
   the sorcery being worsted. Everywhere, vainglory and love of power are
   a (fruitful) source of evils! "But Saul, who is also Paul,"--(v. 9)
   here his name is changed at the same time that he is ordained, as it
   was in Peter's case, [652] --"filled with the Holy Ghost, looked upon
   him, and said, O full of all guile and all villany, thou child of the
   devil:" (v. 10) and observe, this is not abuse, but accusation: for so
   ought forward, impudent people to be rebuked "thou enemy of all
   righteousness;" here he lays bare what was in the thoughts of the man,
   while under pretext of saving he was ruining the proconsul: "wilt thou
   not cease," he says, "to pervert the ways of the Lord?" (He says it)
   both confidently (axiopistos), It is not with us thou art warring, nor
   art thou fighting (with us), but "the ways of the Lord" thou art
   perverting, and with praise (of these, he adds) "the right" ways. "And
   now, behold, the hand of the Lord is upon thee, and thou shalt be
   blind." (v. 11.) It was the sign by which he was himself converted, and
   by this he would fain convert this man. As also that expression, "for a
   season," puts it not as an act of punishing, but as meant for his
   conversion: had it been for punishment, he would have made him
   lastingly blind, but now it is not so, but "for a season" (and this),
   that he may gain the proconsul. For, as he was prepossessed by the
   sorcery, it was well to teach him a lesson by this infliction (and the
   sorcerer also), in the same way as the magicians (in Egypt) were taught
   by the boils. [653] (Ex. ix. 11.) "And immediately there fell on him a
   mist and a darkness: and he went about seeking some to lead him by the
   hand. Then the deputy, when he saw what was done, believed, being
   astonished at the doctrine of the Lord." (v. 12.) But observe, how they
   do not linger there, as (they might have been tempted to do) now that
   the proconsul was a believer, nor are enervated by being courted and
   honored, but immediately keep on with their work, and set out for the
   country on the opposite coast. "Now when Paul and his company loosed
   from Paphos, they came to Perga in Pamphylia; and John departing from
   them returned to Jerusalem. But when they departed from Perga, they
   came to Antioch in Pisidia, and went into the synagogue on the sabbath
   day, and sat down." (v. 13, 14.) And here again they entered the
   synagogues, in the character of Jews, that they might not be treated as
   enemies, and be driven away: and in this way they carried the whole
   matter successfully. "And after the reading of the Law and the
   Prophets, the rulers of the synagogue sent unto them, saying, Ye men
   and brethren, if ye have any word of exhortation for the people, say
   on." (v. 15.) From this point, we learn the history of Paul's doings,
   as in what was said above we have learned not a little about Peter. But
   let us review what has been said.

   (Recapitulation.) "And when they were come to Salamis," the metropolis
   of Cyprus, "they preached the word of God." (v. 5.) They had spent a
   year in Antioch: it behooved that they should go hither also (to
   Cyprus) and not sit permanently where they were (the converts in
   Cyprus): needed greater teachers. See too how they remain no time in
   Seleucia, knowing that (the people there) might have reaped much
   benefit from the neighboring city (of Antioch): but they hasten on to
   the more pressing duties. When they came to the metropolis of the
   island, they were earnest to disabuse (diorthosai) the proconsul. But
   that it is no flattery that (the writer) says, "he was with the
   proconsul, a prudent man" (v. 7), you may learn from the facts; for he
   needed not many discourses, and himself wished to hear them. And [654]
   he mentions also the names. * * * Observe, how he said nothing to the
   sorcerer, until he gave him an occasion: but they only "preached the
   word of the Lord." Since (though Elymas) saw the rest attending to
   them, he looked only to this one object, that the proconsul might not
   be won over. Why did not (Paul) perform some other miracle? Because
   there was none equal to this, the taking the enemy captive. And
   observe, he first impeaches, and then punishes, him. He shows how
   justly the man deserved to suffer, by his saying, "O full of all
   deceit" (v. 10): ("full of all,") he says: nothing wanting to the full
   measure: and he well says, of all "deceit," for the man was playing the
   part of a hypocrite.--"Child of the devil," because he was doing his
   work: "enemy of all righteousness," since this (which they preached)
   was the whole of righteousness (though at the same time): I suppose in
   these words he reproves his manner of life. His words were not prompted
   by anger, and to show this, the writer premises, "filled with the Holy
   Ghost," that is, with His operation. "And now behold the hand of the
   Lord is upon thee." (v. 11.) It was not vengeance then, but healing:
   for it is as though he said: "It is not I that do it, but the hand of
   God." Mark how unassuming! No "light," [655] as in the case of Paul,
   "shone round about him." (ch. ix. 3.) "Thou shalt be blind," he says,
   "not seeing the sun for a season," that he may give him opportunity for
   repentance: for we nowhere find them wishing to be made conspicuous by
   the more stern (exercise of their authority), even though it was
   against enemies that this was put forth: in respect of those of their
   own body (they used severity), and with good reason, but in dealing
   with those without, not so; that (the obedience of faith) might not
   seem to be matter of compulsion and fear. It is a proof of his
   blindness, his "seeking some to lead him by the hand." (ch. v. 1. ff.)
   And [656] the proconsul sees the blindness inflicted, "and when he saw
   what was done, he believed:" and both alone believed not merely this,
   but, "being astonished at the doctrine of the Lord" (v. 12): he saw
   that these things were not mere words, nor trickery. Mark how he loved
   to receive instruction from his teachers, though he was in a station of
   so high authority. And (Paul) said not to the sorcerer, "Wilt thou not
   cease to pervert" the proconsul? [657] What may be the reason of John's
   going back from them? For "John," it says, "departing from them
   returned to Jerusalem" (v. 13): (he does it) because they are
   undertaking a still longer journey: and yet he was their attendant, and
   as for the danger, they incurred it (not he).--Again, when they were
   come to Perga, they hastily passed by the other cities, for they were
   in haste to the metropolis, Antioch. And observe how concise the
   historian is. "They sat down in the synagogue," he says, and, "on the
   sabbath day" (v. 14, 15): that they might prepare the way beforehand
   for the Word. And they do not speak first, but when invited: since as
   strangers, they called upon them to do so. Had they not waited, there
   would have been no discourse. Here for the first time we have Paul
   preaching. And observe his prudence: where the word was already sown,
   he passes on: but where there was none (to preach), he makes a stay: as
   he himself writes: "Yea, so have I strived to preach the Gospel, not
   where Christ was named." (Rom. xv. 20.) Great courage this also. Truly,
   from the very outset, a wonderful man! crucified, ready for all
   encounters (paratetagmenos), he knew how great grace he had obtained,
   and he brought to it zeal equivalent. He was not angry with John: for
   this was not for him: [658] but he kept to the work, he quailed not, he
   was unappalled, when shut up in the midst of a host. Observe how wisely
   it is ordered that Paul should not preach at Jerusalem: the very
   hearing that he is become a believer, this of itself is enough for
   them; for him to preach, they never would have endured, such was their
   hatred of him: so he departs far away, where he was not known. But
   [659] it is well done, that "they entered the synagogue on the sabbath
   day" when all were collected together. "And after the reading of the
   Law and the Prophets, the rulers of the synagogue sent unto them,
   saying, Ye men and brethren, if ye have any word or exhortation for the
   people, say on." (v. 15.) Behold how they do this without grudging, but
   no longer after this. If ye did wish this (really), there was more need
   to exhort.

   He first convicted the sorcerer (and showed), what he was; and that he
   was such, the sign showed: "thou shalt be blind, not seeing the sun"
   this was a sign of the blindness of his soul: "for a season" (v. 11):
   he says, to bring him to repentance. But, oh that love of rule! oh,
   that lust of vainglory! how it does overturn and ruin everything; makes
   people stand up against their own, against each other's salvation;
   renders them blind indeed, and dark, insomuch that they have even to
   seek for some to lead them by the hand! Oh that they did even this, oh
   that they did seek were it but some to lead them by the hand! But no,
   they no longer endure this, they take the whole matter into their own
   hands. (This vice) will let no man see: like a mist and thick darkness
   it spreads itself over them, not letting any see through it. What pleas
   shall we have to offer, we who for one evil affection, overcome another
   evil affection (supra p. 176), but not for the fear of God! For
   example, many who are both lewd and covetous, have for their
   niggardliness put a bridle upon their lust, while other such, on the
   contrary, have for pleasure's sake, despised riches. Again, those who
   are both the one and the other, have by the lust of vainglory overcome
   both, lavishing their money unsparingly, and practising temperance to
   no (good) purpose; others again, who are exceedingly vainglorious, have
   despised that evil affection, submitting to many vile disgraces for the
   sake of their amours, or for the sake of their money: others again,
   that they may satiate their anger, have chosen to suffer losses without
   end, and care for none of them, provided only they may work their own
   will. And yet, what passion can do with us, the fear of God is impotent
   to effect! Why speak I of passion? What shame before men can do with
   us, the fear of God has not the strength to effect! Many are the things
   we do right and wrong, from a feeling of shame before men; but God we
   fear not. How many have been shamed by regard to the opinions of men
   into flinging away money! How many have mistakenly made it a point of
   honor to give themselves up to the service of their friends (only), to
   their hurt! How many from respect for their friendships have been
   shamed into numberless wrong acts! Since then both passion and regard
   for the opinion of men are able to put us upon doing wrong things and
   right, it is idle to say, "we cannot:" we can, if we have the mind: and
   we ought to have the mind. Why canst not thou overcome the love of
   glory, when others do overcome it, having the same soul as thou, and
   the same body; bearing the same form, and living the same life? Think
   of God, think of the glory that is from above: weigh against that the
   things present, and thou wilt quickly recoil from this worldly glory.
   If at all events thou covet glory, covet that which is glory, indeed.
   What kind of glory is it, when it begets infamy? What kind of glory,
   when it compels one to desire the honor of those who are inferior, and
   stands in need of that? Real honor is the gaining the esteem of those
   who are greater than one's self. If at all events thou art enamoured of
   glory, be thou rather enamoured of that which comes from God. If
   enamoured of that glory thou despisest this world's glory, thou shalt
   see how ignoble this is: but so long as thou seest not that glory,
   neither wilt thou be able to see this, how foul it is, how ridiculous.
   For as those who are under the spell of some wicked, hideously ugly
   woman, so long as they are in love with her, cannot see her
   ill-favoredness, because their passion spreads a darkness over their
   judgment: so is it here also: so long as we are possessed with the
   passion, we cannot perceive what a thing it is. How then might we be
   rid of it? Think of those who (for the sake of glory) have spent
   countless sums, and now are none the better for it: [660] think of the
   dead, what glory they got, and (now) this glory is nowhere abiding, but
   all perished and come to naught: bethink thee how it is only a name,
   and has nothing real in it. For say, what is glory? give me some
   definition. "The being admired by all," you will say. With justice, or
   also not with justice? For if it be not with justice, this is not
   admiration, but crimination (kategoria), and flattery, and
   misrepresentation (diabole). But if you say, With justice, why that is
   impossible: for in the populace there are no right judgments; those
   that minister to their lusts, those are the persons they admire. And if
   you would (see the proof of this), mark those who give away their
   substance to the harlots, to the charioteers, to the dancers. But you
   will say, we do not mean these, but those who are just and upright, and
   able to do great and noble good acts. Would that they wished it, and
   they soon would do good: but as things are, they do nothing of the
   kind. Who, I ask you, now praises the just and upright man? Nay, it is
   just the contrary. Could anything be more preposterous than for a just
   man, when doing any such good act, to seek glory of the many--as if an
   artist of consummate skill, employed upon an Emperor's portrait, should
   wish to have the praises of the ignorant! Moreover, a man who looks for
   honor from men, will soon enough desist from the acts which virtue
   enjoins. If he will needs be gaping for their praises, he will do just
   what they wish, not what himself wishes. What then would I advise you?
   You must look only to God, to the praise that is from Him, perform all
   things which are pleasing to Him, and go after the good things (that
   are with Him), not be gaping for anything that is of man: for this mars
   both fasting and prayer and alms-giving, and makes all our good deeds
   void. Which that it be not our case, let us flee this passion. To one
   thing alone let us look, to the praise which is from God, to the being
   accepted of Him, to the commendation from our common Master; that,
   having passed through our present life virtuously, we may obtain the
   promised blessings together with them that love Him, through the grace
   and mercy of our Lord Jesus Christ, with whom to the Father, together
   with the Holy Ghost, be glory, might, honor, now and ever, world
   without end. Amen.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [651] That Barnabas and Saul preached first to the Jews for the reason
   mentioned by Chrysostom is wholly improbable. The mission to the
   Gentiles entrusted to them never cancelled, in their minds, their
   obligation to the Jews as having in the plan of God an economic
   precedence. Paul not only maintained throughout his life an ardent love
   and longing for his people (Rom. ix.) and a confident hope of their
   conversion (Rom. xi.), but regarded them as still the people of
   privilege, on the principle: "To the Jew first, and also to the Greek."
   (Rom. i. 16.) This view, together with the fact that they were Jews,
   constitutes a sufficient explanation for their resort to the
   synagogues. Additional reasons may be found in the fact that in the
   synagogues might be found those who were religiously inclined--of both
   Jewish and Gentile nationality--and who were therefore most susceptible
   to the influence of Christian truth, and in the fact that the freedom
   of speech in the synagogue-service offered the most favorable
   opportunity to expound the Gospel.--G.B.S.

   [652] Chrysostom here hints at the most probable explanation of the
   change of name in the Acts from Saul to Paul, although that change is
   not strictly simultaneous with his ordination which occurred at Antioch
   (v. 3), whereas the first use of the name "Paul" is in connection with
   his labors at Paphos, after he had preached for a time in Salamis. It
   seems probable that, as in so many cases, Paul, a Hellenist, had two
   names, in Hebrew Saul, and in Greek Paul, and that now when he enters
   distinctively upon his mission to the Gentiles, his Gentile name comes
   into exclusive use. (So, among recent critics, De Wette, Lechler,
   Alford, Neander, Gloag.) Other opinions are: (1) that he took the name
   Paul--signifying little--out of modesty (Augustin); (2) that he was
   named Paul, either by himself (Jerome), by his fellow-Christians
   (Meyer) or by the proconsul (Ewald), in honor of the conversion of
   Sergius Paulus.--G.B.S.

   [653] It can hardly be meant that the smiting of Elymas with blindness
   was not a judicial infliction to himself; but that the proconsul should
   see it rather on its merciful side as being only achri kairou. The
   Hebraistic use of Cheir Kuriou clearly implies a divine judgment upon
   Elymas as does the whole force of the narrative.--G.B.S.

   [654] Kai ta onomata de legei; epeide prosphatos egraphon; & 234;ra k.
   t. l. A. B. C. N. Cat. It is not clear whether this relates to the two
   names, Barjesus and Elymas, (if so we might, read egraphen, "since he
   wrote just before, (whose name was Barjesus, but now Elymas, for so is
   his name interpreted,") or to the change of the Apostle's name "Then
   Saul, who is also called Paul," (and then perhaps the sense of the
   latter clause may be, Since the change of name was recent: epeidhe
   prosphatos metegraphe or the like.) The mod. text substitutes, "But he
   also recites the names of the cities: showing that since they had but
   recently received the word, there was need (for them) to be confirmed,
   to continue in the faith: for which reason also they frequently visited
   them."

   [655] Mod. text omits this sentence. The connection is: Paul inflicts
   this blindness upon him, not in vengeance, but in order to his
   conversion, remembering how the Lord Himself had dealt with him on the
   way to Damascus. But it was not here, as then--no "light shown round
   about him from heaven."

   [656] Kai (Eita mod.) (hora C. N. Cat.) ten perosin (Cat. purosin) ho
   anth. kai (om. Cat.) monos episteusen (mod. euthus pisteuei). The
   reading in Cat. is meant for emendation: "And mark the fervor (or
   kindling, viz. of the proconsul's mind): the proc. alone believed" etc.

   [657] Mod. text adds, "but, the ways of the Lord, which is more: that
   he may not seem to pay court."

   [658] ou gar toutou en. "Down. renders it non enim irae deditus erat,
   he was not the man for this (anger): or perhaps, For he (John) was not
   his, not associated by him, but by Barnabas." Ben. But the meaning
   should rather be, "So great a work was not for him (Mark); he was not
   equal to it." The connection is of this kind: "Paul knew how great
   grace had been bestowed on him, and on his own part he brought
   corresponding zeal. When Mark withdrew, Paul was not angry with him,
   knowing that the like grace was not bestowed on him, therefore neither
   could there be the like spoude on his part."

   [659] In mss. and Edd. this portion, to the end of the paragraph, is
   placed after the part relating to Elymas, "He first convicted," etc.
   and immediately before the Morale, as if the occasion of the invective
   against philarchia and kenodoxia were furnished by the conduct of the
   rulers of the synagogue: but see above, p. 178, in the expos. of v. 8,
   pantachou he kenodoxia kai he philarchia aitiai ton kakon, and below,
   the allusion to the blindness of Elymas.

   [660] kai ouden ap' autes karpoumenous, i.e. reaping no fruit from it
   (the glory which they sought here) where they are now. Mod. text ouden
   ap' auton karposamenous: "reaped no fruit while here, from their money
   which they squandered"--mistaking the meaning of the passage, which is,
   "They got what they sought, but where is it now?"
     __________________________________________________________________

   Homily XXIX.

   Acts XIII. 16, 17

   "Then Paul stood up, and beckoning with his hand said, Men of Israel,
   and ye that fear God, give audience. The God of this people of Israel
   chose our fathers, and exalted the people when they dwelt as strangers
   in the land of Egypt, and with an high arm brought He them out of it."

   Behold Barnabas giving place to Paul--how should it be otherwise?--to
   him whom he brought from Tarsus; just as we find John on all occasions
   giving way to Peter: and yet Barnabas was more looked up to than Paul:
   true, but they had an eye only to the common advantage. "Then Paul
   stood up," it says;--this [661] was a custom of the Jews--"and beckoned
   with his hand." And see how he prepares the way beforehand for his
   discourse: having first praised them, and showed his great regard for
   them in the words, "ye that fear God," he so begins his discourse. And
   he says not, Ye proselytes, since it was a term of disadvantage. [662]
   "The God of this people chose our fathers: and the people"--See, he
   calls God Himself their God peculiarly, Who is the common God of men;
   and shows how great from the first were His benefits, just as Stephen
   does. This they do to teach them, that now also God has acted after the
   same custom, in sending His own Son; (Luke xx. 13): as (Christ) Himself
   (does) in the parable of the vineyard--"And the people," he says, "He
   exalted when it sojourned in the land of Egypt"--and yet the contrary
   was the case: [663] true, but they increased in numbers; moreover, the
   miracles were wrought on their account: "and with an high arm brought
   He them out of it." Of these things (the wonders) which were done in
   Egypt, the prophets are continually making mention. And observe, how he
   passes over the times of their calamities, and nowhere brings forward
   their faults, but only God's kindness, leaving those for themselves to
   think over. "And about the time of forty years suffered He their
   manners in the wilderness." (v. 18.) Then the settlement. "And when he
   had destroyed seven nations in the land of Canaan, He divided their
   land to them by lot." (v. 19.) And the time was long; four hundred and
   fifty years. "And after that He gave unto them judges about the space
   of four hundred and fifty years, until Samuel the prophet." [664] (v.
   20.) Here he shows that God varied His dispensations towards them (at
   divers times). "And afterward they desired a king:" and (still) not a
   word of their ingratitude, but throughout he speaks of the kindness of
   God. "And God gave unto them Saul the son of Cis, a man of the tribe of
   Benjamin, by the space of forty years." (v. 21.) "And when he had
   removed him, He raised up unto them David to be their king: to whom
   also He gave testimony, and said, I have found David the son of Jesse,
   a man after Mine own heart, which shall fulfil all My will. Of this
   man's seed hath God according to His promise raised unto Israel a
   Saviour, Jesus." (v. 22, 23.) This was no small thing that Christ
   should be from David. Then John bears witness to this: "When John had
   first preached before His coming the baptism of repentance to all the
   people of Israel. And as John fulfilled his course, he said, Whom think
   ye that I am? I am not He. But, behold, there cometh one after me,
   whose shoes of His feet I am not worthy to loose." (v. 24, 25.) And
   John too not merely bears witness (to the fact), but (does it in such
   sort that) when men were bringing the glory to him, he declines it: for
   it is one thing (not to affect) an honor which nobody thinks of
   offering; and another, to reject it when all men are ready to give it,
   and not only to reject it, but to do so with such humility. "Men and
   brethren, children of the stock of Abraham, and whosoever among you
   feareth God, to you is the word of this salvation sent. For they that
   dwell at Jerusalem, and their rulers, because they knew Him not, nor
   yet the voices of the prophets which are read every sabbath day, they
   have fulfilled them in condemning Him. And though they found no cause
   of death in Him, yet desired they Pilate that He should be slain." (v.
   26-28.) On all occasions we find them making a great point of showing
   this, that the blessing is peculiarly theirs, that they may not flee
   (from Christ), as thinking they had nothing to do with Him, because
   they had crucified Him. "Because they knew Him not," he says: so that
   the sin was one of ignorance. See how he gently makes an apology even
   on behalf of those (crucifiers). And not only this: but he adds also,
   that thus it must needs be. And [665] how so? "By condemning Him, they
   fulfilled the voices of the prophets." Then again from the Scriptures.
   "And when they had fulfilled all that was written of Him, they took Him
   down from the tree, and laid Him in a sepulchre. But God raised Him
   from the dead. And He was seen many days of them which came up with Him
   from Galilee to Jerusalem, who are His witnesses unto the people--"(v.
   29-31) that He rose again. "And we declare unto you glad tidings, how
   that the promise which was made unto the fathers, God hath fulfilled
   the same unto us their children, in that He hath raised up Jesus again;
   as it is also written in the second Psalm, Thou art My Son, this day
   have I begotten Thee. And as concerning that He raised Him up from the
   dead, now no more to return to corruption, He said on this wise, I will
   give you the sure mercies of David. Wherefore he saith also in another
   Psalm, Thou shalt not suffer Thine Holy One to see corruption. For
   David, after he had served his own generation by the will of God, fell
   on sleep, and was laid unto his fathers, and saw corruption: but He,
   Whom God raised again, saw no corruption. Be it known unto you
   therefore, men and brethren, that through this Man is preached unto you
   the forgiveness of sins: and by Him all that believe are justified from
   all things, from which ye could not be justified by the law of Moses."
   (v. 32-39.) Observe [666] how Paul here is more vehement in his
   discourse: we nowhere find Peter saying this. Then too he adds the
   terrifying words: "Beware therefore, lest that come upon you, which is
   spoken of in the prophets; Behold, ye despisers, and wonder, and
   perish: for I work a work in your days, a work which ye shall in no
   wise believe, though a man declare it unto you." (v. 40, 41.)

   (a) Observe [667] how he twines (the thread of) his discourse
   (alternately) from things present, from the prophets. Thus, "from [668]
   (this man's) seed according to the promise"--(v. 23): (c) the name of
   David was dear to them; well then, is it not (a thing to be desired)
   that a son of his, he says, should be their king?--(b) then he adduces
   John: then again the prophets, where he says, "By condemning they
   fulfilled," and again, "All that was written:" then the Apostles as
   witnesses of the Resurrection: then David bearing witness. For neither
   the Old Testament proofs seemed so cogent when taken by themselves as
   they are in this way, nor yet the latter testimonies apart from the
   former: wherefore he makes them mutually confirm each other. "Men and
   brethren," etc. (v. 26.) For since they were possessed by fear, as
   having slain Him, and conscience made them aliens (the Apostles),
   discourse not with them as unto Christicides, neither as putting into
   their hands a good which was not theirs, but one peculiarly their own.
   (d) "For they that dwell at Jerusalem, and their rulers:" as much as to
   say, not ye, but they: [669] and again, apologizing even for those,
   "Because they knew Him not, and the voices of the Prophets which are
   read every sabbath day, in condemning Him, they fulfilled them." A
   great charge it is against them that they continually hearing heeded
   not. But no marvel: for what was said above concerning Egypt and the
   wilderness, was enough to show their ingratitude. And observe how this
   Apostle also, as one moved by the Spirit Himself, [670] continually
   preaches the Passion, the Burial. (g) "Having taken Him down from the
   tree." Observe, what a great point they make of this. He speaks of the
   manner of His death. Moreover they bring Pilate (conspicuously)
   forward, that (the fact of) the Passion may be proved by the mention of
   the tribunal (by which he was condemned), but at the same time, for the
   greater impeachment of those (His crucifiers), seeing they delivered
   Him up to an alien. And he does not say, They made a complaint (against
   Him), (enetuchon, al. entunchanei) but, "They desired, though having
   found no cause of death" (in Him), "that He should be slain. (e) Who
   appeared," he says, "for many days to them that came up with Him from
   Galilee to Jerusalem." (Rom. xi. 2.) Instead of [671] ** he says, "Who
   are His witnesses unto the people," to wit, "The men which came up with
   Him from Galilee to Jerusalem." Then he produces David and Esaias
   bearing witness. "The faithful (mercies)," the abiding (mercies), those
   which never perish. (h) Paul loved them exceedingly. And observe, he
   does not enlarge on the ingratitude of the fathers, but puts before
   them what they must fear. For Stephen indeed with good reason does
   this, seeing he was about to be put to death, not teaching them; and
   showing them, that the Law is even now on the point of being abolished:
   (ch. vii.) but not so Paul; he does but threaten and put them in fear.
   (f) And he does not dwell long on these, [672] as taking it for granted
   that the word is of course believed; nor enlarge upon the greatness of
   their punishment, and assail that which they affectionately love, by
   showing the Law about to be cast out: but dwells upon that which is for
   their good (telling them), that great shall be the blessings for them
   being obedient, and great the evils being disobedient.

   But let us look over again what has been said. "Ye men of Israel," etc.
   (v. 16-21.) The Promise then, he says, the fathers received; ye, the
   reality. (j) And observe, he nowhere mentions right deeds of theirs,
   but (only) benefits on God's part: "He chose: Exalted: Suffered their
   manners:" these are no matters of praise to them: "They asked, He
   gave." But David he does praise (and him) only, because from him the
   Christ was to come. "I have found David, the son of Jesse, a man after
   Mine own heart, which shall fulfil all My will." (v. 22.) (i) Observe
   also; it is with praise (that he says of him), "David after that he had
   served the will of God:" just as Peter--seeing it was then the
   beginning of the Gospel--making mention of him, said, "Let it be
   permitted me to speak freely of the patriarch David." (ch. ii. 29.)
   Also, he does not say, Died, but, "was added to his fathers. (k) Of
   this man's seed," etc. "When John," he says, "had first preached before
   His entry"--by entry he means the Incarnation--"the baptism of
   repentance to all the people of Israel." (v. 23-25.) Thus also John,
   writing his Gospel, continually has recourse to him: for his name was
   much thought of in all parts of the world. And observe, he does not say
   it "Of this man's seed," etc. from himself, but brings John's
   testimony.

   "Men and brethren, children of the stock of Abraham"--he also calls
   them after their father--"unto you was the word of this salvation
   sent." (v. 26.) Here the expression, "Unto you," does not mean, Unto
   (you) Jews, but it gives them a right to sever themselves from those
   who dared that murder. And what he adds, shows this plainly. "For," he
   says, "they that dwell at Jerusalem, because they know Him not." (v.
   27.) And how, you will say, could they be ignorant, with John to tell
   them? What marvel, seeing they were so, with the prophets continually
   crying aloud to them? Then follows another charge: "And having found no
   cause of death in Him:" in which ignorance had nothing to do. For let
   us put the case, that they did not hold Him to be the Christ: why did
   they also kill Him? And "they desired of Pilate, he says, that He
   should be slain." (v. 28.) "And when they had fulfilled all that was
   written of Him." (v. 29.) Observe what a point he makes of showing that
   the (whole) thing was a (Divine) Dispensation. See, [673] by saying
   what did they persuade men? (By telling them) that He was crucified?
   Why, what could be less persuasive than this? That He was buried--by
   them to whom it was promised that He should be salvation? that He who
   was buried forgives sins, yea, more than the Law (has power to do)? And
   (observe), he does not say, From which ye would not but, "from which ye
   could not be justified by the Law of Moses." (v. 39.) "Every one," he
   says: be who he may. For those (ordinances) are of no use, unless there
   be some benefit (accruing therefrom.) This is why he brings in
   forgiveness later: and shows it to be greater, when, the thing being
   (otherwise) impossible, yet this is effected. "Who are His witnesses,"
   he says, "unto the people"--the people that slew Him. Who would never
   have been so, were they not strengthened by a Divine Power: for they
   would never have borne such witness to blood-thirsty men, to the very
   persons that killed Him. But, "He hath raised up Jesus again: This
   day," he says, "I have begotten thee." [674] (v. 33.) Aye, upon this
   the rest follows of course. Why did he not allege some text by which
   they would be persuaded that forgiveness of sins is by Him? Because the
   great point with them was to show, in the first place, that He was
   risen: this being acknowledged, the other was unquestionable. "Through
   this man," nay more, by Him, "is remission of sins." (v. 38.) And
   besides, he wished to bring them to a longing desire of this great
   thing. Well then, His death was not dereliction, but fulfilling of
   Prophecy.--For the rest, he puts them in mind of historical facts,
   wherein they through ignorance suffered evils without number. And this
   he hints in the conclusion, saying, "Look, ye despisers, and behold."
   And observe how, this being harsh, he cuts it short. Let not that, he
   says, come upon you, which was spoken for the others, that "I work a
   work which ye shall in no wise believe, though one declare it unto
   you." (v. 41.) Marvel not that it seems incredible: this very thing was
   foretold from the first--(that it would not be believed). "Behold, ye
   despisers," as regards those who disbelieve in the Resurrection.

   This too might with reason be said to us: [675] "Behold ye despisers."
   For the Church indeed is in very evil case, although ye think her
   affairs to be in peace. For the mischief of it is, that while we labor
   under so many evils, we do not even know that we have any. "What sayest
   thou? We are in possession of our Churches, our Church property, and
   all the rest, the services are held, the congregation comes to Church
   every day." [676] True, but one is not to judge of the state of a
   Church from these things. From what then? Whether there be piety,
   whether we return home with profit each day, whether reaping some
   fruit, be it much or little, whether we do it not merely of routine and
   for the formal acquittance of a duty (aphosioumenoi). Who has become a
   better man by attending (daily) service for a whole month? That is the
   point: otherwise the very thing which seems to bespeak a flourishing
   condition (of the Church,) does in fact bespeak an ill condition, when
   all this is done, and nothing comes of it. Would to God (that were
   all), that nothing comes of it: but indeed, as things are, it turns out
   even for the worse. What fruit do ye get from your services? Surely if
   you were getting any profit by them, ye ought to have been long leading
   the life of true wisdom (thes philosophias), with so many Prophets
   twice in every week discoursing to you, so many Apostles, and
   Evangelists, all setting forth the doctrines of salvation, and placing
   before you with much exactness that which can form the character
   aright. The soldier by going to his drill, becomes more perfect in his
   tactics: the wrestler by frequenting the gymnastic ground becomes more
   skilful in wrestling: the physician by attending on his teacher becomes
   more accurate, and knows more, and learns more: and thou--what hast
   thou gained? I speak not to those who have been members of the Church
   only a year, but to those who from their earliest age have been
   attending the services. Think you that to be religious is to be
   constant in Church-going (paraballein the sunaxei)? This is nothing,
   unless we reap some fruit for ourselves: if (from the gathering
   together in Church) we do not gather (sunagomen) something for
   ourselves, it were better to remain at home. For our forefathers built
   the Churches for us, not just to bring us together from our private
   houses and show us one to another: since this could have been done also
   in a market-place, and in baths, and in a public procession:--but to
   bring together learners and teachers, and make the one better by means
   of the other. With us it has all become mere customary routine, and
   formal discharge of a duty: a thing we are used to; that is all. Easter
   comes, and then great the stir, great the hubbub, and crowding of--I
   had rather not call them human beings, for their behavior is not
   commonly human. Easter goes, the tumult abates, but then the quiet
   which succeeds is again fruitless of good. "Vigils, and holy
   hymn-singing."--And what is got by these? Nay, it is all the worse.
   Many do so merely out of vanity. Think how sick at heart it must make
   me, to see it all like (so much water) poured into a cask with holes in
   it! But ye will assuredly say to me, We know the Scriptures. And what
   of that? If ye exemplify the Scriptures by your works, that is the
   gain, that the profit. The Church is a dyer's vat: if time after time
   perpetually ye go hence without receiving any dye, what is the use of
   coming here continually? Why, the mischief is all the greater. Who (of
   you) has added ought to the customary practices he received from his
   fathers? For example: such an one has a custom of observing the
   memorial of his mother, or his wife, or his child: this he does whether
   he be told or whether he be not told by us, drawn to it by force of
   habit and conscience. Does this displease thee, you ask? God forbid: on
   the contrary, I am glad of it with all my heart: only, I would wish
   that he had gained some fruit also from our discoursing, and that the
   effect which habit has, were also the effect as regards us [677] (your
   teachers)--the superinducing of another habit. Else why do I weary
   myself in vain, and talk uselessly, if ye are to remain in the same
   state, if the Church services work no good in you? Nay, you will say,
   we pray. And what of that? "Not every one that saith unto Me, Lord,
   Lord, shall enter into the Kingdom of heaven; but he that doeth the
   will of My Father which is in heaven." (Matt. vii. 21.) Many a time
   have I determined to hold my peace, seeing no benefit accruing to you
   from my words; or perhaps there does accrue some, but I, through
   insatiableness and strong desire, am affected in the same way as those
   that are mad after riches. For just as they, however much they may get,
   think they have nothing; so I, because I ardently desire your
   salvation, until I see you to have made good progress, think nothing
   done, because of my exceeding eager desire that you should arrive at
   the very summit. I would that this were the case, and that my eagerness
   were in fault, not your sloth: but I fear I conjecture but too rightly.
   For ye must needs be persuaded, that if any benefit had arisen in all
   this length of time, we ought ere now to have done speaking. In such
   case, there were no need to you of words, since both in those already
   spoken there had been enough said for you, [678] and you would be
   yourselves able to correct others. But the fact, that there is still a
   necessity of our discoursing to you, only shows, that matters with you
   are not in a state of high perfection. Then what would we have to be
   brought about? for one must not merely find fault. I beseech and
   entreat you not to think it enough to have invaded [679] the Church,
   but that ye also withdraw hence, having taken somewhat, some medicine,
   for the curing of your own maladies: and, if not from us, at any rate
   from the Scriptures, ye have the remedies suitable for each. For
   instance, is any passionate? Let him attend to the Scripture-readings,
   and he will of a surety find such either in history or exhortation. In
   exhortation, when it is said, "The sway of his fury is his destruction"
   (Ecclus. i. 22); and, "A passionate man is not seemly" (Prov. xi. 25);
   and such like: and again, "A man full of words shall not prosper" (Ps.
   cxl. 11); and Christ again, "He that is angry with his brother without
   a cause" (Matt. v. 22); and again the Prophet, "Be ye angry, and sin
   not" (Ps. iv. 4); and, "Cursed be their anger, for it was fierce."
   (Gen. xlix. 7.) And in histories, as when thou hearest of Pharaoh
   filled with much wrath, and the Assyrian. Again, is any one taken
   captive by love of money? let him hear, that "There is not a more
   wicked thing than a covetous man: for this man setteth even his own
   soul for sale" (Ecclus. ix. 9); and how Christ saith, "Ye cannot serve
   God and mammon" (Matt. vi. 24); and the Apostle, that "the love of
   money is a root of all evils" (1 Tim. vi. 10); and the Prophet, "If
   riches flow in, set not your heart upon them" (Ps. lxii. 10); and many
   other like sayings. And from the histories thou hearest of Gehazi,
   Judas, the chief scribes, and that "gifts blind the eyes of the wise."
   (Exod. xxiii. 8 and Deut. xvi. 19.) Is another proud? Let him hear that
   "God resisteth the proud" (James iv. 6); and, "Pride is the beginning
   of sin" (Ecclus. x. 14) and, "Every one that hath a high heart, is
   impure before the Lord." (Prov. xvi. 5.) And in the histories, the
   devil, and all the rest. In a word, since it is impossible to recount
   all, let each choose out from the Divine Scriptures the remedies for
   his own hurts.

   So wash out, if not the whole at once, a part at any rate, part today,
   and part tomorrow, and then the whole. And with regard to repentance
   too, and confession, and almsgiving, and justice also, and temperance,
   and all other things, thou wilt find many examples. "For all these
   things," says the Apostle, "were written for our admonition." (1 Cor.
   x. 11.) If then Scripture in all its discoursing is for our admonition,
   let us attend to it as we ought. Why do we deceive ourselves in vain? I
   fear it may be said of us also, that "our days have fallen short in
   vanity, and our years with haste." (Ps. lxxvii. 33.) Who from hearing
   us has given up the theatres? Who has given up his covetousness? Who
   has become more ready for almsgiving? I would wish to know this, not
   for the sake of vainglory, but that I may be inspirited to more zeal,
   seeing the fruit of my labors to be clearly evident. But as things now
   are, how shall I put my hand to the work, when I see that for all the
   rain of doctrine pouring down upon you shower after shower, still our
   crops remain at the same measure, and the plants have waxed none the
   higher? Anon the time of threshing is at hand (and) He with the fan. I
   fear me, lest it be all stubble: I fear, lest we be all cast into the
   furnace. The summer is past, the winter is come: we sit, both young and
   old, taken captive by our own evil passions. Tell not me, I do not
   commit fornication: for what art thou the better, if though thou be no
   fornicator thou art covetous? It matters not to the sparrow caught in
   the snare that he is not held tight in every part, but only by the
   foot: he is a lost bird for all that; in the snare he is, and it
   profits him not that he has his wings free, so long as his foot is held
   tight. Just so, thou art caught, not by fornication, but by love of
   money: but caught thou art nevertheless; and the point is, not how thou
   art caught, but that thou art caught. Let not the young man say, I am
   no money-lover: well, but perchance thou art a fornicator: and then
   again what art thou the better? For the fact is, it is not possible for
   all the passions to set upon us at one and the same time of life: they
   are divided and marked off, and that, through the mercy of God, that
   they may not by assailing us all at once become insuperable, and so our
   wrestling with them be made more difficult. What wretched inertness it
   shows, not to be able to conquer our passions even when taken one by
   one, but to be defeated at each several period of our life, and to take
   credit to ourselves for those which (let us alone) not in consequence
   of our own hearty endeavors, but merely because, by reason of the time
   of life, they are dormant? Look at the chariot-drivers, do you not see
   how exceedingly careful and strict they are with themselves in their
   training-practice, their labors, their diet, and all the rest, that
   they may not be thrown down from their chariots, and dragged along (by
   the reins)?--See what a thing art is. Often even a strong man cannot
   master a single horse: but a mere boy who has learnt the art shall
   often take the pair in hand, and with ease lead them and drive them
   where he will. Nay, in India it is said that a huge monster of an
   elephant shall yield to a stripling of fifteen, who manages him with
   the utmost ease. To what purpose have I said all this? To show that, if
   by dint of study and practice we can throttle into submission
   (anchomen) even elephants and wild horses, much more the passions
   within us. Whence is it that throughout life we continually fail (in
   every encounter)? We have never practised this art: never in a time of
   leisure when there is no contest, talked over with ourselves what shall
   be useful for us. We are never to be seen in our place on the chariot,
   until the time for the contest is actually come. Hence the ridiculous
   figure we make there. Have I not often said, Let us practise ourselves
   upon those of our own family before the time of trial? With our
   servants (phaidas) at home we are often exasperated, let us there quell
   our anger, that in our intercourse with our friends we may come to have
   it easily under control. And so, in the case of all the other passions,
   if we practised ourselves beforehand, we should not make a ridiculous
   figure in the contests themselves. But now we have our implements and
   our exercises and our trainings for other things, for arts and feats of
   the palaestra, but for virtue nothing of the sort. The husbandman would
   not venture to meddle with a vine, unless he had first been practised
   in the culture of it: nor the pilot to sit by the helm, unless he had
   first practised himself well at it: but we, in all respects
   unpractised, wish for the first prizes! It were good to be silent, good
   to have no communication with any man in act or word, until we were
   able to charm (katepadein) the wild beast that is within us. The wild
   beast, I say: for indeed is it not worse than the attack of any wild
   beast, when wrath and lust make war upon us? Beware of invading the
   market-place (Me embales eis agoran) with these beasts, until thou have
   got the muzzle well upon their mouths, until thou have tamed and made
   them tractable. Those who lead about their tame lions in the
   market-place, do you not see what a gain they make of it, what
   admiration they get, because in the irrational beast they have
   succeeded in producing such tameness--but, should the lion suddenly
   take a savage fit, how he scares all the people out of the
   market-place, and then both the man that leads him about is himself in
   danger, and if there be loss of life to others, it is his doing? Well
   then do thou also first tame thy lion, and so lead him about, not for
   the purpose of receiving money, but that thou mayest acquire a gain, to
   which there is none equal. For there is nothing equal to gentleness,
   which both to those that possess it, and to those who are its objects,
   is exceeding useful. This then let us follow after, that having kept in
   the way of virtue, and with all diligence finished our course therein,
   we may be enabled to attain unto the good things eternal, through the
   grace and mercy of our Lord Jesus Christ, with Whom to the Father and
   the Holy Ghost together be glory, might, honor, now and ever, world
   without end. Amen.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [661] i.e. for one of the congregation to expound or preach: or perhaps
   rather, to preach standing, not sitting, as Christian bishops did for
   their sermons. We have transposed the comment to its proper
   place.--Mod. text adds, "Wherefore he too in accordance with this
   discourses to them."

   [662] hoper en sumphoras onoma, in regard that a proselyte might be
   deemed inferior to a Jew of genuine descent, "a Hebrew of the Hebrews."

   [663] kai men tounantion gegonen. Here also we have transposed the
   comment to the clause to which it belongs. In the Edd. it comes after
   "And with a high arm," etc. whence Ben. mistaking its reference says,
   "i.e., if I mistake not, God brought them out of Egypt, that he might
   bring them into the Land of Promise: but, for their wickedness, the
   contrary befell: for the greatest part of them perished in the
   wilderness." It plainly refers to hupsosen--i.e. how is it said, that
   He exalted them in Egypt, where, on the contrary, they were brought
   low? This is true--but He did exalt them by increasing them into a
   great multitude, and by the miracles which He wrought on their behalf.

   [664] Upon the reading of the T. R. (A.V.) the period of the Judges is
   here stated to have been 450 years. This agrees with the chronology of
   the book of Judges and of Josephus, but conflicts with 1 Kings vi. 1
   where we are told that "in the four hundred and eightieth year after
   the children of Israel were come out of the land of Egypt, in the
   fourth year of Solomon's reign over Israel, he began to build the house
   of the Lord." This would give but 331 years for the period of the
   Judges. It is the view of many critics that Paul has here followed a
   different chronology from that of 1 Kings which was also in use among
   the Jews and was followed by Josephus (so Meyer.) But if the reading of
   Tischendorf, Lechler, and Westcott and Hort (R.V.) is adopted--and it
   is sustained by A. B. C. '--the difficulty, so far as Acts xiii. 21 is
   concerned, disappears. This reading places meta tauta after hos etesin
   sq. and inserts a period after pentekonta. Then the translation would
   be, "He gave them their land for an inheritance for about four hundred
   and fifty years. And after these things He gave them judges," etc. On
   this reading the 450 years is the period of their inheritance,
   approximately stated, up to the time of the judges. The point from
   which Paul reckoned is not stated and is uncertain. This is the
   preferable reading and explanation.--G.B.S.

   [665] Kai pothen hoti aneste phesi kai martures eisin. Eita palin apo
   ton graphon, followed by v. 29-37. We read, kai pothen; hoti tas phonas
   ton proph., krinantes touton eplerosan. Eita palin apo t. gr. v. 29-31,
   ending, kai martures autou eisin pros ton laon hoti aneste. The mod.
   text "And that no man may say, And whence is this manifest that He rose
   again? He says that (word), And are His witnesses. Then again He
   presses them from the Scriptures, v. 29-37."

   [666] This comment, which in the mss. and Edd. is inserted after v. 37,
   refers to the following verses 38, 39, i.e. to what is there said of
   the insufficiency of the Law for justification: we have therefore
   transposed it.

   [667] In the old text the parts lie in the order here shown by the
   letters a, b, etc. The confusion may be explained by the scribe's
   copying in the wrong order from the four pages of his tablets: viz. in
   the first place, in the order 1, 3, 2, 4: then 2, 4, 1, 3: and lastly,
   2, 1. In the modern text, a different arrangement is attempted by which
   all is thrown into worse confusion. Thus it was not perceived that
   Chrys. having in a cursory way read through v. 24-41, begins his
   exposition in detail with the remark of the Apostle's passing and
   repassing from the Old to the New Test. and vice versa, viz. alleging
   first the Promise, then John, then the Prophets, then the Apostles,
   then David and Isaiah, v. 24-34; then comments upon the matters
   contained in these and the following verses, and then as usual goes
   over the whole again in a second exposition. Now the innovator makes
   the recapitulation begin immediately after (a), commencing it at v. 26,
   and collecting the comments in this order: v. 26-32: v. 24-36: v.
   17-41.

   [668] The transposition of the part (c), makes this read in the mss.
   and Edd. as if it were parallel with apo ton paronton (i.e. New
   Testament facts), apo ton Propheton (Old Testament testimonies).

   [669] It is probable that Chrys. has pointed out the true connection of
   thought as established by gar (27). "The word of this salvation is sent
   unto you (of the dispersion) on the ground that the Jews at Jerusalem
   have rejected it." (So Meyer, Gloag.) The more common explanation is:
   The word is sent unto you because the Jews have fulfilled the
   prophecies which spoke of the rejection of the Messiah and have thus
   proved that He is the Messiah. (De Wette, Hackett, Lechler.)--G.B.S.

   [670] i.e. Though not one of the original witnesses, v. 31, yet, being
   one who has been moved or raised up, kekinemenon, by the Spirit of
   Christ Himself, he preaches as they did, insisting much on the Passion,
   etc.

   [671] 'Anti tou, Hoi andres hoi sunanabantes k. t. l. Perhaps the sense
   may be supplied thus: 'Anti tou, Hou pantes hemeis esmen martures, ii.
   32, hou hemeis mart. esmen, iii. 15. Instead of saying as Peter does,
   "Whereof we are witnesses."

   [672] Kai ouk enchronizei toutois, as in the recapitulation on v. 40,
   41. kai hora, trachu on pos hupotemnetai. Hence it is clear that
   toutois refers not to "the sure mercies of David," as in mss. and Edd.
   (end of e), but to the threats and terrors (end of h). Below, for all'
   epiteinei ten kolasin the sense of epiteinei (not as Ben. minatur, but
   intentat, "makes much of, aggravates, dwells upon the greatness of)",
   and the whole scope of the passage, require us to read oude. Then, kai
   meterchetai with the negative extending to the whole clause, "and (like
   Stephen) assail that which is dear to them, (viz. their preeminence as
   Jews,) by showing the Law on the point of being cast out:" then, alla
   (so we restore for kai) to sumph. endiatr., but dwells, etc.

   [673] Edd. "But let us hear ti kai legontes hoi 'Apost. epeisan, hoti
   estaurothe, by saying what, by what announcement, the Apostles
   persuaded (men) that He was crucified." For ti toutou apith. B. has to
   t. a. "(yea), what is more incredible still." Both clauses must be read
   interrogatively. The scope of the whole passage (which is obscure in
   the original) is, the supreme importance of the article of the
   Resurrection. Leave that out, and see what the preaching of the
   Apostles would have been; how it would have been received.

   [674] The reading: "In the Second Psalm" is the best attested and is
   followed by the T. R., R.V. and Wescott and Hort. Proto is found in D.
   and is supported by the Fathers. It is the more difficult reading and
   for this reason is preferred by Tischendorf, Lachmann, Meyer, Alford
   and Gloag. If it is correct, we must suppose that what we now call the
   first psalm was considered introductory and that our second psalm was
   counted as the first. In some Heb. mss. this order actually occurs. The
   reading deutero, however, is better supported. The expression: "this
   day have I begotten thee" refers evidently to the resurrection of
   Christ. (Cf. Heb. i. 5; Rom. i. 4.) The resurrection is conceived as
   the solemn inauguration of Christ into his office as theocratic king
   represented under the figure of begetting.--G.B.S.

   [675] We have transposed this clause from before, "Behold," etc.
   preceding.

   [676] Mod. text needlessly adds, Kai kataphronoumen; "And do we make
   light of these things?"

   [677] Touto kai eph' hemon genesthai, heteran epeisachthenai
   sunetheian. Morel. Ben. aph' hemon, "By our means," idque unum
   probandum, Ed. Par. but eph' hemon is not as he renders it, in nobis;
   the meaning is, "where habit works, this is the effect (in the case of
   habit): wish it were so in the case of us (where we work)."

   [678] Mod. text "Having been so sufficiently spoken, that ye are able
   to correct others, eige aponton opheleia tis humin prosegineto, since
   in their absence some benefit accrued to you."

   [679] hopos eis 'Ekklesian embalete, all' hopos ti kai labontes
   anachorete. (Above we had the phrase paraballein te sunaxei.) Here the
   metaphor is taken from an invading army. So below, p. 188, me embales
   eis agoran.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Homily XXX.

   Acts XIII. 42

   "And as they were going out (text rec. from the syn. of the Jews,')
   they besought (the Gentiles) that these words might be spoken unto them
   on the following sabbath."

   Do you mark Paul's wisdom? He not only gained admiration at the time,
   but put into them a longing desire for a second hearing, while in what
   he said he dropped some seeds (eipon tina spermata) as it were, and
   forbore to solve (the questions raised), or to follow out the subject
   to its conclusion, his plan being to interest them and engage their
   good-will to himself, [680] and not make (people) listless and
   indifferent by casting all at once into the minds of those (who first
   heard him). He told them the fact, that "through this Man is remission
   of sins announced unto you," but the how, he did not declare. "And when
   the congregation was broken up, many of the Jews and worshipping
   proselytes followed Paul and Barnabas"--after this point he puts Paul
   first [681] --"who, speaking unto them, persuaded them to continue in
   the grace of God." (v. 43.) Do you observe the eagerness, how great it
   is? They "followed" them, it says. Why did they not baptize them
   immediately? It was not the proper time: there was need to persuade
   them in order to their steadfast abiding therein. "And the next sabbath
   day came almost the whole city together to hear the word of God." (v.
   44.) "But when the Jews saw the multitudes, they were filled with envy,
   and contradicted the things spoken by Paul, contradicting and
   blaspheming." (v. 45.) See malice wounded in wounding others: this made
   the Apostles more conspicuous--the contradiction which those offered.
   In the first instance then they of their own accord besought them to
   speak (and now they opposed them): "contradicting," it says, "and
   blaspheming." O recklessness! "Then Paul and Barnabas waxed bold, and
   said, It was necessary that the word of God should first have been
   spoken to you: but seeing ye put it from you, and judge yourselves
   unworthy of everlasting life, lo, we turn to the Gentiles." (v. 46.) Do
   you mark how by their contentious behavior they the more extended the
   preaching, and (how the Apostles here) gave themselves the more to the
   Gentiles, having (by this very thing) pleaded their justification, and
   made themselves clear of all blame with their own people (at
   Jerusalem)? (c) See [682] how by their "envy" they bring about great
   things, other (than they looked for): they brought it about that the
   Apostles spake out boldly, and came to the Gentiles! For this is why he
   says, "And speaking out boldly, Paul and Barnabas said." They were to
   go out to the Gentiles: but observe the boldness coming with measure:
   [683] for if Peter pleaded in his justification, much more these needed
   a plea, none having called them there. (ch. xi. 4.) But by saying "To
   you first," he showed that to those also it was their duty (to preach),
   and in saying "Necessary," he showed that it was necessary to be
   preached to them also. "But since ye turn away from it"--he does not
   say, "Woe unto you," and "Ye are punished," but "We turn unto the
   Gentiles." With great gentleness is the boldness fraught! (a) Also he
   does not say, "Ye are unworthy," but "Have judged yourselves unworthy.
   Lo, we turn unto the Gentiles. For so hath the Lord commanded us,
   saying, I have sent thee to be a light of the Gentiles, that thou
   shouldest be for salvation unto the ends of the earth." (v. 47.) For
   that the Gentiles might not be hurt at hearing this, as [684] if the
   case were so that, had the Jews been in earnest, they themselves would
   not have obtained the blessings, therefore he brings in the prophecy,
   saying, "A light of the Gentiles," and, "for salvation unto the ends of
   the earth. And hearing" (this) "the Gentiles" (v. 48)--this, while it
   was more cheering to them, seeing the case was this, that whereas those
   were of right to hear first, they themselves enjoy the blessing, was at
   the same time more stinging to those--"and the Gentiles," it says,
   "hearing" (this) "were glad, and glorified the word of the Lord: and
   believed, as many as were ordained unto eternal life": i.e., set apart
   for God. [685] Observe how he shows the speediness of the benefit: "And
   the word of the Lord was borne through all the region," (v. 49)
   diephereto, [686] instead of diekomizeto, "was carried or conveyed
   through (it)." (d) "But the Jews stirred up the devout and honorable
   women, and the chief men of the city, and raised persecution against
   Paul and Barnabas, and expelled them out of their coasts." (v. 50.)
   "The devout women," (b) [687] instead of the proselyte-women. They did
   not stop at "envy," but added deeds also. (e) Do you see what they
   effected by their opposing the preaching? to what dishonor they brought
   these ("honorable women")? "But they shook off the dust of their feet
   against them, and came unto Iconium." (v. 51.) Here now they used that
   terrible sign which Christ enjoined, "If any receive you not, shake off
   the dust from your feet" (Matt. x. 14; Mark vi. 11); but these did it
   upon no light ground, but because they were driven away by them. This
   was no hurt to the disciples; on the contrary, they the more continued
   in the word: "And the disciples were filled with joy, and with the Holy
   Ghost" (v. 52) for the suffering of the teacher does not check his
   boldness, but makes the disciple more courageous.

   "And it came to pass in Iconium, that they went both together into the
   synagogue of the Jews." (ch. xiv. 1.) Again they entered into the
   synagogues. See how far they were from becoming more timid! Having
   said, "We turn unto the Gentiles," nevertheless [688] (by going into
   the synagogues) they superabundantly fortify their own justification
   (with their Jewish brethren). "So that," it says, "a great multitude
   both of Jews and Greeks believed." For it is likely they discoursed as
   to Greeks also. "But the unbelieving Jews stirred up the Gentiles, and
   made their minds evil affected against the brethren." (v. 2.) Together
   (with themselves) now they took to stirring up the Gentiles too, as not
   being themselves sufficient. Then why did the Apostles not go forth
   thence? Why, they were not driven away, only attacked. "Long time
   therefore abode they speaking boldly in the Lord, which gave testimony
   unto the word of His grace, and granted signs and wonders to be done by
   their hands." (v. 3.) This caused their boldness; or rather, of their
   boldness indeed their own hearty good-will was the cause--therefore it
   is that for a long while they work no signs--while the conversion of
   the hearers was (the effect) of the signs, [689] though their boldness
   also contributed somewhat. "But the multitude of the city was divided:
   and part held with the Jews, and part with the Apostles." (v. 4.) No
   small matter this dividing. And this was what the Lord said, "I am not
   come to bring peace, but a sword." (Matt. x. 34.) "And when there was
   an assault made both of the Gentiles, and also of the Jews with their
   rulers, to use them despitefully, and to stone them, they were ware of
   it, and fled unto Lystra and Derbe, cities of Lycaonia, and unto the
   region that lieth round about: and there they preached the Gospel." (v.
   5-7.) Again, as if they purposely wished to extend the preaching after
   it was increased, they once more sent them out. See on all occasions
   the persecutions working great good, and defeating the persecutors, and
   making the persecuted illustrious. For having come to Lystra, he works
   a great miracle, by raising the lame man. [690] "And there sat a
   certain man at Lystra, impotent in his feet, being a cripple from his
   mother's womb, who never had walked: the same heard Paul speak: who
   steadfastly beholding him, and perceiving that he had faith to be
   healed, said with a loud voice"--why with a loud voice? that the
   multitude should believe--"Stand upright on thy feet." (v. 8, 9.) But
   observe, he gave heed, it says, to the things spoken by Paul. [691] Do
   you mark the elevation of the man's mind (philosophian)? He was nothing
   defeated (pareblabe) by his lameness for earnestness of hearing. "Who
   fixing his eyes upon him, and perceiving," it says, "that he had faith
   to be made whole." He was already predisposed in purpose of mind. [692]
   And yet in the case of the others, it was the reverse: for first
   receiving healing in their bodies, they were then taken in hand for
   cure of their souls, but this man not so. It seems to me, that Paul saw
   into his soul. "And he leaped," it says, "and walked." (v. 10.) It was
   a proof of his perfect cure, the leaping. "And when the people saw what
   Paul had done, they lifted up their voices, saying in the speech of
   Lycaonia, The gods are come down to us in the likeness of men. And they
   called Barnabas, Jupiter; and Paul, Mercurius, because he was the chief
   speaker. Then the priest of Jupiter, which was before their city,
   brought oxen and garlands unto the gates, and would have done sacrifice
   with the people." (v. 11-13.) But this purpose was not yet manifest,
   for they spake in their own tongue, saying, "The gods in the likeness
   of men are come down to us:" therefore the Apostle said nothing to them
   as yet. But when they saw the garlands, then they went out, and rent
   their garments, "Which when the Apostles, Barnabas and Paul, heard of,
   they rent their clothes, and ran in among the people, crying out, and
   saying, Sirs, why do ye these things? We also are men of like passions
   with you." (v. 14, 15.) See how on all occasions they are clean from
   the lust of glory, not only not coveting, but even repudiating it when
   offered: just as Peter also said, "Why gaze ye on us, as though by our
   own power or holiness we had made him to walk" (ch. iii. 12)? so these
   also say the same. And Joseph also said of the dreams, "Is not their
   interpretation of God?" (Gen. lx. 8.) And Daniel in like manner, "And
   to me also, not through the wisdom that is in me was it revealed."
   (Dan. ii. 30.) And Paul everywhere says this, as when he says, "And for
   these things who is sufficient? Not that we are sufficient of ourselves
   to think (aught) as of ourselves, but our sufficiency is of God." (2
   Cor. ii. 16; iii. 5.) But let us look over again what has been said.

   (Recapitulation.) "And when they were gone out," etc. (v. 42). Not
   merely were the multitudes drawn to them, but how? they besought to
   have the same words spoken to them again, and by their actions they
   showed their earnestness. "Now when the congregation," etc. (v. 43.)
   See the Apostles on all occasions exhorting, not merely accepting men,
   nor courting them, but, "speaking unto them," it says, "they persuaded
   them to continue in the grace of God. But when the Jews," etc. (v. 45.)
   Why did they not contradict before this? Do you observe who on all
   occasions they were moved by passion? And they not only contradicted,
   but blasphemed also. For indeed malice stops at nothing. But see what
   boldness of speech! "It was necessary," he says, "that the word should
   have been spoken first to you, but since ye put it from you,"--(v. 46)
   it [693] is not put as affronting (though) it is in fact what they did
   in the case of the prophets: "Talk not to us," said they, "with
   talk"--(Is. xxx. 10): "but since ye put it from you"--it, he saith, not
   us: for the affront on your part is not to us. For that none may take
   it as an expression of their piety (that he says,) "Ye judge not
   yourselves worthy," therefore he first says, "Ye put it from you," and
   then, "We turn unto the Gentiles." The expression is full of
   gentleness. He does not say, We abandon you, but so that it is
   possible--he would say--that we may also turn hither again: and this
   too is not the consequence of the affront from you, "for so hath (the
   Lord) commanded us."--(v. 47.) "Then why have ye not done this?" [694]
   It was indeed needful that the Gentiles should hear, and this not
   before you: it is your own doing, the "before you." "For so hath the
   Lord commanded us: I have set thee for a light of the Gentiles, that
   thou shouldest be for salvation," i.e. for knowledge which is unto
   salvation, and not merely of the Gentiles, but of all men, "unto the
   ends of the earth--As many as were ordained unto eternal life" (v.
   48.): this is also a proof, that their having received these Gentiles
   was agreeable with the mind of God. But "ordained," not in regard of
   necessity: "whom He foreknew," saith the Apostle, "He did
   predestinate." (Rom. viii. 29.) "And the word of the Lord," etc. (v.
   49.) No longer in the city (only) were (their doctrines) disseminated,
   but also in the (whole) region. For when they of the Gentiles had heard
   it, they also after a little while came over. "But the Jews stirred up
   the devout women, and raised persecution"--observe even of what is done
   by the women, they are the authors--"and cast them," it says, "out of
   their coasts" (v. 50), not from the city merely. Then, what is more
   terrible, "they shook off the dust of their feet against them, and came
   unto Iconium. But the disciples, it says, were filled with joy, and
   with the Holy Ghost." (v. 51, 52.) The teachers were suffering
   persecution, and the disciples rejoiced.

   "And so spake, that a great multitude," etc. (ch. xiv. 1.) Do you mark
   the nature of the Gospel, the great virtue it has? "Made their minds
   evil-affected," it says, "against the brethren:" (v. 2.) i.e. slandered
   the Apostles, raised numberless accusations against them: (these
   people, being simple, [695] they "made evil-affected," disposed them to
   act a malignant part. And see how on all occasions he refers all to
   God. "Long time," he says, "abode they speaking boldly in the Lord,
   which gave testimony unto the word of His grace." (v. 3.) Think not
   this (expression, "Gave testimony,") hath aught derogatory [696] (to
   the Lord's Divine Majesty): "Who witnessed," it is said, "before
   Pontius Pilate." (1 Tim. vi. 13.) Then the boldness--"and granted signs
   and wonders to be done by their hands." Here he speaks it as concerning
   their own nation. "And the multitude of the city," etc. (v. 4, 5.)
   Accordingly they did not wait for it, but saw the intention of
   attacking them, [697] and fled, on no occasion kindling their wrath,
   [698] "to the cities of Lycaonia, Lystra, and Derbe, and the adjacent
   region." (v. 6.) They went away into the country, not into the cities
   only.--Observe both the simplicity of the Gentiles, and the malignity
   of the Jews. By their actions they showed that they were worthy to
   hear: they so honored them from the miracles only. The one sort honored
   them as gods, the other persecuted them as pestilent fellows: and
   (those) not only did not take offence at the preaching, but what say
   they? "The gods, in the likeness of men, are come down to us;" but the
   Jews were offended. "And they called Barnabas, Jupiter; and Paul,
   Mercurius." (v. 11, 12.) I suppose Barnabas was a man of dignified
   appearance also. Here was a new sort of trial, from immoderate zeal,
   and no small one: but hence also is shown the virtue of the Apostles,
   (and) how on all occasions they ascribe all to God.

   Let us imitate them: let us think nothing our own, seeing even faith
   itself is not our own, but more God's (than ours). [699] "For by grace
   are ye saved through faith; and this," saith he, "not of ourselves; it
   is the gift of God." (Eph. ii. 8.) Then let us not think great things
   of ourselves, nor be puffed up, being as we are, men, dust and ashes,
   smoke and shadow. For say, Why dost thou think great things of thyself?
   Hast thou given alms, and lavished thy substance? And what of that?
   Think, what if God had chosen not to make thee rich? think of them that
   are impoverished, or rather, think how many have given (not their
   substance only, but) their bodies moreover, and after their numberless
   sacrifices, have [700] felt still that they were miserable creatures!
   Thou gavest for thyself, Christ (not for Himself, but) for thee: thou
   didst but pay a debt, Christ owed thee not.--See the uncertainty of the
   future, and "be not high-minded, but fear" (Rom. xi. 20); do not lessen
   thy virtue by boastfulness. Wouldest thou do something truly great?
   Never let a surmise of thy attainments as great enter thy mind. But
   thou art a virgin? So were those in (the Gospel) virgins, but they got
   no benefit from their virginity, because of their cruelty and
   inhumanity. [701] (Matt. xxv. 12.) Nothing like humility: this is
   mother, and root, and nurse, and foundation, and bond of all good
   things: without this we are abominable, and execrable, and polluted.
   For say--let there be some man raising the dead, and healing the lame,
   and cleansing the lepers, but with [702] proud self-complacency: than
   this there can be nothing more execrable, nothing more impious, nothing
   more detestable. Account nothing to be of thyself. Hast thou utterance
   and grace of teaching? Do not for this account thyself to have aught
   more than other men. For this cause especially thou oughtest to be
   humbled, because thou hast been vouchsafed more abundant gifts. For he
   to whom more was forgiven, will love more (Luke vii. 47): if so, [703]
   then oughtest thou to be humbled also, for that God having passed by
   others, took notice of thee. Fear thou because of this: for often this
   is a cause of destruction to thee, if thou be not watchful. Why
   thinkest thou great things of thyself? Because thou teachest by words?
   But this is easy, to philosophize in words: teach me by thy life: that
   is the best teaching. Sayest thou that it is right to be moderate, and
   dost thou make a long speech about this thing, and play the orator,
   pouring forth thy eloquence without a check? But "better than thou is
   he" shall one say to thee, "who teaches me this by his deeds"--for not
   so much are those lessons wont to be fixed in the mind which consist in
   words, as those which teach by things: since if thou hast not the deed,
   thou not only hast not profited him by thy words, but hast even hurt
   him the more--"better thou wert silent." Wherefore? "Because the thing
   thou proposest to me is impossible: for I consider, that if thou who
   hast so much to say about it, succeedest not in this, much more am I
   excusable." For this cause the Prophet says, "But unto the sinner said
   God. Why declarest thou My statutes?" (Ps. lx. 16.) For this is a worse
   mischief, when one who teaches well in words, impugns the teaching by
   his deeds. This has been the cause of many evils in the Churches.
   Wherefore pardon me, I beseech you, that my discourse dwells long on
   this evil affection (pathei). Many take a deal of pains to be able to
   stand up in public, and make a long speech: and if they get applause
   from the multitude, it is to them as if they gained the very kingdom
   (of heaven): but if silence follows the close of their speech, it is
   worse than hell itself, the dejection that falls upon their spirits
   from the silence! This has turned the Churches upside down, because
   both you desire not to hear a discourse calculated to lead you to
   compunction, but one that may delight you from the sound and
   composition of the words, as though you were listening to singers and
   minstrels (kitharodhon kai kitharisthon, supra p. 68): and we too act a
   preposterous and pitiable part in being led by your lusts, when we
   ought to root them out. And [704] so it is just as if the father of a
   poor cold-blooded child (already, more delicate than it ought to be),
   should, although it is so feeble, give it cake and cold (drink) and
   whatever only pleases the child, and take no account of what might do
   it good; and then, being reproved by the physicians, should excuse
   himself by saying, "What can I do? I cannot bear to see the child
   crying." Thou poor, wretched creature, thou betrayer! for I cannot call
   such a one a father: how much better were it for thee, by paining him
   for a short time, to restore him to health forever, than to make this
   short-lived pleasure the foundation of a lasting sorrow? Just such is
   our case, when we idly busy ourselves about beautiful expressions, and
   the composition and harmony of our sentences, in order that we may
   please, not profit: (when) we make it our aim to be admired, not to
   instruct; to delight, not prick to the heart; to be applauded and
   depart with praise, not to correct men's manners! Believe me, I speak
   not other than I feel--when as I discourse I hear myself applauded, at
   the moment indeed I feel it as a man (for why should I not own the
   truth?): I am delighted, and give way to the pleasurable feeling: but
   when I get home, and bethink me that those who applauded received no
   benefit from my discourse, but that whatever benefit they ought to have
   got, they lost it while applauding and praising, I am in pain, and
   groan, and weep, and feel as if I had spoken all in vain. I say to
   myself: "What profit comes to me from my labors, while the hearers do
   not choose to benefit by what they hear from us?" Nay, often have I
   thought to make a rule which should prevent all applauding, and
   persuade you to listen with silence and becoming orderliness. But bear
   with me, I beseech you, and be persuaded by me, and, if it seem good to
   you, let us even now establish this rule, that no hearer be permitted
   to applaud in the midst of any person's discourse, but if he will needs
   admire, let him admire in silence: there is none to prevent him: and
   let all his study and eager desire be set upon the receiving the things
   spoken.--What means that noise again? [705] I am laying down a rule
   against this very thing, and you have not the forbearance even to hear
   me!--Many will be the good effects of this regulation: it will be a
   discipline of philosophy. Even the heathen philosophers--we hear of
   their discoursing, and nowhere do we find that noisy applause
   accompanied their words: we hear of the Apostles, making public
   speeches, and yet nowhere do the accounts add, that in the midst of
   their speeches the hearers interrupted the speakers with loud
   expressions of approbation. A great gain will this be to us. But let us
   establish this rule: in quiet let us all hear, and speak the whole (of
   what we have to say). For if indeed it were the case that we departed
   retaining what we had heard, what I insist upon is, that even so the
   praise is not beneficial [706] --but not to go too much into
   particulars (on this point); let none tax me with rudeness --but since
   nothing is gained by it, nay, it is even mischievous, let us loose the
   hindrance, let us put a stop to the boundings, let us retrench the
   gambollings of the soul. Christ spoke publicly on the Mount: yet no one
   said aught, until He had finished His discourse. I do not rob those who
   wish to be applauded: on the contrary, I make them to be more admired.
   It is far better that one's hearer, having listened in silence, should
   by his memory throughout all time applaud, both at home and abroad,
   than that having lost all he should return home empty, not possessed of
   that which was the subject of his applauses. For how shall the hearer
   be otherwise than ridiculous? Nay, he will be deemed a flatterer, and
   his praises no better than irony, when he declares that the teacher
   spoke beautifully, but what he said, this he cannot tell. This has all
   the appearance of adulation. For when indeed one has been hearing
   minstrels and players, it is no wonder if such be the case with him,
   seeing he knows not how to utter the strain in the same manner: but
   where the matter is not an exhibition of song or of voice, but the
   drift and purport of thoughts and wise reflection (philosophias), and
   it is easy for every one to tell and report what was said, how can he
   but deserve the accusation, who cannot tell what the matter was for
   which he praised the speaker? Nothing so becomes a Church as silence
   and good order. Noise belongs to theatres, and baths, and public
   processions, and market-places: but where doctrines, and such
   doctrines, are the subject of teaching, there should be stillness, and
   quiet, and calm reflection, and a haven of much repose (philosophia kai
   polus ho limen). These things I beseech and entreat: for I go about in
   quest of ways [707] by which I shall be enabled to profit your souls.
   And no small way I take this to be: it will profit not you only, but us
   also. So shall we not be carried away with pride (ektrachelizesthai),
   not be tempted to love praises and honor, not be led to speak those
   things which delight, but those which profit: so shall we lay the whole
   stress of our time and diligence not upon arts of composition and
   beauties of expression, but upon the matter and meaning of the
   thoughts. Go into a painter's study, and you will observe how silent
   all is there. Then so ought it to be here: for here too we are employed
   in painting portraits, royal portraits (every one of them), none of any
   private man, by means [708] of the colors of virtue--How now?
   Applauding again? This is a reform not easy, but (only) by reason of
   long habit, to be effected.--The pencil moreover is the tongue, and the
   Artist the Holy Spirit. Say, during the celebration of the Mysteries,
   is there any noise? any disturbance? when we are baptizing
   (baptizometha), when we are doing all the other acts? Is not all Nature
   decked (as it were) with stillness and silence? [709] Over all the face
   of heaven is scattered this charm (of repose).--On this account are we
   evil spoken of even among the Gentiles, as though we did all for
   display and ostentation. But if this be prevented, the love of the
   chief seats also will be extinguished. It is sufficient, if any one be
   enamoured of praise, that he should obtain it after having been heard,
   when all is gathered in. [710] Yea, I beseech you, let us establish
   this rule, that doing all things according to God's will, we may be
   found worthy of the mercy which is from Him, through the grace and
   compassion of His only begotten Son our Lord Jesus Christ, with Whom to
   the Father together with the Holy Spirit be glory, dominion, honor, now
   and ever, world without end. Amen.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [680] mss. and Edd. apartisai kai oikeiosai heauto. The Catena has
   preserved the true reading anartesai. in the sense, to make them hang
   upon (him for further communications).--Below, to panta athroon eis tas
   ekeinon rh& 178;psai psuchas, the ekeinon distinguishes the first
   hearers from the people generally: if he had spoken all at once to
   those, the consequence would have been chaunoterous ergasasthai, not
   that "nearly the whole city" should assemble on the following sabbath.

   [681] Edd. from E .F. autos heautou instead of tou Paulou. We have
   restored the comments to their proper clauses in the Scripture text.

   [682] The order of the exposition in the mss. and Edd. marked by the
   letters a, b, etc. is much confused, but not irremediably. The matter
   falls into suitable connection, when the parts are taken in the order
   c, a, d, b.

   [683] all' hora ten parresian meta metrou ginomenen. A. meta to metrou.
   Mod. text metro. If this be not corrupt, it may be explained by the
   clause at the end of c, polles epieikeias he parr. gemousa, but then
   the connection with the following ei gar Petros k. t. l. is obscure.
   Perhaps from A. we may restore meta to Petrou: "the boldness coming to
   them after the affair of Peter."

   [684] hos ek tes ekeinon spoudes me (om. A. B. ) tunchanonta ton
   agathon.

   [685] The expression: "As many as were ordained to eternal life
   believed," has been both minimized and exaggerated. Chrys. points the
   way to its correct interpretation in saying: "set apart for God" and
   adding later: "not in regard of necessity." The writer is by no means
   seeking to define a doctrine of the divine plan in its bearing upon
   human self-determination, but pointing out a historical sequence. Those
   who became believers were as truly so in God's plan as they are so in
   fact. The passage says nothing of the relation of God's ordainment to
   the believer's choice. It is an example of the Pauline type of thought
   which grounds salvation upon the eternal purpose of God. Whoever are
   saved in fact, were saved in God's purpose. If as matter of fact they
   are saved on condition of faith and not through the enforcement of a
   decretum absolutum, then it is certain that their salvation as foreseen
   in God's purpose does not exclude their self-determination and personal
   acceptance.--G.B.S.

   [686] diephereto, was published, E.V. diapherein angelias, "to bear
   tidings," and diapheretai ho logos, "the saying is bruited," are
   classical, but perhaps the expression was not familiar to Chrysostom's
   hearers.

   [687] 'Anti tou, ouk estesan mechri tou zelou. As in the mss. this
   clause follows that at the end of a, anti tou, diekomizeto, the anti
   tou may be only an accidental repetition. At the end of this clause,
   the mss. have hora palin pos (om. A. C. Cat.) diokomenoi, and then, pos
   (C. Cat.) hetera katask. (beginning of c.) The former clause, as the
   conclusion of b, may be completed with "they extend the preaching," or
   the like. But probably diokomenoi is due to the scribes, who seem to
   have understood by zelou here the zeal of the Apostles, not the envy of
   the Jews, v. 45.

   [688] ek polles periousias homos anairousin auton ten apologian. The
   sense is evidently as above, but anair. will hardly bear this meaning,
   and perhaps was substituted for some other word by the copyist, who
   took it to mean, "They leave the Jews no excuse."--The connection is,
   It was not because they were less bold than when they said, "We turn
   unto the Gentiles," that they still went to the Jews first: but ex
   abundanti they enabled themselves to say to their brethren at
   Jerusalem, We did not seek the Gentiles, until repulsed by the Jews.

   [689] ton semeion en. A. has semeion en. In the preceding clause, C.
   mechri pollou semeia poiousi, the rest ou poiousi. The antithesis ten
   men (om. A.) parresian...to de pisteusai must be rendered as above: not
   as Ben. immo fiduciam addebat ipsorum alacritas....Quod autem auditores
   crederent inter signa reputandum.

   [690] Here all the mss. have kai megale te phone (to which mod. text
   adds kai pos, akoue.) then the text 8, 9, 10, followed by Dia ti, meg.
   te ph. and so all the Edd. But in fact that clause is only the
   reporter's abbreviation of the Scripture text, kai [en Lustrois....to]
   megale te phone, followed by its comment.

   [691] Mod. text adds, touto gar esti to ekousen.--Below pareblabe is an
   expression taken from the foot-race: this was a race in which his
   lameness was no hindrance.

   [692] Ede okeioto ten proairesin. Strangely rendered by Erasmus, Jam
   praeelectione assumptus familiariter erat, and Ben. Jam praeelectionem
   in familiaritatem assumserat.

   [693] ouden hubristikon, ho de kai epi ton proph. epoioun. The meaning
   appears from the context to be: he speaks throughout with much
   epieikeia. When he says apotheisthe, he does not upbraid them with this
   as hubris, a personal outrage to himself and Barnabas, though in fact
   he might have done so, being just what their fathers did to the
   prophets: but he does not say, Ye repulse us, for the affront is not to
   us. And he says it to show that in what he is going to say, "Ye judge
   yourselves not worthy of eternal life," he does not mean that they do
   this of humility. In short, he says it not by way of complaint, but to
   justify what he adds, "Lo, we turn to the Gentiles."

   [694] Mod. text omits this clause, which we take as an interlocution:
   q. d. "If the Lord ordered you to go to the Gentiles, why did ye not do
   this in the first instance." In the next sentence, A. C. kai touto ou
   par hemon par humon de gegone to, pro humon (B., with accidental
   omission, kai touto pro humon. Houto gar), meaning, "And this is not
   our doing, but yours, the before you:' i.e. the Gentiles hearing the
   word before you. But Cat., kai touto ou pro humon, par humon de k. t.
   l. (attested by the mutilated reading in B.) which we have expressed in
   the translation.--The mod. text has plen touto ou par hemon, par humon
   de gegone to pro humon opheilon: which Ben. takes to be corrupt, but
   leaves in the text, only adopting in the translation to par hemon
   opheilon, which interpres legisse videtur. Downe ap. Sav. proposes to
   pro touton humin opheilomenon vel hopheilon. Sed praestare videtur
   lectio quam propono, quamque secutus est vetus Interpres Latinus, Ben.
   forgetting that the Latin version is Erasmus's (Veruntamen hoc non ex
   nobis facimus. A vobis autem factum est, quod a nobis oportebat,
   Erasm.) and was made from E. which has no such reading here. Ed. Par.
   Ben. 2. expresses the sense of E. thus, Quod nos oporteat ante vos
   gentes erudire,' it is your doing that it is become our duty to teach
   the Gentiles before you.

   [695] aplastous ontas (i.e. the Gentiles who would otherwise have
   received the Apostles) kakourgos diethekan, evidently the
   interpretation of ekakosan: not evil-treated the Apostles, etc.

   [696] Me touto elattoseos einai nomises. The innovator (Edd.),
   mistaking the meaning, connects this and the following clauses thus:
   "For when they said, hote gar elegon, "Which witnessed," saith it,
   "before Pontius P., then the (His?) boldness was shown, but here he
   speaks concerning the people:" what he meant is not easy to see, nor
   does it much matter. Below, entautha peri tou laou phesin, i.e. the
   parresia is in reference to their own nation (Israel): they spake
   boldly to the Gentiles, fearless of the reproaches of the Jews.

   [697] It seems clear from the fact that the apostles are said to have
   been aware (v. 6) of what the Jews had done against them, that the word
   horme (v. 5) can hardly mean an "assault" (A.V.) or even "onset" (R.V.)
   in the sense of any open violence. There would be no propriety in Luke
   adding that they became aware of an attack upon them. Orme must have
   here the sense of appetitus animi--a strong movement of mind, an
   intention to attack them--"Trieb" "Drang." (Meyer.) The word occurs in
   but one other passage (Jas. iii. 4) where the horme of the pilot is
   spoken of as directing the ship, evidently, meaning the "purpose" or
   "intention." (So Trench, Gloag, Meyer, Lechler, Alford.)--G.B.S.

   [698] oudamou ton thumon auton ekkaiontes (restored to its
   fitting-place after katephugon), i.e. as on all occasions we find them
   forbearing to kindle the wrath of their enemies, so here, seeing the
   intended assault, they fled. Mod. text entha oudamou and ekkaiein en,
   "fled to Derbe," etc. where (the enemies) had nowhere power to let
   their wrath blaze against them: so that they went away into the
   country-parts, etc.

   [699] So the order must be restored instead of, kai touto phesi dia
   pisteos ouk ex hemon; alla to pleon tou Theou; Theou gar phesi to
   doron. The mod. text, "And that it is not ours, but the more (part)
   God's:" hear Paul saying, "And this not of ourselves, it is the gift of
   God:" omitting dia pisteos, which is essential to the sense.--Perhaps
   we may read, kai touto, phesi, to "dia p."

   [700] heautous etalanisan, "not as thou, heautous emakarisan."

   [701] dia ten omoteta kai ten apanthropian. A strong expression, but so
   in the Homily on the Parable of the Virgins, Matt. p. 751, Am. Ed. p.
   470, he interprets that the oil is charity (alms-giving), and that even
   virgins, lacking this, "are cast out with the harlots:" kai ton
   apanthropon kai ton aneleemona histesi met' auton (sc. ton pornon).

   [702] meta aponoias, so Hom. xxxi. p. 196, ouk apenoethesan, "they did
   not bear themselves proudly."

   [703] oukoun kai tapeinousthai chre. "if he to whom most is forgiven,
   loveth most, so ought he to whom more is given, to humble himself
   more."

   [704] kai tauton ginetai, hoion an ei tis pater psuchrou (mod. text
   om.) kai pera tou deontos malthakou paidiou k. t. l. plakounta epido
   kai psuchron kai hosa terpei monon k. t. l. Erasmus translates loosely,
   videns puerum, quem supra modum tenere amat, aegrotum, illi frigida et
   quaecumque oblectant, porrigat. Ben., si pater nimis molli puero, etsi
   infirmanti, frigidam placentam et quae solum oblectant porrigat. If the
   text be not corrupt, pera tou d. malth. may mean, "brought up more
   tenderly than need be although ill," and psuchrou, "silly." But the
   psuchron following may rather imply the physical sense as above
   expressed: the child is a poor creature, with no warmth or life in it,
   yet the father instead of warm and nourishing food, gives it cake and
   cold drink, etc.

   [705] Dia ti ekrotesate; even now while he was protesting against this
   evil custom, derived from the theatres, some of the hearers could not
   refrain from expressing their approbation by applause.--Comp. de
   Sacerdot. lib. v. init. Hom. xv. in Rom. fin, Hom, vii. in Laz. S:I.
   xvii. in Matt. S:7.

   [706] malista men oude houto chresimos ho epainos. i.e. as appears from
   the context, "to the preacher:" it does him no good, it is even a harm,
   both by hindering him (koluma) and by elating his mind (skirtemata kai
   pedemata tes psuches). In the intermediate clause, all' ouk an
   ekribologesamen, me me tis agroikias grapheto, the meaning implied
   seems to be--"as it would be easy to show, were it not ungracious to
   point out to you how little your praise is worth."

   [707] Perieimi gar toutous zeton. Read tropous. Mod. text adds pantas
   eidena to the former sentence, and here II. gar kai autos tropous
   pantoious epizeton.

   [708] dia ton chromaton tes arethes. Erasm. and Ben. ungrammatically,
   propter (ob) coloris virtutem; as meaning that such is the virtue or
   value of the colors, that they are fit to be employed only on imperial
   portraits. But the connection is plainly this: "the colors are the hues
   of virtue, the pencil is the tongue, the Artist the Holy Spirit." In
   the next sentence the old text has: ouk eukolon touto alla to me polle
   sunetheia katorthothenai, which is corrupt, unless indeed it may be
   construed, "but (it is) the not being, by reason of long habit,
   successfully achieved: i.e. it only shows that I have not, such is the
   force of long habit, succeeded in carrying my point." The mod. text Ouk
   euk. to pragma dokei, kai touto ou phusei alla to sunethei& 139; polle
   mepo katorthoun auto memathekenai. "It seems to be no easy matter,
   this: and this, not naturally, but by reason that from long habit you
   have not yet learnt to effect this reformation."

   [709] ouk hesuchi& 139; kai sige (mss. hesuchia kai sige) ta panta
   kekosmetai (mod. text katechei). We alter the punctuation, and
   understand by ta panta not "all the proceedings in Church," but "all
   nature."

   [710] hotan panta sullege, when all (that he has spoken) is gathered in
   by diligent attention of the hearers. Mod. text hotan tous karpous
   sullege, "when he collects the fruits."
     __________________________________________________________________

   Homily XXXI.

   Acts XIV. 14, 15

   "Which when the Apostles, Barnabas and Paul, heard of, they rent their
   clothes, and ran in among the people, crying out and saying, Sirs, why
   do ye these things? We also are men of like passions with you, and
   preach unto you that ye should turn from these vanities unto the living
   God, which made heaven, and earth, and the sea, and all things that are
   therein."

   Mark the vehemence with which all this is done by the Apostles: "rent
   their clothes, ran in, cried out," all from strong affection of the
   soul, revolted [711] by the things that were done. For it was a grief,
   indeed a grief inconsolable, that they should needs be thought gods,
   and introduce idolatry, the very thing which they came to destroy! This
   also was a contrivance of the devil--but he did not prevail. [712] But
   what say they? "We also are men of like passions with you." At the very
   outset they overthrew the evil. They said not simply, "Men," but "As
   ye." Then, that they may not seem to honor the gods, hear what they
   add: "Preaching unto you, that ye should turn from these vanities unto
   the living God, Who made heaven, the sea, and all things that are
   therein." Observe how they nowhere mention things invisible. [713] (b)
   For [714] they had learnt that one should study not so much to say
   somewhat worthy of God, as to say what is profitable for the hearers.
   (a) What then? if He be Maker of all things, why does He not also
   attend to these things by His Providence?--"Who in times past suffered
   all nations to walk in their own ways" (v. 16)--but wherefore He
   suffered them, this he does not say, for at present he keeps to the
   matter of immediate importance, nowhere bringing in the name of Christ.
   Observe, he does not wish to swell the accusation against them, but
   [715] rather that they themselves should refer all to God.
   "Nevertheless, He left not Himself without witness, in that He did
   good, giving you rain from heaven, and fruitful seasons, filling your
   hearts with food and gladness." (v. 17.) (c) See how covertly he puts
   the accusation "in that He did good," etc. And yet if God did this, He
   could not have "let them alone;" on the contrary, they ought to be
   punished, for that, enjoying so great benefits, they had not
   acknowledged Him, not even as their feeder. [716] "From heaven," he
   says, "giving you rain." Thus also David said, "From the fruit of their
   corn and wine and oil were they made to abound" (Ps. iv. 7), and in
   many places speaking of Creation, he brings forward these benefits: and
   Jeremiah mentions first Creation, then Providence (shown) by the rains,
   so that the Apostle here discourses as taught from those Scriptures.
   "Filling," he says, "with food and gladness." (Jer. v. 24.) With large
   liberality (philotimias) the food is given, not merely for a frugal
   sufficiency, nor stinted by the need. "And saying these things, they
   scarcely stopped the multitudes" (v. 18)--indeed by this very thing
   they gained most admiration--"from sacrificing to them." Do you observe
   that this was the point with them to put an end to that madness? "But
   there came," it says, "certain Jews from Antioch and Iconium" (v.
   19).--Indeed children of the devil, that not in their own cities only,
   but also beyond them, they did these things, and as much made it their
   study to make an end of the preaching, as the Apostles were in earnest
   to establish it!--"and having persuaded the multitude and stoned Paul,
   they dragged him out of the city." (e) So then, the Gentiles regarded
   them as gods, but these "dragged" him, "out of the city, supposing he
   had been dead. Having persuaded the multitude"--for it is not likely
   that all thus reverenced them. In the very city in which they received
   this reverence, in the same were they thus terribly ill treated. And
   this also profited the beholders. "Lest any man," he says, "should
   think of me above that which he seeth me to be, or that he heareth
   aught from me." (v. 20.)--"Howbeit as the disciples stood round about
   him, he rose up and came into the city." (d) Here is fulfilled that
   saying, "My grace is sufficient for thee, for My strength is made
   perfect in weakness." (2 Cor. xii. 9.) Greater this than the raising of
   the lame man! (f) "Came into the city." Do you mark the zeal, do you
   mark how fervent he [717] is, how set on fire! He came into the city
   itself again: for proof that if on any occasion he did retire, it was
   because he had sown the word, and because it was not right to inflame
   their wrath. (h) Then they went over all the cities in which they had
   been in danger. "And on the morrow," it says, "he went forth with
   Barnabas to Derbe. And when they had preached the Gospel to that city,
   and had taught many, they returned again to Lystra, and to Iconium, and
   Antioch, confirming the souls of the disciples, and exhorting them to
   continue in the faith, and that we must through much tribulation enter
   into the kingdom of God." (v. 21, 22.) This they said, this they
   showed. But it is purposely so done, not only by [718] the Apostles,
   but by the disciples also, that they may learn from the very outset
   both the might of the preaching, and that they must themselves also
   suffer such things, that they may stand nobly, not idly gaping for the
   miracles, but much more (ready) for the trials. Therefore also the
   Apostle himself said, "Having the same conflict which ye saw in me and
   heard." (Phil. i. 30.) Persecutions succeeded to persecutions: wars,
   fightings, stonings. (g) These things, not less than the miracles, both
   made them more illustrious, and prepared for them a greater rejoicing.
   The Scripture nowhere says that they returned rejoicing because they
   had done miracles, but (it does say that they rejoiced), that "they
   were counted worthy for that Name to suffer shame." (ch. v. 41.) And
   this they were taught of Christ, saying, "Rejoice not that the devils
   obey you." (Luke x. 20.) For the joy indeed and without alloy is this,
   to suffer aught for Christ's sake. (i) "And that through much
   tribulation:" what sort of cheering (protrope) is this? how did they
   persuade them, by telling them at the outset of tribulations? Then also
   another consolation. [719] "And when they had appointed for them elders
   in every Church, [720] and had prayed with fasting, they commended them
   to the Lord, on whom they believed." (v. 23.) Do you mark Paul's
   ardor?--Then other consolation: "Commended them," it says, "to the
   Lord. And after they had passed throughout Pisidia, they came to
   Pamphylia. And when they had preached the word in Perga, they went down
   into Attalia (v. 24, 25): (l) and thence sailed to Antioch, from whence
   they had been recommended to the grace of God for the work which they
   fulfilled." (v. 26.) Why do they come back to Antioch? To report what
   had taken place yonder. And besides, there is a great purpose of
   Providence concerned: for it was needful that they should thenceforth
   preach with boldness to the Gentiles. They come therefore, reporting
   these things, that they may be able to know them: and it is
   providentially ordered, that just then came those who forbade to keep
   company with the Gentiles in order that from Jerusalem they might
   obtain great encouragement, and so go their ways with boldness. And
   besides, it shows that in their temper there was nothing of self-will:
   for they come, at the same time showing their boldness, in that without
   the authority of those (at Jerusalem) they had preached to the
   Gentiles, and their obedience, in that they refer the matter to them:
   for they were not made arrogant, as (apenoethesan) having achieved so
   great successes. "Whence," it says, "they had been recommended to the
   grace of God for the work which they had fulfilled." And yet moreover
   the Spirit had said, "Separate Me Barnabas and Saul for the work
   whereunto I have called them." (ch. xiii. 2.) "And when they were come,
   and had gathered the Church together, they rehearsed all that God had
   done with them, and how He had opened the door of faith unto the
   Gentiles. And there they abode long time with the disciples." (v. 27,
   28.) For the city being great had need of teachers.--But let us look
   over again what has been said.

   (Recapitulation.) "Which when the Apostles," etc. (v. 14). First by the
   sight they checked them, by rending their garments. This did Joshua the
   son of Nun upon the occasion of the defeat of the people. Then think
   not that this action was unworthy of them: for such was the eagerness,
   they would not otherwise have restrained it would not otherwise have
   quenched the conflagration (puran). Therefore when need is to do
   something that is fit to be done, let us not decline it. For if even
   after all this they hardly persuaded them, if they had not acted thus,
   what might have been the consequence? For if they had not done thus,
   they would have been thought to make a show of humility
   (tapeinothronhein), and to be all the more desirous of the honor. And
   observe their language, how in rebuking it is moderated, alike full of
   wonder and of rebuke. This above all it was that hindered them, the
   saying, "Preaching unto you to turn from these vanities unto God." (v.
   15.) We are men indeed, they say, but greater than these: for these are
   dead things. Mark how they not only subvert (the false), but teach (the
   true), saying nothing about things invisible--"Who made," say they,
   "heaven and earth, and the sea, and all things that are therein. Who in
   times past," etc. (v. 16, 17.) He names as witnesses even the years (in
   their courses). [721] "And there came thither certain Jews," etc. (v.
   19.) O that Jewish madness! Among a people that had so honored the
   Apostles, they had the hardihood to come, and to stone Paul. "And they
   dragged him out of the city," being afraid of those
   (others),--"Supposing he had been dead." (k) "Howbeit," etc. "and came
   into the city." (v. 20.) For that the spirits of the disciples might
   not be downcast because they who were accounted gods suffered such
   treatment, they came in unto them and discoursed. "Then on the morrow,"
   etc. And observe, first he goes forth to Derbe, and then comes back to
   Lystra and Iconium and Antioch, (v. 21) giving way to them while their
   passions are roused, but when they have ceased, then attacking them
   again. Do you mark, that it was not by (supernatural) grace that they
   managed all that they did, but by their own diligence? "Confirming," it
   says "the souls of the disciples:" episterizontes, "further
   establishing;" so that they were established, but they added more
   thereto. "And that we must," etc. (v. 22): they foretold (this), that
   they might not be offended. "And when they had appointed for them,"
   etc. Again the ordinations accompanied with fastings: and again
   fasting, that purifying of our souls. (m) "And having prayed," it says,
   "with fastings, they commended them unto the Lord" (v. 23): they taught
   them to fast also in their trials. (o) Why did they not make elders in
   Cyprus nor in Samaria? Because the latter was near to Jerusalem, the
   former to Antioch, and the word was strong there; whereas in those
   parts they needed much consolation, especially they of the Gentiles,
   who behooved to have much instruction. "And when they were come," etc.
   (v. 27.) They came, teaching them that with good reason had they been
   ordained by the Spirit. (n) They said not what they themselves, but
   "what God had done with them." It seems to me, that they mean their
   trials. It was not for nothing that they come here, nor to rest, but
   providentially guided by the Spirit, to the end that the preaching to
   the Gentiles might be firmly established. (p) And mark Paul's ardor. He
   does not ask whether it be right to speak to Gentiles, but he
   straightway speaks: therefore it is that he says, "I did not refer
   myself to flesh and blood." (Gal. i. 16.)

   For it is indeed [722] a great thing, a great, a generous soul (like
   this)! How many have since believed, and none of them all has shone
   like him! What we want is earnestness, exceeding ardor, a soul ready to
   encounter death. Else is it not possible to attain unto the Kingdom,
   not being crucified. Let us not deceive ourselves. For if in war it is
   impossible to come off safe while living daintily, and trafficking, and
   huckstering and idling, much more in this war. Or think ye not that it
   is a war worse than all others? (Infra, p. 204, note 1.) "For we
   wrestle not," he says, "against flesh and blood." (Eph. vi. 12.) Since
   even while taking our meals and walking, and bathing, the enemy is
   present with us, and knows no time of truce, except that of sleep only:
   nay, often even then he carries on the war, injecting into us unclean
   thoughts, and making us lewd by means of dreams. We watch not, we do
   not rouse ourselves up, do not look to the multitude of the forces
   opposed to us, do not reflect, that this very thing constitutes the
   greatest misfortune--that though surrounded by so great wars, we live
   daintily as in time of peace. Believe me, worse than Paul suffered may
   have to be suffered now. Those enemies wounded him with stones: there
   is a wounding with words, even worse than stones. What then must we do?
   The same that he did: he did not hate those who cast stones at him, but
   after they had dragged him out, he entered again into their city, to be
   a benefactor to those who had done him such wrongs. If thou also
   endurest him who harshly insults thee, and has done thee wrongs, then
   hast thou too been stoned. Say not, "I have done him no injury." For
   what injury had Paul done, that he should be stoned? He was announcing
   a Kingdom, he was bringing men away from error, and bringing them to
   God: benefits these, worthy of crowns, worthy of proclamation by voice
   of herald, worthy of a thousand good things--not of stones. And yet
   (far from resenting) he did [723] just the contrary. For this is the
   splendid victory. "And they dragged him," (v. 19) it says. These too
   they often drag: but be not thou angry; on the contrary, preach thou
   the word with gentleness. Hath one insulted thee? Hold thy peace, and
   bless if thou canst, and thou also hast preached the word, hast given a
   lesson of gentleness, a lesson of meekness. I know that many do not so
   smart under wounds, as they do under the blow which is inflicted by
   words: as indeed the one wound the body receives the other the soul.
   But let us not smart, or rather feeling the smart let us endure. Do you
   not see the pugilists, how, with their heads sorely battered, they bite
   their teeth into their lips, and so bear their smarts kindly? No need
   to grind the teeth, no need to bite (the lips). Remember thy Master,
   and by the remembrance thou hast at once applied the remedy. Remember
   Paul: reflect that thou, the beaten hast conquered, and he the beater,
   is defeated; and by this hast thou cured the whole. It [724] is the
   turning of the scale a moment and thou hast achieved the whole: be not
   hurried away, do not even move, thou hast extinguished the whole
   (fire). Great [725] eloquence of persuasion there is in suffering aught
   for Christ: thou preachest not the word of faith, but thou preachest
   the word of patience (philosophias). But, you will say, the more he
   sees my gentleness, the more he sets upon me. Is it for this then that
   thou art pained, that he increases thy rewards the more? "But [726]
   this is the way," you say, "to make him unbearable." This is mere
   pretext of thine own littleness of mind: on the contrary, the other is
   the way to make him unbearable, namely, that thou avenge thyself. If
   God had known, that through forbearance of revenge, the unjust became
   unbearable, He would not have done [727] this Himself: on the contrary,
   He would have said, Avenge thyself: but He knew, that other than this
   is the more likely way to do good. Make not thou a law contrary to God:
   do as He bids thee. Thou art not kinder than He that made us. He hath
   said, "Bear to be wronged:" thou sayest, "I requite wrong for wrong,
   that he may not become unbearable." Hast thou then more care for him
   than God has? Such talk is mere passion and ill temper, arrogance and
   setting up laws against God's laws. For even if the man were hurt (by
   our forbearance), would it not be our duty to obey? When God orders
   anything, let us not make a contrary law. "A submissive answer," we
   read, turneth away wrath" (Prov. xvi. 1): not an answer of opposition.
   If it profits thee, it profits him also: but if it hurts thee who art
   to set him right, how much more will it hurt him? "Physician, heal
   thyself." Hath one spoken ill of thee? Commend him thou. Hath he
   reviled thee? Praise him thou. Hath he plotted against thee? Do him a
   kindness. Requite him with the contrary things, if at least thou at all
   carest for his salvation and wish not thou to revenge thine own
   suffering. And yet, you will say, though he has often met with
   long-suffering from me he has become worse. This is not thine affair,
   but his. Wilt thou learn what wrongs God suffered? They threw down His
   altars, and slew His prophets (1 Kings xix. 10), yet He endured it all.
   Could He not have launched a thunderbolt from above? Nay, when He had
   sent His prophets, and they killed them, then He sent His Son (Matt.
   xxi. 37), when they wrought greater impieties, then He sent them
   greater benefits. And thou too, if thou seest one exasperated, then
   yield the more: since this madness has greater need of soothing
   (paramthias). The more grievous his abuse of thee, the more meekness
   does he need from thee: and even as a gale [728] when it blows strong,
   then it requires yielding to, so also he who is in a passion. When the
   wild beast is most savage, then we all flee: so also should we flee
   from him that is angry. Think not that this is an honor to him: for is
   it an honor we show to the wild beast, and to madmen, when we turn
   aside out of their way? By no means it is a dishonor and a scorn: or
   rather not dishonor and scorn, but compassion and humanity. Seest thou
   not how the sailors, when the wind blows violently, take down their
   sails, that the vessel may not sink? how, when the horses have run away
   with the driver, he only leads them into the (open) plain, and does not
   pull against them that he may not voluntarily exhaust his strength?
   This do thou also. Wrath is afire, it is a quick flame needing fuel: do
   not supply food to the fire, and thou hast soon extinguished the evil.
   Anger has no power of itself; there must be another to feed it. For
   thee there is no excuse. He is possessed with madness, and knows not
   what he does; but when thou, seeing what he is, fallest into the same
   evils, and art not brought to thy right senses by the sight, what
   excuse can there be for thee? If coming to a feast thou see at the very
   outset of the feast some one drunken and acting unseemly, would not he,
   who after seeing him makes himself drunk, be much more inexcusable?
   Just so it is here. Do we think it any excuse to say, I was not the
   first to begin? This is against us, that even the sight of the other in
   that condition did not bring us to our right senses. It is just as if
   one should say, "I did not murder him first." For this very thing makes
   thee deserving of punishment, that even upon the warning of such a
   spectacle thou didst not restrain thyself. If thou shouldest see the
   drunken man in the act of vomiting, retching, bursting, his eyes
   strained, filling the table with his filthiness, everybody hurrying out
   of his way, and then shouldest fall into the same state thyself,
   wouldest thou not be more hateful? Like him is he that is in a passion:
   more than he who vomits, he has his veins distended, his eyes inflamed,
   his bowels racked; he vomits forth words far more filthy than that
   food; all crude what he utters, nothing duly digested, for his passion
   will not let it be. But as in that case excess of fumes (chumon),
   making an uproar in the stomach, often rejects all its contents; so
   here, excess of heat, making a tumult in the soul suffers him not to
   conceal what it were right to leave unsaid, but things fit and unfit to
   be spoken, he says all alike, not putting the hearers but himself to
   shame. As then we get out of the way of those that vomit, so let us
   from those who are angry. Let us cast dust upon their vomit: By doing
   what? [729] By holding our peace: let us call the dogs to eat up the
   vomit. I know that ye are disgusted at hearing this: but I wish you to
   feel this same disgust when ye see these things take place, and not to
   be pleased at the thing. The abusive man is filthier than the dog that
   returneth to its own vomit. For if indeed having vomited once he were
   done with it, he would not be like that dog: but if he vomits the same
   things again, it is plain that he does so from having eaten the same
   again. What then is more abominable than such an one? What filthier
   than that mouth which chews such food? And yet this is a work of
   nature, but the other not or rather both the one and the other are
   contrary to nature. How? Since it is not according to nature to be
   causelessly abusive, but against nature: he speaks nothing then like a
   man, but part as beast, part as madman. As then the disease of the body
   is contrary to nature, so also is this. And to show that it is contrary
   to nature, if he shall continue in it, he will perish by little and
   little: but if he continue in that which is natural, he will not
   perish. I had rather sit at table with a man who eats dirt, than with
   one who speaks such words. See ye not the swine devouring dung? So also
   do these. For what is more stinking than the words which abusive men
   utter? It is their study to speak nothing wholesome, nothing pure, but
   whatever is base, whatever is unseemly, that they study both to do and
   say: and what is worse, they think to disgrace others, while they in
   fact are disgracing themselves. For that it is themselves they disgrace
   is plain. For, leaving out of the question those who speak lies (in
   their railings), say it be some notorious harlot, or even from the
   stage some other (abandoned creature), and let that person be having a
   fight with some other person: then let the latter cast this up to the
   former (what she or he is), and the former retort upon the latter the
   same reproach: which of them is most damaged by the words? For [730]
   the former is but called what in fact he or she is, which is not the
   case with the other: so that the first gets nothing more in the way of
   shame (than there was before), while to the other there accrues a great
   accession of disgrace. But again, let there be some hidden actions
   (mod. text eirgasmena "which have been done"), and let only the person
   abusing know of them: then, holding his peace until now, let him openly
   parade (ekpompeueto) the reproach: even so, he himself is more
   disgraced than the other. How? by making himself the herald of the
   wickedness, so [731] getting for himself either the imputation of not
   being privy to any such thing, or the character of one not fit to be
   trusted. And you shall see all men forthwith accuse him: "If indeed he
   had been privy to a murder being done, he ought to have revealed it
   all:" and so they regard him with aversion as not human even, they hate
   him, they say he is a wild beast, fierce and cruel: while the other
   they pardon much rather than him. For we do not so much hate those that
   have wounds, as those that compel one to uncover and show them. Thus
   that man has not only disgraced the other, but himself as well and his
   hearers, and the common nature of men: he has wounded the hearer, done
   no good. For this reason Paul says: "If there be any word that is good
   for edifying, that it may minister grace unto the hearers." (Eph. iv.
   29.) Let us get a tongue speaking only good things, that we may be
   lovely and amiable. But indeed, everything is come to that pitch of
   wickedness, that many boast of the very things, for which they should
   hide their faces. For the threats of the many are of this kind: "thou
   canst not bear my tongue," say they. Words, these, worthy only of a
   woman, of an abandoned drunken old hag, one of those that are dragged
   (to punishment) [732] in the forum, a procuress. Nothing more shameful
   than these words, nothing more unmanly, more womanlike, than to have
   your strength in the tongue, and to think great things of yourself
   because you can rail, just like the fellows in processions, like the
   buffoons, parasites, and flatterers. Swine they are rather than men,
   who pride themselves upon this. Whereas you should (sooner) have buried
   yourself, and if another gave you this character, should recoil from
   the charge as odious and unmanly, instead of that you have made
   yourself the herald of (your own) disgrace (hubreon). But you will not
   be able to hurt him you speak ill of. Wherefore I beseech you,
   considering how the wickedness is come to such a height, that many
   boast of it, let us return to our senses, let us recover those who are
   thus mad, let us take away these councils [733] out of the city, let us
   make our tongue gracious, let us rid it of all evil speaking, that
   being clean from sins, we may be able to draw down upon us the
   good-will from above, and to have mercy vouchsafed unto us from God,
   through the grace and compassion of His only-begotten Son, with Whom to
   the Father, together with the Holy Spirit, be glory, might, honor, now
   and ever, world without end. Amen.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [711] A. B. C. Cat. apostrephomenes Mod. text apostrephomenoi, and adds
   kai penthous semeia poiountes, and so OEcumen.

   [712] A. B. C. all' ouch hesuchasan. The true reading is preserved by
   Cat. all' ouk ischusen. Mod. text all' ouch hesuchazousin.

   [713] All our mss. ton propheton. From the recapitulation we restore
   ton aoraton. The meaning may be, He abstains from the mention of things
   invisible, because he would recall them from their polytheism,
   therefore avoids whatever would seem to favor the notion of inferior
   gods. With the restoration aoraton we obtain a suitable connection for
   the part b, both grammatically (in respect of the plur. emathon), and
   in respect of the sense: they spoke only of things visible, for they
   had learned not always to speak according to the dignity of the
   subject, but according to the needs of the hearers. In the next
   sentence (a) in A. B. C. ti oun; ei panton esti demiourgos, dia ti me
   kai eis tauta pronoei; we may understand by eis tauta "the nations of
   the world, or their doings:" but the sense perhaps would be improved by
   supplying heis after ei, and restoring heis for eis. Perhaps also tauta
   is a corruption of panta. "If One be the Maker of all, why not One also
   direct all by His Providence:" i.e. if One Creator, why not One
   Providence? Why imagine a number of inferior Providences?--Mod. text
   "nowhere mentioning the Prophets, nor, saying for what reason, being
   Maker of all, He left the Gentiles independent, ta ethne apheken
   autonoma."

   [714] From this point to the end of the recapitulation the matter
   required to be rearranged. The letters show the sequence of the parts
   in the old text: in the mod. text a partial restoration of the order
   has been attempted. The "method" of the derangement explains itself
   thus--the true order being denoted by the figures 1, 2, 3, etc. we have
   two portions transposed into the order, 2, 1; (a, b): then four
   portions taken alternately in the order 1, 3, 2, 4. (c to f): then
   again two portions in the order 2, 1, (g, h): then again four portions
   in the alternate order 1, 3, 2, 4, (i to m): and lastly, two in the
   order 2, 1.

   [715] alla mallon epi ton Theon to pan agein autous ekeinous, A. B. C.
   As v. 17, "Nevertheless," etc. is placed in the mss. before "Observe,
   he does not wish," etc. the intention is that to pan should refer to
   the contents of that verse: "he does not say this to increase their
   culpability, but he wishes them to refer all to God." But then ekeinous
   is idle, accordingly mod. text substitutes paideuei. We have removed
   the text v. 17. to the end of this sentence, so that its comment is (c)
   hora pos lanthanontos k. t. l. and hora ou bouletai k. t. l. will
   belong to v. 10, and to pan will refer to their ignorance and walking
   in their own ways.--So Cat. seems to take it, reading agei e autous
   ekeinous, viz. he rather refers the whole to God, than to those (the
   heathen) themselves.

   [716] There was doubtless something polemic in the words of vv. 16, 17
   inasmuch as the apostle ascribes to the "living God" alone the
   blessings which the heathen were wont to attribute to their divinities.
   The language has also a conciliatory element. Their guilt is mitigated,
   no doubt, by their limited light, but by no means removed, because God
   had given them evidences of his goodness and power in the return of
   seasons and harvests. The thought is closely akin to that in the
   address at Athens (xvii. 23-31) where God is said to have overlooked
   the times of the ignorance of the heathen, and to that of Rom. i.
   18-32; Rom. ii. 14, 15, where emphasis is laid upon the revelation of
   God to the heathen world which renders their sinful lives without
   excuse. The three passages combined yield the following ideas: (1) God
   has revealed Himself to the heathen in nature and conscience. (2) This
   revelation is sufficient to found responsibility. (3) As obedience to
   this inner law would merit God's approval (Rom. ii. 14), so
   disobedience to it would merit his displeasure. (4) As matter of fact
   the Gentiles have not followed the light which they had and thus they
   have wickedly brought upon themselves the wrath of God and the
   penalties of his moral law.--G.B.S.

   [717] B. and mod. text have pothon "his affection," C. and Cat. om. A.
   "his zeal, fervent and set on fire." Below, for katesparkenai, mod.
   text boulesthai speirai, "because he wished to sow the word
   (elsewhere)."

   [718] ou dia ton apostolon k. t. l. so all our mss. The sense rather
   requires dia tous ap. or heneka ton ap. "for the sake of the Apostles,"
   etc.

   [719] paramuthia i.e. by the ordination of elders, as explained below
   in the recap. "but there they needed polles paramuthias, and especially
   they of the Gentiles, who behooved to be taught much."--The thermotes
   of Paul, shown in his zeal for the establishment of the Gospel among
   the Gentiles: see below at the end of the recap. Then, eita alle
   paramuthia, if it be not an accidental repetition of the clause before
   v. 23. must be referred to the clause, "They commended them to the
   Lord," which it follows in the mss.

   [720] The appointment of elders in every church (which the apostles
   visited on this journey) is made by Paul and Barnabas. Meyer supposes
   that the apostles only superintended the popular choice by the church
   itself. The word employed (cheirotoneo), meaning to stretch forth the
   hand, as in voting would seem especially appropriate to the idea of a
   popular election, but the participle here employed (cheirotonesantes)
   has not the church but Paul and Barnabas for its subject. It seems
   necessary, therefore, to take it in the general and derived sense--to
   elect--to choose. There were several elders for each church as there
   had been several for each synagogue, the model for the constitution of
   the early churches. They were also called bishops (episkopoi). These
   with the deacons were the only church officers. (Phil. i. 1.) Their
   duty was to be leaders, teachers, and rulers in the churches. They were
   at once pastors, teachers and rulers. Their functions were cooerdinate.
   No one of them was above the others in any particular church. Each
   church had several co-pastors, teachers or bishops.--G.B.S.

   [721] tous eniautous. Cat. tous eniausiaious huetous, "the yearly
   rains."--Below, our mss. have, "And out of the city," being afraid of
   those, O the madness! "they dragged him." etc. (ho tes manias! repeated
   from above).--Mod. text But "out of the city they dragged" (him).
   perhaps being afraid of him, ekeinon.

   [722] Mega gar ontos megale psuche gennaia: for this, which is
   evidently meant as eulogy of St Paul. the mod. text substitutes Mega
   ontos agathon he thlipsis: kai megales psuches kai gennaias katorthoma.
   "A great benefit indeed is affliction, and an achievement of a great
   and generous soul."

   [723] all' homos tanantia epoiei. But A. epathen, mod. text epaschen,
   "the treatment he received was just the opposite to these (honors)."

   [724] tous odontas endaknousin. Erasm. dentibus studentes, endakontes
   mod. text for which, as "gnashing the teeth" does not suit the context,
   Ben. gives dentes excussi.

   [725] rhope esti, kai to pan katorthosas eutheos, me sunarpages mede
   kinethes. Mod. text rhope esti, "be not hurried, and thou" etc; me
   kin., "do not move, and," etc.--Below megale paramuthia. meaning either
   consolation to the beholders, or rather as below, a soothing of the
   excited passions of the opponent.

   [726] 'All' achrestos ginetai: i.e. "It is bad for himself that he
   should go unpunished: so he becomes good for nothing."

   [727] epoiesen: i.e. "He would not Himself have exercised this
   forbearance." Mod. text epetaxen, "He would not have enjoined this."

   [728] All our mss. kai kathaper puretos hotan sphodron pneuse, and this
   the Edd. retain without remark. We restore pneuma, or anemos...sphodra.
   Between pneuma and anemos as an interlinear correction arose the absurd
   reading puretos.

   [729] In the mod. text ti poiountes; is placed before Konin epib and
   sigontes is connected with tous kunas kalomen: "by holding our peace
   let us call the dogs," etc.

   [730] In the original the sense is perplexed by the negligent use of
   the demonstr. houtos and ekeinos, supra p. 42. The meaning is: "B. (the
   second person mentioned) says to A. (suppose a porne periphanes), "You
   are so and so," such being the fact: she retorts with a like reproach,
   which is not true: whether is most damaged (hubristai)? Not she, for
   being what the other calls her she is just where she was before. The
   disgrace is to him; and that, not from her words, for they do not fit:
   but from his own indecent railing: so that he thinking to disgrace her
   has more disgraced himself. He is more disgraced by calling the other
   the thing that she is, than by being called by her the thing that he is
   not."

   [731] asuneidesias apiston doxan labon: which being unintelligible,
   must be restored by replacing he before asun. and before apistou(so
   mod. text rightly for apiston). "He gets the doza either of asuneid. in
   which case he is a foul calumniator, or of an apistos:" which latter in
   the way in which it is put supra Hom. xiv. p. 193: "as regards himself,
   he has shown all men that he is not to be trusted, as not knowing how
   to screen his neighbor's faults."

   [732] ton ep' agoras suromenon, not as Ben. eorum qui forum
   frequentant: but, "one of those old hags, bawds, and the like, whom for
   their crimes you may see dragged by the officers to punishment, and
   screaming out their foul-mouthed railings."

   [733] tauta ek tes poleos ta sunedria. So all our mss.: perhaps
   tautas--tas sunetheias.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Homily XXXII.

   Acts XV. 1

   "And certain men which came down from Judea taught the brethren, and
   said, Except ye be circumcised after the manner of Moses, ye cannot be
   saved."

   Mark [734] how at every step of the right progress in respect of the
   Gentiles, the beginning is brought in as matter of necessity. Before
   this (Peter) being found fault with, justified himself, and said all
   that he said in the tone of apology, which was what made his words
   acceptable: then, the Jews having turned away, upon this (Paul) came to
   the Gentiles. Here again, seeing another extravagance coming in, upon
   this (the apostle) enacts the law. For as it is likely that they, as
   being taught of God, discoursed to all indifferently, this moved to
   jealousy them of the Jews (who had believed). And they did not merely
   speak of circumcision, but they said, Ye cannot even be saved. Whereas
   the very opposite to this was the case, that receiving circumcision
   they could not be saved. Do you mark how closely the trials succeed
   each other, from within, from without? It is well ordered too, that
   this happens when Paul is present, that he may answer them. "When
   therefore Paul and Barnabas had no small dissension and disputation
   with them, they determined that Paul and Barnabas, and certain other of
   them, should go up to Jerusalem unto the apostles and elders about this
   question." (v. 2.) And Paul does not say, What? Have I not a right to
   be believed after so many signs? but he complied for their sakes. "And
   being brought on their way by the Church, they passed through Phenice
   and Samaria, declaring the conversion of the Gentiles: and they caused
   great joy unto all the brethren." (v. 3.) And observe, the consequence
   is that all the Samaritans also, learn what has come to the Gentiles:
   and they rejoiced. "And when they were come to Jerusalem, they were
   received of the Church, and of the apostles and elders, and they
   declared all things that God had done with them." (v. 4.) See what a
   providence is here! "But there rose up certain of the sect of the
   Pharisees which believed, saying, That it was needful to circumcise
   them, and to command them to keep the law of Moses. And the apostles
   and elders came together to consider of this matter. And when there had
   been much disputing, Peter rose up and said unto them, Men and
   brethren, ye know how that of old days God made choice among us, that
   the Gentiles by my mouth should hear the word of the Gospel, and
   believe." (v. 5-7.) Observe Peter from the first standing aloof
   (kechorismenon) from the affair, and even to this time judaizing. And
   yet (says he) "ye know." (ch. x. 45; xi. 2.) Perhaps those were present
   who of old found fault with him in the matter of Cornelius, and went in
   with him (on that occasion): for this reason he brings them forward as
   witnesses. "From old days," he says, "did choose among you." What
   means, "Among you?" Either, in Palestine, or, you being present. "By my
   mouth." Observe how he shows that it was God speaking by him, and no
   human utterance. "And God, that knoweth the hearts, gave testimony unto
   them:" he refers them to the spiritual testimony: "by giving them the
   Holy Ghost even as unto us." (v. 8.) Everywhere he puts the Gentiles
   upon a thorough equality. "And put no difference between us and them,
   having purified their hearts by faith." (v. 9.) From faith alone, he
   says, they obtained the same gifts. This is also meant as a lesson to
   those (objectors); this is able to teach even them that faith only is
   needed, not works nor circumcision. For indeed they do not say all this
   only by way of apology for the Gentiles, but to teach (the Jewish
   believers) also to abandon the Law. However, at present this is not
   said. "Now therefore why tempt ye God, to put a yoke upon the neck of
   the disciples?" (v. 10.) What means, "Tempt ye God?" As if He had not
   power to save by faith. Consequently, it proceeds from a want of faith,
   this bringing in the Law. Then he shows that they themselves were
   nothing benefited by it, and he turns the whole (stress of his speech)
   against the Law, not against them, and (so) cuts short the accusation
   of them: "which neither our fathers nor we were able to bear. But we
   believe that through the grace of the Lord Jesus we shall be saved,
   even as they." (v. 11.) How full of power these words! The same that
   Paul says at large in the Epistle to the Romans, the same says Peter
   here. "For if Abraham," says (Paul), "was justified by works, he hath
   whereof to glory, but not before God." (Rom. iv. 2.) Do you perceive
   that all this is more a lesson for them than apology for the Gentiles?
   However, if he had spoken this without a plea for speaking, he [735]
   would have been suspected: an occasion having offered, he lays hold of
   it, and speaks out fearlessly. See on all occasions how the designs of
   their foes are made to work with them. If those had not stirred the
   question, these things would not have been spoken, nor what follows.
   [736]

   (Recapitulation.) (b) But [737] let us look more closely at what has
   been said. "And certain men," etc. In Jerusalem, then, there were not
   any believers from among the Gentiles: but in Antioch of course there
   were. Therefore [738] there came down certain yet laboring under this
   disease of the love of rule, and wishing to have those of the Gentiles
   attached to them. And yet Paul, though he too was learned in the Law,
   was not thus affected. "When therefore Paul and Barnabas had no small
   disputation with them," etc. (v. 2.) But when he returned from thence,
   the doctrine also became more exact. For if they at Jerusalem enjoin no
   such thing, much more these (have no right to do so). "And being
   brought on their way," etc, "they caused no small joy to the brethren."
   (v. 3.) Do you mark, as many as are not enamoured of rule, rejoiced in
   their believing? It was no ambitious feeling that prompted their
   recitals, neither was it for display, but in justification of the
   preaching to the Gentiles. (v. 4.) Thus they say nothing of what had
   happened in the matter of the Jews. [739] "But there arose up certain
   of the sect of the Pharisees which believed," etc. (v. 5.) (a) But even
   if they would needs bring over the Gentiles to their side, they learn
   that neither must the Apostles overlook it. [740] "And the Apostles and
   elders," etc. (v. 6.) "Among us," he says, "God chose:" and "from old
   days:" long ago, he says, not now. And [741] this too is no small
   point--at a time when Jews believed, not turned away (from the Gospel).
   "Among us;" an argument from the place: "of old days," from the time.
   And that expression, "Chose:" just as in their own case [742] he says
   not, (so) willed it, but, "Chose that the Gentiles by my mouth should
   hear the word of the Gospel and believe." Whence is this proved? From
   the Spirit. Then he shows that the testimony given them is not of grace
   merely, but of their virtue. "And God which knoweth the hearts bare
   them witness" (v. 8); having afforded to them nothing less (than to
   us), for, he says, "Put no difference between us and them." (v. 9.) Why
   then, hearts are what one must everywhere look to. [743] And it is very
   appositely said, "God that knoweth the hearts bare them witness:" as in
   the former instance, "Thou, Lord, that knowest the hearts of all men."
   (ch. i. 24.) For to show that this is the meaning, observe what he
   adds, "Put no difference between us and them." When he has mentioned
   the testimony borne to them, then he utters that great word, the same
   which Paul speaks, "Neither circumcision availeth anything, nor
   uncircumcision." (1 Cor. vii. 19.) "That he may make the twain one in
   Himself." (Eph. ii. 5.) Of all these the seeds lie in Peter's
   discourse. And he does not say (between) them of the circumcision, but
   "Between us," that is the Apostles, "and them." Then, that the
   expression, "no difference" may not seem an outrage, After faith, he
   says--"Having purified their hearts by faith" (v. 10)--He thoroughly
   cleansed them first. [744] Then he shows, not that the Law was evil,
   but themselves weak.--"But we believe that through the grace of the
   Lord Jesus we shall be saved even as they." (v. 11.) Mark how he ends
   with a fearful consideration. He [745] does not discourse to them from
   the Prophets, but from things present, of which themselves were
   witnesses. Of course [746] (the Prophets) also themselves anon add
   their testimony (infra v. 15), and make the reason stronger by what has
   now come to pass. And observe, he first permits the question to be
   moved in the Church, and then speaks. "And put no difference
   between"--he said not, them of the circumcision, but "us and them,"
   i.e. the Gentiles: for [747] this (gradual advance) little by little is
   stronger. "Why therefore tempt ye God?" who is become (the) God of the
   Gentiles: for this was tempting: [748] * * * whether He is able to save
   even after the Law. See what he does. He shows that they are in danger.
   For if, what the Law could not do, faith had power to do, "we believe
   that through the grace of the Lord Jesus we shall be saved even as
   they" (comp. Gal. ii. 16): but faith falling off, behold, themselves
   (are) in destruction. And he did not say, Why do ye disbelieve? which
   was more harsh, but, "Tempt God," and that when the fact is
   demonstrated.

   (c) Great effrontery this, of the Pharisees, that even after faith they
   set up the Law, and will not obey the Apostles. But see these, how
   mildly they speak, and not in the tone of authority: such words are
   amiable, and more apt to fix themselves in the mind. Observe, it is
   nowhere a display of words, but demonstration by facts, by the Spirit.
   And yet, though they have such proofs, they still speak gently. And
   observe they [749] do not come accusing those at Antioch, but
   "declaring all things that God had done with them:" (v. 4) but thence
   again these men lay hold upon the occasion (to compass their own
   objects), "but there rose up," etc. (v. 1.) Such were the pains they
   took in their love of power: and it was not with the knowledge of the
   Apostles that they Paul and Barnabas were blamed. But still they
   brought forward none of these charges: but when they have proved the
   matter, then (the Apostles) write in stronger terms.

   For gentleness [750] is everywhere a great good: gentleness, I say, not
   stupid indifference; gentleness, not adulation: for between these there
   is a vast difference. Nothing ruffled Paul, nothing discomposed Peter.
   When thou hast convincing proofs, why lose thy temper, to render these
   of none effect? It is impossible for one who is out of temper ever to
   persuade. Yesterday also we discoursed about anger; but there is no
   reason why we should not to-day also; perchance a second exhortation
   coming directly after the first will effect somewhat. For indeed a
   medicine though of virtue to heal a wound, unless it be constantly
   renewed, mars all. And think not that our continual discoursing about
   the same things is a condemning of you: for if we condemned you, we
   should not discourse; but now, hoping that you will gain much, we speak
   these things. Would indeed that we did speak constantly of the same
   things: would that there were no other subject of our discourses, than
   how we might overcome our passions. For is it not contrary to all
   reason, that while emperors, living in luxury and so great honor, have
   no subject of discourse either while sitting at table, or at any other
   time, save only how to overcome their enemies [751] --and therefore it
   is that they hold their assemblies each day, and appoint generals and
   soldiers, and demand taxes and tributes; and that of all state affairs,
   the moving causes are these two, the overcoming of those who make war
   upon them, and the establishing of their subjects in peace--we have no
   mind for such themes as this, nor ever even dream of conversing upon
   them: but how we may buy land, or purchase slaves, and make our
   property greater, these are subjects we can talk about every day, and
   never be tired of them: while concerning things in ourselves and really
   our own, we neither wish to speak ourselves, nor so much as dream of
   tolerating advice, nor of enduring to hear others speaking about them?
   But answer me, what do you talk about? About dinner? Why that is a
   subject for cooks. Of money? Nay, that is a theme for hucksters and
   merchants. Of buildings? That belongs to carpenters and builders. Of
   land? That talk is for husbandmen. But for us, there is no other proper
   business, save this, how we may make wealth for the soul. Then let not
   the discourse be wearisome to you. Why is it that none finds fault with
   the physician for always discoursing of the healing art, nor with
   people of other crafts for talking about their peculiar arts? If indeed
   the mastery over our passions were really achieved, so that there were
   no need of putting us in mind, we might reasonably be taxed with
   ambition and display: or rather, not then either. For even if it were
   gained, for all that, there would be need of discoursing, that one
   might not relapse and remain uncorrected: as in fact physicians
   discourse not only to the sick, but also to the whole, and they have
   books on this subject, on the one part how to free from disease, on the
   other how to preserve health. So that even if we are well, still we
   must not give over, but must do all in order to the preserving of our
   health. And when we are sick there is a twofold necessity for advice:
   first, that we may be freed from the disease; secondly, that having
   been freed, we may not fall into it again. Well then, we are
   discoursing now by the method of treating the sick, not by the rules
   for the treatment of the healthy.

   How then may one root out this evil passion? how subdue (huposkeliseie)
   this violent fever? Let us see whence it had its birth, and let us
   remove the cause. Whence is it wont to arise? From arrogance and much
   haughtiness. This cause then let us remove, and the disease is removed
   together with it. But what is arrogance? whence does it arise? for
   perhaps we are likely to have to go back to a still higher origin. But
   whatever course the reason of the thing may point out, that let us
   take, that we may go to the bottom of the mischief, and pluck it up by
   the roots. Whence then comes arrogance? From our not looking into our
   own concerns, but instead of that, busying ourselves about the nature
   of land, though we are not husbandmen, and the nature of gold, though
   we are not merchants, and concerning clothing, and everything else:
   while to ourselves and our own nature we never look at all. And who,
   you will say, is ignorant of his own nature? Many: perhaps all, save a
   few: and if ye will, I will show the proof of it. For, tell me, what is
   man? If one were asked, will he be able to answer outright to the
   questions, In what he differs from the brutes, in what he is akin to
   the heavenly inhabitants, what can be made of man? For as in the case
   of any other material, so also in this case: man is the subject-matter,
   but of this can be made either an angel or a beast. Does not this seem
   a strange saying? And yet ye have often heard it in the Scriptures. For
   of certain human beings it was said, "he is the angel of the Lord"
   (Mal. ii. 7): and "from his lips," saith it, "they shall seek judgment"
   (Mal. iii. 1): and again, "I send My angel before Thy face:" but of
   some, "Serpents, generation of vipers." (Matt. xii. 34.) So then, it
   all depends upon the use. Why do I say, an angel? the man can become
   God, and a child of God. For we read, "I have said, Ye are gods, and
   all of you are children of the Most High." (Ps. lxxxii. 6.) And what is
   greater, the power to become both God and angel and child of God is put
   into his own hands. Yea, so it is, man can be the maker of an angel.
   Perchance this saying has startled you? Hear however Christ saying: "In
   the Resurrection they neither marry nor are given in marriage, but are
   like unto the angels." (Matt. xxii. 30.) And again, "He that is able to
   receive it, let him receive it." (Matt. xix. 12.) In a word, it is
   virtue which makes angels: but this is in our power: therefore we are
   able to make angels, though not in nature, certainly in will. For
   indeed if virtue be absent, it is no advantage to be an angel by
   nature; and the Devil is a proof of this, who was an angel once: but if
   virtue be present, it is no loss to be a man by nature; and John is a
   proof of this, who was a man, and Elias who went up into heaven, and
   all those who are about to depart thither. For these indeed, though
   with bodies, were not prevented from dwelling in heaven: while those
   others, though without bodies, could not remain in heaven. Let no one
   then grieve or be vexed with his nature as if it were a hindrance to
   him, but with his will. He (the Devil) from being incorporeal became a
   lion: for lo! it saith, "Our adversary, as a roaring lion, walketh
   about, seeking whom he may devour" (1 Pet. v. 8): we from being
   corporeal, become angels. For just as if a person, having found some
   precious material, should despise it, as not being an artificer, it
   will be a great loss to him, whether it be pearls, or a pearl shell, or
   any other such thing that he has seen; so we likewise, if we are
   ignorant of our own nature, shall despise it much: but if we know what
   it is, we shall exhibit much zeal, and reap the greatest profits. For
   from this nature is wrought a king's robe, from this a king's house,
   from this nature are fashioned a king's members: all are kingly. Let us
   not then misuse our own nature to our hurt. He has made us "a little
   lower than the angels," (Ps. viii. 5), I mean, by reason of death: but
   even that little we have now recovered. There is nothing therefore to
   hinder us from becoming nigh to the angels, if we will. Let us then
   will it, let us will it, and having exercised ourselves thoroughly, let
   us return honor to the Father, and the Son, and the Holy Spirit, now
   and ever, world without end, Amen.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [734] Ora pantachou tes eis ta ethne diorthoseos (the putting things
   right, the introduction of the right and proper course: mod. text
   metabaseos) anankaian ten archen eisagomenen. Mod. text ap' auton
   eisag. which Ben. renders, vide ubique transitum ad Gentes necessario a
   Judaeis inductum. But the meaning is: "Throughout, it is so ordered by
   the Providence of God, that the Apostles do not seem to act
   spontaneously in this matter, but to be led by the force of
   circumstances." The persons (Peter, Paul, James) are not specified, the
   sense being: First, upon fault being found, there is apologizing and
   self-justifying: then, upon the Jews' open aversion, the preaching
   comes to the Gentiles: now, upon a new emergency, a law is enacted.--In
   the next sentence, B. C. diaphoros: A. and mod. text adiaphoros, which
   we retain.

   [735] Mod. text isos oudamos hupoptos en, "perhaps he would not have
   been any way suspected."

   [736] With Luke's narrative of the Apostolic council at Jerusalem
   should be compared Paul's (Gal. ii.) which gives additional
   particulars. The conference marked an epoch in the history of the
   church. Here came into decisive conflict two opposing tendencies--the
   Pharisaic tendency which insisted that the Gentiles must enter the
   Kingdom through the door of the law, and the catholic spirit which,
   following the principles of Stephen's apology and appreciating the
   revelations made to Peter, insisted that adherence to the Mosaic law
   was not only unnecessary, but was positively inconsistent with the
   freedom and completeness of Christ's salvation. The decree of the
   council was, no doubt, of great service in checking the Judaizing
   tendencies of the early church. It was in the line of this decree that
   the work of Paul was done, as the champion of catholic Christianity.
   The chief points to be noted in v. 1-12 are: (1) The representatives of
   the narrower Jewish view came to Antioch on purpose to antagonize the
   work of Paul and Barnabas among the Gentiles (v. 1). (2) They took the
   extreme position that salvation depended on circumcision and caused
   great anxiety and debate among the Gentile Christians regarding their
   relations to the Mosaic law (v. 2). (3) The Apostles and messengers who
   were sent to appeal the question to the leaders of the mother church at
   Jerusalem answered their objections by the fact of the Gentiles'
   conversion (v. 3-5). (4) Peter's position was now clear and pronounced.
   This is implied even in his subsequent conduct at Antioch whence he
   withdrew from the Gentiles (Gal. ii. 11 sq.) which Paul represents as
   an inconsistency. (5) Peter's view is first given both on account of
   his prominence among the Apostles and because he had been the first to
   bear the gospel to the Gentiles.--G.B.S.

   [737] In the mss. and Edd. the part marked (b) is transposed to the
   beginning (c) of the remarks introductory to the morale, so that the
   Recapitulation (announced by mod. text at the end of the first sentence
   of (a) is split into two halves and the latter given first. In the old
   text the two parts (b) (c) make the entire Recapitulation, so that it
   is by no means akribesteron.

   [738] Mod. text "Therefore they depart (thither) and stay no short time
   there (ch. xiv. 28). 'But there arose certain of the Pharisees (v. 5)
   yet laboring under the disease," etc.

   [739] ton eis tous 'Ioudaious sumbebekoton: i.e. of the dispute about
   circumcision, see below p. 203, note 7. The first sentence of (c)
   "Great effrontery (this) of the Pharisees," etc., would come in
   suitably here, but it is required for introduction of the sentence
   which follows it, "But see the Apostles," etc.

   [740] Here mod. text has the formula, 'All' idomen anothen ta eiremena.

   [741] Kai touto de ou mikron, 'Ioudaion pisteuonton kai touton ouk
   apostraphenton, apo tou topou, apo tou kairou. Mod. text substitutes
   the sense of the latter words: duo toutois ho legei pistoutai, to kairo
   kai to topo: but for the former, ou mikron de to kai 'Ioudaion
   pisteuonton touto apostraphenai, quod etiam Judaeis credentibus hoc
   avertatur. Ben. We reject touton, which disturbs the sense. He says:
   "Long ago--therefore why raise this question now, which was settled in
   those early days, when Jews received the faith, not rejected it with
   aversion? which aversion of theirs is now the occasion of the
   preachers' turning to the Gentiles. Yet even then the will of God was
   plainly declared. Thus the Apostle argues strongly both from the
   place--here in the midst of the Jews--and from the time."

   [742] hosper ep' auton: referring to i. 24. as below on kardiognostes.
   He means, "It was a purpose of the Lord, and a high distinction:
   therefore he does not say, He would, or was willing that the Gentiles
   should hear, but He elected me for this work, as He elected us to the
   Apostleship."

   [743] Ara kardias dei pantachou zetein. i.e. "He implies that God, as
   knowing the hearts of all men saw the fitness of these Gentiles,
   therefore chose them, and made no distinction between us and them in
   point of fitness. Consequently, the heart, not circumcision, is what we
   must everywhere look to. Nay, he adds, this same expression,
   kardiognostes was used by the Apostles on the occasion above referred
   to: so that Peter, by using it here also, declares the Gentiles to be
   upon a par with the Apostles themselves: no difference between us the
   Apostles, and them."

   [744] mss. 'Exekathare proteron ton logon, kai tote k. t. l. Either ton
   logon has come in from another place (perhaps after eis phoberon
   katelexe below), or some words are lost, e.g. pistei te eis ton logon.

   [745] The phoberon is in the kath' hon tropon kakeinoi. "Our danger,
   through the Law, is greater than theirs. Not only are they put upon a
   par with us, but we may be thankful to be put upon a par with them." To
   bring out this point, he reviews the tenor and drift of St. Peter's
   speech.

   [746] Eikotos kai autoi loipon epimarturousi: that autoi means the
   Prophets (cited by St. James), seems to be shown by tois ede
   genomenois, "what they long ago foretold, which is even now come to
   pass."

   [747] to gar katamikron touto ischuroteron genomenon ton ethnon; touto
   gar peirazontos en k. t. l. Mod. text touto gar kata mikron epagomenon
   egineto ischuroteron; ekeino de peir. en.--The meaning is: "He does not
   come at once to the point, but advances to it gradually: first, Put no
   difference--though, as he afterwards shows, if there be a difference it
   is in their favor: we are not to think it much that they are to be
   saved as we, but that we may trust to be saved even as they.'"

   [748] Above, it was "disbelieving God, as not able to save by faith."
   Here, "You are tempting God by your unbelief: whereas the question is
   not so much whether He can save without the Law, as ei dunatai kai meta
   nomon (B. tou nomou) sosai."

   [749] ouk aperchontai diaballontes tous en 'Ant. This also shows the
   epieikeia of Paul and Barnabas, that when they come to Jerusalem, we do
   not find them complaining of the Jews who had come to Antioch, but they
   confine themselves to the recital of "all that God had done with them,"
   v. 4; as he had said above, ouden legousi peri ton eis tous 'Ioudaious
   sumbebekoton. The next clause, 'All' ekeithen palin lambanousin
   aphormen may be referred to the Apostles, "they again take advantage of
   this opportunity, viz. of the Judaizing opposition, to establish the
   freedom of the Gentiles." We have referred it to the Pharisaic
   brethren, v. 5, for the sake of connection with the following houtos
   emeleton to philarchein.--In the next clause, kai (mod. text hoi kai),
   ouk eidoton ton apostolon ememphthesan, Sav. marg. has 'pemphthesan,
   "these Judaizers were not sent with knowledge of the Apostles."

   [750] 'Epieikeia, gentleness, in the sense of moderation and
   forbearance, keeping one's temper: here distinguished from the temper
   of the psuchros, which is unruffled only because he does not feel, and
   that of the flatterer, who puts up with everything for the sake of
   pleasing.

   [751] He means, that to basileis, when there is an enemy in the field
   against them, the engrossing theme of discourse, even at table, is how
   to overcome their enemies. Such was probably the state of things when
   this Homily was preached: for the note of time in Hom. xliv. implies
   that it was delivered either at the close of 400 or the beginning of
   401 a.d.: now the former of these years was signalized by the revolt
   and defeat of Gainas. Hence the following passage might be rendered,
   "they are holding assemblies each day, appointing generals and
   demanding taxes," etc. The war ended Dec. 400, in the defeat of Gainas.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Homily XXXIII.

   Acts XV. 13, 15

   "And after they had held their peace, James answered, saying, Men and
   brethren, hearken unto me: Symeon hath declared how God at the first
   did visit the Gentiles, to take out of them a people for his name. And
   to this agree the words of the prophets."

   This (James) was bishop, as they say, and therefore he speaks last, and
   herein is fulfilled that saying, "In the mouth of two or three
   witnesses shall every word be established." (Deut. xvii. 6; Matt.
   xviii. 16.) But observe the discretion shown by him also, in making his
   argument good from the prophets, both new and old. [752] For he had no
   acts of his own to declare, as Peter had and Paul. And indeed it is
   wisely ordered that this (the active) part is assigned to those, as not
   intended to be locally fixed in Jerusalem, whereas (James) here, who
   performs the part of teacher, is no way responsible for what has been
   done, while however he is not divided from them in opinion. [753] (b)
   "Men and brethren," he says, "hearken unto me." Great is the moderation
   of the man. His also is a more complete oration, as indeed it puts the
   completion to the matter under discussion. (a) "Symeon," he says,
   "declared:" (namely,) in Luke, in that he prophesied, "Which Thou hast
   prepared before the face of all nations, a light to lighten the
   Gentiles, and the glory of Thy people Israel." [754] (c) "How God at
   the first did visit the Gentiles, to take out of them a people for His
   Name." (Luke ii. 25.) Then, since that (witness), though [755] from the
   time indeed he was manifest, yet had not authority by reason of his not
   being ancient, therefore he produces ancient prophecy also, saying,
   "And to this agree the words of the Prophets, as it is written: After
   this I wilt return, and will build again the tabernacle of David which
   is fallen down; and I will build again the ruins thereof, and I will
   set it up." (v. 16.) What? was Jerusalem raised up? Was it not rather
   thrown down? What [756] sort of raising up does he call that which took
   place after the return from Babylon? "That the residue of men," he
   says, "may seek the Lord, even all the Gentiles upon whom My Name is
   called." (v. 17.) Then, what makes his word authoritative--"Saith the
   Lord, which doeth all these things:" and, for that this is no new
   thing, but all was planned from the beginning, "Known unto God are all
   His works from everlasting." [757] (v. 18.) And then again his
   authority (kai to axioma palin) (as Bishop): "Wherefore my sentence is,
   that we trouble not them, which from among the Gentiles are turned to
   God: but that we write unto them, that they abstain from pollution of
   idols, and from fornication, and from things strangled, and from blood.
   For Moses of old time hath in every city them that preach him, being
   read in the synagogues every sabbath day." (v. 19-21.) Since [758] then
   they had heard of the Law, with good reason he enjoins these things
   from the Law, that he may not seem to make it of no authority. And
   (yet) observe how he does not let them be told these things from the
   Law, but from himself, saying, It is not that I heard these things from
   the Law, but how? "We have judged." Then the decree is made in common.
   "Then pleased it the Apostles and elders, together with the whole
   Church, to choose men of their own company"--do you observe they do not
   merely enact these matters, and nothing more?--"and send them to
   Antioch with Paul and Barnabas: namely, Judas surnamed Barsabas, and
   Silas, chief men among the brethren: and they wrote letters by them
   after this manner." (v. 22.) And observe, the more to authenticate the
   decree, they send men of their own, that there may be no room for
   regarding Paul and his company with suspicion. "The Apostles and elders
   and brethren send greeting unto the brethren which are of the Gentiles
   in Antioch and Syria and Cilicia." (v. 23.) And mark [759] with what
   forbearance of all harsh vituperation of those (brethren) they indite
   their epistle. "Forasmuch as we have heard, that certain which went out
   from us have troubled you with words, subverting your souls, saying, Ye
   must be circumcised, and keep the Law: to whom we gave no such
   commandment." (v. 24.) Sufficient was this charge against the temerity
   of those men, and worthy of the Apostles' moderation, that they said
   nothing beyond this. Then to show that they do not act despotically,
   that all are agreed in this, that with deliberation they write
   this--"It seemed good to us, being assembled with one accord, to send
   men of ours whom we have chosen" (v. 25)--then, that it may not look
   like disparagement of Paul and Barnabas, that those men are sent,
   observe the encomium passed upon them--"together with our beloved
   Barnabas and Paul, men that have hazarded their lives for the name of
   our Lord Jesus Christ. We have sent therefore Judas and Silas; who
   shall also tell you the same things by mouth. For it seemed good to the
   Holy Spirit and to us"--it is not man's doing, it says--"to lay upon
   you no greater burden"--again it calls the Law a burden: then
   apologizing even for these injunctions--"save these necessary things"
   (v. 26-28): "That ye abstain from meats offered to idols, and from
   blood, and from things strangled, and from fornication from which if ye
   keep yourselves, ye shall do well. (v. 29.) For these things the New
   Testament did not enjoin: we nowhere find that Christ discoursed about
   these matters; but these things they take from the Law. "From things
   strangled," it says, "and from blood." Here it prohibits murder. (Comp.
   Gen. ix. 5.) "So when they were dismissed, they came to Antioch: and
   when they had gathered the multitude together, they delivered the
   epistle: which when they had read, they rejoiced for the consolation."
   (v. 30, 31.) Then those (brethren) also exhorted them: and having
   established them, for towards Paul they were contentiously disposed, so
   departed from them in peace. "And Judas and Silas, being prophets also
   themselves, exhorted the brethren with many words, and confirmed them.
   And after they had tarried there a space, they were let go in peace
   from the brethren unto the Apostles." (v. 32, 33.) No more factions and
   fightings, but thenceforth Paul taught. [760]

   (Recapitulation.) "Then all the multitude kept silence," etc. (v. 12.)
   There was no arrogance in the Church. After Peter Paul speaks, and none
   silences him: James waits patiently, not starts up [761] (for the next
   word). Great the orderliness (of the proceedings). No word speaks John
   here, no word the other Apostles, but held their peace, for James was
   invested with the chief rule, and think it no hardship. So clean was
   their soul from love of glory. "And after that they had held their
   peace, James answered," etc. (v. 13.) (b) Peter indeed spoke more
   strongly, but James here more mildly: for thus it behooves one in high
   authority, to leave what is unpleasant for others to say, while he
   himself appears in the milder part. (a) But what means it, "How God
   first (prhoton) did visit?" (v. 14.) (It means) from the beginning (ex
   archhes). [762] (c) Moreover he well says, "Symeon expounded"
   (exegesato) (or, interpreted), implying that he too spake the mind of
   others. "And to this agree," etc. Observe how he shows that this is a
   doctrine of old time. "To take out of the Gentiles," he says, "a people
   for His Name." (v. 15.) Not simply, Chose, but, "for His Name," that is
   for His glory. His Name is not shamed by the taking (prolepsei) the
   Gentiles first, but it is even a greater glory.--Here some even great
   thing is hinted at: that these are chosen before all. [763] "After this
   I will return, and rebuild the tabernacle of David which is fallen
   down." (v. 16.) But if one would look into the matter closely, the
   kingdom of David does in fact now stand, his Offspring reigning
   everywhere. For what is the good of the buildings and the city, with
   none obeying there? And what is the harm arising from the destruction
   of the city, when all are willing to give their very souls? There is
   that come which is more illustrious than David: in all parts of the
   world is he now sung. This has come to pass: if so, then must this also
   come to pass, "And I will build again the ruins thereof, and I will set
   it up:" to what end? "that the residue of men may seek the Lord, and
   all the Gentiles, upon whom My Name is called." (v. 17.) If then it was
   to this end that the city rose again (namely) because of Him (that was
   to come) of them, it shows that of the building of the city the cause
   is, the calling of the Gentiles. Who are "the residue?" those who are
   then left. [764] "And all the Gentiles, upon whom My Name is called:"
   but observe, how he keeps the due order, and brings them in second.
   "Saith the Lord, which doeth these things." Not "saith" (only), but
   "doeth." Why then, it was God's work.--"But the question is other than
   this (namely), what Peter spoke more plainly, whether they must be
   circumcised. Then why dost thou harangue about these matters?" For what
   the objectors asserted, was not that they must not be received upon
   believing, but that it must be with the Law. And upon this Peter well
   pleaded: but then, as this very thing above all others troubled the
   hearers, therefore he sets this to rights again (therapeuei). And
   observe, that which was needful to be enacted as a rule, that it is not
   necessary to keep the Law, this Peter introduced: but the milder part,
   [765] the truth which was received of old, this James saith, and dwells
   upon that concerning which nothing is [766] written, in order that
   having soothed their minds by that which is acknowledged, he may
   opportunely introduce this likewise. "Wherefore," saith he, "my
   sentence is, not to trouble them which from among the Gentiles do turn
   unto God" (v. 19), that is, not to subvert: for, if God called them,
   and these observances subvert, we fight against God. And [767] again,
   "them which from the Gentiles," he saith, "do turn." And he says well,
   with authority, the "my sentence is. But that we write unto them that
   they abstain from pollutions of idols, and from fornication"--(b) and
   yet they often insisted upon these points in discoursing to them [768]
   --but, that he may seem also to honor the Law (he mentions), these
   also, speaking (however) not as from Moses but from the Apostles, and
   to make the commandments many, he has divided the one into two
   (saying), "and from things strangled, and from blood." (v. 20.) For
   these, although relating to the body, were necessary to be observed,
   because (these things) caused great evils, "For Moses hath of old times
   in every city," etc. (v. 21.) This above all quieted them. (anepausen)
   (a) For this cause I affirm that it is good (so "to write to them.")
   Then why do we not write the same injunctions to Jews also? Moses
   discourses unto them. See what condescension (to their weakness)! Where
   it did no harm, he set him up as teacher, and indulged them with a
   gratification which hindered nothing, by permitting Jews to hear him in
   regard of these matters, even while leading away from him them of the
   Gentiles. See what wisdom! He seems to honor him, and to set him up as
   the authority for his own people, and by this very thing he leads away
   the Gentiles from him! [769] "Being read in the synagogues every
   sabbath day." Then why do they not learn (what is to be learnt) out of
   him, for instance * *? [770] Through the perversity of these men. He
   shows that even these (the Jews) need observe no more (than these
   necessary things). And if we do not write to them, it is not that they
   are bound to observe anything more, but only that they have one to tell
   them. And he does not say, Not to offend, nor to turn them back, [771]
   which is what Paul said to the Galatians, but, "not to trouble them:"
   he shows that the point (katorthoma) if carried is nothing but a mere
   troubling. Thus he made an end of the whole matter; [772] and while he
   seems to preserve the Law by adopting these rules from it, he unbinds
   it by taking only these. (c) [773] There was a design of Providence in
   the disputation also, that after the disputation the doctrine might be
   more firm. "Then pleased it the Apostles to send chosen men of their
   own company," etc., no ordinary persons, but the "leading men; having
   written" (letters) "by them after this manner. To those in Antioch," it
   says, "and Syria and Cilicia." (v. 22, 23) where the disease had its
   birth. Observe how they say nothing harsher (phortikoteron) against
   those men, but look to one thing only, namely, to undo (the mischief)
   which has been done. For this would make even the movers of the faction
   there to confess (that they were wrong). They do not say, The seducers,
   the pestilent fellows, or suchlike: though where need is, Paul does
   this, as when he says, "O full of all guile" (ch. xiii. 10): but here,
   the point being carried, there was no need. And observe, they do not
   put it, That certain from us ordered you to keep the Law, but,
   "Troubled you with words, subverting your souls,"--nothing could be
   more proper (kurioteron) than that word: none (of the other speakers)
   has so spoken of the things done by those men. "The souls," he says,
   already strongly established, these persons are anascheuazontes as in
   speaking of a building, "taking them down again:" displacing them
   (metatithentes) from the foundation). [774] "To whom," he says, "we
   gave no such commandment. It seemed good therefore to us being
   assembled with one accord, to send chosen men unto you together with
   our beloved Barnabas and Paul, men that have hazarded their lives for
   the Name of our Lord Jesus Christ." (v. 25, 26.) If "beloved," they
   will not despise them, if they "have hazarded their lives," they have
   themselves a right to be believed. "We have sent," it saith, "Judas and
   Silas, who shall also tell you the same things by word of mouth." (v.
   27.) For it was necessary that there should be not merely the Epistle
   there by itself, lest they should say that Paul and Barnabas had
   suppressed [775] (the real purport), that they said one thing instead
   of another. The encomium passed upon Paul stopped their mouths. For
   this is the reason why neither Paul comes alone nor Barnabas (with
   him), but others also from the Church; that he may not be suspected,
   seeing it was he that advocated that doctrine: nor yet those from
   Jerusalem alone. It shows that they have a right to be believed. "For
   it seemed good," say they, "to the Holy Ghost and to us" (v. 28): not
   making themselves equal (to Him [776] )--they are not so mad. But why
   does it put this (so)? Why did they add, "And to us," and yet it had
   sufficed to say, "To the Holy Ghost?" The one, "To the Holy Ghost,"
   that they may not deem it to be of man; the other, "To us," that they
   may be taught that they also themselves admit (the Gentiles), although
   themselves being in circumcision. They have to speak to men who are
   still weak and afraid of them: this is the reason why this also is
   added. And it shows that it is not by way of condescension that they
   speak, neither because they spared them, nor as considering them weak,
   but the contrary; for great was the reverence of the teachers also.
   [777] "To lay upon you no greater burden"--they [778] are ever calling
   it a burden--and again, "save these necessary things:" for that was a
   superfluous burden. See here a brief Epistle, with nothing more in it
   (than was needed), neither arts of persuasion (kataskeuas) nor
   reasonings, but simply a command: for it was the Spirit's legislating.
   "So when they were dismissed they came to Antioch, and having gathered
   the multitude together, they delivered to them the epistle." (v. 30.)
   After the epistle, then (Judas and Silas) also themselves exhort them
   by word (v. 31): for this also was needful, that (Paul and Barnabas)
   might be quit of all suspicion. "Being prophets also themselves," it
   says, exhorted the brethren "with many words." It shows here the right
   that Paul and Barnabas have to be believed. For Paul also might have
   done this, but it behooved to be done by these. [779] "And after they
   had tarried there a space, they were let go in peace. (v. 33.)

   No [780] more faction. On this occasion, I suppose, it was that they
   received the right hand, as he says himself, "They gave to me and
   Barnabas right hands of fellowship." (Gal. ii. 9.) There he says, "They
   added nothing to me." [781] (ib. 6.) For they confirmed his view: they
   praised and admired it.--It shows that even from human reasonings it is
   possible to see this, not to say from the Holy Ghost only, that they
   sinned a sin not easy to be corrected. For such things need not the
   Spirit.--It shows that the rest are not necessary, but superfluous,
   seeing these things are necessary. "From which if ye keep yourselves,"
   it saith, "ye shall do well." It shows that nothing is lacking to them,
   but this is sufficient. For it might have been done also without
   letters, but that there may be a law in writing (they send this
   Epistle): again, that they may obey the law (the Apostles), also told
   those men (the same things), and they did this, "and confirmed them,
   and having tarried a space were let go in peace."

   Let us not then be offended on account of the heretics. For look, here
   at the very outset of the preaching, how many offences there were: I
   speak not of those which arose from them that were without; for these
   were nothing: but of the offences which were within. For instance,
   first Ananias, then the "murmuring," then Simon the sorcerer;
   afterwards they that accused Peter on account of Cornelius, next the
   famine, [782] lastly this very thing, the chief of the evils. For
   indeed it is impossible when any good thing has taken place, that some
   evil should not also subsist along with it. Let us not then be
   disturbed, if certain are offended, but let us thank God even for this,
   because it makes us more approved. For not tribulations only, but even
   temptations also render us more illustrious. A man is no such great
   lover of the truth, only for holding to it when there is none to lead
   him astray from it: to hold fast to the truth when many are drawing him
   away, this makes the proved man. What then? Is this why offences come?
   I am not speaking as if God were the author of them: God forbid! but I
   mean, that even out of their wickedness He works good to us: it was
   never His wish that they should arise: "Grant to them," He saith, "that
   they may be one" (John xvii. 21): but since offences do come, they are
   no hurt, to these, but even a benefit: just as the persecutors
   unwillingly benefit the Martyrs by dragging them to martyrdom, and yet
   they are not driven to this by God; just so is it here. Let us not look
   (only at this), that men are offended: this very thing is itself a
   proof of the excellence of the doctrine--that many stimulate and
   counterfeit it: for it would not be so, if it were not good. And this I
   will now show, and make on all hands plain to you. Of perfumes, the
   fragrant spices are they which people adulterate and counterfeit; as,
   for instance, the amomum leaf. For because these are rare and of
   necessary use, therefore there come to be spurious imitations likewise.
   Nobody would care to counterfeit any common article. The pure life gets
   many a false pretender to it: no man would care to counterfeit the man
   of vicious life; no, but the man of monastic life.--What then shall we
   say to the heathen? There comes a heathen and says, "I wish to become a
   Christian, but I know not whom to join: there is much fighting and
   faction among you, much confusion: which doctrine am I to choose?" How
   shall we answer him? "Each of you" (says he) "asserts, I speak the
   truth.'" (b) No [783] doubt: this is in our favor. For if we told you
   to be persuaded by arguments, you might well be perplexed: but if we
   bid you believe the Scriptures, and these are simple and true, the
   decision is easy for you. If any agree with the Scriptures, he is the
   Christian; if any fight against them, he is far from this rule. (a)
   "But which am I to believe, knowing as I do nothing at all of the
   Scriptures? The others also allege the same thing for themselves. What
   then (c)if the other come, and say that the Scripture has this, and you
   that it has something different, and ye interpret the Scriptures
   diversely, dragging their sense (each his own way)?" And you then, I
   ask, have you no understanding, no judgment? "And how should I be able
   (to decide)," says he, "I who do not even know how to judge of your
   doctrines? I wish to become a learner, and you are making me forthwith
   a teacher." If he say this, what, say you, are we to answer him? How
   shall we persuade him? Let us ask whether all this be not mere pretence
   and subterfuge. Let us ask whether he has decided (kategnoke) against
   the heathen (that they are wrong). The fact [784] he will assuredly
   affirm, for of course, if he had not so decided, he would not have come
   to (enquire about) our matters: let us ask the grounds on which he has
   decided, for to be sure he has not settled the matter out of hand.
   Clearly he will say, "Because (their gods) are creatures, and are not
   the uncreated God." Good. If then he find this in the other parties
   (aireseis), but among us the contrary, what argument need we? We all
   confess that Christ is God. But let us see who fight (against this
   truth), and who not. Now we, affirming Him to be God speak of Him
   things worthy of God, that He hath power, that He is not a slave, that
   He is free, that He doeth of Himself: whereas the other says the
   reverse. Again I ask: if you would learn (to be) a physician, [785] * *
   *? And yet among them are many (different) doctrines. For if you accept
   without more ado just what you are told, this is not acting like a man:
   but if you have judgment and sense, you shall assuredly know what is
   good. We affirm the Son to be God, we verify (epaletheuomen) what we
   affirm: but they affirm indeed, but (in fact) confess not.--But [786]
   to mention (something) even plainer: those have certain persons from
   whom they are called, openly showing the name of the heresiarch
   himself, and each heresy in like manner: with us, no man has given us a
   name, but the faith itself. However, this (talk of yours) is mere
   pretence and subterfuge. For answer me: how is it that if you would buy
   a cloak, though ignorant of the art of weaving, you do not speak such
   words as these--"I do not know how to buy; they cheat me"--but do all
   you can to learn, and so whatever else it be that you would buy: but
   here you speak these words? For at this rate, you will accept nothing
   at all. For let there be one that has no (religious) doctrine whatever:
   if he should say what you say about the Christians--"There is such a
   multitude of men, and they have different doctrines; this a heathen,
   that a Jew, the other a Christian: no need to accept any doctrine
   whatever, for they are at variance one with another; but I am a
   learner, and do not wish to be a judge" [787] --but if you have yielded
   (so far as) to pronounce against (kataginoskein) one doctrine, this
   pretext no longer has place for you. For just as you were able to
   reject the spurious, so here also, having come, you shall be able to
   prove what is profitable. For he that has not pronounced against any
   doctrine at all, may easily say this: but he that has pronounced
   against any, though he have chosen none, by going on in the same way,
   will be able to see what he ought to do. Then let us not make pretexts
   and excuses, and all will be easy. For, to show you that all this is
   mere excuse, answer me this: Do you know what you ought to do, and what
   to leave undone? Then why do you not what you ought? Do that, and by
   right reason seek of God, and He will assuredly reveal it to thee.
   "God," it saith, "is no respecter of persons, but in every nation he
   that feareth Him, and worketh righteousness, is accepted with Him."
   (ch. x. 34, 35.) It cannot be that he who hears without prejudice
   should not be persuaded. For just as, if there were a rule, by which
   everything behooved to be put straight, it would not need much
   consideration, but it would be easy to detect the person who measures
   falsely (ton parametrhounta labhein), so is it here. "Then how is it
   they do not see it at a glance?" Many things are the cause of this:
   both preconceived opinion, and human causes (aitiai). The others, say
   you, say the same thing about us. How? For are we separated from the
   Church? have we our heresiarchs? Are we called after men--as one of
   them has Marcion, [788] another Manichaeus, a third Arius, for the
   author and leader (of his sect)? Whereas if we likewise do receive an
   appellation from any man, we do not take them that have been the
   authors of some heresy, but men that presided over us, and governed the
   Church. We have no "masters upon the earth"--God forbid--we have "One
   Master that is in heaven." (Matt. xxiii. 9, 10.) "And those also," says
   he, "say the same." But there stands the name set over them, accusing
   them, and stopping their mouths.--How [789] is it, there have been many
   heathen, and none of them asked these questions: and among the
   philosophers there were these (differences), and yet none of those
   holding the right party (hairesin) was hindered (thereby)?--Why did not
   (those believers) say, when (the others) raised these questions, "Both
   these and those are Jews: which must we believe?" But they believed as
   they ought. Then let us also obey the laws of God, and do all things
   according to His good pleasure, [790] that having virtuously passed
   this life present, we may be enabled to attain unto the good things
   promised to them that love Him, by the grace and mercy of our Lord
   Jesus Christ, with Whom to the Father and the Holy Ghost together, be
   glory, dominion, honor, now and ever, world without end. Amen.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [752] All our mss. and the Cat. apo te neon apo te palaion bebaioumenou
   ton propheton ton logon, which must be rendered, "Confirming the word
   of the prophets:" so Ed. Par. Ben. 2, where the other Edd. have pal.
   proph. beb. k. t. l., which is in fact what the sense requires: "from
   the prophets, new (as Symeon) and old."

   [753] This was James, the Lord's brother (Gal. i. 19), who, according
   to the uniform tradition of the early church, was the Bishop of
   Jerusalem. He evidently was the chief pastor, as he presides at this
   conference, and when Judaizing teachers afterwards went down to Antioch
   from Jerusalem they are spoken of as coming "from James" (Gal. ii. 12).
   From this it has been inferred that he was the leader of a Judaistic
   party, but this view is inconsistent with his address here and also
   with Paul's testimony who says that the "pillar" apostles "imparted
   nothing" to him, that is, did not correct or supplement his teaching.
   He was no doubt of a conservative tendency respecting the questions in
   dispute and may not have been always self-consistent, as Peter
   certainly was not, but there can be no doubt of his substantial
   agreement with Paul. His doctrine of justification by works as well as
   by faith in his epistle is not against this view, since he uses both
   the words "faith" and "works" in a different sense from Paul, meaning
   by the former "belief" and by the latter the deeds which are the fruit
   of the Christian life, instead of meritorious obedience to the Mosaic
   law.--G.B.S.

   [754] Edd. epichoriazein, Cat. enchronizein, substituted for the less
   usual enchoriazein of A. B. C. Sav.--Below, Sumeon, phesin, exegesato
   en to Louka propheteusas. Cat. "He who in Luke prophesied, Lord, now
   lettest Thou Thy servant depart."--It is remarkable that it does not
   occur to Chrys. that Symeon is Simon Peter, though 2 Pet. i. 1 has
   Sumeon Petros in the Cod. Alexandr., and many other mss. In the Mod.
   text Chrys. is made to say: "Some say that this is he who is mentioned
   by Luke: others, that he is some other person of the same name. (Acts
   xiii. 1?) But whether it be the one or the other is a point about which
   there is no need to be particular; but only to receive as necessary the
   things which the person declared."

   [755] apo men tou chronou delos en, to de axiopiston ouk eiche: the
   former clause seems to be corrupt. The sense in general is, He was
   manifestly (a prophet), but had not the same authority as the old
   prophets. Probably the form of opposition was this: epeide ekeinos apo
   men * * delos en, apo de tou chronou to axiopiston ouk eiche dia to me
   palaios einai. "Since Symeon, though from * * he was manifestly (a
   prophet), yet from time had not the like authority because he was not
   ancient."

   [756] Mod. text, "But it is not of these things that he speaks. And
   what raising up, you will say, does he mean? That after Babylon." We
   point it, poian legei egersin ten meta Babulona; "Was it raised up? was
   it not rather razed to the ground (by the Romans)? True it was rebuilt
   after the return from Babylon, but what sort of raising up does he call
   that?" For the answer to these questions, not given here, see the
   Recapitulation (note 4, p. 207).

   [757] Most modern texts omit panta at the end of v. 17 and then join
   directly to it gnosta ap' aionos only, dropping out the words of the T.
   R.: esti to theo panta ta erga autou. This reading yields the following
   translation: "the Gentiles upon whom my name is called, saith the Lord,
   who maketh these things known from the beginning of the world." (So
   Tischendorf, Alford, Meyer, Westcott and Hort, Gloag. R.V.). This
   reading encounters the difficulty that the words gnosta ap' ai& 242;nos
   are considered as a part of the quotation which, in reality, they are
   not. It is probable that this fact may have led to their expansion into
   an independent sentence.--G.B.S.

   [758] All our mss. epeide ouk esan akekootes tou nomou, which
   contradicts v. 21. We restore epeide oun. In B. C. v. 21, with the
   words epeide ouk esan ak. tou nomou is repeated after, "We have
   judged."

   [759] mss. and Edd. Kai hora pos phortikos ekeinous diaballontes
   epistellousin. The sense absolutely requires pos ou phort. It would be
   strange if Chrys. made to phortikon and to diaballein matter of
   commendation: moreover in his very next remark he says just the
   contrary, and below, p. 209.

   [760] Paulos de loipon edidasken. Perhaps this may belong to the
   Recapitulation, v. 12.--In the mod. text the matter is a good deal
   transposed, without any necessity, and the Recapitulation is made to
   begin after the sentence ending, "love of glory."--This seems to be the
   proper place for the first of the sentences following the
   Recapitulation, p. 210, note 3, viz. "No more faction. On this occasion
   I suppose it was that they received the right hand, as he says himself,
   They gave to me and Barnabas the right hands of fellowship.' On this
   (same) occasion he says, They added nothing to me.' For they confirmed
   his view: they praised and admired it."

   [761] epipeda N. Cat. (epepida sic A. B. C ) mod. text apopeda,
   "recoils" from hearing Paul.

   [762] The scribes did not perceive that ex arches is the answer to the
   question, Ti estin, kathos proton k. t. l.therefore transposed this
   sentence and gave ex arches to the sentence (a) (Cat. omits them.) Mod.
   text, the question being thus left unanswered, substitutes "Symeon hath
   declared"--kathos pr. k. t. l. 'Ex arches sphodroteron men.

   [763] hoti pro panton houtoi. Here also, and in te prolepsei ton
   ethnon, there seems to be a reference to proton, as if the meaning
   were, God "looked upon the Gentiles first to take from them," before
   the Jews, etc.--After the text, the questions left unanswered above
   (see note 2, p. 206) might be advantageously introduced. "How could
   that restoration (after Babylon) be called an egersis, especially as
   the city was eventually razed to the ground by the Romans? True: but
   the kingdom of David is in fact more gloriously raised up, in the reign
   of David's offspring throughout the world. As for the buildings and
   city, what loss is that? Nay, David himself is more glorious now than
   he was before, sung as he is in all parts of the world. If then this
   which the Prophet foretold is come to pass--this is put as St. James's
   arguments--namely that the city was raised from its ruins (and the
   subsequent overthrow, when the end of that restoration was attained,
   does not invalidate the fulfilment), then must the dia ti of this
   restoration also come to pass, namely, that the residue shall seek the
   Lord, and all the Gentiles upon whom that Name is called. The city, was
   raised up for the sake of Christ, to come of them, and to reign over
   all nations. Consequently, the Prophet shows that the aition (i.e. the
   dia ti, or final clause) of the building of the city is--the calling of
   the Gentiles, to ta ethne klethenai."

   [764] hoi hupoleipomenoi tote, the Jews whom that (the Babylonian)
   judgment leaves.

   [765] mss. and Edd. to de hemeteron. We must read to de hemeroteron, as
   above: in the preceding clause something is wanted for antithesis,
   probably kai hora, to men phortikoteron, hoper k. t. l.

   [766] huper hou ouden gegraptai. This also requires emendation. The
   sense demands, "About which there is no dispute." The gegraptai may
   have come in from the text referred to: "to wit, Kathos gegraptai,"
   etc.

   [767] The report seems to be defective here; and in fact N. (Sav.
   marg.) inserts after the text, "showing both God's care towards them
   and mercy, and their ready mind and piety in obeying: and he says
   well," etc. But this addition is unknown to A. B. C. Cat., and N.
   frequently adds to or otherwise alters the original text, where the
   sense or connection is obscure.--Perhaps however these two sentences
   may be better transposed to follow the part (b), so that the connection
   would be, "And again, observe he has been speaking concerning the
   Gentile converts, not openly of the Jewish believers, and yet in fact
   what he says is no less for them."--Mod. text with partial
   transposition, "And he well says, To them, etc. declaring both the
   purpose of God from the beginning with respect to them, and their
   obedience and readiness for the calling. What means it? I judge?
   Instead of, With authority I say that this is so. But that we write to
   them,' he says, to abstain from' etc. For these, though bodily, etc.
   (as below.) And that none may object, why then do we not enjoin the
   same thing to the Jews? He adds, For Moses,' etc.: i.e. Moses
   discourses to them continually: for this is the meaning of, Being read
   every Sabbath day.' See what condescension!"

   [768] kaitoi ge pollakis autois uper (not peri as Ben. renders, de his)
   dielechthesan mod. text dielechthe, referred perhaps to Moses or the
   Law, as in the trajection this sentence follows the last of (a). The
   clause seems to refer to "pollutions of idols and fornication." q. d.
   "Why mention these in the decree? The Apostles, especially Paul, often
   discoursed to them on behalf of these points of Christian duty, i.e.
   the abstaining from all approach to idolatry, as in the matter of
   eidolothuta, and from fornication." The answer is: "He mentions them,
   for the purpose of seeming to maintain the Law, (though at the same
   time he does not rest them on the authority of the Law, but on that of
   the Apostles: still the Jewish believers would be gratified by this
   apparent acknowledgment of the Law), and (with the same view) to make a
   greater number of entolai, for which reason also he divides the one
   legal prohibition of blood into the two, apo ton pnikton kai apo tou
   haimatos. The latter, he says, though somatikai, are necessary to be
   observed because the non-observance of this law on which the Jews laid
   so much stress led to great evils--especially made it impossible for
   Jewish and Gentile believers to eat at the same table. For in every
   city Moses is preached to Jews and proselytes. Therefore I say it is
   good that we charge them by letter to abstain from these things." Then,
   giving a different turn to the reason, "for Moses of old times," etc.
   he adds. "this is for them which from the Gentiles," etc., as for the
   Jewish believers, they have Moses to teach them. Thus again seeming to
   uphold Moses, while in fact he shows, what they might learn from Moses
   himself, that the Law is come to an end for the Jews also.

   [769] The prohibitions imposed by the council upon the Gentiles were
   chiefly concessions to Jewish prejudice and opinion. Abstinence from
   meat which had been offered in idols' temples and from things strangled
   and from blood was forbidden in the Mosaic law (Ex. xxxiv. 15; Lev.
   xvii. 10-14). Failure to abstain from these would expose the Gentile
   converts needlessly to the suspicions of the Jewish Christians. The
   prohibition of fornication must rest upon another ground. It is a
   warning against the custom among Gentiles, which had become so
   prevalent as to provoke little rebuke or comment. The ground assigned
   for requiring these abstinences is that Moses is read every Sabbath in
   the synagogues of the Jews and therefore these very points are kept
   prominently before the people and therefore unless these indulgences
   were abandoned, the synagogue preaching would constantly stimulate in
   the Jews and Judeo-Christians a dislike of the Gentile believers. There
   is less ground for the view of Chrys. that v. 21. means that the Jewish
   Christians have no need of instruction on these points because they
   hear the law read every Sabbath, an explanation, however, which is
   adopted by such modern scholars as Wordsworth and Neander.--G.B.S.

   [770] A. B. apeg. ta ethne ex autou. Dia ti oun me par autou manth.; C.
   apeg. ta ex autou panta, hoion ta ethne. Dia ti k. t. l. Cat. apeg. ta
   ex autou manth. Hence we read, apegage ta ethne. Dia ti oun me ta ex
   autou manthanousin, hoion (ta ethne?) * * *;

   [771] katastrephein, mss. Perhaps, metastrepsai from Gal. i. 7.

   [772] exeluse to pan, "untied the whole knot," or perhaps "took out of
   the Law all its strength," as below luei.

   [773] Perhaps the sentence, touto malista autous anepausen, retained
   above as the end of (b), may belong here, in the sense, "This was
   conclusive; this made the Judaizers desist, if anything could."

   [774] kathaper epi oikodomes ta hup' ekeinon gegenemena metatithentes.
   Mod. text from E. tithentes, "putting, as in respect of a building, the
   things done by those (Judaizers)." We have transposed ta hup' ek geg.
   to its proper place. He interprets anask. with reference to Gal. i. 6.
   metatithesthe.

   [775] sunerpasan Ben. ipsos extorsisse: but the word is used in the
   Greek of Chrysostom's time, in the sense "conceal," for which Schneider
   s. v. refers to Valesius on Harpocrat. p. 145. Gronov. in which sense
   we have rendered it above. Or perhaps, "had wrested it" to make it
   speak in their favor. To zetoumenon sunarpazein is a logical phrase,
   used of one who commits a petitio principii. St. Chrys. however can
   hardly be correctly reported here: for the letter itself would show, if
   it were believed to be genuine, that Paul and Barnabas neither
   sunerpasan nor alla ant' allon eipan. He may rather be supposed to have
   said in substance as follows: "Had Paul and Barnabas returned alone as
   the bearers of an oral communication, it might be suspected that they
   gave their own account of the matter: had they come alone, bearing the
   Epistle, its genuineness might have been called in question: but by
   sending the Epistle by the hands of men of their own and of high
   consideration, they left no room for doubt as to the fact of their
   decision. On the other hand, to have sent these men alone, would have
   looked like putting a slight upon Barnabas and Paul: but by sending the
   messengers with them, they showed hoti axiopistoi eisin, and by the
   eulogy expressed in the Epistle itself they stopped the mouths of the
   gainsayers."

   [776] The innovator completely mistakes the meaning of this clause: not
   having the text to guide him, he supposes it to refer to Silas and
   Judas, and alters thus: "It shows how worthy of credit they are: not
   making themselves equal, it says: they are not so mad. In fact, this is
   why it adds that expression, Which have hazarded their lives, etc. And
   why does it say, "It seemed good to the Holy Ghost and to us," and yet
   it had sufficed." etc.--Below, he has "To lay upon you no greater
   burden.' This they say, because they have to speak," etc. But all this
   belongs to edoxen hemin q.d. "You need not fear us, neither is it of
   condescension that we speak, or to spare you as being weak--quite the
   contrary--it seems good to the Holy Ghost "and to us."

   [777] polle gar kai ton didaskalon aidos en. It is not clear whether
   this means, Great was the reverence shown by the teachers also towards
   them--as in St. Peter's hosper kakeinoi--and therefore they did not
   treat them as "weak;" or, great was their reverence towards their
   teachers, so that had they laid upon them a greater burden, they would
   have borne it.

   [778] mss. and Edd. have this clause, ano kato baros kalousi after
   Pneumatos gar en nomothesia, and give the kai palin to sunagagontes.
   After the clause "For that was a superfluous burden" seems to be the
   proper place for these sentences from below, see note 3, infra. "It
   shows that the rest are not necessary but superfluous, seeing these
   things are necessary. "From which if ye keep yourselves ye shall do
   well." It shows that nothing is lacking to them, but this is
   sufficient."

   [779] Here insert from below: "For it might have been done also without
   letters--they did this."

   [780] What follows consists of notes which the redactor did not bring
   to their proper places. "No more faction--admired it," see note 1, p.
   207. "It shows--the Spirit," may belong either to the comment on krino
   ego, or to that on "It seemed good to the Holy Ghost and to us."--"It
   shows that the rest--sufficient," see note 1. These parts being
   removed, the remainder forms the continuation of the sentence, "it
   behooved to be done by these," note 2. The concluding words kai
   met'eirenes are the reporter's abridgment of the text "kai
   [epesterixan, poiesantes de chronon apeluthesan] met' eirenes.

   [781] The author here assumes the identity of the two visits of Paul to
   Jerusalem contained in Acts xv. and Gal i. and ii. This has always been
   the prevailing view. For a full discussion of this and other views, see
   Gloat, Com. on the Acts ii. 80-84.--G.B.S.

   [782] The famine is mentioned among the offences within, perhaps
   because it may have led some to question the Providence of God: see
   above, p. 159.

   [783] mss. and Edd. transpose the parts marked a and b. The old text,
   however, by retaining ti oun at the end of a, as well as at the
   beginning of c, enables us to restore the order, so that then the
   clause meden holos eidos en tais Graphais, no longer disturbs the
   sense.

   [784] Edd. pantos ti erei. A. B. C. pantos hoti erei. "In any wise he
   will affirm the hoti, therefore let us ask the aitias di has."

   [785] ei iatros mellois manthanein. Mod. text adds, "Say, Do you accept
   out of hand and as it chances, whatever you are told?" The connection
   is: "Apply your mind to what you hear, whether from us or from them,
   and see whether of us is consistent. Just as you would if you wished to
   learn medicine: there also you would find conflicting opinions and you
   would exercise your judgment upon them, not accept all without
   examination. Do so here; and in the instance which has been taken, you
   will see that we, affirming the Son to be God, carry out our
   affirmation consistently; whereas they (the Arians) say indeed that He
   is God but in fact deny Him the essential properties of Deity."--Edd.
   and all our mss. Hui& 232;n legomen hemeis epaletheuomen k. t. l. We
   must read either Theon or Hui& 232;n Theon.

   [786] Connection: I have mentioned one simple criterion: here is
   another palpable and visible mark. Heretics take their names from men,
   the founders of their sects, tou airesiarchou delountos A. B. kalountos
   C., to honoma Sav. marg. delountes, which we adopt. But indeed the
   reasons you allege are mere pretence, etc.

   [787] The sentence is left unfinished: "it would be no wonder," "this
   would be at least consistent," or the like: then ei de eixo B. C.
   exo(sic) A., hexo D. Mod. text oude hexo: all corrupt. The sense seems
   to require, "If you have thought fit," or "gone so far as."

   [788] Sav. marg. adds "another, Paul of Samosata."

   [789] Dia ti polloi gegonasin Ellenes, kai oudeis k. t. l. Mod. text
   omits dia ti. The first clause seems to be corrupt, or misplaced: for
   to say that "there have been many heathen, and none of them has asked
   these questions" (about Christian doctrines), would contradict all that
   precedes: and if it means, There were many Greeks, and diverse schools
   of philosophy among them, and yet none was deterred from the study of
   philosophy by those differences, this would not be true. But if this be
   transposed to the following sentence, which relates to the Ellenes at
   Antioch, then Chrys. says: "Among philosophers also there were these
   differences, and yet) etc. How is it that (at Antioch) many Greeks
   became (Christians) and yet none of them asked these questions? Why did
   they not say," etc.

   [790] Edd. have a longer peroration from F, partly followed by D. "And
   live according to His will while we are yet in this life present, that
   with virtue having accomplished the remaining time of our life, we may
   be able, etc., and together with them which have pleased Him be found
   worthy of honor, by the grace and loving-kindness of His only-begotten
   Son, and the All-holy and Life-giving Spirit, the One true Godhead, now
   and ever, world without end." Amen.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Homily XXXIV.

   Acts XV. 35

   "Paul also and Barnabas continued in Antioch, teaching and preaching
   the word of the Lord, with many others also."

   Observe again their humility, how they let others also take part in the
   preaching. "And some days after Paul said unto Barnabas, Let us go
   again and visit our brethren in every city where we have preached the
   word of the Lord, and see how they do. And Barnabas determined to take
   with them John, whose surname was Mark. But Paul thought not good
   (hexiou see note 3, p. 213) to take him with them, who departed from
   them from Pamphylia, and went not with them to the work. And the
   contention (or exasperation) was so sharp between them, that they
   departed asunder one from the other." (v. 36-39.) And already indeed
   Luke has described to us the character of the Apostles, [791] that the
   one was more tender and indulgent, but this one more strict and
   austere. For the gifts are diverse--(the gifts, I say), for that this
   is a gift is manifest--but the one befitting one, the other another set
   of characters, and if they change places, harm results instead of good.
   (b) In the Prophets [792] too we find this: diverse minds, diverse
   characters: for instance, Elias austere, Moses meek. So here Paul is
   more vehement. And observe for all this, how gentle he is. "Thought not
   good," it says, "to take him with them that had departed from them from
   Pamphylia." (a) And there seems indeed to be exasperation (paroxusmos),
   but in fact the whole matter is a plan of the Divine Providence, that
   each should receive his proper place: and it behooved that they should
   not be upon a par, but the one should lead, and the other be led. "And
   so Barnabas took Mark, and sailed unto Cyprus; and Paul chose Silas,
   and departed, being recommended by the brethren unto the grace of God.
   And he went through Syria and Cilicia, confirming the Churches." (v.
   39-41.) And this also is a work of Providence. For the Cyprians had
   exhibited nothing of the like sort as they at Antioch and the rest: and
   those needed the softer character, but these needed such a character as
   Paul's. "Which [793] then," say you, "did well? he that took, or he
   that left?" *** (c) For just as a general would not choose to have a
   low person always to his baggage-bearer, so neither did the Apostle.
   This corrected the other's, and instructed (Mark) himself. "Then did
   Barnabas ill?" say you. "And how is it not amiss (atopon), that upon so
   small a matter there should arise so great an evil?" In the first place
   then, no evil did come of it, if, sufficing each for whole nations,
   they were divided the one from the other, but a great good. And
   besides, they would not readily have chosen to leave each other. But
   admire, I pray you, the writer, how he does not conceal this either.
   "But at any rate," say you, "if they must needs part, let it be without
   exasperation." Nay, but if nothing more, observe this, that in this too
   is shown what was of man [794] (in the preaching of the Gospel). For if
   the like behooved to be shown (even) in what Christ did, much more
   here. And besides, the contention cannot be said to be evil, when each
   disputes for such objects (as here) and with just reason. I grant you,
   if the exasperation were in seeking his own, and contending for his own
   honor, this might well be (reproved): but if wishing, both the one and
   the other, to instruct and teach, the one took this way and the other
   that, what is there to find fault with? For in many things they acted
   upon their human judgment; for they were not stocks or stones. And
   observe how Paul impeaches (Mark), and gives the reason. For of his
   exceeding humility [795] he reverenced Barnabas, as having been partner
   with him in so great works, and being with him: but still he did not so
   reverence him, as to overlook (what was necessary). Now which of them
   advised best, it is not for us to pronounce: but thus far (we may
   affirm), that it was a great arrangement of Providence, if these [796]
   were to be vouchsafed a second visitation, but those were not to be
   visited even once. [797]

   (a) "Teaching and preaching the word of the Lord." (v. 35.) They [798]
   did not simply tarry in Antioch, but taught. What did they "teach," and
   what "preach" (evangelize)? They both (taught) those that were already
   believers, and (evangelized) those that were not yet such. "And some
   days after," etc. (v. 36.) For because there were offences without
   number, their presence was needed. (d) "How they do," he says. And this
   he did not know: naturally. See him ever alert, solicitous, not bearing
   to sit idle, though he underwent dangers without end. Do you mark, it
   was not of cowardice that he came to Antioch? He acts just as a
   physician does in the case of the sick. And the need of visiting them
   he showed by saying, "In which we preached the word. And Barnabas
   determined," etc. (v. 37-40.) (So) Barnabas [799] "departed, and went
   not with (him)." (b) The point to be considered, is not that they
   differed in their opinions, but that they accommodated themselves the
   one to the other (seeing), that thus it was a greater good their being
   parted: [800] and the matter took a pretext from this. What then? did
   they withdraw in enmity? God forbid! In fact you see after this
   Barnabas receiving many encomiums from Paul in the Epistles. There was
   "sharp contention," it says, not enmity nor quarrelling. The contention
   availed so far as to part them. "And Barnabas took Mark," etc. And with
   reason: for what each supposed to be profitable, he did not forego
   [801] thereafter, because of the fellowship with the other. Nay, it
   seems to me that the parting took place advisedly (kata sunesin), and
   that they said one to another, "As I wish not, and thou wishest,
   therefore that we may not fight, let us distribute the places." So that
   in fact they did this, altogether yielding each to the other: for
   Barnabas wished Paul's plan to stand, therefore withdrew; on the other
   hand, Paul wished the other's plan to stand, therefore he withdrew.
   Would to God we too made such separations, as to go forth for
   preaching. A wonderful man this is; and exceedingly great! To Mark this
   contest was exceedingly beneficial. For the awe inspired by Paul
   converted him, while the kindness of Barnabas caused that he was not
   left behind: so that they contend indeed, but the gain comes to one and
   the same end. For indeed, seeing Paul choosing to leave him, he would
   be exceedingly awed, and would condemn himself, and seeing Barnabas so
   taking his part, he would love him exceedingly: and so the disciple was
   corrected by the contention of the teachers: so far was he from being
   offended thereby. For if indeed they did this with a view to their own
   honor, he might well be offended: but if for his salvation, and they
   contend for one and the same object, to show that he who honored him *
   * * had well determined, [802] what is there amiss (atopon) in it?

   (e) "But Paul," it says, "departed, having chosen Silas, and being
   commended to the grace of God." What is this? They prayed it says: they
   besought God. See on all occasions how the prayer of the brethren can
   do great things. And now he journeyed by land, wishing even by his
   journeying to benefit those who saw (tous horhontas) him. For when
   indeed they were in haste they sailed, but now not so. (c) "And he went
   through Syria and Cilicia, confirming the Churches. Then came he to
   Derbe and Lystra." (v. 41.) Mark the wisdom of Paul: he does not go to
   other cities before he has visited them which had received the Word.
   For it is folly to run at random. This let us also do: let us teach the
   first in the first place, that these may not become an hindrance to
   them that are to come after.

   "And, behold a certain disciple was there, named Timotheus, the son of
   a certain woman, which was a Jewess, and believed; but his father was a
   Greek: which was well reported of by the brethren that were at Lystra
   and Iconium. Him would Paul have to go forth with him; and took and
   circumcised him because of the Jews which were in those quarters; for
   they knew all that his father was a Greek." (ch. xvi. 1-3.) It is
   indeed amazing, the wisdom of Paul! He that has had so many battles
   about circumcision, he that moved all things to this end, and did not
   give over until he had carried his point, now that the decree is made
   sure, circumcises the disciple. He not only does not forbid others, but
   himself does this thing. (b) "Him," it says, "he would have to go forth
   with him." And the wonder is this, that he even took him unto him.
   [803] "Because of the Jews," it says, "which were in those parts:" for
   they would not endure to hear the word from one uncircumcised. (a)
   Nothing could be wiser. So that in all things he looked to what was
   profitable: he did nothing upon his own preference (prolepsei). (c) And
   what (then)? Mark the success: he circumcised, that he might take away
   circumcision: for he preached the decrees of the Apostles. "And as they
   went through the cities, they delivered them the decrees for to keep,
   that were ordained of the Apostles and elders which were at Jerusalem.
   And so were the Churches established in the faith, and increased in
   number daily." (v. 4, 5.) Dost thou mark fighting, and by fighting,
   edification? Not warred upon by others, but themselves doing contrary
   things, so they edified the Church! They introduced a decree not to
   circumcise, and he circumcises! "And so were the Churches," it says,
   "established in the faith," and in multitude: "increased," it says, "in
   number daily." Then he does not continue to tarry with these, as having
   come to visit them: but how? he goes further. "Now when they had gone
   throughout Phrygia and the region of Galatia, and were forbidden of the
   Holy Ghost to preach the word in Asia," (v. 6.) having left Phrygia and
   Galatia, they hastened into the interior. For, it says, "After they
   were come to Mysia, they assayed to go into Bithynia: but the Spirit
   suffered them not." (v. 7.) Wherefore they were forbidden, he does not
   say, but that they were "forbidden," he does say, teaching us to obey
   and not ask questions, and showing that they did many things as men.
   "And the Spirit," it says, "suffered them not: but having passed by
   Mysia they came down to Troas." (v. 8.) "And a vision appeared to Paul
   in the night; There stood a man of Macedonia, and prayed him, saying,
   Come over into Macedonia, and help us." (v. 9.) Why a vision, and not
   the Holy Ghost? because He forbade the other. [804] He would even in
   this way draw them over: since to the saints also He appeared in a
   dream, and in the beginning (Paul) himself saw a vision, "a man coming
   in and laying his hands upon him." (ch. ix. 12.) In [805] this manner
   also Christ appears to him, saying, "Thou must stand before Caesar."
   Then for this reason also He draws him thither, that the preaching may
   be extended. This is why he was forbidden to tarry long in the other
   cities, Christ urging him on. For these were to enjoy the benefit of
   John for a long time, and perhaps did not extremely need him (Paul),
   but thither he behooved to go. And now he crosses over and goes forth.
   "And after he had seen the vision, immediately we endeavored to go into
   Macedonia, assuredly gathering that the Lord had called us for to
   preach the Gospel unto them." (v. 10.) Then the writer mentions also
   the places, as relating a history, and showing where he made a stay
   (namely), in the greater cities, but passed by the rest. "Therefore
   loosing from Troas, we came with a straight course to Samothracia, and
   the next day to Neapolis; and from thence to Philippi, which is the
   chief city of that part of Macedonia, and a colony." (v. 11, 12.) It is
   a high distinction for a city, the being a colony. "And in this city we
   were tarrying certain days." But let us look over again what has been
   said.

   (Recapitulation.) "And after some days, Paul said," etc. (ch. xv. 36.)
   He put to Barnabas a necessity for their going abroad, saying "Let us
   visit the cities in which we preached the word." "But Paul begged,"
   etc. (v. 38.) And yet no need for him to beg, who had to make an
   accusation presently. This [806] happens even in the case where God and
   men are the parties: the man requests, God is wroth. For instance, when
   He saith, "If her father had spit in her face" (Num. xii. 14): and
   again, "Let me alone, and in Mine anger I will blot out this people."
   (Ex. xxxii. 32.) And Samuel when he mourns for Saul. (1 Sam. xv. 35.)
   For by both, great good is done. Thus also here: the one is wroth, the
   other not so. The same happens also in matters where we are concerned.
   And the sharp contention with good reason, that Mark may receive a
   lesson, and the affair may not seem mere stage-playing. For it is not
   to be thought that he [807] who bids, "Let not the sun go down upon
   your wrath," (Eph. iv. 26) would have been wroth because of such a
   matter as this: nor that he who on all occasions gave way would not
   have given way here, he who so greatly loved Paul that before this he
   sought him in Tarsus, and brought him to the Apostles, and undertook
   the alms in common with him, and in common the business relating to the
   decree. But they take themselves so as to instruct and make perfect by
   their separation them that need the teaching which was to come from
   them. And he rebukes others indeed, but bids do good to all men. As in
   fact he does elsewhere, saying, "But ye, be not weary in well-doing."
   (2 Thess. iii. 13.) This we also do in our common practice. Here it
   seems to me that others also were alike displeased with Paul. And
   thereupon taking them also apart, he does all, and exhorts and
   admonishes. Much can concord do, much can charity. Though it be for a
   great matter thou askest; though thou be unworthy, thou shalt be heard
   for thy purpose of heart: fear not.

   "He went," it says, "through" the cities "And, behold, there was a
   disciple, by name Timothy, who had a good report of the brethren which
   were in Lystra and Iconium." (v. 41; xvi. 1.) Great was the grace of
   Timothy. When Barnabas departed (apeste), he finds another, equivalent
   to him. Of him he saith, "Remembering thy tears and thy unfeigned
   faith, which dwelt first in thy grandmother Lois, and in thy mother
   Eunice." (2 Tim. i. 5.) His father continued to be a Gentile, [808] and
   therefore it was that (Timothy) was not circumcised. (a) Observe the
   Law already broken. Or if not so, I suppose he was born after the
   preaching of the Gospel but this is perhaps not so. (c) He was about to
   make him a bishop, and it was not meet that he should be uncircumcised.
   (e) And this was not a small matter, seeing it offended after so long a
   time: [809] (b) "for from a child," he says, "thou hast known the Holy
   Scriptures." (ib. iii. 15.) (d) "And as they went through the cities,
   they delivered them the decrees for to keep." (v. 4.) For until then,
   there was no need for the Gentiles to keep any such. The beginning of
   the abrogation was the Gentiles' not keeping these things, and being
   none the worse for it: nor having any inferiority in respect of faith:
   anon, of their own will they abandoned the Law. (f) Since therefore he
   was about to preach, that he might not smite the Jews a double blow, he
   circumcised Timothy. And yet he was but half (a Jew by birth), [810]
   his father being a Greek: but yet, because that was a great point
   carried in the cause of the Gentiles, he did not care for this: for the
   Word must needs be disseminated: therefore also he with his own hands
   circumcised him. [811] "And so were the churches established in the
   faith." Do you mark here also how from going counter (to his own
   object) a great good results? "And increased in number daily." (v. 5.)
   Do you observe, that the circumcising not only did no harm, but was
   even of the greatest service? "And a vision appeared unto Paul in the
   night." (v. 9.) Not now by Angels, as to Philip, as to Cornellius, but
   how? By a vision it is now shown to him: in more human sort, not now as
   before (i.e., v. 6, 7) in more divine manner. For where the compliance
   is more easy, it is done in more human sort; but where great force was
   needed, there in more divine. For since he was but urged to preach, to
   this end it is shown him in a dream: but to forbear preaching, he could
   not readily endure: to this end the Holy Ghost reveals it to him. Thus
   also it was then with Peter, "Arise, go down." (ch. x. 20.) For of
   course the Holy Spirit did not work what was otherwise easy: but (here)
   even a dream sufficed him. And to Joseph also, as being readily moved
   to compliance, the appearance is in a dream, but to the rest in waking
   vision. (Matt. i. 20; ii. 13, 19.) Thus to Cornelius, and to Paul
   himself. "And lo, a man of Macedonia," etc. and not simply enjoining,
   but "beseeching," and from the very persons in need of (spiritual)
   cure. (ch. x. 3; ix. 3.) "Assuredly gathering," it says, "that the Lord
   had called us." (v. 10), that is, inferring, both from the circumstance
   that Paul saw it and none other, and from the having been "forbidden by
   the Spirit," and from their being on the borders; from all these they
   gathered. "Therefore loosing from Troas, we came with a straight
   course," etc. (v. 11.) That is, even the voyage made this manifest: for
   there was no tardiness. It became the very root of Macedonia. [812] It
   was not always in the way of "sharp contention" that the Holy Spirit
   wrought: but this so rapid progress (of the Word) was a token that the
   thing was more than human. And yet it is not said that Barnabas was
   exasperated, but, "Between them there arose a sharp contention." (v.
   39.) If the one was not exasperated neither was the other.

   Knowing this, let us not merely pick out (eklegomen) these things, but
   let us learn and be taught by them: for they were not written without a
   purpose. It is a great evil to be ignorant of the Scriptures: from the
   things we ought to get good from, we get evil. Thus also medicines of
   healing virtue, often, from the ignorance of those who use them, ruin
   and destroy: and arms which are meant to protect, are themselves the
   cause of death unless one know how to put them on. But the reason is,
   that we seek everything rather than what is good for ourselves. And in
   the case of a house, we seek what is good for it, and we would not
   endure to see it decaying with age, or tottering, or hurt by storms:
   but for our soul we make no account: nay, even should we see its
   foundations rotting, or the fabric and the roof, we make no account of
   it. Again, if we possess brute creatures, we seek what is good for
   them: we call in both horse-feeders and horse-doctors, and all besides:
   [813] we attend to their housing, and charge those who are entrusted
   with them, that they may not drive them at random or carelessly, nor
   take them out by night at unseasonable hours nor sell away their
   provender; and there are many laws laid down by us for the good of the
   brute creatures: but for that of our soul there is no account taken.
   But why speak I of brute creatures which are useful to us? There are
   many who keep small birds (or "sparrows") which are useful for nothing
   except that they simply amuse, and there are many laws even about them,
   and nothing is neglected or without order, and we take care for
   everything rather than for our own selves. Thus we make our selves more
   worthless than all. And if indeed a person abusively call us "dog," we
   are annoyed: but while we are opprobrious to ourselves, not in word,
   but in deed, and do not even bestow as much care on our soul as on
   dogs, we think it no great harm. Do you see how all is full of
   darkness? How many are careful about their dogs, that they may not be
   filled with more than the proper food, that so they may be keen and fit
   for hunting, being set on by famine and hunger: but for themselves they
   have no care to avoid luxury: and the brute creatures indeed they teach
   to exercise philosophy, while they let themselves sink down into the
   savageness of the brutes. The thing is a riddle. "And where are your
   philosophic brutes?" There are such; or, say, do you not take it to be
   philosophy, when a dog gnawed with hunger, after having hunted and
   caught his prey, abstains from the food; and though he sees his meal
   ready before him, and with hunger urging him on, yet waits for his
   master? Be ashamed of yourselves: teach your bellies to be as
   philosophic. You have no excuse. When you have been able to implant
   such philosophic self-command in an irrational nature, which neither
   speaks nor hears reason, shall you not much more be able to implant it
   in yourself? For that it is the effect of man's care, not of nature is
   plain: since otherwise all dogs ought to have this habit. Do you then
   become as dogs. For it is you that compel me to fetch my examples
   thence: for indeed they should be drawn from heavenly things; but since
   if I speak of those, you say, "Those are (too) great," therefore I
   speak nothing of heavenly things: again, if I speak of Paul, you say,
   "He was an Apostle:" therefore neither do I mention Paul: if again I
   speak of a man, you say, "That person could do it:" therefore I do not
   mention a man even, but a brute creature; a creature too, that has not
   this habit by nature, lest you should say that it effected this by
   nature, and not (which is the fact) from choice: and what is wonderful,
   choice not self-acquired, but (the result of) your care. The creature
   does not give a thought to the fatigue, the wear and tear it has
   undergone in running down the prey, not a thought to this, that by its
   own proper toil it has made the capture: but casting away all these
   regards, it observes the command of its master, and shows itself
   superior to the cravings of appetite. "True; because it looks to be
   praised, it looks to get a greater meal." Say then to yourself, that
   the dog through hope of future pleasure, despises that which is
   present: while you do not choose for hope of future good things to
   despise those which are present; but he indeed knows, that, if he
   tastes of that food at the wrong time and against his master's will, he
   will both be deprived of that, and not get even that which was
   apportioned to him, but receive blows instead of food: whereas you
   cannot even perceive this, and that which he has learnt by dint of
   custom, you do not succeed in acquiring even from reason. Let us
   imitate the dogs. The same thing hawks also and eagles are said to do:
   what the dogs do with regard to hares [814] and deer, the same do those
   with regard to birds; and these too act from a philosophy learnt from
   men. These facts are enough to condemn us, these enough to convict us.
   To mention another thing:--they that are skilled in breaking horses,
   shall take them, wild, fierce, kicking, biting, and in a short time so
   discipline them, that though the teacher be not there, it is a luxury
   to ride them, their paces are so thoroughly well-ordered: but the paces
   of the soul may be all disordered, and none cares for it: it bounds,
   and kicks, and its rider [815] is dragged along the ground like a
   child, and makes a most disgraceful figure, and yet no one puts curbs
   on her, and leg-ties, and bits, nor mounts upon her the skilful
   rider--Christ, I mean. And therefore it is that all is turned upside
   down. For when you both teach dogs to master the craving of the belly,
   and tame the fury in a lion, and the unruliness of horses, and teach
   the birds to speak plainly, how inconsistent must it not be--to implant
   achievements of reason in natures that are without reason, and to
   import the passions of creatures without reason into natures endowed
   with reason? There is no excuse for us, none. All who have succeeded
   (in mastering their passions) will accuse us, both believers and
   unbelievers: for even unbelievers have so succeeded; yea, and wild
   beasts, and dogs, not men only: and we shall accuse our own selves,
   since we succeed, when we will, but when we are slothful, we are
   dragged away. For indeed many even of those who live a very wicked
   life, have oftentimes changed themselves when they wished. But the
   cause is, as I said, that we go about seeking for what is good for
   other things, not what is good for ourselves. If you build a splendid
   house, you know what is good for the house, not what is good for
   yourself: if you take a beautiful garment, you know what is good for
   the body, not for yourself: and if you get a good horse, it is so
   likewise. None makes it his mark how his soul shall be beautiful; and
   yet, when that is beautiful, there is no need of any of those things:
   as, if that be not beautiful, there is no good of them. For like as in
   the case of a bride, though there be chambers hung with tapestry
   wrought with gold, though there be choirs of the fairest and most
   beautiful women, though there be roses and garlands, though there be a
   comely bridegroom, and the maidservants and female friends, and
   everybody about them be handsome, yet, if the bride herself be full of
   deformity, there is no good of all those; as on the other hand if she
   were beautiful, neither would there be any loss arising from (the want
   of) those, nay just the contrary; for in the case of an ugly bride,
   those would make her look all the uglier, while in the other case, the
   beautiful would look all the more beautiful: just so, the soul, when
   she is beautiful, not only needs none of those adjuncts, but they even
   cast a shade over her beauty. For we shall see the philosopher shine,
   not so much when in wealth, as in poverty. For in the former case many
   will impute it to his riches, that he is not superior to riches: [816]
   but when he lives with poverty for his mate, and shines through all,
   and will not let himself be compelled to do anything base, then none
   claims shares with him in the crown of philosophy. Let us then make our
   soul beauteous, if at least we would fain be rich. What profit is it,
   when your mules indeed are white and plump and in good condition, but
   you who are drawn by them are lean and scurvy and ill-favored? What is
   the gain, when your carpets indeed are soft and beautiful, full of rich
   embroidery and art, and your soul goes clad in rags, or even naked and
   foul? What the gain, when the horse indeed has his paces beautifully
   ordered, more like dancing than stepping, while the rider, together
   with his choral [817] train and adorned with more than bridal
   ornaments, is more crooked than the lame, and has no more command over
   hands and feet than drunkards and madmen? Tell me now, if some one were
   to give you a beautiful horse, and to distort your body, what would be
   the profit? Now you have your soul distorted, and care you not for it?
   Let us at length, I beseech you, have a care for our own selves. Do not
   let us make our own selves more worthless than all beside. If anyone
   insult us with words, we are annoyed and vexed: but insulting ourselves
   as we do by our deeds, we do not give a thought to it. Let us, though
   late, come at last to our senses, that we may be enabled by having much
   care for our soul, and laying hold upon virtue, to obtain eternal good
   things, through the grace and mercy of our Lord Jesus Christ, with Whom
   to the Father, together with the Holy Spirit, be glory, might, honor,
   now and evermore, world without end. Amen.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [791] mss. and Edd. after ton apostolon add ton loipon, which we omit
   as evidently out of place: for "the Apostles" here are Paul and
   Barnabas. Possibly it should be dia ton loipon, "by the rest of the
   particulars related on former occasions," but if so, this must be
   placed after ton ap. to ethos.

   [792] The notes of this Homily have fallen into extreme confusion, and
   we have but partially succeeded in restoring the true order.

   [793] Mod. text omits this question: C. for apheis has aphetheis, "he
   that was left, or, dismissed." Part of the answer has dropped out,
   "Paul did well: for" etc. The interlocutor rejoins: "Then if Paul did
   well, Barnabas did ill?" Here Edd. and all our mss. oukoun, phesi,
   kakos ho Barnabas; to which mod. text adds, "By no means: but it is
   even exceedingly absurd to imagine this. And how is it not absurd to
   say, that for so small a matter this man became evil?" We restore
   oukoun kakos ho Barnabas;

   [794] malista men oun kai enteuthen (as by other instances of human
   infirmity, so by this also) deiknutai ta anthropina, i.e. we are shown
   what in the preaching of the Gospel proceeded from man: that man, as
   man, did his part, which part is betokened by the ordinary characters
   of human nature. If even in Christ it behooved that He should not do
   all as God, but that His Human Nature should also be seen working, much
   more was it necessary that the Apostles, being but men, should work as
   men, not do all by the immediate power of the Spirit.

   [795] This refers to exiou in the sense "he begged," as he says below,
   in the beginning of the Recapitulation, kaitoi ouk edei axioun auton
   echonta kategorein meta tauta.

   [796] If this sentence be in its place, something is wanting for
   connection: e.g. (It was a great oikonomia) for the more extended
   preaching of the word: since on Barnabas's plan these "at Cyprus" were
   to have a second visitation, but those "in Asia" not even once. But it
   may be suspected that this part is altogether misplaced: and that the
   houtoi are the brethren "in the cities where we have preached," and
   ekeinoi the people of Macedonia," etc. See end of Recap. where Chrys.
   says, had it not been for this parting, the word would not have been
   carried into Macedonia.

   [797] Chrys. has treated the dissension of Paul and Barnabas with
   discrimination, without, however, placing quite the emphasis upon
   exiou--"he thought good not to"--"he determined not to"--and upon ton
   apostanta--"who had fallen away from--apostatized from,"--which those
   terms seem to require. The conduct of Mark in returning to Jerusalem
   from Pamphylia (Acts xiii. 13) was clearly regarded as reprehensible by
   Paul, apparently as an example of fickleness in the service of Christ.
   It is not strange that Barnabas, Mark's cousin (Col. iv. 10) should
   have been more lenient in his judgment of his conduct. It is certain
   that this difference of opinion regarding Mark did not lead to any
   estrangement of Paul and Mark, for in his imprisonment the apostle
   speaks of Mark as a trusted fellow-worker (Col. iv. 10; 2 Tim. iv.
   11).--G.B.S.

   [798] The method of the derangement here is, that there being five
   portions, these were taken alternately, in the order 1, 3, 5, and then
   2, 4.

   [799] So Edd. and all our mss. apeste ap' auton ho Barnabas: which may
   mean, "And so the same may now be said of Barnabas, viz. that he
   departed (from Paul)," etc. The same word apeste is applied to Barnabas
   below, p. 216.

   [800] sunkatebesan allelois houto meizon agathon einai to choristhenai.
   The meaning is as below, that they parted kata sunesin. Mod. text
   "sunkat. all. idein. The point required is to see that," etc. Then,
   Houto m. a. gegone to chor. "Thus their being parted became a greater
   good," etc.--Kai prophasin ek toutou to pragma elabe, i.e. "They saw
   that it was best to part viz.: that so the word would be more
   extensively preached, and this difference gave a pretext for so doing."
   He means that the contention was oikonomia (see the Recap.), the object
   being, partly this which is here mentioned, partly a lesson to Mark.

   [801] Edd. and mss. ou prosekato, against the sense of the passage,
   whence OEcum. omits the negative, not much improving it. The Catena has
   preserved the true reading, ou proekato. See instances of confusion the
   other way in Mr. Field's Index to Hom. in Matt. s. v. prosiemi.

   [802] hoste deixai ton timesanta auton kalos bebouleumenon. The sense
   requires ton tim. auton kai ton me timesanta kalos beb. or the like:
   "that both Barnabas and Paul had taken the course which was for his
   (Mark's) own good."

   [803] hoti kai epegeto auton. The meaning seems to be, (but the
   confusion into which the text has fallen, leaves it very uncertain),
   "The wonder is that he took Timothy, being as he was the son of a
   heathen father, and uncircumcised."

   [804] hoti ekeino ekolusen. Mod. text kai me to Pn. to A. ekeleusen;
   But see the Recap. where the question is explained, viz., How is it
   that when they were to be kept from preaching, the Holy Ghost spoke to
   them, but here a vision, and that in a dream, is all?

   [805] In the mss. this sentence is placed before "And now he crosses
   over," etc. v. 10.--"In this manner:" i.e. in a night-vision or dream;
   the allusion is to xxiii. 11, "the Lord stood by him," confused with
   xxvii, 23, "the Angel of the Lord."

   [806] i.e. just displeasure on the one side; lenity, compassion,
   intercession, etc. on the other. Thus God is wroth with Miriam, Moses
   pleads for her, and so in the other cases.

   [807] Mod. text omits this clause relating to St. Paul, as in the old
   text it is incomplete, the remainder of the sentence ("would not have
   been wroth," etc.) having been transposed to the end of what relates to
   Barnabas, after "relating to the decree."--Below, alla lambanousin
   heautous, may perhaps be heautois, sc. tous deomenous below, i.e.
   choose their spheres of action where each was most needed. But the
   context rather seems to require this sense: "There is no animosity
   between them, but they take their parts in this dispute for the good of
   those who, as Mark, need the instruction which was to be derived from
   the gentleness of Barnabas, and the severity of Paul's character. Paul
   indeed is stern, but his object is to do good: as 2 Thess. iii. 13,
   where (comp. the context) rebuking, and enjoining severity to be shown
   to the disorderly, he says, "And be not weary in well-doing." We have
   changed the order of the two sentences, "And he rebukes," etc. and, "As
   he does elsewhere," etc.--Touto kai en te sunethei& 139; poioumen. i.e.
   this putting on a show of anger, to do good to one whom we would
   correct: or perhaps, of altercation, as when, for instance, father and
   mother take opposite parts, the one for punishing, the other for
   sparing an erring child--sunaganaktesai to Paulo. Ben.indignati esse in
   Paulum. But whether it means this, or "to have had indignation together
   with Paul," there is nothing to show: nor is it clear what is the
   reference of the following sentences; unless it be, But he would not
   allow these persons who were indignant along with, or at, him, to
   retain this feeling: he takes them apart, makes them see the thing in
   its right light, and so departs in peace, "being commended by the
   brethren to the grace of God," with the prayers of concord and charity.
   Great is the power of such prayer. (See the former comment on this
   verse, p. 214.)--Kau huper megalou axiois, kan anaxios es. Perhaps it
   should be e, "Whether it be on behalf of a great man (as Paul), or
   whether the person be unworthy," etc.

   [808] So in Gen. Serm. ix. text iv. 695. D. Chrys. infers from this
   passage with 2 Tim. i. 5, that the father emeinen en te asebeia kai ou
   meteballeto. Hom. i. in 2 Tim. p. 660. E. "Because of his father who
   was a Gentile, and because of the Jews he took and circumcised him. Do
   you mark how the Law began to be dissolved, in the taking place of
   these mixed marriages?" (so here hora ede ton nomon luomenon.) In the
   mss. all this is extremely confused by transpositions (the method; 1,
   4: 2, 5: 3, 6) and misplacing of the portions of sacred text (where
   these are given). Thus here, "And therefore because of the Jews which
   were in those parts he circumcised him. Ouk en emperitomos."--Mod. text
   "thy mother Eunice. And he took and circumcised him. And wherefore, he
   himself goes on to say: Because of the Jews, etc. For this reason then
   he is circumcised. Or also because of his father: for he continued to
   be a Greek. So then he was not circumcised. Observe the Law already
   broken. But some think he was born," etc. He is commenting on the fact,
   that Timothy was uncircumcised: viz., because his father was a heathen.
   Here then was a devout man, who from a child had known the Holy
   Scriptures, and yet continued uncircumcised. So that in these mixed
   marriages we see the Law already broken, independently of the Gospel.
   It may be indeed that he was born after the conversion of his mother to
   the faith, and therefore she was not anxious to circumcise him. But
   this (he adds) is not likely.

   [809] For Timothy from a child had been brought up religiously as a
   Jew, yet now it was an offence that he should continue uncircumcised.

   [810] Therefore he might have been exempt by the Apostles' decree. St.
   Paul, however, having carried his point in securing the immunity of the
   Gentile converts, did not care to insist upon this in behalf of
   Timothy.

   [811] Our author correctly apprehends the ground on which Paul
   circumcised Timothy--an act which has often been thought to be
   inconsistent with his steadfast resistance to the imposition of the
   Jewish law. It is noticeable that he did not allow Titus to be
   circumcised (Gal. ii. 3) when the Jewish-Christian faction desired it.
   The two cases are materially different in the following particulars:
   (1) Titus was a Gentile; Timothy was born of a Jewish mother. (2) The
   circumcision of Titus was demanded by the Judaizers; that of Timothy
   was performed for prudential reasons as a concession to unbelieving
   Jews in order that Paul might the better win them to Christ. (3) The
   question of circumcising Titus was a doctrinal question which was not
   the case in the instance before us. Meyer well says: "Paul acted
   according to the principle of wise and conciliatory accommodation, not
   out of concession to the Judaistic dogma of the necessity of
   circumcision for obtaining the Messianic salvation."--G.B.S.

   [812] A. B. C. Cat. eis auten ten rh& 176;zan tes Makedonias egeneto
   (Cat. egenonto). Ouk aei (Cat., ouk an ei) kata paroxusmon energese to
   Pn. to A. The former sentence may possibly mean, that Philippi became
   the root of the Churches in Macedonia. But it is more probable that the
   text is mutilated here, and that Chrys. speaks of the parting of Paul
   and Barnabas, as having become the very root or cause of the extension
   of the Gospel (into Macedonia and Greece). In the next sentence, the
   reading of Cat. may perhaps deserve the preference. "Not, if (they had
   parted) in a state of exasperation, would the Holy Ghost have (thus)
   wrought."--Mod. text "And besides, even the voyage showed this: for
   there was no long time ere they arrive at the very root of Macedonia
   (hothen eis...paraginontai). So that the sharp contention is
   providentially ordered to be for the best. For (otherwise) the Holy
   Ghost would not have wrought, Macedonia would not have received the
   Word. But this so rapid progress," etc.

   [813] kai panta kaloumen. Mod. text substitutes the proverbial
   expression, kai panta kalon kinoumen, "we put every rope in motion,"
   which is hardly suitable here, and not at all necessary. "We call to
   our aid horse-feeders, and doctors, and every one else who can help
   us."

   [814] Our mss. have alogon: Savile (from N.?) lagon, which we adopt.

   [815] kai suretai chamai kathaper paidion, kai aschemonei muria: this
   cannot be meant for the horse, but for the rider. Perhaps kai oudeis,
   kan suretai k t. l.

   [816] kai to but Sav. Marg. kai to me kreittona chrematon einai: some
   slight emendation is necessary, but it is not clear whether it should
   be, kai me to...."and not to his being above wealth:" i.e. good in
   spite of his riches: or kai to me...with some verb supplied, i.e. "and
   make it a reproach to him that (though a good man) he is not above
   riches," seeing he does not abandon his wealth.--Mod. text kai to me
   endea chrematon einai;

   [817] mallon meta tes poreias kai kosmo kekosmemenos numphiko; ho de
   epikath. k. t. l. The passage is corrupt: perhaps, as in the
   Translation, it should be mallon e numphiko, but this as a description
   of the horse is evidently out of place. For por., we read choreias as
   in mod. text (which has kai meta tes choreias kosmo kek. e numphiko.)
   Then transposing this, we read ho de epikath., meta tes chor.,
   kai.--Below, B. C. an skoliaze: A. and mod. text askoliaze--alluding to
   the game of leaping on greased bladders or skins, unctos salire per
   utres; which does not suit ton cholon.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Homily XXXV.

   Acts XVI. 13, 14

   "And on the sabbath we went out of the city by a river side, where
   prayer was wont (Chrys. "was thought likely") to be made; and we sat
   down, and spake unto the women which resorted thither. And a certain
   woman named Lydia, a seller of purple, of the city of Thyatira, which
   worshipped God, heard us: whose heart the Lord opened, that she
   attended unto the things which were spoken of Paul."

   See again Paul judaizing. "Where [818] it was thought," it says, both
   from the time and from the place, "that prayer would be.--Out of the
   city, by a river side:" for it is not to be supposed that they prayed
   only where there was a synagogue; they also prayed out of synagogue,
   but then for this purpose they set apart, as it were, a certain place,
   because as Jews they were more corporeal--and, "on the sabbath-day,"
   when it was likely that a multitude would come together. [819] "And we
   sat down, and spake to the women which resorted thither." Mark again
   the freedom from all pride. "And a certain woman:" a woman and she of
   low condition, from her trade too: but mark (in her) a woman of
   elevated mind (philosophon). In the first place, the fact of God's
   calling her bears testimony to her: "And when she was baptized," it
   says, "she and her household"--mark how he persuaded all of them--"she
   besought us, saying, If ye have judged me to be faithful to the Lord,
   come into my house, and abide there. And she constrained us [820] " (v.
   15): then look at her wisdom, how she importunes (dusophei), the
   Apostles how full of humility her words are, how full of wisdom. "If ye
   have judged me faithful," she says. Nothing could be more persuasive.
   Who would not have been softened by these words? She did not request
   (or, "claim") did not entreat simply: but she left them to decide, and
   (yet) exceedingly forced them: "And she constrained us," it says, by
   those words. And again in a different way: for see how she straightway
   bears fruit, and accounts it a great gain. "If ye have judged me," that
   is, That ye did judge me is manifest, by your delivering to me such
   (holy) mysteries (i.e. sacraments, see p. 225, note 3): and she did not
   dare to invite them before this. But why was there any unwillingness on
   the part of Paul and those with them, that they should need to be
   constrained? It was either by way of calling her to greater earnestness
   of desire, or because Christ had said, "Enquire who is worthy, and
   there abide." (Luke x. 8.) (It was not that they were unwilling), but
   they did it for a purpose. [821] --"And it came to pass," it says, "as
   we went to prayer, a certain damsel possessed with a spirit of
   divination met us, [822] which brought her masters much gain by
   soothsaying: the same followed Paul and us, and cried, saying, These
   men are the servants of the most high God, which show unto us the way
   of salvation." (v. 16, 17.) What may be the reason that both the demon
   spoke these words, and Paul forbade him? Both the one acted
   maliciously, and the other wisely: the demon wished in fact to make
   himself credible. [823] For if Paul had admitted his testimony, he
   would have deceived many of the believers, as being received by him:
   therefore he endures to speak what made against himself, that he may
   establish what made for himself: and so the demon himself uses
   accommodation (sunkatabasei) in order to destruction. At first then,
   Paul would not admit it, but scorned it, not wishing to cast himself
   all at once upon miracles; but when it continued to do this, and
   pointed to their work (kai to ergon edeiknu) "who preach unto us the
   way of salvation," then he commanded it to come out. For it says, "Paul
   being grieved, turned and said to the spirit, I command thee in the
   name of Jesus Christ to come out of her. And he came out the same hour.
   (a) [824] And when her masters saw that the hope of their gains was
   gone, they caught Paul and Silas." (v. 18, 19.) (d) So then Paul did
   all, both miracles and teaching, but of the dangers Silas also is
   partaker. And why says it, "But Paul being grieved?" It means, he saw
   through the malice of the demon, as he saith, "For we are not ignorant
   of his devices." (2 Cor. ii. 11.) (b) "And when her masters saw that
   the hope of their gains was gone." Everywhere money the cause of evils.
   O that heathen cruelty! they wished the girl to be still a demoniac,
   that they might make money by her. "They caught Paul and Silas," it
   says, "and dragged them into the marketplace unto the rulers, and
   brought them unto the magistrates, saying, These men, being Jews, do
   exceedingly trouble our city!" (v. 20): by doing what? Then why did you
   not drag them (hither) before this? "Being Jews:" the name was in bad
   odor. "And teach customs, which are not lawful for us to receive,
   neither to observe, being Romans." (v. 21.) They made a charge of
   treason of it (eis kathosiosin egagon). (e) Why did they not say,
   Because they cast out the demon, they were guilty of impiety against
   God? For this was a defeat to them: but instead of that, they have
   recourse to a charge of treason (epi kathosiosin): like the Jews when
   they said, "We have no king but Caesar: whoso maketh himself a king
   speaketh against Caesar." (John xix. 14, 12.) (c) "And the multitude
   rose up together against them: and the magistrates rent off their
   clothes, and commanded to beat them." (v. 22.) O the irrational
   conduct! They did not examine, did not allow them to speak. And yet,
   such a miracle having taken place, ye ought to have worshipped them,
   ought to have held them as saviors and benefactors. For if money was
   what ye wished, why, having found so great wealth, did ye not run to
   it? This makes you more famous, the having power to cast out demons
   than the obeying them. Lo, even miracles, and yet love of money was
   mightier. (f) "And when they had laid many stripes upon them, they cast
   them into prison."--great was their wrath--"charging the jailer to keep
   them safely" (v. 23): "who, having received such a charge, thrust them
   into the inner prison, and made their feet fast in the stocks." (v.
   24.) Observe, he also again thrust them into the "inner" prison: and
   this too was done providentially, because [825] there was to be a great
   miracle. [826]

   (Recapitulation.) "Out of the city." (v. 13.) The place was convenient
   for hearing the word, aloof from troubles and dangers. (b) "On the
   sabbath." As there was no work going on, they were more attentive to
   what was spoken. (a) "And a certain woman, named Lydia, a seller of
   purple" (v. 14): observe how the writer of the history is not ashamed
   of the occupations (of the converts): (c) moreover neither was this
   city of the Philippians a great one. Having learnt these things, let us
   also be ashamed of no man. Peter abides with a tanner (ch. ix. 43):
   (Paul) with a woman who was a seller of purple, and a foreigner. Where
   is pride? "Whose heart the Lord opened." Therefore we need God, to open
   the heart: but God opens the hearts that are willing: for there are
   hardened hearts to be seen. [827] "So that she attended to the things
   which were spoken of Paul." The opening, then, was God's work, the
   attending was hers: so that it was both God's doing and man's. And she
   was baptized (v. 15), and receives the Apostles with such earnestness
   of entreaty; with more than that used by Abraham. And she speaks of no
   other token than that whereby she was saved (Gen. xviii. 3): she says
   not, "If ye have judged me" a great, a devout woman; but what?
   "faithful to the Lord:" if to the Lord, much more to you. "If ye have
   judged me:" if ye do not doubt it. And she says not, Abide with me,
   but, "Come into my house and abide:" with great earnestness (she says
   it). Indeed a faithful woman!--"A certain damsel possessed with a
   spirit of Python." (v. 16.) Say, what is this demon? The god, as they
   call him, Python: from the place he is so called. Do you mark that
   Apollo also is a demon? And (the demon) wished to bring them into
   temptation: (therefore) to provoke them, "the same followed Paul and
   us, and cried, saying, These men are the servants of the most high God,
   which show unto us the way of salvation." (v. 17.) O thou accursed,
   thou execrable one! if then thou knowest that it is "His way of
   salvation" that "they show," why dost thou not come out freely? But
   just what Simon wished, when he said, "Give me, that on whomsoever I
   lay my hands, he may receive the Holy Ghost" (ch. viii. 19), the same
   did this demon: since he saw them becoming famous, here also he plays
   the hypocrite: by this means he thought to be allowed to remain in the
   body, if he should preach the same things. But if Christ "receive not
   testimony from man," (John v. 34), meaning John, much less from a
   demon. "Praise is not comely in the mouth of a sinner" (Ecclus. xv. 9),
   much less from a demon. For [828] that they preach is not of men, but
   of the Holy Ghost. Because they did not act in a spirit of boasting.
   "And Paul being grieved," etc. By their clamor and shouting they
   thought to alarm them (the magistrates): saying, "These men do
   exceedingly trouble our city." (v. 18-20.) What sayest thou? Dost thou
   believe the demon? Why not here also? He saith, They are "servants of
   the most high God;" thou sayest, "They exceedingly trouble our city:"
   he saith, "They show us the way of salvation;" thou sayest, "They teach
   customs which are not lawful for us to receive." (v. 21.) Observe, how
   they do not attend even to the demon, but look only to one thing, their
   covetousness. But observe them (Paul and Silas), how they do not
   answer, nor plead for themselves; (b) "For when," saith he, "I am weak,
   then am I strong. My grace is sufficient for thee, for My strength is
   made perfect in weakness" (2 Cor. xii. 9): so that by reason of their
   gentleness also they should be admired. (a) "And the magistrates,"
   etc., "charging the jailer to keep them safely" (v. 22): that they may
   be the means [829] of a greater miracle. (c) The stricter the custody,
   the greater the miracle. It was probably from the wish to cut short the
   disturbance, that the magistrates did these things; because they saw
   the crowd urgent, and wished to stay their passion at the instant,
   therefore they inflicted the stripes: at the same time it was their
   wish to hear the matter, and that was why they cast them into prison
   and gave charge "to keep them safely." And, it says, "he made them fast
   in the stocks" (v. 24), (to xulon) as we should say, the nervum
   (nerbon).

   What tears do not these things call for! (Think) what they suffer,
   while we (live) in luxury, we in theatres, we perishing and drowning
   (in dissolute living), seeking always idle amusement, not enduring to
   suffer pain for Christ, not even as far as words, not even as far as
   talk. These things I beseech you let us ever call to mind, what things
   they suffered, what things they endured, how undismayed they were, how
   unoffended. They were doing God's work, and suffered these things! They
   did not say, Why do we preach this, and God does not take our part? But
   even this was a benefit to them, even apart [830] from the truth, in
   the thing itself; it made them more vigorous, stronger, intrepid.
   "Tribulation worketh endurance." (Rom. v. 4.) Then let us not seek
   loose and dissolute living. For as in the one case the good is twofold,
   that the sufferers are made strong, and that the rewards are great; so
   in the other the evil is twofold, that such are rendered more
   enervated, and that it is to no good, but only evil. For nothing can be
   more worthless than a man who passes all his time in idleness and
   luxury. For the man untried, as the saying is, is also unapproved;
   unapproved not only in the contests, but also in everything else.
   Idleness is a useless thing, and in luxury itself nothing is so
   unsuited to the end proposed as the leading a luxurious life: for it
   palls with satiety, so that neither the enjoyment of the viands is so
   great, nor the enjoyment of relaxation, but all becomes vapid, and runs
   to waste.

   Then let us not seek after this. For if we will consider which has the
   pleasanter life, he that is toiled and hardworked, or he that lives in
   luxury, we shall find it to be the former. For in the first place,
   [831] the bodily senses are neither clear nor sound, but dull
   (chhaunai) and languid; and when those are not right, even of health
   there is plainly no enjoyment. Which is the useful horse, the pampered
   or the exercised? which the serviceable ship, that which sails, or that
   which lies idle? which the best water, the running or the stagnant?
   which the best iron, that which is much used, or that which does no
   work? does not the one shine bright as silver, while the other becomes
   all over rusty, useless, and even losing some of its own substance? The
   like happens also to the soul as the consequence of idleness: a kind of
   rust spreads over it, and corrodes both its brightness and everything
   else. How then shall one rub off this rust? With the whetstone of
   tribulations: so shall one make the soul useful and fit for all things.
   Else, how, I ask, will she be able to cut off the passions, with her
   edge turned (anakloses) and bending like lead? How shall she wound the
   devil?--And then to whom can such an one be other than a disgusting
   spectacle--a man cultivating obesity, dragging himself along like a
   seal? I speak not this of those who are naturally of this habit, but of
   those who by luxurious living have brought their bodies into such a
   condition, of those who are naturally of a spare habit. The sun has
   risen, has shot forth his bright beams on all sides, and roused up each
   person to his work: the husbandman goes forth with his spade, the smith
   with his hammer, and each artisan with his several instruments, and you
   will find each handling his proper tools; the woman also takes either
   her distaff or her webs: while he, like the swine, immediately at the
   first dawn goes forth to feed his belly, seeking how he may provide
   sumptuous fare. And yet it is only for brute beasts to be feeding from
   morning to night; and for them, because their only use is to be
   slaughtered. Nay, even of the beasts, those which carry burdens and
   admit of being worked, go forth to their work while it is yet night.
   But this man, rising from his bed, when the (noon-tide) sun has filled
   the market-place, and people are tired of their several works, then
   this man gets up, stretching himself out just as if he were indeed a
   hog in fattening, having wasted the fairest part of the day in
   darkness. Then he sits there for a long time on his bed, often unable
   even to lift himself up from the last evening's debauch, and having
   wasted (still) more time in this (listlessness), proceeds to adorn
   himself, and issues forth, a spectacle of unseemliness, with nothing
   human about him, but with all the appearance of a beast with a human
   shape: his eyes rheumy from the effect of wine, [832] * * * while the
   miserable soul, just like the lame, is unable to rise, bearing about
   its bulk of flesh, like an elephant. Then he comes and sits in
   (various) places, and says and does such things, that it were better
   for him to be still sleeping than to be awake. If it chance that evil
   tidings be announced, he shows himself weaker than any girl; if good,
   more silly than any child; on his face there is a perpetual yawn. He is
   a mark for all that would do harm, if not for all men, at least for all
   evil passions; and wrath easily excites such a man, and lust, and envy,
   and all other passions. All flatter him, all pay court to him,
   rendering his soul weaker than it is already: and each day he goes on
   and on, adding to his disease. If he chance to fall into any difficulty
   of business, he becomes dust and ashes, [833] and his silken garments
   are of no help to him. We have not said all this without a purpose, but
   to teach you, that none of you should live idly and at random. For
   idleness and luxury are not conducive to work, to good reputation, to
   enjoyment. [834] For who will not condemn such a man? Family, friends,
   kinsfolk (will say), He is indeed a very encumbrance of the ground.
   Such a man as this has come into the world to no purpose: or rather,
   not to no purpose, but to ill purpose against his own person, to his
   own ruin, and to the hurt of others. But that this is more
   pleasant--let us look to this; for this is the question. Well then,
   what can be less pleasant than (the condition of) a man who has nothing
   to do; what more wretched and miserable? Is it not worse than all the
   fetters in the world, to be always gaping and yawning, as one sits in
   the market-place, looking at the passers by? For the soul, as its
   nature is to be always on the move, cannot endure to be at rest. God
   has made it a creature of action: to work is of its very nature; to be
   idle is against its nature. For let us not judge of these things from
   those who are diseased, but let us put the thing itself to the proof of
   fact. Nothing is more hurtful than leisure, and having nothing to do:
   indeed therefore hath God laid on us a necessity of working: for
   idleness hurts everything. Even to the members of the body, inaction is
   a mischief. Both eye, if it perform not its work, and mouth, and belly,
   and every member that one could mention, falls into the worst state of
   disease: but none so much as the soul. But as inaction is an evil, so
   is activity in things that ought to be let alone. For just as it is
   with the teeth, if one eats not, one receives hurt to them, and if one
   eats things unfitting, it jars them, and sets them on edge: [835] so it
   is here; both if the soul be inactive, and if inactive in wrong things,
   it loses its proper force. Then let us eschew both alike; both
   inaction, and the activity which is worse than inaction. And what may
   that be? Covetousness, [836] anger, envyings, and the other passions.
   As regards these, let us make it our object to be inactive, in order
   that we may obtain the good things promised to us, through the grace
   and mercy of our Lord Jesus Christ, with Whom to the Father, together
   with the Holy Spirit, be glory, might, honor, now and ever, world
   without end. Amen.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [818] mss. and Edd. place hou en. proseuche einai after apo tou topou,
   so that it reads, "See Paul again judaizing both from the time and from
   the place." Chrys. here explains the enomizeto (in the sense "was
   thought"): viz. St. Paul expected to find a congregation assembled for
   prayer, both because the place was set apart for that purpose, and
   because it was the sabbath.

   [819] Two variations of text occur in v. 13, which materially affect
   the meaning. Modern critics read pules St. poleos--"they went outside
   the gate" and enomizomen instead of enomizeto--"where we supposed there
   was a place of prayer." (So B. C. ', R.V., Tischendorf, Westcott and
   Hort.) If the reading enomizeto is retained, it more probably means;
   "where a place of prayer was wont to be" rather than (as Chrys.)
   "where, it was thought, that prayer would be." The proseuchai were
   places of prayer situated often in the open air, and chosen in the
   neighborhood of streams on account of the custom of washing the hands
   before prayer. They served the purposes of synagogues in places where
   they did not exist.--G.B.S.

   [820] all' autous apheke kurious einai, kai. Mod. text, ouk apheke k.
   e. alla kai.

   [821] 'Alla di oikonomian epoioun, B. Cat. "their seeming reluctance
   was economy.'" A. C., Ola di oik. ep. Mod. text, Oste panta di oik. ep.

   [822] Most critical editions read in v. 16. puthona st. puthonos
   (following A. B. C. '). In this case the word is in apposition with
   pneuma and has the force of an adjective, "having a Pythonic spirit,"
   in allusion to the serpent which was said to have guarded Delphi and to
   have been slain by Apollo. From this feat the God was called Pythius,
   and in his temple the priestess was called "the Pythian," as being
   inspired by Apollo. Hence the term became equivalent to a daimonion
   mantikon. In later times the power of the ventriloquist was attributed
   to such a Pythonic spirit (as by Plutarch) and the LXX. render the word
   'vv by engastrimuthos in accordance with this view. Meyer maintains
   that this damsel had the power of ventriloquism which the people
   attributed to a pneuma puthona. The apostle did not share this opinion
   but treated the case as one of demoniacal possession.--G.B.S.

   [823] B. and Cat. ebouleto loipon axiopiston heauton (B. auton) poiein.
   The other mss. ebouleto (ebouleueto A.C.) gar me ax. auton poiein:
   wished to make him (Paul) not credible. That the former is the true
   reading, is shown by what follows: hina stese ta huper heautou: i.e.,
   to gain credit with the believers in order to deceive them afterwards.
   In the next clause, we read with Cat. and Sav. ta kath' heautou, our
   mss. heautous, and so the other Edd.

   [824] The scribe has copied the parts in the order 1, 3, 5: 2, 4, 6.
   See p. 213, note 5.

   [825] Edd. have 'Epeide gar, and join this sentence with the following.
   The compiler of the Catena perceived that the Recapitulation begins
   with the next sentence, which he therefore gives to v. 13, though he
   repeats it wrongly under v. 24.--Mod. text, inserts the 'All' idomen k.
   t. l. before Gnue, ph., porphuropolis.

   [826] This is the first recorded instance of the persecution of
   Christians by the Roman power. Hitherto the persecutions have proceeded
   from the Jews and here it is inflicted upon the Christians because they
   are considered to be Jews who were now under special disfavor, having
   been shortly before banished from Rome by Claudius.--G.B.S.

   [827] Here mod. text. "But let us look over again what has been said. A
   woman,' it says, a seller of purple,'" etc.

   [828] mss. and Edd. to gar keruttein ouk anthropon alla Pn. 'Epei oun
   alazonikos epoioun boontes k. t. l. The passage needs emendation. We
   read ouk for oun. "They did not catch at praise, least of all from a
   demon: for they were no braggarts, knowing that the power to preach was
   not of men," etc.

   [829] hina meizonos thaumatos aitioi genontai. B. Cat. Sav. marg. The
   other mss. read hina meizonos axioi thaum. g., "They forbear to answer,
   so as to become worthy of more admiration." Hence this clause has been
   transposed. We refer it to v. 23. "The magistrates give order for their
   safe custody, thereby becoming the means of a greater miracle."

   [830] B. C , kai choris tes aletheias, en auto to pragmati. A. and mod.
   text, kai ch. tes boetheias auto. to. pr., "even without the Divine
   succour, even though that had been withheld, yet their sufferings were
   ipso facto a benefit." But this alteration is not necessary. "Even
   apart from the Truth which they preached,--irrespectively of the fact
   that they were preachers of the Truth--their sufferings were a benefit.
   Even though they were deceived, and not preachers of the Truth, they
   gained by suffering: it made them strong," etc.

   [831] As no "secondly" follows this "first," the scribes have supplied
   the seeming deficiency: thus N. (Sav. marg.) proton men hoti to soma
   anepitedeion pros panta kai ekneneurismenon esti; deuteron de hoti
   kai--. Mod. text Pr. men gar tou toioutou to soma auto ekluton kai
   pepladekos; epeita kai--.

   [832] Mod. text, "his eyes watery, his mouth smelling of wine." It is
   evident that Chrys. is very imperfectly reported here.

   [833] tephra kai konis ginetai. Unless there be an hiatus here, the
   meaning is, he has no more solidity in him than so much ashes and dust.

   [834] Mod. text, pros doxan monon, pros hedonen: "but only to
   vainglory, to pleasure."

   [835] poiei autous bruchein kai omodian (r. omodian). In Jer. xxxi.
   (Gr. xxxviii.) 29, the phrase is odontes ton teknon hemodiasan and so
   Hippocrat. uses the verb. haimodian. But as Ed. Par. Ben. 2, remarks,
   the passage of Jer. is sometimes cited with omodiasan; Synops. Athanas.
   t. ii. 167. Isidor. Pelus. iv. Ep. 4.

   [836] Here, Edd. before Par. Ben. 2, adopt the amplified peroration of
   D. F. "Covetings, wrath, envyings, strifes, grudgings, emulations, and
   all the other passions. In these we ought to aim at being inactive, and
   with all earnestness to do the work of the virtues, that we may
   attain," etc.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Homily XXXVI.

   Acts XVI. 25, 26

   "And at midnight Paul and Silas prayed, and sang praises unto God: and
   the prisoners heard them. And suddenly there was a great earthquake, so
   that the foundations of the prison were shaken, and immediately all the
   doors were opened, and every one's bands were loosed."

   What could equal these souls? These men had been scourged, had received
   many stripes, they had been misused, were in peril of their lives, were
   thrust into the inner prison, and set fast in the stocks: and for all
   this they did not suffer themselves to sleep, but kept vigil all the
   night. Do you mark what a blessing tribulation is? But we, in [837] our
   soft beds, with none to be afraid of, pass the whole night in sleep.
   But belike this is why they kept vigil, because they were in this
   condition. Not the tyranny of sleep could overpower them, not the smart
   of pain could bow them, not the fear of evil east them into helpless
   dejection: no, these were the very things that made them wakeful: and
   they were even filled with exceeding delight. "At midnight," it says,
   "and the prisoners listened to them:" it was so strange and surprising!
   "And suddenly there was a great earthquake, so that the foundations of
   the prison were shaken, and immediately, all the doors were opened, and
   every one's bands were loosed. And the keeper of the prison awaking out
   of his sleep, and seeing the prison doors open, drew out his sword, and
   would have killed himself, supposing that the prisoners had been fled."
   (v. 27.) There was an earthquake, that the keeper should be roused from
   sleep, and the doors flew open, that he should wonder at what had
   happened: but these things the prisoners saw not: otherwise they would
   all have fled: [838] but the keeper of the prison was about to slay
   himself, thinking the prisoners were escaped. "But Paul cried with a
   loud voice, saying, Do thyself no harm: for we are all here" (v. 28.)
   (b) "Then he called for lights, and sprang in, and came trembling, and
   fell down before Paul and Silas; and brought them out, and said, Sirs,
   what must I do to be saved?" (v. 29, 30.) Do you mark how the wonder
   overpowered him? (a) He wondered more at Paul's kindness; he was amazed
   at his manly boldness, that he had not escaped when he had it in his
   power, that he hindered him from killing himself. [839] (c) "And they
   said, believe on the Lord Jesus Christ, and thou shalt be saved, and
   thy house. And they spake unto him the word of the Lord, and to all
   that were in his house." (v. 31, 35) and (so) immediately gave proof of
   their kindness towards him. "And he took them the same hour of the
   night and washed their stripes; and was baptized, he and all his,
   straightway." (v. 33.) He washed them, and was himself baptized, he and
   his house. "And when he had brought them into his house, he set meat
   before them, and rejoiced, believing in God with all his house. And
   when it was day, the magistrates sent the sergeants, saying, Let those
   men go." (v. 34, 35.) It is likely the magistrates had learnt what had
   happened, and did not dare of themselves to dismiss them. "And the
   keeper of the prison told these words to Paul, saying, the magistrates
   have sent to let you go: now therefore depart, and go in peace. But
   Paul said unto them, they have beaten us openly uncondemned, being
   Romans, and have cast us into prison; and now do they thrust as out
   privily? nay verily; but let them come themselves and fetch us out. And
   the sergeants told these words unto the magistrates: and they feared,
   when they heard that they were Romans. And they came and besought them,
   and brought them out, and desired them to depart out of the city. And
   they went out of the prison, and entered into the house of Lydia: and
   when they had seen the brethren, they comforted them, and departed."
   (v. 36-40.) Even [840] upon the declaration of the magistrates Paul
   does not go out, but for the sake both of Lydia and the rest he puts
   them in fear: that they may not be supposed to have come out upon their
   own request, that they may set the rest in a posture of boldness. The
   impeachment was twofold: that "being Romans," and "uncondemned," they
   had openly cast them into prison. You see that in many things they took
   their measures as men.

   (Recapitulation) "And at midnight," etc. (v. 25.) Let us compare,
   beloved, with that night these nights of ours, with their revellings,
   their drunkenness, and wanton excesses, with their sleep which might as
   well be death, their watchings which are worse than sleep. For while
   some sleep without sense or feeling, others lie awake to pitiable and
   wretched purpose, plotting deceits, anxiously thinking about money,
   studying how they may be revenged upon those who do them wrong,
   meditating enmity, reckoning up the abusive words spoken during the
   day: thus do they rake up the smouldering embers of wrath, doing things
   intolerable. [841] Mark how Peter slept. (ch. xii. 6.) Both there, it
   was wisely ordered (that he should be asleep); for the Angel came to
   him, and it behooved that none should see what happened; and on the
   other hand it was well ordered here (that Paul should be awake), in
   order that the keeper of the prison might be prevented from killing
   himself. "And suddenly there was a great earthquake." (v. 26.) And why
   did no other miracle take place? Because this was, of all others, the
   thing sufficient for his conversion, seeing he was personally in
   danger: for it is not so much miracles that overpower us, as the things
   which issue in our own deliverance. That the earthquake should not seem
   to have come of itself, there was this concurrent circumstance, bearing
   witness to it: "the doors were opened, and all their bonds were
   loosed." And it appears in the night-time; for the Apostles did not
   work for display, but for men's salvation. "And the keeper of the
   prison," etc. (v. 27.) The keeper was not an evil-disposed man that he
   "thrust them into the inner prison," (v. 24) was because of his "having
   received such a command," not of himself. The man [842] was all in a
   tumult of perturbation. "What shall I do to be saved?" he asks. Why not
   before this? Paul shouted, until he saw, and is beforehand with him
   saying, "We are all here. And having called for lights," it says, "he
   sprang in, and fell down at the feet" of the prisoner; he, the prison
   keeper, saying, "Sirs, what must I do to be saved?" (v. 28-30.) Why,
   what had they said? Observe, he does not, on finding himself safe,
   think all is well; he is overcome with awe at the miraculous power.

   Do you mark [843] what happened in the former case, and what here?
   There a girl was released from a spirit, and they cast them into
   prison, because they had liberated her from the spirit. Here, they did
   but show the doors standing open, and it opened the doors of his heart,
   it loosed two sorts of chains; that (prisoner) [844] kindled the (true)
   light; for the light in his heart was shining. "And he sprang in, and
   fell before them;" and he does not ask, How is this? What is this? but
   straightway he says, "What must I do to be saved?" What then answers
   Paul? "Believe on the Lord Jesus Christ, and thou shalt be saved, thou
   and thine house." (v. 31.) For this above all, wins men: that one's
   house also should be saved. "And they spake the word to him, and to all
   that were in his house. And he took them the same hour of the night,
   and washed their stripes," etc. (v. 32, 33), washed them and was
   washed: those he washed from their stripes, himself was washed from his
   sins: he fed and was fed. [845] "And rejoiced," it says: although there
   was nothing but words only and good hopes: "having believed in God with
   all his house (v. 34): this was the token of his having believed--that
   he was released of all. What worse than a jailer, what more ruthless,
   more savage? He entertained them with great honor. Not, because he was
   safe, he made merry, but, having believed God. (a) "Believe on the
   Lord," said the Apostle: therefore it is that the writer here says,
   "Having believed. [846] --(d) Now therefore," it says, "depart, and go
   in peace" (v. 36): that is, in safety, fearing no man. (b) "But Paul
   said unto them" (v. 37): that he may not seem to be receiving his
   liberty as one condemned, and as one that has done wrong: therefore it
   is that he says, "Having openly beaten us uncondemned," etc.--that it
   may not be matter of grace on their part. (e) And besides, they wish
   the jailer himself to be out of danger, that he may not be called to
   account for this afterwards. And they do not say, "Having beaten us,"
   who have wrought miracles: for they (the magistrates) did not even heed
   these: but, that which was most effectual to shake their minds,
   "uncondemned, and being Romans." (c) Observe how diversely grace
   manages things: how Peter went out, how Paul, though both were
   Apostles. "They feared," (v. 38) it says: because the men were Romans,
   not because they had unjustly cast them into prison, [847] "And
   besought them to depart out of the city" (v. 39): begged them as a
   favor. And they went to the house of Lydia, and having confirmed her,
   so departed. For it was not right to leave their hostess in distress
   and anxiety. But they went out, not in compliance with the request of
   those rulers, but hasting to the preaching: the city having been
   sufficiently benefited by the miracle: for it was fit they should not
   be there any longer. For in the absence of them that wrought it, the
   miracle appeared greater, itself crying out more loudly: the faith of
   the jailer was a voice in itself. What equal to this? He is put in
   bonds, and looses, being bound: looses a twofold bond: him that bound
   him, he looses by being bound. These are indeed works of (supernatural)
   grace.

   (f) Let us constantly bear in mind this jailer, [848] not the miracle:
   how, prisoner as he was (the Apostle), persuaded his jailer. What say
   the heathen? "And of what things," say they, "was such a man as this to
   be persuaded--a vile, wretched creature, of no understanding, full of
   all that is bad and nothing else, and easily brought over to anything?
   For these, say they, are the things, a tanner, a purple-seller, an
   eunuch, slaves, and women believed." This is what they say. What then
   will they be able to say, when we produce the men of rank and station,
   the centurion, the proconsul, those from that time to the present, the
   rulers themselves, the emperors? But for my part, I speak of something
   else, greater than this: let us look to these very persons of no
   consideration. "And where is the wonder?" say you. Why, this, I say, is
   a wonder. For, if a person be persuaded about any common things, it is
   no wonder: but if resurrection, a kingdom of heaven, a life of
   philosophic self-command, be the subjects, and, discoursing of these to
   persons of mean consideration, one persuades them, it will be more
   wonderful than if one persuaded wise men. For when there is no danger
   attending the things of which one persuades people, then (the objector)
   might with some plausibility allege want of sense on their part: but
   when (the preacher) says--to the slave, as you will have it--"If thou
   be persuaded by me, it is at thy peril, thou wilt have all men for
   thine enemies, thou must die, thou must suffer evils without number,"
   and yet for all this, convinces that man's soul, there can be no more
   talk here of want of sense. Since, if indeed the doctrines contained
   what was pleasant, one might fairly enough say this: but if, what the
   philosohers would never have chosen to learn, this the slave does
   learn, then is the wonder greater. And, if you will, let us bring
   before us the tanner himself, and see what were the subjects on which
   Peter conversed with him: or if you will, this same jailer. What then
   said Paul to him? "That Christ rose again," say you; "that there is a
   resurrection of the dead, and a kingdom: and he had no difficulty in
   persuading him, a man easily led to anything." How? Said he nothing
   about the mode of life; that he must be temperate, that he must be
   superior to money, that he must not be unmerciful, that he must impart
   of his good things to others? For it cannot be said, that the being
   persuaded to these things also was from the want of power of mind; no,
   to be brought to all this required a great soul. For be it so, that as
   far as the doctrines went, they were rendered more apt to receive these
   by their want of intelligence: but to accept such a virtuous,
   self-denying rule of life, how could that be owing to any defect of
   understanding? So that the less understanding the person may have, if
   nevertheless he is persuaded to things, to which even philosophers were
   unable to persuade their fellow-philosophers, the greater the
   wonder--when women and slaves are persuaded of these truths, and prove
   it by their actions, of which same truths the Platos and all the rest
   of them were never able to persuade any man. And why say I, "any man?"
   Say rather, not themselves even: on the contrary, that money is not to
   be despised, Plato persuaded (his disciples) by getting, as he did,
   such an abundance of property, and golden rings, and goblets; and that
   the honor to be had from the many is not to be despised, this Socrates
   himself shows, for all that he may philosophize without end on this
   point: for in everything he did, he had an eye to fame. And if you were
   conversant with his discourses, I might go at great length into this
   subject, and show what a deal of insincerity (eironeian) there was in
   them,--if at least we may believe what his disciple says of him,--and
   how that all his writings have their ground-work in vainglory. But,
   leaving them, let us direct the discourse to our own selves. For
   besides the things that have been said, there is this also to be added,
   that men were persuaded of these things to their own peril. Be not thou
   therefore shameless, but let us think over that night, the stocks, and
   the hymns of praise. This let us also do, and we shall open for
   ourselves--not a prison, but--heaven. If we pray, we shall be able even
   to open heaven. Elias both shut and opened heaven by prayer. (James v.
   17.) There is a prison in heaven also. "Whatsoever," He saith, "ye
   shall bind on earth, shall be bound in heaven." (Matt. xvi. 19.) Let us
   pray by night, and we shall loose these bonds. For that prayers loose
   sins, let that widow convince us, let that friend convince us, who at
   that untimely hour of the night persists and knocks (Luke xi. 5): let
   Cornelius convince us, for, "thy prayers," it says, "and thine alms are
   come up before God." (ch. x. 4.) Let Paul convince us, who says, "Now
   she that is a widow indeed and desolate, trusteth in God, and
   continueth in supplications night and day." (1 Tim. v. 5.) If he speaks
   thus of a widow, a weak woman, much more would he of men. I have both
   before discoursed to you on this, and now repeat it: let us arouse
   ourselves during the night: though thou make not many prayers, make one
   with watchfulness, and it is enough, I ask no more: and if not at
   midnight, at any rate at the first dawn. Show that the night is not
   only for the body, but also for the soul: do not suffer it to pass
   idly, but make this return to thy Master: nay rather (the benefit)
   itself returns to thee. Say, if we fall into any difficult strait, to
   whom do we not make request? and if we soon obtain our request, we
   breathe freely again. What a boon were it for thee, to have a friend to
   go to with thy request, who shall be ready to take it as a kindness,
   and to be obliged to thee for thy asking? What a boon, not to have to
   go about and seek one to ask of, but to find one ready? to have no need
   of others through whom thou mayest solicit? What could be greater than
   this? Since here is One who then does most, when we make not our
   requests of others than Himself: just as a sincere friend then most
   complains of us for not trusting in his friendship, when we ask of
   others to make request to him. Thus also let us act. [849] "But what,"
   you will ask, "if I should have offended Him?" Cease to give offence,
   and weep, and so draw near to Him, and thou wilt quickly render Him
   propitious as to thy former sins. Say only, I have offended: say it
   from thy soul and with a sincere mind, and all things are remitted to
   thee. Thou dost not so much desire thy sins to be forgiven, as He
   desires to forgive thee thy sins. In proof that thou dost not so desire
   it, consider that thou hast no mind either to practice vigils, or to
   give thy money freely: but He, that He might forgive our sins, spared
   not His Only-begotten and True Son, the partner of His throne. Seest
   thou how He more desires to forgive thee thy sins (than thou to be
   forgiven )? Then let us not be slothful, nor put off this any longer.
   He is merciful and good: only let us give Him an opportunity.

   And (even) this (He seeks), only that we may not become unprofitable,
   since even without this He could have freed us from them: but like as
   we (with the same view) devise and arrange many things for our servants
   to do, so does He in the matter of our salvation. "Let us anticipate
   His face with thanksgiving." (Ps. xcv. 2. "Let us come before His
   presence." E.V.), since He is good and kind. But if thou call not upon
   Him, what will He do? Thou dost not choose to say, Forgive; thou wilt
   not say it from thy heart, but with thy mouth only. What is it, to call
   in truth? (To call) with purpose of heart, with earnestness, with a
   sincere mind; just as men say of perfumes, "This is genuine, and has
   nothing spurious," so here. He who truly calls on Him, he who truly
   prays to Him, continually attends to it, and desists not, until he
   obtain (his request): but he who does it in a merely formal manner
   (aphosioumenos), and even this only by way of fulfilling a law, does
   not call in truth. Whosoever thou art, say not only, "I am a sinner,"
   but be earnest also to rid thyself of this character; say not this
   only, but also grieve. If thou grievest, thou art in earnest: if thou
   art not in earnest, thou grievest not: if thou grievest not, thou
   triflest. What sort of man is he who shall say, "I am sick," and not to
   do all to be freed from his sickness? A mighty weapon is Prayer. "If
   ye," saith the Lord, "know how to give good gifts to your children, how
   much more your Father?" (Luke xi. 13.) Then wherefore art thou
   unwilling to approach Him? He loves thee, He is of more power than all
   besides. Both willing is He and able, what is there to hinder? Nothing.
   But then, on our part, let us draw near with faith, draw near, offering
   the gifts that He desires, forgetfulness of wrongs, kindness, meekness.
   Though thou be a sinner, with boldness shalt thou ask of Him
   forgiveness of thy sins, if thou canst show that this has been done by
   thyself: but though thou be righteous, and possess not this virtue of
   forgetfulness of injuries, thou art none the better for it. It cannot
   be that a man who has forgiven his neighbor should not obtain perfect
   forgiveness: for God is beyond comparison more merciful than we. What
   sayest thou? If thou sayest, "I have been wronged, I have subdued my
   anger, I have endured the onset of wrath because of Thy command, and
   dost Thou not forgive?" [850] Full surely He will forgive: and this is
   plain to all. Therefore let us purge our soul from all resentment. This
   is sufficient for us, in order that we may be heard; and let us pray
   with watching and much perseverance, that having enjoyed His bountiful
   mercy, we may be found worthy of the good things promised, through the
   grace and mercy of our Lord Jesus Christ, with Whom to the Father,
   together with the Holy Spirit, be glory, might, honor, now and ever,
   world without end. Amen.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [837] Mod. text hemeis de oude en hapalois k. t. l. but Sav. justly
   rejects oude, and even Ben. omits it in the Latin.

   [838] The explanation of Chrys. that Paul and Silas could not have
   known that the doors were open, else they would have escaped, is
   clearly out of harmony with the narrative. The unwillingness of Paul
   (v. 37) to go forth from the prison without an explicit vindication
   from the authorities who had imprisoned him without just cause, shows
   that he was not bent upon an escape. This would be all the more true in
   view of the miraculous interposition in their behalf.--G.B.S.

   [839] i.e. "The miracle amazed him, but he was more astonished at
   Paul's boldness, was more moved to admiration by his kindness." But
   besides the transposition marked by the letters, the clauses of (a) may
   perhaps be better re-arranged thus: "He more marvelled at Paul's
   boldness, in not escaping etc., he was amazed at his kindness in
   hindering," etc.

   [840] The report seems to be defective, but the meaning may be, that in
   taking this high tone with the magistrates the Apostle was not
   influenced by personal feelings; but acted thus for the assurance of
   Lydia and the other believers, by letting it be seen that they were not
   set at liberty upon their own request. In the recapitulation another
   consideration is mentioned, viz. in respect of the jailer.--Mod. text
   "perhaps for the sake of Lydia and the other brethren: or also putting
   them in fear that they may not, etc., and that they may set the others
   also in a posture of boldness." Then, Triploun, agapetoi, k. t. l. the
   third point being kai demosi& 139;. We reject this kai though all our
   mss. have it. We have also transferred the agapetoi, which is out of
   place here to the beginning of the recapitulation.

   [841] ta aphoreta ergazomenoi: perhaps, "in imagination wreaking upon
   their enemies an intolerable revenge."

   [842] Mod. text "And why did not Paul shout before this? The man was
   all in a tumult of perturbation, and would not have received (what was
   said). Therefore when he saw him about to kill himself, he is
   beforehand with him, and shouts saying, "We are all here." Therefore
   also, "Having asked," it says, "for lights, he sprang in, and fell
   before Paul and Silas." The keeper falls at the feet of the prisoner.
   And he brings them out, and says, "Sirs," etc. But the question, Dia ti
   me pro toutou; evidently cannot be meant for eboesen ho Paulos. The
   meaning is, "Why did he not sooner ask, What shall I do to be saved?'
   Observe his first impulse is to kill himself--such was the tumult of
   his thoughts. Suddenly awaked, he sees the doors open, and supposes the
   prisoners were escaped. Therefore Paul shouted to him, to reassure him
   on that point, until he could satisfy himself with his own eyes: as, it
   says, He called for lights,' for that purpose: and then indeed,
   relieved of that fear, he is overcome with awe: and falls down at the
   feet of his prisoner saying, What shall I do to be saved?' Why, what
   had they said? Nothing more: but the religious awe now seizes him: for
   he does not think all is right and no need to trouble himself any
   further, because he finds himself safe from the temporal danger." For
   this is the meaning of hora aupon ouk, epeide diesothe, epi touto
   stergonta, alla ten dunamin ekplagenta: not as Ben. vide illum non ab
   hoc diligere quod servatus esset, sed quod de virtute obstupesceret.

   [843] This is the sequel to what was said above: "It is not so much
   miracles that overpower or convince us (hairei), as the sense of
   benefits received." For, they saw the miracle of dispossession wrought
   upon the girl, and they cast the doers of it into prison: whereas here
   the jailer sees but the doors open (the prisoners safe, the Apostle's
   manliness in not escaping, and their kindness to himself), and he is
   converted. The doors were open, and the door of his heart (like
   Lydia's) was opened: the prisoner's chains were loosed, and worse
   chains were loosed from himself: he called for a light, but the true
   light was lighted in his own heart.

   [844] hepsen ekeinos to phos. Edd. (from D. F.) ekeino.

   [845] ethrepse kai etraphe: probably meaning the Holy Eucharist
   immediately after the baptism. So above p. 219, tosauta musteria, in
   the case of Lydia.

   [846] Edd. "Having believed, that he may not seem to be liberated,"
   etc., as if this (b) were said of the jailer. (Here again the method of
   the derangement is 1, 3, 5: 2, 4, 6: as in p. 213, note 5, 220, note
   2).

   [847] In two respects the treatment of Paul and Silas at Philippi was
   unjust. It was contrary to natural justice to punish them
   "uncondemned"--without a fair and impartial trial. Moreover the Lex
   Valeria (254 U. C.) forbade the punishment of Roman citizens with whips
   and rods. It was this last violation of law which, upon reflection, the
   magistrates wished to hush up. Hence their eager desire that Paul and
   Silas go free forthwith. Every hour of detention was an accusation
   against themselves.--G.B.S.

   [848] All our mss. desmophulakos, but Savile desmotou. adopted by Ben.
   We retain the old reading--Mod. text "What say the heathen? how being a
   prisoner," etc. Then: "Kai tina, phesi, peisthenai echren, e miaron k.
   t. l. And what man (say they) was (more) to be persuaded than, etc.
   Moreover, they allege this also: for who but a tanner tis gar e
   burseus)....believed?"--We take tina to be acc. plur. sc. dogmata. The
   heathen objection is this, You may see by the character of the first
   converts, such as this jailer, what is the character of the doctrines:
   "Since what doctrines behooved (a man like this) to be persuaded of?"
   St. Chrys. says, "Let us bear in mind this jailer--not to dwell upon
   the miracle, but to consider how his prisoner persuaded him: how he
   induced a man like this not only to receive the doctrines, but to
   submit to the self-denying rule of the Gospel. The heathen raise a
   prejudice against the Gospel from the very fact, that such men as these
   were converted. What, say they, must be the teaching to be received by
   a wretched creature like this jailer? The doctrines were well matched
   with their first converts, tanner, purple-seller, eunuch," etc. (So in
   the remarkable argument on this same subject in the Morale of Hom. vii.
   in 1 Cor. p. 62, E. "but it is objected: Those who were convinced by
   them were slaves, women, nurses, eunuchs:" whence it seems, as here,
   that the case of the eunuch, Acts viii. was made a reproach, as if he
   must needs be a person of inferior understanding).

   [849] houto kai hemeis: which mod. text needlessly expands into: "(Thus
   also we) act in the case of those who ask of us: we then most oblige
   them, when they approach us by themselves not by others."

   [850] kai su ouk aphi& 219;s; Mod. text, ouk aphesei kai autos; "will
   not He also forgive?"
     __________________________________________________________________

   Homily XXXVII.

   Acts XVII. 1, 2, 3

   "Now when they had passed through Amphipolis and Apollonia, they came
   to Thessalonica, where was a synagogue of the Jews: and Paul, as his
   manner was, went in unto them, and three sabbath days reasoned with
   them out of the Scriptures, opening and alleging that Christ must needs
   have suffered, and risen again from the dead; and that this Jesus, whom
   I preach unto you, is Christ."

   Again they haste past the small cities, and press on to the greater
   ones, since from those the word was to flow as from a fountain into the
   neighboring cities. "And Paul, as his manner was, went into the
   synagogue of the Jews." Although he had said, "We turn to the Gentiles"
   (ch. xiii. 46), he did not leave these alone: such was the longing
   affection he had towards them. For hear him saying, "Brethren, my
   heart's desire and prayer to God for Israel is, that they might be
   saved" (Rom. x. 1): and, "I wished myself accursed from Christ for my
   brethren." (ib. ix. 3.) But he did this [851] because of God's promise
   and the glory: and this, that it might not be a cause of offence to the
   Gentiles. "Opening," it says, "from the Scriptures, he reasoned with
   them for three sabbaths, putting before them that the Christ must
   suffer." Do thou mark how before all other things he preaches the
   Passion: so little were they ashamed of it, knowing it to be the cause
   of salvation. "And some of them believed, and consorted with Paul and
   Silas; and of the devout Greeks a great multitude, and of the chief
   women not a few." (v. 4.) The writer mentions only the sum and
   substance of the discoursing: he is not given to redundancy, and does
   not on every occasion report the sermons. "But the Jews which believed
   not (the best texts omit "which believed not"), moved with envy, took
   unto them certain lewd fellows of the baser sort, and gathered a
   company, and set all the city on an uproar, and assaulted the house of
   Jason, and sought to bring them out to the people. And when they found
   them not, they drew Jason and certain brethren unto the rulers of the
   city, crying, These that have turned the world upside down are come
   hither also; whom Jason hath received: and these all do contrary to the
   decrees of Caesar, saying that there is another king, one Jesus." (v.
   5-7.) Oh! what an accusation! again they get up a charge of treason
   against them, "saying, there is another king (one) Jesus. And they
   troubled the people and the rulers of the city, when they heard these
   things. And when they had taken security of Jason, and of the other,
   they let them go." (v. 8, 9.) A man worthy to be admired, that he put
   himself into danger, and sent them away from it. "And the brethren
   immediately sent away Paul and Silas by night unto Berea: who coming
   thither went into the synagogue of the Jews. These were more noble," it
   says, "than they of Thessalonica: more noble," i.e. more gentle
   (epieikesteroi) (in their behavior): "in that they received the word
   with all readiness," and this not inconsiderately, but with a
   strictness wherein [852] was no passion, "searching the Scriptures
   whether these things were so." (v. 10, 11.) "Therefore many of them
   believed; also of honorable women which were Greeks, and of men, not a
   few. But when the Jews of Thessalonica had knowledge that the word of
   God was preached of Paul at Berea, they came thither also, and stirred
   up the people. And then immediately the brethren sent away Paul to go
   as it were to the sea: but Silas and Timotheus abode there still." (v.
   12-14.) See how he at one time gives way, at another presses on, and in
   many things takes his measures upon human considerations. "And they
   that conducted Paul brought him unto Athens: and receiving a
   commandment unto Silas and Timotheus for to come to him with speed,
   they departed." (v. 15.) But let us look again at what has been said.

   (Recapitulation.) "Three sabbath-days," it says, being the time when
   they had leisure from work, "he reasoned with them, opening out of the
   Scriptures" (v. 2): for so used Christ also to do: as on many occasions
   we find Him reasoning from the Scriptures, and not on all occasions
   (urging men) by miracles. Because to this [853] indeed they stood in a
   posture of hostility, calling them deceivers and jugglers; but he that
   persuades men by reasons from the Scriptures, is not liable to this
   imputation. And on many occasions we find (Paul) to have convinced men
   simply by force of teaching: and in Antioch "the whole city was
   gathered together" (ch. xiii. 44): so [854] great a thing is this also,
   for indeed this itself is no small miracle, nay, it is even a very
   great one. And that they might not think that they did it all by their
   own strength, but rather that God permitted it, [855] two things
   resulted, namely, "Some of them were persuaded," etc. (c) "And of
   devout Greeks a great multitude, and of the chief women not a few:"
   [856] but those others did the contrary: "the Jews moved with envy,"
   etc. (v. 4, 5) (b) and, from the fact that the being called was itself
   a matter of God's fore-ordering, (a) they neither thought great things
   of themselves as if the triumph were their own, nor were terrified as
   being responsible (for all). But how comes it that he said, "That we
   should go unto the heathen, and they unto the circumcision" (Gal. ii.
   9), and yet discoursed to the Jews? (a) He did this as a thing over and
   above. (b) For [857] he did other things also more than he was obliged.
   For instance, Christ ordained that they should "live by the Gospel" (1
   Cor. ix. 14; i. 17), but our Apostle did it not: Christ sent him not to
   baptize, yet he did baptize. Mark how he was equal to all. Peter to the
   circumcision, he to the Gentiles, to the greater part. (a) Since if it
   was necessary for him to discourse to Jews, how said he again: "For He
   that wrought effectually in him toward the circumcision, the same was
   mighty also in me toward the Gentiles" (Gal. ii. 8)? In the same way as
   those Apostles also had intercourse with the Gentiles, though they had
   been set apart for the circumcision, so likewise did our Apostle. The
   more part of his work indeed was with the Gentiles: still he did not
   neglect the Jews either, that they might not seem to be severed from
   them. And how was it, you will ask, that he entered in the first place
   into the synagogues, as if this were his leading object? True; but he
   persuaded the Gentiles through the Jews, and from the things which he
   discoursed of to the Jews. And he knew, that this was most suitable for
   the Gentiles, and most conducive to belief. Therefore he says:
   "Inasmuch as I am the "Apostle of the Gentiles." (Rom. xi. 13.) And his
   Epistles too all fight against the Jews.--"That the Christ," he says,
   "must needs have suffered." (v. 3.) If there was a necessity for His
   suffering, there was assuredly a necessity for His rising again: for
   the former [858] was far more wonderful than the latter. For if He gave
   Him up to death Who had done no wrong, much rather did He raise Him up
   again. "But the Jews which believed not took unto them certain of the
   baser sort, and set all the city on an uproar (v. 5): so that the
   Gentiles were more in number. The Jews thought not themselves enough to
   raise the disturbance: for because they had no reasonable pretext, they
   ever effect such purposes by means of uproar, and by taking to
   themselves base men. "And when they found them not," it says, "they
   haled Jason and certain brethren." (v. 6.) O the tyranny! dragged them
   without any cause out of their houses. "These all," say they, "do
   contrary to the decrees of Caesar" (v. 7): for since they spoke nothing
   contrary to what had been decreed, nor made any commotion in the city,
   they bring them under a different charge: "saying that there is another
   king, one Jesus. [859] And they troubled the people," etc. (v. 8.) And
   what are ye afraid of, seeing He is dead? (b) "And when they had taken
   security," etc. (v. 9.) See how by giving security Jason sent Paul
   away: so that he gave his life (to the hazard) for him. [860] (a) "And
   brethren," etc. (v. 10.) See how the persecutions in every case extend
   the preaching. "Now these," it says, "were more noble than those in
   Thessalonica" (v. 11): i.e. they were not (men) practising base things,
   but some [861] were convinced, and the others (who were not), did
   nothing (of that sort). (b) "Daily," it says, "searching the Scriptures
   whether these things were so:" not merely upon a sudden impetus or
   (burst of) zeal. "More noble," it says: i. e. in point of
   virtue(a)"Therefore many of them," etc. (v. 12.) And here again are
   Greeks. (b) "But when the Jews of Thessalonica," etc. (v. 13), because
   there were lewd persons there. And yet that city was greater. But it is
   no wonder in the greater city the people were worse: nay, of course to
   the greater city there go the worse men, where the occasions of
   disturbances are many. And as in the body, where the disease is more
   violent for having [862] more matter and fuel, just so is it here. (a)
   But look, I beg you, how their fleeing was providentially ordered, not
   from cowardice: otherwise they would have ceased to preach, and would
   not have exasperated them still more. But from this (flight) two things
   resulted: both the rage of those (Jews) was quenched, and the preaching
   spread. But in terms befitting their disorderly conduct, he says,
   "Agitating the multitude." (b) Just what was done at Iconium--that they
   may have the additional condemnation of destroying others besides
   themselves. (ch. xiv. 2, 19.) This is what Paul says of them:
   "Forbidding to preach to the Gentiles, to fill up their sins alway, for
   the wrath is come upon them to the uttermost." (1 Thess. ii. 16.) Why
   did he not stay? for if (at Lystra, ch. xiv. 19, 21) there, where he
   was stoned, he nevertheless stayed a long time, much more here. Why?
   (The Lord) did not wish them to be always doing signs; for this is
   itself a sign, not less than the working of signs--that being
   persecuted, they overcame without signs. So that just as now He
   prevails without signs, so was it on many occasions His will to prevail
   then. Consequently neither did the Apostles run after signs: as in fact
   he says himself, "We preach Christ crucified" (1 Cor. i. 23)--to them
   that crave signs, to them that crave wisdom, we give that which cannot
   even after signs persuade, and yet we do persuade! So that this was a
   mighty sign. See then, how when the preaching is extended, they are not
   in a hurry to run after signs. [863] For it was right that thenceforth
   the believers should be mighty signs to the rest. Howbeit, by
   retreating and advancing they did these things. (a) "And immediately,"
   it says, "the brethren sent away Paul." (v. 14.) Here now they send
   Paul alone: for it was for him they feared, lest he should suffer some
   harm, the head and front of all being in fact none other than he. (b)
   "They sent him away," it says, "as it were to the sea:" that it might
   not be easy for them to seize him. For [864] at present they could not
   have done much by themselves; and with him they accomplished and
   achieved many things. For the present, it says, they wished to rescue
   him. (a) So far is it from being the case, that (supernatural) Grace
   worked all alike on all occasions: on the contrary, it left them to
   take their measures upon human judgment, (only) stirring them up and
   rousing them out of sleep, and making them to take pains. [865] Thus,
   observe, it brought them safe only as far as Philippi, but no more
   after that. "And receiving," it says, "a commandment unto Silas and
   Timotheus for to come to him with all speed, they departed." (v. 15.)
   For though he was a Paul, nevertheless he needed them. And with good
   reason are they urged by God to go into Macedonia, for there lay Greece
   moreover bright (before them). (ch. xvi. 9.)

   See what zeal the rest of the disciples showed with respect to their
   leaders: not as it is now with us, who are separated and divided into
   great and small: some of us exalted, while others are envious: for this
   is the reason why those are envious, because we are puffed up, because
   we will not endure to be put upon a par with them. The reason why there
   is harmony in the body, is because there is no puffing up: and there is
   no puffing up, because the members are of necessity made to stand in
   need of each other, and the head has need of the feet. And God has made
   this to be the case with us, and, for all that, we will not endure it:
   although even without this, there ought to be love among us. Hear ye
   not how they that are without accuse us when they say, "Needs make
   friendships?" The laity have need of us; and we again exist for them.
   Since teacher or ruler would not exist, if there were not persons to be
   taught, nor would he perform his part, for it would not be possible. As
   the land has need of the husbandman, and the husbandman of the land, so
   is it here. What reward is there for the teacher to receive, when he
   has none to produce that he has taught? and what for the taught, who
   have not had the benefit of the best teaching? So that we need each
   other alike in turn, both the governed, them that govern, [866] and
   leaders, them that obey: for rulers are for the sake of many. Since no
   one is sufficient to do anything by himself alone, whether need be to
   ordain (cheirotonhesai), or to examine men's counsels and opinions, but
   they become more honorable by assembly and numbers. For instance, the
   poor need givers, the givers again need receivers. "Considering one
   another" he says, "to provoke unto love and to good works." (Heb. x.
   24.) On this account the assembly of the whole Church has more power:
   and what each cannot do by himself singly, he is able to do when joined
   with the rest. Therefore most necessary are the prayers offered up,
   here, for the world, for the Church, from the one end of the earth to
   the other, for peace, for those who are in adversities. And Paul shows
   this when he says, "That for the gift bestowed upon us by the means of
   many persons thanks may be given by many on our behalf" (2 Cor. i. 11);
   that is, that He might confer the favor on many. And often he asks for
   their prayers. See also what God says with regard to the Ninevites:
   "And shall not I spare that city, wherein dwell more than six score
   thousand persons?" (Jonah iv. 11.) For if, "where two or three," He
   says, "are gathered together in My Name" (Matt. xviii. 20), they
   prevail much, how much more, being many? And yet thou mayest prevail,
   though thou be but one; yet not equally so. For why art thou but one?
   Why dost thou not make many? Why dost thou not become the maker of
   love? Why dost thou not create (kataskeuazeis) friendship? Thou lackest
   the chief excellence of virtue. For as men's being bad by agreement
   together more provokes God; so for men to be good by unanimity delights
   Him more. "Thou shalt not follow a multitude," He says, "to do evil."
   (Ex. xxiii. 2.) "They are all gone out of the way, they are together
   become unprofitable" (Rom. iii. 12), and have become as it were men
   singing in concert in their wickedness. Make for thyself friends in
   preference to domestics, and all besides. If the peacemaker is a son of
   God, how much more he who makes friends also? (Matt. v. 9.) If he who
   reconciles only is called a son of God, of what shall not he be worthy,
   who makes friends of those who are reconciled? Let us engage ourselves
   in this trade, let us make those who are enemies to each other friends,
   and those who are not indeed enemies, but are not friends, them let us
   bring together, and before all, our own selves. For as he who is at
   enmity in his house, and has differences with his wife, carries no
   authority when reconciling others, but will be told, "Physician, heal
   thyself" (Luke iv. 23), so will a man be told in this case. What then
   is the enmity that is in us? That of the soul against the body, that of
   vice against virtue. This enmity let us put an end to, this war let us
   take away, and then being in peace we shall also address others with
   much boldness of speech, our conscience not accusing us. Anger fights
   against gentleness, love of money against contempt of it, envy against
   goodness of heart. Let us make an end of this war, let us overthrow
   these enemies, let us set up these trophies, let us establish peace in
   our own city. We have within us a city and a civil polity, and citizens
   and aliens many: but let us banish the aliens, that our own people may
   not be ruined. Let no foreign nor spurious doctrine enter in, no carnal
   desire. See we not that, if any enemy has been caught in a city, he is
   judged as a spy? Then let us not only banish aliens, but let us drive
   out enemies also. If we see one, let us deliver up to the ruler, (that
   is), to conscience (tho nho), that imagination which is indeed an
   alien, a barbarian, albeit tricked out with the garb of a citizen. For
   there are within us many imaginations of this kind, which are by nature
   indeed enemies, but are clad in sheep's skins. Just as the Persians,
   when they have put off the tiara, and the drawers, and the barbarian
   shoes, and put on the other dress which is usual with us, and have
   shorn themselves close, and converse in our own tongue, conceal war
   under their outward garb: but once apply the tortures (basanous or
   "tests"), and thou bringest to light what is hidden: so here, examine
   (or "put to the test,") by torture again and again such an imagination
   as this, and thou wilt quickly see that its spirit is that of a
   stranger. But to show you also by way of example the sort of spies
   which the devil sends into us to spy out what is in us, come let us
   strip one of them, and examine it strictly at the tribunal: and if you
   please, let us bring forward some of those which were detected by Paul.
   "Which things," he says, "have indeed a show of wisdom in will-worship,
   and humility, and neglecting of the body: not in any honor to the
   satisfying of the flesh." (Col. ii. 23.) The devil wished to bring in
   Judaism: now if he had introduced it in its own form, he would not have
   carried his point. Accordingly, mark how he brought it about. "You must
   neglect the body," he says: "this is (the true) philosophy, not to
   admit of meats, but to guard against them: this is humility." And now
   again in our own times, in the case of the heretics, he wished to bring
   us down to the creature. See then how he dressed up his deceit. Had he
   said, "Worship a creature," he would have been detected: but what says
   he? "God" (viz. the Son and the Holy Ghost), he says, "is a created
   being." But let us lay bare for the decision of the judges the meaning
   of the Apostolic writings: there let us bring him: themselves will
   acknowledge both the preaching and the language. Many make gains "that
   they may have wherewith to give to the poor," unjust gains: this too is
   a wicked imagination. But let us undress it, let us convict it, that we
   may not be taken by it, but that having escaped all the devices of the
   devil, and holding to the sound doctrines with strictness, we may be
   able both to pass in safety through this life present, and to obtain
   the good things promised, through the grace and mercy of our Lord Jesus
   Christ, with Whom to the Father, together with the Holy Ghost, be
   glory, might, honor, now and ever, world without end. Amen.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [851] This seems meant to refer to the sequel of the passage cited,
   Rom. ix. 4. "who are Israelites, to whom pertaineth the adoption and
   the glory...and the promises:" then touto epoiei refers to eboulomen,
   indicatively, "I wished:" but kai touto (mod. text omits touto), "And
   this solicitude he showed for the sake of the Gentiles also, to whom
   the unbelief of the Jews might be a stumbling-block:"--unless kai touto
   refers to v. 3, the discourse of Christ's death and resurrection--that
   the Cross might not be an offence to the devout Greeks.

   [852] meta akribeias entha pathos ouk en. It is not easy to see what
   else this can mean. Below in the Recapitulation ou rh& 192;me oude
   zelo.--Mod. text "With exactness they explored the Scriptures--for this
   is the meaning of anekrinon--wishing from them to derive assurance
   rather concerning the Passion: for they had already believed." The last
   statement, like some other additions in the mod. text, seems to be
   borrowed from the Catena (Ammonius) whence it is adopted also by
   OEcumenius: but this was certainly not Chrysostom's meaning.

   [853] pros touto, i.e. the working of miracles. Not only it did not win
   them: they set themselves against it, taxing the doers of the miracles
   with imposture and magical art, etc.--Mod. text "For because to Him
   (touton, Christ) they were opposed, and slandered Him that He was a
   deceiver and juggler, therefore it is that He also reasons from the
   Scriptures. For he that attempts to persuade by miracles alone may well
   be suspected: but he that persuades from the Scriptures," etc.

   [854] A. B. houto mega ti kai touto esti kai to pan. C. omits this: we
   place it after ischusanin the next sentence, where mod. text has it.
   This thought is brought out more fully below, p. 230. The persuading
   men by telling them that which even with miracles was hard to
   believe--a Messiah crucified!--was itself a miracle.

   [855] all' ho Theos sunechoresen, if not corrupt, must mean "but that
   God permitted all: i.e. that all depended on God's permission, not on
   their strength,--duo egeneto, i.e. some believed v. 4., others opposed,
   v. 5. The sense is confused in the mss. and Edd. by the transposition
   of the sentences marked c and a. In c, verse 2is substituted for v. 4,
   which we restore. In b, we read to te (A. B. to te) oikonomian einai
   kai to kaleisthai for kai to kal. The meaning is, And so by reason of
   the fact that to kaleisthai is itself oikonomia--that is of God's
   ordering, according to His own pleasure, who are called and who
   not--the preachers are not left either to think too much of themselves
   when they succeed, hos autoi kathelontes, nor to be terrified by
   failure hos, hupeuthunoi, as if they were responsible for men's
   unbelief.--Mod. text, "And that they may not think that they did it all
   by their own strength, God suffers them to be driven away
   (elaunesthai). For two things came of this: they neither etc. nor etc.
   So (much) was even the being called a matter of God's ordering. And of
   the devout Greeks,'" etc.

   [856] The "devout Greeks" would include such as were Jewish proselytes
   and such as were worshippers of the true God and attended the synagogue
   services, without being connected with Judaism. The "first women" were
   probably female proselytes to Judaism. These heard the Apostle with
   interest, but the more ardent and fanatical Jews, reinforced by the
   baser element--the loungers from the market place, made a tumult of
   opposition.--G.B.S.

   [857] Between the Exposition and the Moral, the original editor or
   transcriber has thrown together a set of disconnected notes. These are
   here inserted in what seems to be their proper connection. In the mss.
   and Edd, the parts lie in the order as shown by the letters a, b
   prefixed.

   [858] We adopt the reading of B. ekeino, "the suffering;" toutou, "the
   rising again." The others, ekeinou, touto: reversing Chrysostom's
   meaning.

   [859] The accusation is artfully made. They are accused of the crimen
   majestatis--treason against Caesar. The Jews knew well that to accuse
   them of disturbing their worship or opposing their opinions would
   produce no effect. To arouse the Roman feeling against them it was
   necessary to prevent their teaching concerning the Kingship of Jesus so
   as to make it seem to the rulers of this free city as a treasonable
   doctrine against the Roman state.--G.B.S.

   [860] "When they had taken security"--labontes to hikanon, a legal
   term--satisfactionem accipere, it is doubtful if, as Chrys. supposes,
   Jason became surety in person. The surety was more probably a deposit
   of money and had for its object the guaranty that the peace should be
   kept, and nothing done contrary the Emperor and the state.--G.B.S.

   [861] Mod. text mistaking the meaning, has: "But they indeed were
   persuaded, but these do just the contrary, making an uproar among
   them."

   [862] Edd. kathaper gar en somati, hotan he nosos chalepotera e,
   pleiona echei ten hulen kai ten trophen. Neander, der heil. Chrysost.
   t. i. p. 2. note, corrects the passage thus, kathaper gar en somati he
   nosos chalepotera, hotan pl. echoi ten hulen. But A. C. preserve the
   true reading echousa.

   [863] Of the Edd. Savile alone has adopted the true reading pos ou
   tacheos epitrechousi tois semeiois, preserved by B. The other mss. and
   Edd. omit ou.

   [864] Here again Savile (with B.) has the true reading oupo gar, the
   rest houto.

   [865] Here (because it seems unsuitable to refer this to charis, i.e.
   supernatural grace, or special miraculous interposition,) B.
   substitutes, all' hina peiran labosi, dianistosan autous kai
   diupnizousan kai eis merimnan emballousan, epoiei autous kai anthropina
   paschein, "but in order that they may get experience, rousing and
   waking, and making them take pains, (the Lord) made them to suffer (or
   be affected) after the manner of men."--Below, for "Philippi" the same
   has "Athens."

   [866] mss. kai archontes archomenon, kai hegoumenoi (mod. text
   hegoumenos) hupekoon.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Homily XXXVIII.

   Acts XVII. 16, 17

   "Now while Paul waited for them at Athens, his spirit was stirred in
   him, when he saw the city wholly given to idolatry. Therefore disputed
   he in the synagogue with the Jews, and with the devout persons, and in
   the market daily with them that met with him."

   Observe how he meets with greater trials among the Jews than among the
   Gentiles. Thus in Athens he undergoes nothing of this kind; the thing
   goes as far as ridicule, and there an end: and yet he did make some
   converts: whereas among the Jews he underwent many perils; so much
   greater was their hostility against him.--"His spirit," it says, "was
   roused within him when he saw the city all full of idols." Nowhere else
   were so many objects [867] of worship to be seen. But again "he
   disputed with the Jews in the synagogue, and in the market daily with
   them that met with him. Then certain of the philosophers of the Stoics
   and Epicureans encountered him." (v. 18.) It is a wonder the
   philosophers did not laugh him to scorn, speaking in the way he did.
   "And some said, What does this babbler mean to say?" insolently, on the
   instant: [868] --this is far from philosophy. "Other some said, He
   seemeth to be a setter forth of strange gods," from the preaching,
   because he had no arrogance. They did not understand, nor comprehend
   the subjects he was speaking of--how should they? affirming as they
   did, some of them, that God is a body; others, that pleasure is the
   (true) happiness. [869] "Of strange gods, because he preached unto them
   Jesus and the Resurrection:" for in fact they supposed "Anastasis" (the
   Resurrection) to be some deity, being accustomed to worship female
   divinities also. [870] "And having taken him, they brought him to the
   Areopagus" (v. 19)--not to punish, but in order to learn [871] --"to
   the Areopagus" where the trials for murder were held. Thus observe, in
   hope of learning (they ask him), saying, "May we know what is this new
   doctrine spoken of by thee? For thou bringest certain strange matters
   to our ears" (v. 20): everywhere novelty is the charge: "we would fain
   know therefore, what these things may mean." It was a city of talkers,
   that city of theirs. "For all the Athenians and strangers which were
   there spent their time in nothing else, but either to tell, or to hear
   some new thing. Then Paul stood in the midst of Mars hill, and said, Ye
   men of Athens, I look upon you as being in all things" (v. 21, 22)--he
   puts it by way of encomium: (the word) does not seem to mean anything
   offensive--deisidaimonesterous, that is, eulabesterous, "more
   religiously disposed. For as I passed by, and beheld your devotions, I
   found an altar with his inscription, To an Unknown God. What therefore
   ye ignorantly worship, this declare I unto you." (v. 23.)--"On which
   was inscribed, To an Unknown God." The Athenians, namely, as on many
   occasions they had received gods from foreign parts also--for instance,
   the temple of Minerva, Pan, and others from different countries--being
   afraid that there might be some other god not yet known to them, but
   worshipped elsewhere, for more assurance, forsooth, erected an altar to
   that god also: and as the god was not known, it was inscribed, "To an
   Unknown God." This God then, he tells them, is Christ; or rather, the
   God of all. [872] "Him declare I unto you." Observe how he shows that
   they had already received Him, and "it is nothing strange," says he,
   "nothing new that I introduce to you." All along, this was what they
   had been saying: "What is this new doctrine spoken of by thee? For thou
   bringest certain strange matters to our ears." Immediately therefore he
   removes this surmise of theirs: and then says, "God that made the world
   and all things therein, He being Lord of heaven and earth"--for, that
   they may not imagine Him to be one of many, he presently sets them
   right on this point; adding, "dwelleth not in temples made with hands"
   (v. 24), "neither is worshipped with men's hands, as though he needed
   anything"--do you observe how, little by little, he brings in the
   philosophy? how he ridicules the heathen error? "seeing it is He that
   giveth to all life, and breath, and all things; and hath made of one
   blood all nations of men for to dwell on all the face of the earth."
   This is peculiar to God. Look, then, whether these things may not be
   predicated of the Son also. "Being Lord," he saith, "of heaven and
   earth"--which they accounted to be God's. Both the creation he declares
   to be His work, and mankind also. [873] "Having determined," he says,
   "the times [874] assigned to them, and the bounds of their habitation,"
   (v. 25, 26), "that they should seek the Lord, if haply they might feel
   after Him, and find Him, though He be not far from every one of us: for
   in Him we live, and move, and have our being: as certain also of your
   own poets have said, For we are also His offspring." (v. 27, 28.) This
   is said by Aratus the poet. Observe how he draws his arguments from
   things done by themselves, and from sayings of their own. "Forasmuch
   then as we are the offspring of God, we ought not to think that the
   Godhead is like unto gold, or silver, or stone, graven by art." (v.
   29.) And yet for this reason we ought. [875] By no means: for surely we
   are not like (to such), nor are these souls of ours. "And imagination
   of man." How so? * * But some person might say, "We do not think this."
   But it was to the many that he was addressing himself, not now to
   Philosophy. How then did they think so unworthily of Him? Again,
   putting it upon their ignorance, he says, "Now the times of ignorance
   God overlooked." Having [876] agitated their minds by the fear, he then
   adds this: and yet he says, "but now he commandeth all men everywhere
   to repent." (v. 30.) "Because He hath appointed a day, in the which He
   will judge the world in righteousness by that man whom He hath
   ordained; whereof He hath given assurance unto all men, in that He hath
   raised Him from the dead." (v. 31.) But let us look over again what has
   been said.

   (Recapitulation.) (b) "And while Paul waited," etc. (v. 16.) It is
   providentially ordered that against his will he stays there, while
   waiting for those others. (a) "His spirit," it says, "within him"
   paroxuneto. It does not mean there anger or exasperation: just as
   elsewhere it says, "There was paroxusmos between them." (ch. xv. 30.)
   (c) Then what is paroxuneto? Was roused: for the gift is far removed
   from anger and exasperation. He could not bear it, but pined away.
   [877] "He reasoned therefore in the synagogue," etc. (v. 17.) Observe
   him again reasoning with Jews. By "devout persons" he means the
   proselytes. For the Jews were dispersed everywhere before (mod. text
   "since") Christ's coming, the Law indeed being henceforth, so to say,
   in process of dissolution, but at the same time (the dispersed Jews)
   teaching men religion. [878] But those prevailed nothing, save only
   that they got witnesses of their own calamities. (e) "And certain
   philosophers," etc. (v. 18.) How came they to be willing to confer with
   him? (They did it) when they saw others reasoning, and the man having
   repute (in the encounter). And observe straightway with overbearing
   insolence, "some said, What would this babbler say? For the natural man
   receiveth not the things of the Spirit." (1 Cor. ii. 14.) Other some,
   He seemeth to be a setter-forth of strange deities: daimonion, for so
   they called their gods. "And having taken him, they brought him," etc.
   (v. 19.) (a) The Athenians no longer enjoyed their own laws, but were
   become subject to the Romans. (g) (Then) why did they hale him to the
   Areopagus? Meaning to overawe him--(the place) where they held the
   trials for bloodshed. "May we know, what is this new doctrine spoken of
   by thee? For thou bringest certain strange things to our ears; we would
   fain know therefore what these things mean. For all the Athenians and
   strangers which were there spent their time in nothing else, but either
   to tell, or to hear some new thing." (v. 20, 21.) Here the thing noted
   is, that though ever occupied only in this telling and hearing, yet
   they thought those things strange--things which they had never heard.
   "Then Paul standing in the midst of the Areopagus said, Ye men of
   Athens, I look upon you as being in all things more religiously
   disposed" (v. 22): (f) for the cities were full of gods (daimonon, al.
   eidolon): (h) this is why he says deisidaimonesterous. For as I passed
   by and viewed the objects of your worship --he does not say simply tous
   daimonas (the demons, or deities), but paves the way for his discourse:
   "I beheld an altar," etc. (v. 23.) This is why he says, "I look upon
   you as being more religiously disposed," viz. because of the altar.
   "God," he says, "that made the world." (v. 24.) He uttered one word, by
   which he has subverted all the (doctrines) of the philosophers. For the
   Epicureans affirm all to be fortuitously formed and (by concourse) of
   atoms, the Stoics held it to be body and fire (ekpurosin). "The world
   and all that is therein." Do you mark the conciseness, and in
   conciseness, clearness? Mark what were the things that were strange to
   them: that God made the world! Things which now any of the most
   ordinary persons know, these the Athenians and the wise men of the
   Athenians knew not. "Seeing He is Lord of heaven and earth:" for if He
   made them, it is clear that He is Lord. Observe what he affirms to be
   the note of Deity--creation. Which attribute the Son also hath.

   For the Prophets everywhere affirm this, that to create is God's
   prerogative. Not as those affirm [879] that another is Maker but not
   Lord, assuming that matter is uncreated. Here now he covertly affirms
   and establishes his own, while he overthrows their doctrine. [880]
   "Dwelleth not in temples made with hands." For He does indeed dwell in
   temples, yet not in such, but in man's soul. He overthrows the
   corporeal worship. What then? Did He not dwell in the temple at
   Jerusalem? No indeed: but He wrought therein. "Neither is worshipped by
   men's hands." (v. 25.) How then was He worshipped by men's hands among
   the Jews? Not by hands, but by the understanding. "As though He needed
   anything:" since even those (acts of worship) He did not in this sort
   seek, "as having need. Shall I eat," saith He, "the flesh of bulls, or
   drink the blood of goats?" (Ps. l. 13.) Neither is this enough--the
   having need of naught--which he has affirmed: for though this is
   Divine, yet a further attribute must be added. "Seeing it is He that
   giveth unto all, life and breath and all things." Two proofs of
   Godhead: Himself to have need of naught, and to supply all things to
   all men. Produce here Plato (and) all that he has philosophized about
   God, all that Epicurus has: and all is but trifling to this! "Giveth,"
   he says, "life and breath." Lo, he makes Him the Creator of the soul
   also, not its begetter. See again how he overthrows the doctrine about
   matter. "And made," he says, "of one blood every nation of men to dwell
   upon all the face of the earth." (v. 26.) These things are better than
   the former: and what an impeachment both of the atoms and of matter,
   that (creation) is not partial (work), nor the soul of man either.
   [881] But this, which those say, is not to be Creator. [882] --But by
   the mind and understanding He is worshipped.--"It is He that giveth,"
   etc. He not the partial (merikoi daimones) deities. "And all things."
   It is "He," he saith.--How man also came into being. [883] --First he
   showed that "He dwelleth not," etc., and then declared [884] that He
   "is not worshipped as though He had need of aught." If God, [885] He
   made all: but if He made not, He is not God. Gods that made not heaven
   and earth, let them perish. He introduces much greater doctrines,
   though as yet he does not mention the great doctrines; but he
   discoursed to them as unto children. And these were much greater than
   those. Creation, Lordship, the having need of naught, authorship of all
   good--these he has declared. But [886] how is He worshipped? say. It is
   not yet the proper time. What equal to this sublimity? Marvellous is
   this also--of one, to have made so many: but also, having made, Himself
   sustains them (sunkrathei) in being, "giving life and breath and all
   things. (b) And hath determined the times appointed, and the bounds of
   their habitation, that they should seek God, if haply they might feel
   after Him and find Him." (v. 27.) (a) It means either this, that He did
   not compel them to go about and seek God, but according to the bounds
   [887] of their habitation: (c) or this, that He determined their
   seeking God, yet not determined this (to be done) continually, but
   (determined) certain appointed times (when they should do so): showing
   [888] now, that not having sought they had found: for since, having
   sought, they had not found, he shows that God was now as manifest as
   though He were in the midst of them palpably (pselaphomenos). (e)
   "Though He be not far," he saith, "from every one of us," but is near
   to all. See again the power (or, "what it is to be God,") of God. What
   saith he? Not only He gave "life and breath and all things," but, as
   the sum and substance of all, He brought us to the knowledge of
   Himself, by giving us these things by which we are able to find and to
   apprehend Him. But we did not wish to find Him, albeit close at hand.
   "Though He be not far from every one of us." Why look now, He is near
   to all, to every one all the world over! What can be greater than this?
   See how he makes clear riddance of the parcel deities (tous merikous)!
   What say I, "afar off?" He is so near, that without Him we live not:
   "for in Him we live and move and have our being." (v. 28.) "In him;" to
   put it by way of corporeal similitude, even as it is impossible to be
   ignorant of the air which is diffused on every side around us, and is
   "not far from every one of us," nay rather, which is in us. (d) For it
   was not so that there was a heaven in one place, in another none, nor
   yet (a heaven) at one time, at another none. So that both at every
   "time" and at every "bound" it was possible to find Him. He so ordered
   things, that neither by place nor by time were men hindered. For of
   course even this, if nothing else, of itself was a help to them--that
   the heaven is in every place, that it stands in all time. (f) See how
   (he declares) His Providence, and His upholding power (sunkratesin);
   the existence of all things from Him, (from Him) their working (to
   energhein), (from Him their preservation) that they perish not. And he
   does not say, "Through Him," but, what was nearer than this, "In
   him."--That poet said nothing equal to this, "For we are His
   offspring." He, however, spake it of Jupiter, but Paul takes it of the
   Creator, not meaning the same being as he, God forbid! but meaning what
   is properly predicated of God: just as he spoke of the altar with
   reference to Him, not to the being whom they worshipped. As much as to
   say, "For certain things are said and done with reference to this (true
   God), but ye know not that they are with reference to Him." For say, of
   whom would it be properly said, "To an Unknown God?" Of the Creator, or
   of the demon? Manifestly of the Creator: because Him they knew not, but
   the other they knew. Again, that all things are filled (with the
   presence)--of God? or of Jupiter--a wretch of a man, a detestable
   impostor! But Paul said it not in the same sense as he, God forbid! but
   with quite a different meaning. For he says we are God's offspring,
   i.e. God's own, [889] His nearest neighbors as it were.

   For lest, when he says, "Being the offspring of God" (v. 29), they
   should again say, Thou bringest certain strange things to our ears,
   [890] he produces the poet. He does not say, "Ye ought not to think the
   Godhead like to gold or silver," ye accursed and execrable: but in more
   lowly sort he says, "We ought not." For what (says he)? [891] God is
   above this? No, he does not say this either: but for the present
   this--"We ought not to think the Godhead like unto such," for nothing
   is so opposite to men. "But we do not affirm the Godhead to be like
   unto this, for who would say that?" Mark [892] how he has introduced
   the incorporeal (nature of God) when he said, "In Him," etc., for the
   mind, when it surmises body, at the same time implies the notion of
   distance. (Speaking) to the many he says, "We ought not to think the
   Godhead like unto gold, or silver, or stone, the shaping of art," [893]
   for if we are not like to those as regards the soul, much more God (is
   not like to such). So far, he withdraws them from the notion. But
   neither is the Godhead, he would say, subjected to any other human
   conception. For [894] if that which art or thought has found--this is
   why he says it thus, "of art or imagination of man"--if that, then,
   which human art or thought has found, is God, then even in the stone
   (is) God's essence.--How comes it then, if "in Him we live," that we do
   not find Him? The charge is twofold, both that they did not find Him,
   and that they found such as these. The (human) understanding in itself
   is not at all to be relied upon.--But when he has agitated their soul
   by showing them to be without excuse, see what he says: "The times of
   ignorance God overlooked, but now commands all men everywhere to
   repent." (v. 30.) What then? Are none of these men to be punished? None
   of them that are willing to repent. He says it of these men, not of the
   departed, but of them whom He commands to repent. He does not call you
   to account, he would say. He does not say, Took no notice (parheiden);
   does not say, Permitted: but, Ye were ignorant. "Overlooked," i.e. does
   not demand punishment as of men that deserve punishment. Ye were
   ignorant. And he does not say, Ye wilfully did evil; but this he showed
   by what he said above. [895] --"All men everywhere to repent:" again he
   hints at the whole world. Observe how he takes them off from the parcel
   deities! "Because He has appointed a day, in the which He will judge
   the world in righteousness by that Man whom He hath ordained, whereof
   He hath given assurance to all men, in that He raised Him from the
   dead." (v. 31.) Observe how he again declares the Passion. Observe the
   terror again: for, that the judgment is true, is clear from the raising
   Him up: for it is alleged in proof of that. That all he has been saying
   is true, is clear from the fact that He rose again. For He did give
   [896] this "assurance to all men," His rising from the dead: this (i.e.
   judgment), also is henceforth certain.

   These words were spoken indeed to the Athenians: but it were seasonable
   that one should say to us also, "that all men everywhere must repent,
   because he hath appointed a day, in the which He will judge the world."
   See how he brings Him in as Judge also: Him, both provident for the
   world, and merciful and forgiving and powerful and wise, and, in a word
   possessing all the attributes of a Creator. "Having given assurance to
   all men," i.e. He has given proof in the rising (of Jesus) from the
   dead. [897] Let us repent then: for we must assuredly be judged. If
   Christ rose not, we shall not be judged: but if he rose, we shall
   without doubt be judged. "For to this end," it is said, "did He also
   die, that he might be Lord both of the dead and living." (Rom. xiv. 9.)
   "For we shall all stand before the judgment seat of Christ, that every
   one may receive according to that he hath done." (Rom. xiv. 10, and 2
   Cor. v. 10.) Do not imagine that these are but words. Lo! he introduced
   also the subject of the resurrection of all men; for in no other way
   can the world be judged. And that, "In that He hath raised Him from the
   dead," relates to the body: for that was dead, that had fallen. Among
   the Greeks, as their notions of Creation, so likewise of the Judgment,
   are children's fancies, ravings of drunken men. But let us, who know
   these things accurately, do something that is to the purpose: let us be
   made friends unto God. How long shall we be at enmity with Him? How
   long shall we entertain dislike towards Him? "God forbid!" you will
   say: "Why do you say such things?" I would wish not to say the things I
   say, if ye did not do the things ye do: but as things are, what is the
   use now in keeping silence from words, when the plain evidence of deeds
   so cries aloud? How then, how shall we love Him? I have told you
   thousands of ways, thousands of times: but I will speak it also now.
   One way I seem to myself to have discovered, a very great and admirable
   way. Namely, [898] after acknowledging to Him our general
   obligations,--what none shall be able to express (I mean), what has
   been done for each of us in his own person, of these also let us
   bethink ourselves, because these are of great force: let each one of us
   reckon them up with himself, and make diligent search, and as it were
   in a book let him have the benefits of God written down; for instance,
   if at any time having fallen into dangers he has escaped the hands of
   his enemies; if ever having gone out on a journey at an untimely hour,
   he has escaped danger; if ever, having had an encounter with wicked
   men, he has got the better of them; or if ever, having fallen into
   sickness, he has recovered when all had given him over: for this avails
   much for attaching us to God. For if that Mordecai, when the services
   done by him were brought to the king's remembrance, found them to be so
   available, that he in return rose to that height of splendor (Esther
   vi. 2-11): much more we, if we call to mind, and make diligent enquiry
   of these two points, what sins we have committed against God, and what
   good He has done to us, shall thus both be thankful, and give Him
   freely all that is ours. But no one gives a thought to any of these
   things: but just as regarding our sins we say that we are sinners,
   while we do not enquire into them specifically, so with regard to God's
   benefits (we say), that God has done us good, and do not specifically
   enquire, where, and in how great number and at what time. But from this
   time forth let us be very exact in our reckoning. For if any one can
   recall even those things which happened long ago, let him reckon up all
   accurately, as one who will find a great treasure. This is also
   profitable to us in keeping us from despair. For when we see that he
   has often protected us, we shall not despair, nor suppose that we are
   cast off: but we shall take it as a strong pledge of His care for us,
   when we bethink us how, though we have sinned, we are not punished, but
   even enjoy protection from Him. Let me now tell you a case, which I
   heard from a certain person, in which was a child, and it happened on a
   time that he was in the country with his mother, being not yet fifteen
   years old. Just then there came a bad air, in consequence of which a
   fever attacked them both, for in fact it was the autumn season. It
   happened that the mother succeeded in getting into the town before
   (they could stop her); but the boy, when the physicians on the spot
   [899] ordered him, with the fever burning within him, to gargle his
   throat, resisted, having forsooth his own wise view of the matter, and
   thinking he should be better able to quench the fire, if he took
   nothing whatever, therefore, in his unseasonable spirit of opposition,
   boy-like, he would take nothing. But when he came into the town, his
   tongue was paralyzed, and he was for a long time speechless, so that he
   could pronounce nothing articulately; however, he could read indeed,
   and attended masters for a long time, but [900] that was all, and there
   was nothing to mark his progress. So all his hopes (in life) were cut
   off, and his mother was full of grief: and though the physicians
   suggested many plans, and many others did so too, yet nobody was able
   to do him any good, until the merciful God loosed the string of his
   tongue (cf. Mark vii. 35), and then he recovered, and was restored to
   his former readiness and distinctness of speech. His mother also
   related, that when a very little child, he had an affection in the
   nose, which they call a polypus: and then too the physicians had given
   him over and his father cursed him (for the father was then living),
   and (even) his mother prayed for him to die; [901] and all was full of
   distress. But he on a sudden having coughed, owing to the collection of
   mucus, by the force of the breath expelled the creature (to therion)
   from his nostrils, and all the danger was removed. But this evil having
   been extinguished, an acrid and viscid running from the eyes formed
   such a thick gathering of the humors (tas lemas), that it was like a
   skin drawn over the pupil, and what was worse, it threatened blindness,
   and everybody said this would be the issue. But from this disease also
   was he quickly freed by the grace of God. So far what I have heard from
   others: now I will tell you what I myself know. Once on a time a
   suspicion of tyrants was raised in our city--at that time I was but a
   youth--and all the soldiers being set to watch without the city as it
   chanced, they were making strict [902] inquisition after books of
   sorcery and magic. And the person who had written the book, had flung
   it unbound (akataskeuaston) into the river, and was taken, and when
   asked for it, was not able to give it up, but was carried all around
   the city in bonds: when, however, the evidence being brought home to
   him, he had suffered punishment, just then it chanced that I, wishing
   to go to the Martyrs' Church, was returning through the gardens by the
   riverside in company with another person. He, seeing the book floating
   on the water at first thought it was a linen cloth, but when he got
   near, perceived it was a book, so he went down, and took it up. I
   however called shares in the booty, and laughed about it. But let us
   see, says he, what in the world it is. So he turns back a part of the
   page, and finds the contents to be magic. At that very moment it
   chanced that a soldier came by: * * * then having taken from within,
   [903] he went off. There were we congealed with fear. For who would
   have believed our story that we had picked it up from the river, when
   all were at that time, even the unsuspected, under strict watch? And we
   did not dare to cast it away, lest we should be seen, and there was a
   like danger to us in tearing it to pieces. God gave us means, and we
   cast it away, and at last we were free for that time from the extreme
   peril. And I might mention numberless cases, if I had a mind to recount
   all. And even these I have mentioned for your sakes, so that, if any
   have other cases, although not such as these, let him bear them in mind
   constantly: for example, if at any time a stone having been hurled, and
   being about to strike thee, has not struck thee, do thou bear this ever
   in thy mind: these things produce in us great affection towards God.
   For if on remembering any men who have been the means of saving us, we
   are much mortified if we be not able to requite them, much more (should
   we feel thus) with regard to God. This too is useful in other respects.
   When we wish not to be overmuch grieved, let us say: "If we have
   received good things at the hand of the Lord, shall not we endure evil
   things?" (Job ii. 10.) And when Paul told them from whence he had been
   delivered, (2 Tim. iv. 17) the reason was that he might put them also
   in mind. See too how Jacob kept all these things in his mind: wherefore
   also he said: "The Angel which redeemed me from my youth up" (Gen.
   xlviii. 16); and not only that he redeemed him, but how and for what
   purpose. See accordingly how he also calls to mind the benefits he had
   received in particular. "With my staff," he says, "I passed over
   Jordan." (Gen. xxxii. 10.) The Jews also always remembered the things
   which happened to their forefathers, turning over in their minds the
   things done in Egypt. Then much more let us, bearing in mind the
   special mercies which have happened to us also, how often we have
   fallen into dangers and calamities, and unless God had held his hand
   over us, should long ago have perished: I say, let us all, considering
   these things and recounting them day by day, return our united thanks
   all of us to God, and never cease to glorify Him, that so we may
   receive a large recompense for our thankfulness of heart, through the
   grace and compassion of His only begotten Son, with Whom to the Father,
   together with the Holy Ghost, be glory, might, honor, now and ever,
   world without end. Amen.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [867] The old text has peirasmous, perhaps for sebasmous. Mod. text,
   tosauta eidola.

   [868] Old text, houtos autou phthengomenou hubristikos eutheos (comp.
   Recapitulation) makran touto philosophias; apo tou kerugmatos. hoti
   oudena tuphon eichen. Hence Mod. text, oude apepedesan apo tou ker.,
   eipontes; makron touto phil. & 169;Oti oud. t. eichen; allos de hoti
   ouk enooun k. t. l. The insertion of the texts removes some of the
   difficulties. Perhaps apo tou ker. is opposed to eutheos: the one sort
   straightway expressed their disdain, with a supercilious, "What does
   this spermologos mean to say?" the other sort did listen, and
   condescended to comment on the matter of the preaching, having heard
   it--apo tou ker. (as in the phrase apo tou deipnou)--saying, "He
   seemeth," etc. Of these Chrys. may have said, hoti oudena tuphon
   eichon, opp. to ubristikos. But all the mss. have eichen, and so we
   have rendered it.

   [869] Here the mss. have the text v. 18, and v. 19, 20 after "female
   divinities also."

   [870] The view of Chrys. that the Greeks supposed Paul to designate by
   the Anastasis some goddess, has been shared by many more recent
   interpreters, but seems very improbable. The apostle could hardly have
   spoken so abstractly of the resurrection as to give rise to such a
   misapprehension. Paul doubtless spoke of Jesus' own resurrection and of
   its relation to that of believers (vid. 1 Cor. xv.), although in the
   text the absence of autou permits us to find only the idea of the
   general resurrection expressed.--G.B.S.

   [871] mss. and Edd. ouch hoste mathein, all' hoste kolasai. But this
   cannot be Chrysostom's meaning: for in the opening of the Hom. he
   remarks, that there was nothing of persecution here (comp. the opening
   of Hom. xxxix.), and in the Recapitulation, that the Athenians at this
   time were under Roman Law. Also in the following sentence, he explains
   that their questions were prompted by the hope of learning, Ora goun
   (i. e. to show that this was their meaning) kai en elpidi tou mathein.
   In the Recapitulation indeed, he says, they brought him hos
   kataplexontes, but this is a different thing from hoste kolasai.
   Therefore we have transposed the order of the words. The clause entha
   hai phonikai dikai (and in the Recapitulation entha tas ph. d.
   edikazon, which we retain from B.), seems to be meant to show that they
   did not bring him there for trial.

   [872] The principal points to be noted for the interpretation of v. 23
   are as follows: (1) Pausanias (a.d. 174) and Philostratus (a.d. 244)
   testify to the existence at Athens of altars with the inscription:
   agnosto theo. (2) "Upon important occasions, when the reference to a
   god known by name was wanting, as in public calamities of which no
   definite god could be assigned as the author, in order to honor or
   propitiate the god concerned by sacrifice, without lighting on a wrong
   one, altars were erected which were destined and designated agnosto
   the& 254;." (Meyer.) (3) By these inscriptions the Athenians referred
   to no particular divinities, but to supposed benefactors or avengers to
   whom they, in their religious system, could attach no name. (4) No
   reference is to be found in these inscriptions to the God of the Jews.
   The true text: ho oun agnoountes eusebeite, touto ego katangelo humin
   (instead of the masculine hon--touton of the cursives and the T. R.)
   does not require the supposition of such a reference. They acknowledged
   an unknown--lying beyond their pantheon. Paul declares what this is:
   the true God as revealed in Jesus Christ. They would only partially and
   gradually understand his full meaning.--G.B.S.

   [873] prostet. E.V. "before appointed" (protet).

   [874] Edd. kai ten demiourgian edelose kai tous anthropous. Comp.
   Recapitulation, whence it appears that he means "Both heaven and earth,
   and mankind also were created, not generated or emanated."

   [875] Kai men dia touto opheilomen. Mod. text inserts a phesin, to make
   this an interlocution, in the sense, "Nay but for this reason, viz.,
   being His offspring, we ought to think of Him as in the likeness of
   man." But this cannot be Chrysostom's meaning. Perhaps Chrys. said,
   oude touto, viz., after the following sentence, so that the sense will
   be, "We ought not to think the Godhead like unto gold, etc., the graven
   work of man's art. By no means: for certainly we ourselves, our souls,
   are not like unto such. Nay, more, we ought not to think even this,
   that the Godhead is like unto aught that man's imagination can
   conceive, as the Apostle adds, kai enthumeseos anthropou to Theion
   eikai homoion." (See the Recapitulation.) He proceeds: ti depote; i.e.
   Why having said charagmati technes does he add kai enthum. onthr.? The
   answer, not expressed here, is, "Because neither is it subject to any
   other human conception," (dianoi& 139;, Recapitulation). Then, the old
   text has, ouk esti pros philosophian; pos oun palin to zetoumenon; tous
   men oun chron. k. t. l. Here we insert from the Recapitulation a
   sentence, which, where it stands, is superfluous (p. 236, note 6):
   'All' eipoi an tis, Ou touto nomizomen. 'Alla pros tous pollous ho
   logos en auto, and then, ouketi (so we correct ouk esti) pros
   philosophian. i.e. "Philosophers may say, We do not so think of the
   Godhead. But he is not dealing with Philosophy, but pros tous pollous.
   Pos oun ouch heuron; or the like; Palin to zetoumenon. Again coming to
   the question in hand (An Unknown' God, Whom ye ignorantly worship, he
   says). Now the times of ignorance," etc.--Mod. text. "Why did he not
   immediately come (este) to Philosophy, and say, God is incorporeal by
   nature, invisible and without form? Because it seemed superfluous at
   present to say these things to men who had not yet (mepo om. E.)
   learned that there is but one God. Therefore leaving those matters, he
   addresses himself (histatai) to the matter in hand, and says, Now the
   times," etc.

   [876] Old text inserts here the whole of v. 30, 31, then, kaitoige
   phesin, horisen hem. anastesas auton ek nekron. Kataseisas auton ten
   dianoian to phobo, tote epagei touto. It appears from the
   Recapitulation that kat. to ph. refers to the preceding verses, being
   explained by deixas anapologetous: and epagei touto to the first clause
   of v. 30, the overlooking of the times of ignorance. We have arranged
   the matter accordingly.--Mod. text, v. 30, 31. "See, having agitated
   their minds by saying, He hath appointed a day,' and terrified them,
   then he seasonably adds this, Having raised Him from the dead.'" Which
   is clearly not Chrysostom's meaning.

   [877] ouk epheren, all' eteketo. The latter word seems incongruous,
   unless there be a reference to what St. Paul says of the state of his
   mind while waiting at Athens, in 1 Thess. ii. 1. q.d. this is not the
   state of feeling in which one is apt to give way to anger and
   irritation.

   [878] hama men tou nomou luomenou phesin loipon, hama de didaskontes
   eusebeian tous anthropous. i.e. "of which dispersion the consequence
   was indeed a breaking down, it may be said, of the Law (by
   intermarriages, etc.), but withal a spreading of the true religion
   among men." Mod. text, having mistakenly changed pro to apo, inserts ex
   ekeinou "from that time" before tou nomou: and also omits phesin
   loipon, which the innovator did not understand.--'All' ouden ischusan
   (mod. text, ekerdanan) ekeinoi. But those Jews, for all their success
   in spreading their religion, availed nothing, save that they got (more)
   witnesses (marturias perhaps should be marturas) of their own proper
   calamities (when the wrath came upon them to the uttermost), i.e. they
   prepared the way for the Gospel. but for themselves they availed
   nothing, but only to increase the number of those who should bear
   witness to the truth of God's judgment upon them for their unbelief.

   [879] This, as it stands seems to be meant rather for the Manichaeans
   than the heathen philosophers, to whom, he has just before said, the
   very notion of creation was strange. But the whole exposition is most
   inadequately given, through the carelessness or incompetency of the
   reporter. To be referred to the heathen, it should be allon men einai
   kurion (as Jupiter) ou poieten de: and this is favored, perhaps, by the
   unnecessary ten de (omitted by A. B.) as remaining from ou poieten de
   agenneton hulen hupotithentes.

   [880] 'Entautha loipon ainigmatodos eipe to autou kai estese--i.e. in
   speaking of God, he at the same time hints at the coequal Godhead of
   the Son: for He also is Creator and Lord. See p. 233 in the comments on
   v. 23, and v. 25, 26.

   [881] hoti ouk esti merike, oude psuche tou anthropou. "This is very
   obscure, and seems remote from the matter in hand. Hales ap. Sav.
   thinks it has come into the text from some other place. I should rather
   think the passage either mutilated or corrupt." Ben. "There is nothing
   either obscure or corrupt in the passage." Ed. Par. The meaning seems
   to be, As the whole creation is the work of One God, not merikos but to
   katholou, so are all mankind, universally, His work; the soul too, as
   well as the body.

   [882] This and the following sentences seem to be fragments belonging
   to the preceding exposition. But the whole is too confused and mangled
   to admit of any satisfactory restoration.

   [883] Pos kai anthropos gegone. Or (see note 2.) "How He (the Son)
   became man"--as belonging to some other place; e.g. after oudepo ta
   megala eipen. Or this may be put in the place of pos therapeuetai, note
   8. Mod. text. "Having before shown, how the heaven was made, then he
   declared," etc.

   [884] apephenato: above, to medenos deisthai, hoper apephenato.

   [885] This also may be part of the argument against the Arians, which
   Chrys. seems to have brought into his exposition. See note 2.

   [886] This is clearly out of place. Perhaps pos kai anthropos gegone
   (note 5.) belongs here.

   [887] Kata tas horothesias. Perhaps Chrys. may have read kata tas hor.
   in his copy of the Acts: as Cod. Bezae and S. Irenaeus, kata ten
   horothesian.

   [888] Mod. text spoiling the sense; "And this he says showing that not
   even now had they, having sought, found: although He was as plain to be
   found as anything would be that was (set) in the midst to be handled."

   [889] Old text: Toutestin, oikeious, engutatous hosper paroikous kai
   geitonas hotan lege: so Cat. The two last words are out of place; we
   insert them with the text-words after Ina gar me. The sense is: He does
   not mean, with the heathen poet, that mankind came from God by
   generation or emanation: but that we are very near to Him.

   [890] Here mss. and Edd, have ouden gar houtos anthropois enantion, as
   if it meant, "nothing so goes against men as strangeness." We place it
   in what seems a more suitable connection: "We ought not to think," etc.
   for so far from "the Godhead" being "like unto such," nothing is so
   much the reverse of like unto men, who "are his offspring."

   [891] ti gar; huper touto Theos; oude touto; alla teos touto; A. B. C ,
   ti gar to huper touto theos; oude k. t. l. Cat. om. ti gar to, and alla
   teos touto. Mod. text, all' huper touto. ti dai to huper touto; Theos;
   all' oude touto, energeias gar estin onoma; alla teos touto.

   [892] Possibly the connection may be, "He is not addressing himself to
   the notions of philosophers, (supra, note 1, p. 234). for them he
   insinuated to asomaton by the 'En auto zomen, the intimate presence of
   Deity, the denial of body by the denial of diastema which is
   necessarily implied in the notion of body. But he speaks to the many,
   and puts it to them in this way, We, being in respect of the soul, akin
   to God, ought not to think," etc.--Mod. text omits pros tous pollous.

   [893] Here the mss. and Edd. have the sentence all' eipoi an tis--ho
   logos auto, which we have transferred above, p. 234, note 1. In the
   next sentence, ei gar hemeis ouk esmen homoioi ekeinois to kata
   psuchen, A. B. C. omit the negative, which Cat. and mod. text retain.

   [894] Ei gar e techne e dianoia heure, A. B. C. but Cat. om. ei gar,
   mod. text e gar techne e d. heure. Dia touto houtos eipen: A. also has
   this last clause, which is unknown to B. C. Cat. In the translation we
   assume the reading to be, Ei gar hoper e t. e d. heure--dia touto
   houtos "techn. e enth. a."--hoper oun e t. e d. a. heure, touto ho
   Theos, kai en litho ousia theou.

   [895] i.e. in v. 27. "that they should seek the Lord...being, as He is,
   not far from every one of us." But text refers it to the following
   clause, by adding eipon.

   [896] Pasi gar tauten pareiche pistin, i.e. God; but C. and mod. text
   pareichon, as if it meant "the Apostles gave assurance of Christ's
   resurrection," overlooking the pistin paraschon of the text.'

   [897] Mod. text "The things spoken have given proof of His rising from
   the dead."

   [898] A. B. C. meta gar tauta katholikas eidenai auto. The sense would
   be satisfied by meta to tas kath. eidenai auto charitas. Mod. text.
   "Together with the reckoning up of what God has done for us in common
   (benefits), so many that none is able even to number them, and giving
   Him thanks for all these, let us all bethink us of what has been done
   for each one of us, and reckon them up day by day. Since then these,"
   etc.

   [899] ton iatron ton ekei. Mod. text omits ton, and adds menein, kai:
   "the physicians ordering him to stay there." The mss., except A. which
   has preserved the true reading eirxato, have erxato, whence Erasm. Ben.
   coepit gargarizare--just what the boy refused to do. He would not take
   the gargle, nor any other medicine or food.--For sbennutai we restore
   with mod. text sbennunai --hos dethen philosophon either as above, or
   "to show his strength of mind forsooth."--huper philoneikias, B.
   philotimias. (Erasmus' translation is altogether wide of the sense.)

   [900] aplos de (kai mod. text.) asema. Meaning perhaps, "being
   speechless, he read and heard, but could not give tokens of
   understanding what he learned."

   [901] mss. kai ho pater auto katerato, kai teleutesai eucheto kai he
   meter; eti gar etuche zon ho pater autou. Mod. text. "His mother prayed
   for him to die, and his father cursed him, for he was yet living."

   [902] tuchon aplastos zetounton: meaning perhaps, in earnest, not for
   form's sake. The occasion of this strictness was doubtless the affair
   of Theodorus the Sicilian, see t. i. 343 B. and 470 D. (Pro deka touton
   eton healosan epi turannidi tines k. t. l.) For the history of the
   treasonable and magical practices against Valens at Antioch, in which
   Theodorus was implicated, and of the severities exercised in
   consequence of that attempt, see Ammianus Marcell. xxix. init. Comp.
   Zosimus iv. 13, 3, Sozomen vi. 35, Socrates iv. 19.

   [903] eita endothen labon apeei; apepage to deei It is not easy to see
   what this means, unless the sense intended be, "the soldier paced
   backward and forward, so that we were intercepted between his walk and
   the river."--Mod. text, eita e. l, apeei kai apepegei to deei Erasm.
   qui hoc animadvertens abiit, et timere nos fecit. Ben. Hinc. vero
   socius. illo occultato abiit et timore tabescebat. We must certainly
   read apepagen, or apepagemen.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Homily XXXIX.

   Acts XVII. 32-34, XVIII. 1

   "And when they heard of the resurrection of the dead, some mocked: and
   others said, We will hear thee again of this matter. So Paul departed
   from among them. Howbeit certain men clave unto him, and believed:
   among the which was Dionysius the Areopagite and a woman named Damaris,
   and others with them. After these things Paul departed from Athens, and
   came to Corinth."

   What can be the reason that, having persuaded (some so far as to say)
   that they would hear him again, and there being no dangers, Paul is so
   in haste to leave Athens? Probably he knew that he should do them no
   great good; moreover he was led by the Spirit to Corinth. [904] (b) For
   the Athenians, although fond of hearing strange things, nevertheless
   did not attend (to him); for this was not their study, but only to be
   always having something to say; which was the cause that made them hold
   off from him. But if this was their custom, how is it that they accuse
   him, "he seemeth to be a setter forth of strange gods?" (ch. xvii. 18.)
   Yes, but these were matters they did not at all know what to make of.
   Howbeit, he did convert both Dionysius the Areopagite, and some others.
   For those who were careful of (right) living, quickly received the
   word; but the others not so. It seemed to Paul sufficient to have cast
   the seeds of the doctrines. (a) To Corinth then, as I said, he was led
   by the Spirit, in which city he was to abide. (c) "And having found a
   certain Jew named Aquila, of Pontus by birth, lately come from
   Italy"--for the greater part of his life had been passed there--"and
   Priscilla his wife, because that Claudius had commanded all the Jews to
   depart from Rome." (v. 2.) For though it was in the reign of Nero that
   the war against the Jews was consummated, yet from the time of Claudius
   and thenceforward it was fanning up, at a distance indeed, [905] so
   that, were it but so, they might come to their senses, and from Rome
   they were now driven as common pests. This is why it is so ordered by
   Providence that Paul was led thither as a prisoner, that he might not
   as a Jew be driven away, but as acting under military custody might
   even be guarded there. (Having found these,) "he came to them, and
   because he was of the same craft, he abode with them and wrought: for
   by occupation they were tent-makers." (v. 3.) Lo, what a justification
   he found for dwelling in the same house with them! For because here, of
   all places, it was necessary that he should not receive, as he himself
   says, "That wherein they glory, they may be found, even as we" (2 Cor.
   xi. 12), it is providentially ordered that he there abides. "And he
   reasoned in the synagogue every sabbath, and persuaded the Jews and the
   Greeks. And when Silas and Timotheus were come from Macedonia, Paul was
   straitened in the word, [906] testifying to the Jews that Jesus is the
   Christ." (v. 4, 5.) "And when the Jews opposed and blasphemed," i.e.
   they tried to bear him down (epereazon), they set upon him--What then
   does Paul? He separates from them, and in a very awful manner: and
   though he does not now say, "It was need that the word should be spoken
   unto you," yet he darkly intimates it to them:--"and when they opposed
   themselves, and blasphemed, he shook his raiment, and said unto them,
   Your blood be upon your own heads; I am clean: from henceforth I will
   go unto the Gentiles." (v. 6.) "And he departed thence, and entered
   into a certain man's house, named Justus, one that worshipped God,
   whose house joined hard to the synagogue." See how having again said,
   "Henceforth--" for all that, he does not neglect them; so that it was
   to rouse them that he said this, and thereupon came to Justus, whose
   house was contiguous to the synagogue, so that [907] even from this
   they might have jealousy, from the very proximity. "And Crispus, the
   chief ruler of the synagogue, believed on the Lord with all his house."
   This also was, of all things, enough to bring them over. "And many of
   the Corinthians hearing believed, and were baptized. Then spake the
   Lord to Paul in the night by a vision, Be not afraid, but speak, and
   hold not thy peace: for I am with thee, and no man shall set on thee to
   hurt thee: for I have much people in this city." (v. 8-10.) See by how
   many reasons He persuades him, and how He puts last the reason which of
   all others most prevailed with him, "I have much people in this city."
   Then how was it, you may ask, that they set upon him? And [908] yet,
   the writer tells us, they prevailed nothing, but brought him to the
   proconsul. "And he continued there a year and six months, teaching the
   word of God among them. And when Gallio was proconsul of Achaia, the
   Jews made insurrection with one accord against Paul, and brought him to
   the judgment-seat." (v. 11, 12.) Do you mark why those men were ever
   contriving to give a public turn to the misdemeanors (they accused them
   of)? Thus see here: (b) "Saying, This fellow seduceth men contrary to
   the law to worship God. And when Paul was about to open his mouth,
   Gallio said: If indeed it were any wrong-doing or wicked lewdness, O ye
   Jews, reason would that I should bear with you. But if it be a question
   of words and names, and of your law, look ye to it; for I will be no
   judge of such matters. And he drave them from the judgment-seat." (v.
   13-16.) This Gallio seems to me to have been a sensible man. (a) Thus
   observe, when these had said, "Against the law he seduceth men to
   worship God," he "cared for none of these things:" and observe how he
   answers them: "If indeed it were" any matter affecting the city, "any
   wrong-doing or wicked lewdness," etc. (c) "Then all the Jews [909] took
   Sosthenes the ruler of the synagogue, and beat him before the
   judgment-seat: and Gallio cared for none of these things" (v. 17): but
   their beating him he did not take as an insult to himself. So petulant
   were the Jews. But let us look over again what has been said.

   (Recapitulation.) "And when they heard," (ch. xvii. 32) what great and
   lofty doctrines, they did not even attend, but jeered at the
   Resurrection! "For the natural man," it saith, "receiveth not the
   things of the Spirit." (1 Cor. ii. 14.) "And so," it says, "Paul went
   forth." (v. 33.) How? Having persuaded some; derided by others. "But
   certain men," it says, "clave unto him, and believed, among whom was
   also Dionysius the Areopagite and some others." [910] (v. 34.) "And
   after these things," etc. "And having found a certain Jew by name
   Aquila, of Pontus by birth, lately come from Italy, because that
   Claudius had ordered all Jews to depart from Rome, he came to them, and
   because he was of the same craft, he abode with them, and wrought: for
   by their occupation they were tent-makers." (ch.xviii. 1-3.) Being of
   Pontus, this Aquila * * * . [911] Observe how, not in Jerusalem, nor
   near it (the crisis), was hasting to come, but at a greater distance.
   And with him he abides, and is not ashamed to abide, nay, for this very
   reason he does abide, as having a suitable lodging-place, for to him it
   was much more suitable than any king's palace. And smile not thou,
   beloved, to hear (of his occupation). For (it was good for him) even as
   to the athlete the palaestra is more useful than delicate carpets; so
   to the warrior the iron sword (is useful), not that of gold. "And
   wrought," though he preached. Let us be ashamed, who though we have no
   preaching to occupy us, live in idleness. "And he disputed in the
   synagogue every sabbath day, and persuaded both Jews and Greeks" (v.
   4): but "when they opposed and blasphemed" he withdrew, by this
   expecting to draw them more. For wherefore having left that house did
   he come to live hard by the synagogue? was it not for this? For it was
   not that he saw any danger here. But therefore it is that Paul having
   testified to them--not teaches now, but testifies--"having shaken his
   garments," to terrify them not by word only but by action, "said unto
   them, Your blood be upon your own heads" (v. 6): he speaks the more
   vehemently as having already persuaded many. "I," says he, "am clean."
   Then we also are accountable for the blood of those entrusted to us, if
   we neglect them. "From this time forth I will go to the Gentiles." So
   that also when he says, "Henceforth let no man trouble me" (Gal. vi.
   17), he says it to terrify. For not so much did the punishment terrify,
   as this stung them. "And having removed thence he came into the house
   of one named Justus, that worshipped God, whose house was contiguous to
   the synagogue" (v. 7), and there abode, by this wishing to persuade
   them that he was in earnest (pros ta ethne epeigeto) to go to the
   Gentiles. Accordingly, mark immediately the ruler of the synagogue
   converted, and many others, when he had done this. "Crispus the ruler
   of the synagogue believed in the Lord, with his whole house: and many
   of the Corinthians hearing believed, and were baptized."--(v. 8.) "With
   his whole house:" [912] observe the converts in those times doing this
   with their entire household. This Crispus he means where he writes, "I
   baptized none save Crispus and Gaius." (1 Cor. i. 14.) This (same) I
   take to be called Sosthenes--(evidently) a believer, insomuch that he
   is beaten, and is always present with Paul. [913] "And the Lord said in
   the night," etc. Now even the number (of the "much people") persuaded
   him, but Christ's claiming them for His own (moved him) more. [914] Yet
   He says also, "Fear not:" for the danger was become greater now, both
   because more believed, and also the ruler of the synagogue. This was
   enough to rouse him. Not that he was reproved [915] as fearing; but
   that he should not suffer aught; "I am with thee, and none shall set
   upon thee to hurt thee." (v. 9, 10.) For He did not always permit them
   to suffer evil, that they might not become too weak. For nothing so
   grieved Paul, as men's unbelief and setting themselves (against the
   Truth): this was worse than the dangers. Therefore it is that (Christ)
   appears to him now. "And he continued a year and six months," etc. (v.
   11.) After the year and six months, they set upon him. "And when Gallio
   was proconsul of Achaia," etc. (v. 12, 13), because they had no longer
   the use of their own laws. [916] (c) And observe how prudent he is: for
   he does not say straightway, I care not, but, "If," says he, "it were a
   matter of wrong-doing or wicked lewdness, O ye Jews, reason would that
   I should bear with you; but if it be a question of doctrine and words
   and of your law, see ye to it, for I do not choose to be a judge of
   such matters." (v. 14, 15.) (g) He taught [917] them that not such are
   the matters which crave a judicial sentence, but they do all things out
   of order. And he does not say, It is not my duty, but, "I do not
   choose," that they may not trouble him again. Thus Pilate said in the
   case of Christ, "Take ye Him, and judge him according to your law."
   (John xviii. 31.) But they were just like men drunken and mad. (d) "And
   he drave them from the judgment-seat" (v. 16)--he effectually closed
   the tribunal against them. "Then all" (the Jews) "having seized
   Sosthenes the ruler of the synagogue, beat him before the
   judgment-seat. And Gallio cared for none of these things." (v. 17). (a)
   This thing, of all others, set them on (to this violence)--their
   persuasion that the governor would not even let himself down (to notice
   it). (e) It was a splendid victory. O the shame they were put to! (b)
   For it is one thing to have come off victorious from a controversy, and
   another for those to learn that he cared nothing for the affair. (f)
   "And Gallio cared for none of these things:" and yet the whole was
   meant as an insult to him! But, forsooth, as if they had received
   authority (they did this). Why did he (Sosthenes), though he also had
   authority, not beat (them)? But they were (otherwise) trained: so that
   the judge should learn which party was more reasonable. This was no
   small benefit to those present--both the reasonableness of these, and
   the audacity of those. (h) [918] He was beaten, and said nothing.

   This man let us also imitate: to them that beat us, let us return blow
   for blow, by meekness, by silence, by long-suffering. More grievous
   these wounds, greater this blow, and more heavy. For to show that it is
   not the receiving a blow in the body that is grievous, but the
   receiving it in the mind, we often smite people, but since it is in the
   way of friendship, they are even pleased: but if you smite any
   indifferent person in an insolent manner, you have pained him
   exceedingly, because you have touched his heart. So let us smite their
   heart. But that meekness inflicts a greater blow than fierceness, come,
   let us prove, so far as that is possible, by words. For the sure proof
   indeed is by acts and by experience: but if you will, let us also make
   the enquiry by word, though indeed we have often made it already. Now
   in insults, nothing pains us so much, as the opinion passed by the
   spectators; for it is not the same thing to be insulted in public and
   in private, but those same insults we endure even with ease, when we
   suffer them in a solitary place, and with none by to witness them, or
   know of them. So true is it that it is not the insult, as it is in
   itself, that mortifies us, but the having to suffer it in the sight of
   all men: since if one should do us honor in the sight of all men, and
   insult us in private, we shall notwithstanding even feel obliged to
   him. The pain then is not in the nature of the insult, but in the
   opinion of the beholders; that one may not seem to be contemptible.
   What then, if this opinion should be in our favor? Is not the man
   attempting to disgrace us himself more disgraced, when men give their
   opinion in our favor? Say, whom do the bystanders despise? Him who
   insults, or him who being insulted keeps silence? Passion indeed
   suggests, that they despise him who is insulted: but let us look into
   it now while we are free from that excitement, in order that we may not
   be carried away when the time comes. Say, whom do we all condemn?
   Plainly the man who insults: and if he be an inferior, we shall say
   that he is even mad; if an equal, that he is foolish; if a superior,
   still we shall not approve of it. For which man, I ask, is worthy of
   approval, the man who is excited, who is tossed with a tempest of
   passion, who is infuriated like a wild beast, who demeans himself in
   this sort against our common nature, or he who lives in a state of
   calm, in a haven of repose, and in virtuous equanimity? Is not the one
   like an angel, the other not even like a man? For the one cannot even
   bear his own evils, while the other bears even those of others also:
   here, the man cannot even endure himself; there, he endures another
   too: the one is in danger of shipwreck, the other sails in safety, his
   ship wafted along the favoring gales: for he has not suffered the
   squall of passion to catch his sails and overturn the bark of his
   understanding: but the breath of a soft and sweet air fanning upon it,
   the breath of forbearance, wafts it with much tranquillity into the
   haven of wise equanimity. And like as when a ship is in danger of
   foundering, the sailors know not what they cast away, whether what they
   lay hands upon be their own or other men's property, but they throw
   overboard all the contents without discrimination, alike the precious
   and what is not such: but when the storm has ceased, then reckoning up
   all that they have thrown out, they shed tears, and are not sensible of
   the calm for the loss of what they have thrown overboard: so here, when
   passion blows hard, and the storm is raised, people in flinging out
   their words know not how to use order or fitness; but when the passion
   has ceased, then recalling to mind what kind of words they have given
   utterance to, they consider the loss and feel not the quiet, when they
   remember the words by which they have disgraced themselves, and
   sustained most grievous loss, not as to money, but as to character for
   moderation and gentleness. Anger is a darkness. "The fool," saith
   Scripture, "hath said in his heart, There is no God." (Ps. xiii. 1.)
   Perhaps also of the angry man it is suitable to say the same, that the
   angry man hath said, There is no God. For, saith Scripture, "Through
   the multitude of his anger he will not seek" (after God). [919] (Ps. x.
   4.) For let what pious thought will enter in, (passion) thrusts and
   drives all out, flings all athwart. (b) When you are told, that he whom
   you abused uttered not one bitter word, do you not for this feel more
   pain than you have inflicted? (a) If you in your own mind do not feel
   more pain than he whom you have abused, abuse still; (but) though there
   be none to call you to account, the judgment of your conscience, having
   taken you privately, shall give you a thousand lashes, (when you think)
   how you poured out a flood of railings on one so meek, and humble, and
   forbearing. We are forever saying these things, but we do not see them
   exhibited in works. You, a human being, insult your fellow-man? You, a
   servant, your fellow-servant? But why do I wonder at this, when many
   even insult God? Let this be a consolation to you when suffering
   insult. Are you insulted? God also is insulted. Are you reviled? God
   also was reviled. Are you treated with scorn? Why, so was our Master
   also. In these things He shares with us, but not so in the contrary
   things. For He never insulted another unjustly: God forbid! He never
   reviled, never did a wrong. So that we are those who share with Him,
   not ye. For to endure when insulted is God's part: to be merely
   abusive, is the part of the devil. See the two sides. "Thou hast a
   devil" (John vii. 20; ib. xviii. 22), Christ was told: He received a
   blow on the face from the servant of the high-priest. They who
   wrongfully insult, are in the same class with these. For if Peter was
   even called "Satan" (Matt. xvi. 23) for one word; much [920] more shall
   these men, when they do the works of the Jews, be called, as those were
   called, "children of the devil" (John viii. 44), because they wrought
   the works of the devil. You insult; who are you, I ask (that you do
   so)? Nay, rather the reason why you insult, is this, that you are
   nothing: no one that is human insults. So that what is said in
   quarrels, "Who are you?" ought to be put in the contrary way: "Insult:
   for you are nothing." Instead of that the phrase is, "Who are you, that
   you insult?" "A better man than you," is the answer. And yet it is just
   the contrary: but because we put the question amiss, therefore they
   answer amiss: so that the fault is ours. For as if we thought it was
   for great men to insult, therefore we ask, "Who are you, that you
   insult?" And therefore they make this answer.

   But, on the contrary, we ought to say: "Do you insult? insult still:
   for you are nobody:" whereas to those who do not insult this should be
   said: "Who are you that you insult not?--you have surpassed human
   nature." This is nobility, this is generosity, to speak nothing
   ungenerous, though a man may deserve to have it spoken to him. Tell me
   now, how many are there who are not worthy to be put to death?
   Nevertheless, the judge does not this in his own person, but
   interrogates them; and not this either, in his own person. But if it is
   not to be suffered, that the judge, sitting in judgment, should (in his
   own person) speak with a criminal, but he does all by the intervention
   of a third person, much more is it our duty not to insult our equals in
   rank; for [921] all the advantage we shall get of them will be, not so
   much to have disgraced them, as to be made to learn that we have
   disgraced ourselves. Well then, in the case of the wicked, this is why
   we must not insult (even them); in the case of the good there is
   another reason also because they do not deserve it: and for a third,
   [922] because it is not right to be abusive. But as things are, see
   what comes of it; the person abused is a man, and the person abusing is
   a man, and the spectators men. What then? must the beasts come between
   them and settle matters? for only this is left. For when both the
   wrong-doers and those who delight in the wrong-doing are men, the part
   of reconciler is left for the beasts: for just as when the masters
   quarrel in a house, there is nothing left but for the servants to
   reconcile them,--even if this be not the result, for the nature of the
   thing demands this,--just so is it here.--Are you abusive? Well may you
   be so, for you are not even human. Insolence seemed to be a high-born
   thing; it seemed to belong to the great; whereas it belongs rather to
   slaves; but to give good words belongs to free men. For as to do ill is
   the part of those, so to suffer ill is the part of these.--Just as if
   some slave should steal the master's property, some old hag,--such a
   thing as that is the abusive man. And like as some detestable thief and
   runaway, [923] with studied purpose stealing in, looks all around him,
   wishing to filch something: so does this man, even as he, look narrowly
   at all on every side, studying how to throw out some (reproach). Or
   perhaps we may set him forth by a different sort of example. Just as if
   [924] one should steal filthy vessels out of a house, and bring them
   out in the presence of all men, the things purloined do not so disgrace
   the persons robbed, as they disgrace the thief himself: just so this
   man, by bringing out his words in the presence of all men, casts
   disgrace not on others but on himself by the words, in giving vent to
   this language, and be-fouling both his tongue and his mind. For it is
   all one, when we quarrel with bad men, as if one for the sake of
   striking a man who is immersed in putrefying filth should defile
   himself by plunging his hands into the nastiness. Therefore, reflecting
   on these things, let us flee the mischief thence accruing, and keep a
   clean tongue, that being clear from all abusiveness, we may be enabled
   with strictness to pass through the life present, and to attain unto
   the good things promised to those that love Him, through the grace and
   mercy of our Lord Jesus Christ, with Whom to the Father and the Holy
   Ghost together be glory, might, honor, now and ever, world without end.
   Amen.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [904] Here in mss. and Edd. the order is confused by the insertion of
   the text xvii. 34; xviii. 1-3, and the transposition of the sentence
   marked (a), in consequence of which the first sentence of (c) has been
   misunderstood, as if it meant that St. Paul thought it enough merely to
   sow the seeds at Athens (teos mod. text Cat. ton logon), "because the
   greater part of his life was now passed." So Cat. is further betrayed
   into a misconception of the following words epi men gar Neronos
   eteleiothe, adding ho Paulos, as if it referred to St. Paul's
   martyrdom: and so Ben. mistakes the matter, major' enim pars vitae
   illius jam (entautha) transacta erat. Nam sub Nerone consummatus est,
   as Erasm. occisus est:' though the opposition to the epi men N. in the
   following clause apo de Kl., might have obviated this misapprehension.

   [905] See Recapitulation, p. 239, note 1.

   [906] A. B. C. to logo: so the best mss. of the Acts, Gr. and Lat.
   instabat verbo.

   [907] A. B. C. hoste kai apo (B. om.) tou zelou (zelon C.) echein apo
   tes geitniaseos. Cat. has preserved the true reading, apo toutou zelon.

   [908] This would be better transposed thus: kai men, phesin, egagon
   auton pros ton anth., all' ouden schusan. Mod. text, "but they only
   brought him," etc. What follows is confused by the transposition after
   hora goun entautha of the part (a) beginning with the same words.

   [909] The mss. have hioEllenes as in some copies of the Acts and Elz.,
   but the best authorities Gr. and Lat. simply pantes. We adopt hoi
   'Ioudaioi from the Catena, and Chrys. evidently understood it of the
   Jews.

   [910] Here A. B. C. insert the sentence hora tous pistous k. t. l.
   which mod. text rightly removes to the comment on v. 8, and after it,
   hora pos ho nomos kataluetai loipon: which unless it means, "See here
   the beginning of the judgment on the Jews, the dissolution of their
   Law, and overthrow of their nation," of which Chrys. speaks in this
   sentence, is out of place here, and belongs to the comment on v. 18,
   i.e. to the beginning of Hom. 40, which in fact opens with these words.
   So mod. text understands them. "Mark how the Law begins to be dissolved
   from henceforth. For this man, being a Jew, having after these things
   shorn his head in Cenchrea, goes with Paul into Syria. Being a man of
   Pontus, not in Jerusalem nor near it did he haste to come, but at a
   greater distance." The innovator's meaning seems to have been, that he
   shore his head in fulfilment of his vow, not in Jerusalem, nor near
   Jerusalem, but at a greater distance, viz. in Cenchrea." But St. Chrys.
   is here commenting on Claudius' edict (see above, p. 240, on v. 2):
   "See here the beginning of the judgment on the Jews: it was hasting to
   come, but it began not in Jerusalem, nor in Palestine, but at a greater
   distance--at Rome, in this edict of the Emperor: ouk en Ierosolumois,
   oude plesion espeuden elthein alla makrotero."

   [911] The sentence may be completed with: "had spent the greater part
   of his life at Rome," etc.; see above, p. 236, but the copyist make
   houtos nom. to ouk espeuden elthein.

   [912] To this clause, mod. text rightly refers the comment, hora tous
   pistous tote meta tes oikias touto poiountas holoklerou, which the
   original text has after kai heteroi tines of xvii. 34.

   [913] There is no sufficient ground for the supposition of Chrys. that
   the Sosthenes here mentioned was a Christian and the same who is
   saluted in 1 Cor. i. 1. On the contrary, he was the leader of the
   Jewish party who persecuted the ruler of the synagogue, perhaps the
   successor of Crispus who had become a Christian. The reading hoi
   'Ioudaioi of some inferior mss. in v. 17 which is followed by Chrys.
   would easily give rise to this misconception. The true text is most
   probably pantes, meaning the officers of the governor. The
   representatives of the Roman government, then, attacked Sosthenes, the
   leader of the party which was persecuting Paul. Thus their effort ended
   in failure. And so indifferent was Gallio that he in no way interfered.
   Paul's accusers were thus themselves beaten and the whole effort at
   prosecution miserably failed.--G.B.S.

   [914] he de oikeiosis touCh. pleon. Sed familiaritas Christi magis.
   Ben. Chrys. said above, that the most powerful consideration was this
   which is put last, "For I have much people in this city." The meaning
   here is, That there was "much people" to be converted, was a cheering
   consideration: that Christ should say, laos moi polus estin, speaking
   of them as "His own," was the strongest inducement.

   [915] B. C. hoti elenchthe phoboumenos e ouk elenchthe hoste me (C.
   mede) pathein. A., hote elechthe hoste de me pathein, (which is meant
   for emendation: "This was enough to rouse him when it was spoken: but,
   that he should not suffer," etc.) Mod. text, hoti el. phoboumenos, e
   ouk el. men, all' hoste mede touto pathein. We read Ouk hoti elenchthe
   hos phoboumenos. & 244;ste de me pathein, 'Ego eimi meta sou. The
   accidental omission of ouk may have been corrected in the margin by the
   gloss e ouk el. But the sense seems to be otherwise confused by
   transpositions. "It is true, even the number, and still more Christ's
   oikeiosis of them, prevailed with him. This was enough to rouse him.
   But Christ begins by saying, "Fear not," etc. And in fact the danger
   was increased, etc. Not that Paul was reproved as being afraid, etc.

   [916] From this point to the end of the Exposition all is confused. To
   make something like connection, it has been necessary to rearrange the
   parts, but the restoration is still unsatisfactory.

   [917] Kai edidaxen hoti ta toiauta dikastikes psephou [ou, this we
   supply,] deitai; alla ataktos panta poiousin. Mod. text edidaxe gar (he
   te touton epieikeia kai ekeinon thrasutes, from f) hoti ta toi. dik.
   pseph. deitai.

   [918] Here, between the parts g and h, the mss. have two sentences
   retained by Edd. but clearly out of place, unless they form part of a
   second recapitulation: "Therefore he departed from Athens." "Because
   there was much people here."

   [919] Ps. x. 4. "The wicked, through the pride of his countenance, will
   not," etc. E.V.

   [920] mss. pollo mallon houtoi 'Ioudaioi akousontai, hotan ta 'Ioudaion
   poiosin hosper kakeinoi diabolou tekna, epeide k. t. l. We omit
   'Ioudaioi.

   [921] ou gar houto to hubrisai pleonektesomen auton, hos to
   didachthenai hoti hubrisamen heautous. B. and mod. text to hubr., to
   did. The hoti om. by A. B. C. Sav. is supplied by mod. text. A has
   deichthenai, Sav. dialechthenai. The construction is pleonektein ti
   tinos. "We may think we have got something, viz. the pleasure of having
   disgraced them; whereas all that we get, in advance of them, is the
   being taught that we have disgraced ourselves."

   [922] kai triton (om. C.), hoti hubristen einai ou chre. This cannot
   be, "for a third reason," or "in the third place," but seems rather to
   mean "the third party" spoken of in the preceding sentence. Perhaps it
   may mean, As the judge does not himself arraign nor even interrogate
   the criminal, but by a third person, because the judge must not seem to
   be an hubristes, so there is need of a third person, kai triton dei eis
   meson elthein hoti....But the whole scope of the argument is very
   obscure.

   [923] Old text: hubristes, kleptes kataratos kai drapetes; kai hos an
   eipoi tis spoude eision, kathaper ekeinos pantachou periblepetai
   huphelesthai ti spoudazon, houto kai houtos panta periskopei ekballein
   ti thelon. We read hubristes. Kai hos an ei tis kleptes katar. kai
   drap. spoude eision, pant. peribl. huph. ti thelon, houto kai houtos
   kathaper ekeinos pantaperisk. ekballein ti spoudazon. But it can hardly
   be supposed that Chrys. thus expressed himself. The purport seems to be
   this: To be abusive is to behave like a slave, like a foul-mouthed hag.
   (see p. 200.) And the abusive man, when he is eager to catch at
   something in your life or manners, the exposure of which may disgrace
   you, is like a thief who should slink into a house, and pry about for
   something that he can lay hold of--nay, like one who should purposely
   look about for the filthiest things he can bring out, and who in so
   doing disgraces himself more than the owner.

   [924] Here again hosper an eipoi tis, B. for hosper an ei tis, C.--The
   sentence ouchi ta huphairethenta eschune tosouton is incomplete; viz.
   "the owner, by the exposure of the noisomeness, as the stealer himself
   who produces it."
     __________________________________________________________________

   Homily XL.

   Acts XVIII. 18

   "And Paul after this tarried there yet a good while, and then took his
   leave of the brethren, and sailed thence into Syria, and with him
   Priscilla and Aquila; having shorn his head in Cenchrea: for he had a
   vow."

   See how the Law was breaking up; see how they were bound by conscience.
   This, namely, was a Jewish custom, to shear their heads agreeably with
   a vow. But then there ought to be also a sacrifice (ch. xxi. 26), which
   was not the case here. [925] --"Having yet tarried:" after the beating
   of Sosthenes. [926] For it was necessary that he should yet tarry, and
   comfort them concerning these things. "He sailed for Syria." Why does
   he desire again to come to Syria? It was there that "the disciples were
   ordered to be called Christians" (ch. xi. 26): there, that he had been
   "commended to the grace of God" (xiv. 26): there, that he had effected
   such things concerning the doctrine. "And with him Priscilla"--lo, a
   woman also [927] --"and Aquila." But these he left at Ephesus. With
   good reason, namely, that they should teach. For having been with him
   so long time, they were learning many things: and yet he did not at
   present withdraw them from their custom as Jews. "And he came to
   Ephesus, and left them there: but he himself entered into the
   synagogue, and reasoned with the Jews. When they desired him to tarry
   longer time with them, he consented not; but bade them farewell,
   saying, I must by all means keep this feast that cometh in Jerusalem."
   Therefore [928] it was that he was hindered from coming into Asia,
   being impelled to what was of pressing moment. Thus observe him here,
   entreated (by them) to stay, but because he could not comply, being in
   haste to depart, "he bade them farewell." However, he did not leave
   them without more ado, but with promise (to return): "But I will return
   again unto you, if God will. And he sailed from Ephesus." (v. 19-21.)
   "And when he had landed at Caesarea, and gone up, and saluted the
   Church, he went down to Antioch. And after he had spent some time
   there, he departed, and went over all the country of Galatia and
   Phrygia in order, strengthening all the disciples." (v. 22-23.) He came
   again to those places which he had previously visited. "And a certain
   Jew named Apollos, born at Alexandria, an eloquent man, and mighty in
   the Scriptures, came to Ephesus." (v. 24.) Lo, even learned men are now
   urgent, and the disciples henceforth go abroad. Do you mark the spread
   of the preaching? "This man was instructed in the way of the Lord; and
   being fervent in the Spirit, he spake and taught diligently the things
   of the Lord, knowing only the baptism of John. And he began to speak
   boldly in the synagogue: whom when Aquila and Priscilla had heard, they
   took him unto them, and expounded unto him the way of God more
   perfectly." (v. 25-26.) If this man [929] knew only the baptism of
   John, how is it that he was "fervent in the Spirit," for the Spirit was
   not given in that way? And if those after him needed the baptism of
   Christ, much [930] more would he need it. Then what is to be said? For
   it is not without a meaning that the writer has strung the two
   incidents together. It seems to me that this was one of the hundred and
   twenty who were baptized with the Apostles: or, if not so, then the
   same that took place in the case of Cornelius, took place also in the
   case of this man. But neither does he receive baptism. That expression,
   then, "they expounded more perfectly," seems [931] to me to be this,
   that he behooved also to be baptized. Because the other twelve knew
   nothing accurate, not even what related to Jesus. And it is likely
   [932] that he did in fact receive baptism. But if these (disciples) of
   John, [933] after that baptism again received baptism, was this needful
   for the disciples also? And wherefore the need of water? These are very
   different from him, men who did not even know whether there were a Holy
   Ghost. [934] "He was fervent," then, "in the Spirit, knowing only the
   baptism of John:" but these "expounded to him more perfectly. And when
   he was disposed to pass into Achaia, the brethren wrote, exhorting the
   disciples to receive him; who, when he was come, helped them much which
   had believed through grace." (v. 27.) He wished then also to depart
   into Achaia, and these [935] also encouraged (him to do so), having
   also given him letters. "Who when he was come, helped them much which
   had believed through grace: for he mightily convinced the Jews, and
   that publicly, showing by the Scriptures that Jesus was Christ." (v.
   28.) "And it came to pass, that, while Apollos was at Corinth, Paul,
   having passed through the upper coasts"--meaning what we have read as
   to Caesarea and the other places--"came to Ephesus, and having found
   certain disciples (ch. xix. 1), "he said to them, Have ye received the
   Holy Ghost since ye believed? And they said unto him, We have not so
   much as heard whether there be any Holy Ghost. And he said unto them,
   Unto what then were ye baptized? And they said, Unto John's baptism.
   Then said Paul, John verily baptized with the baptism of repentance,
   saying unto the people, that they should believe on Him who should come
   after him, that is, on Christ Jesus." (v. 2-4.) For that they did not
   even believe in Christ is plain from his saying, "that they should
   believe on Him that was to come after him." And he did not say, The
   baptism of John is nothing, but, It is incomplete. Nor does he add this
   (in so many words), but he taught them, and many received the Holy
   Ghost. "When they heard this, they were baptized in the name of the
   Lord Jesus. And when Paul had laid his hands upon them, the Holy Ghost
   came on them; and they spake with tongues, and prophesied. And all the
   men were about twelve" (v. 5-7): so that it was likely they had the
   Spirit, but it did not appear. [936] "And all the men were about
   twelve."

   (Recapitulation.) "And they came to Ephesus, and there he left them"
   (v. 19): for he did not wish to take them about with him, but left them
   at Ephesus. But they subsequently dwelt at Corinth, and he bears high
   testimony to them, and writing to the Romans, salutes them. (Rom. xvi.
   3.) Whence it seems to me that they afterwards went back to Rome, in
   the time of Nero, [937] as having an attachment for those parts whence
   they had been expelled in the time of Claudius. "But [938] he himself
   went into the synagogue." It seems to me that the faithful still
   assembled there, for they did not immediately withdraw them. "And when
   they besought him to stay, he consented not" (v. 20, 21), for he was
   hastening to Caesarea. "And having arrived at Caesarea," etc., "passing
   through the region of Galatia and Phrygia, confirming all the
   disciples." (v. 22, 23.) Through these regions also he merely passes
   again, just enough to establish them by his presence. "And a certain
   Jew, Apollos by name," etc. (v. 24.) For he was an awakened man,
   travelling in foreign parts for this very purpose. Writing of him the
   Apostle said, "Now concerning Apollos our brother." [939] (1 Cor. xvi.
   12.) (b) "Whom when Aquila and Priscilla had heard," etc. (v. 26.) It
   was not for nothing that he left them at Ephesus, but for Apollos'
   sake, the Spirit so ordered it, that he might come with greater force
   to the attack (hepibhenai) upon Corinth. What may be the reason that to
   him they did nothing, but Paul they assault? They knew that he was the
   leader, and great was the name of the man. "And when he was disposed to
   pass into Achaia" (v. 27) i.e. in faith, he did all by faith; "the
   brethren wrote," etc. nowhere envy, nowhere an evil eye. Aquila
   teaches, or rather this man lets himself be taught. He was minded to
   depart, and they send letters. (a) "For he mightily convinced the Jews,
   and that publicly," etc. (v. 28.) Now by this, that he "publicly"
   convinced them, his boldness was shown: by the clearness of his
   arguing, his power was declared: by his convicting them out of the
   Scriptures, his skill (of learning). For neither boldness by itself
   contributes aught, where there is not power, nor power where there is
   not boldness. "He mightily convinced," it says. (b) "And it came to
   pass," etc. (ch. xix. 1.) But whence had those, being in Ephesus, the
   baptism of John? Probably they had been on a visit at Jerusalem at the
   time (of John's preaching), and did not even know Jesus. And he does
   not say to them, Do ye believe in Jesus? but what? "Have ye received
   the Holy Ghost?" (v. 2.) He knew that they had not, but wishes
   themselves to say it, that having learnt what they lack, they may ask.
   "John verily baptized," etc. (v. 4.) From the baptism itself he (John)
   prophesies: [940] and he leads them (to see) that this is the meaning
   of John's baptism. (a) "That they should believe on Him that was to
   come:" on what kind (of Person)? "I indeed baptize you with water, but
   He that cometh after me, shall baptize you with the Holy Ghost." (Matt.
   iii. 11.) "And when Paul," it says, "had laid his hands upon them, the
   Holy Ghost came on them; and they spake with tongues, and prophesied."
   (v. 6.) (b) The gift is twofold: tongues and prophesyings. Hence is
   shown an important doctrine, that [941] the baptism of John is
   incomplete. And he does not say, "Baptism" of forgiveness, but, "of
   repentance." What [942] (is it) then? These had not the Spirit: they
   were not so fervent, not even instructed. And why did (Apollos) not
   receive baptism? [943] (The case) seems to me to be this: Great was the
   boldness of the man. "He taught diligently the things concerning
   Jesus," but he needed more diligent teaching. Thus, though not knowing
   all, by his zeal he attracted the Holy Ghost, in the same manner as
   Cornelius and his company.

   Perhaps it is the wish of many, Oh that we had the baptism of John now!
   But (if we had), many would still be careless of a life of virtue, and
   it might be thought that each for this, and not for the kingdom of
   heaven's sake, aimed at virtue. There would be many false prophets: for
   then "they which are approved" would not be very "manifest." (1 Cor.
   xi. 19.) As, "blessed are they that have not seen and yet have
   believed" (John xx. 29), so they that (believe) without signs.
   "Except," saith (Christ), "ye see signs, ye will not believe." (Ib. iv.
   48.) For we lose nothing (by lack of miracles), if we will but take
   heed to ourselves. We have the sum and substance of the good things:
   through baptism we received remission of sins, sanctification,
   participation of the Spirit, adoption, eternal life. What would ye
   more? Signs? But they come to an end (alla katargheitai). Thou hast
   "faith, hope, charity," the abiding things: these seek thou, these are
   greater than signs. Nothing is equal to charity. For "greater than
   all," saith he, "is charity." (cf. 1 Cor. xiii. 5.) But now, love is in
   jeopardy, for only its name is left behind, while the reality is
   nowhere (seen), but we are divided each from the other. What then shall
   one do to reunite (ourselves)? For to find fault is easy, but how may
   one make friendship, this is the point to be studied; how we may bring
   together the scattered members. For be it so, that we have one Church,
   or one doctrine--yet this is not the (main) consideration: no, the evil
   is, that [944] in these we have not fellowship--"living peaceably," as
   the Apostle says, "with all men" (Rom. xii. 18), on the contrary, we
   are at variance one with another. For be it that we are not having
   fights every day, yet look not thou to this, but (to this), that
   neither have we charity, genuine and unswerving. There is need of
   bandages and oil. Let us bear it in mind, that charity is the
   cognizance of the disciples of Christ: that without this, all else
   avails nothing: that it is an easy task if we will. Yes, say you, we
   know all this, but how (to go to work) that it may be achieved? What
   (to do), that it may be effected? in what way, that we may love one
   another? First, let us put away the things which are subversive of
   charity, and then we shall establish this. Let none be resentful, none
   be envious, none rejoicing in (others') misfortunes: these are the
   things that hinder love; well then, the things that make it are of the
   other sort. For it is not enough to put away the things that hinder;
   the things that establish must also be forthcoming. Now Sirach tells us
   the things that are subversive (of friendship), and does not go on to
   speak of the things which make union. "Reproaching," he says, "and
   revealing of a secret, and a treacherous wound." (cf. Ecclus. 22, 27.)
   But in speaking of the men of those times, these things might well be
   named, seeing they were carnal: but in our case, God forbid they should
   be (even) named. Not [945] from these things do we bring our
   inducements for you, but from the others. For us, there is nothing good
   without friendship. Let there be good things without number, but what
   is the benefit--be it wealth, be it luxury--without friendship? No
   possession equal to this, even in matters of this life, just as there
   is nothing worse than men hating (us). "Charity hides a multitude of
   sins" (1 Pet. iv. 8): but enmity, even where sins are not, suspects
   them to be. It is not enough not to be an enemy; no, one must also
   love. Bethink thee, that Christ has bidden, and this is enough. Even
   affliction makes friendships, and draws (men) together. "What then,"
   say you, "now, when there is no affliction? say, how (are we to act) to
   become friends?" Have ye not other friends, I ask? In what way are ye
   their friends, how do ye continue such? For a beginning, let none have
   any enemy: this (in itself) is not a small matter: let none envy; it is
   not possible to accuse the man who envies not. (b) How then shall we be
   warmly affected? What makes love of persons? Beauty of person. Then let
   us also make our souls beautiful, and we shall be amiable one to
   another: for it is necessary, of course, not only to love, but also to
   be loved. Let us first achieve this point, that we may be loved, and
   the other will be easy. How to act that we may be loved? Let us become
   beautiful, and let us do this, that we may always have lovers. Let none
   make it his study to get money, to get slaves, to get houses, (so much)
   as to be loved, as to have a good name. Better is a name than much
   wealth. For the one remains, the other perishes: and the one it is
   possible to acquire, the other impossible. For he that has got an evil
   character, will with difficulty lay it aside: but by means of his
   (good) name the poor man may quickly be rich. Let there be a man having
   ten thousand talents, and another a hundred friends; the latter is more
   rich in resources than the former. Then let us not merely do this, but
   let us work it as a kind of trade. "And how can we?" say you. "A sweet
   mouth multiplieth its friends, and a gracious tongue." Let us get a
   well-spoken mouth, and pure manners. It is not possible for a man to be
   such, and not to be known.

   (a) We have one world that we all inhabit, with the same fruits we all
   are fed. But these are small matters: by the same Sacraments we partake
   of the same spiritual food. These surely are justifications of loving!
   (c) Mark [946] how many (inducements and pleas) for friendship they
   that are without have excogitated; community of art or trade,
   neighborhood, relationships: but mightier than all these are the
   impulses and ties which are among us: this Table is calculated more
   (than all else) to shame us into friendliness. But many of us who come
   thereto do not even know one another. The reason, it may be said, is
   that there are so many of them. By no means; it is only our own
   sluggish indifference. (Once) there were three thousand (ch. ii.
   41)--there were five thousand (iv. 4)--and yet they had all one soul:
   but now each knows not his brother, and is not ashamed to lay the blame
   on the number, because it is so great! Yet he that has many friends is
   invincible against all men: stronger he than any tyrant. Not such the
   safety the tyrant has with his body-guards, as this man has with his
   friends. Moreover, this man is more glorious than he: for the tyrant is
   guarded by his own slaves, but this man by his peers: the tyrant, by
   men unwilling and afraid of him; this man by willing men and without
   fear. And here too is a wonderful thing to be seen--many in one, and
   one in many. (a) Just as in an harp, the sounds are diverse, not the
   harmony, and they all together give out one harmony and symphony, (c) I
   could wish to bring you into such a city, were it possible, wherein
   (all) should be one soul: then shouldest thou see surpassing all
   harmony of harp and flute, the more harmonious symphony. (b) But the
   musician is the Might of Love: it is this that strikes out the sweet
   melody, (d) singing, [947] (withal) a strain in which no note is out of
   tune. This strain rejoices both Angels, and God the Lord of Angels;
   this strain rouses (to hear it) the whole audience that is in heaven;
   this even lulls (evil) passions--it does not even suffer them to be
   raised, but deep is the stillness. For as in a theatre, when the band
   of musicians plays, all listen with a hush, and there is no noise
   there; so among friends, while Love strikes the chords, all the
   passions are still and laid to sleep, like wild beasts charmed and
   unnerved: just as, where hate is, there is all the contrary to this.
   But let us say nothing just now about enmity; let us speak of
   friendship. Though thou let fall some casual hasty word, there is none
   to catch thee up, but all forgive thee; though thou do (some hasty
   thing), none puts upon it the worse construction, but all allowance is
   made: every one prompt to stretch out the hand to him that is falling,
   every one wishing him to stand. A wall it is indeed impregnable, this
   friendship; a wall, which not the devil himself, much less men, can
   overpower. It is not possible for that man to fall into danger who has
   gotten many friends. (Where love is) no room is there to get matter of
   anger, but [948] only for pleasantness of feeling: no room is there to
   get matter of envying; none, to get occasion of resentment. Mark him,
   how in all things both spiritual and temporal, he accomplishes all with
   ease. What then, I pray you, can be equal to this man? Like a city
   walled on every side is this man, the other as a city unwalled.--Great
   wisdom, to be able to be a creator of friendship! Take away friendship,
   and thou hast taken away all, thou hast confounded all. But if the
   likeness of friendship have so great power, what must the reality
   itself be? Then let us, I beseech you, make to ourselves friends, and
   let each make this his art. But, lo! you will say, I do study this, but
   the other does not. All the greater the reward to thee. True, say you,
   but the matter is more difficult. How, I ask? Lo! I testify and declare
   to you, that if but ten of you would knit yourselves together, and make
   this your work, as the Apostles made the preaching theirs, and the
   Prophets theirs the teaching, so we the making of friends, great would
   be the reward. Let us make for ourselves royal portraits. For if this
   be the common badge of disciples, we do a greater work than if we
   should put ourselves into the power to raise the dead. The diadem and
   the purple mark the Emperor, and where these are not, though his
   apparel be all gold, the Emperor is not yet manifest. So now thou art
   making known thy lineage. Make men friends to thyself, and (friends) to
   others. There is none who being loved will wish to hate thee. Let us
   learn the colors, with what ingredients they are mixed, with what
   (tints) this portrait is composed. Let us be affable: let us not wait
   for our neighbors to move. Say not, if I see any person hanging back
   (for me to make the first advances), I become worse than he: but rather
   when thou seest this, forestall him, and extinguish his bad feeling.
   Seest thou one diseased, and addest to his malady? This, most of all,
   let us make sure of--"in honor to prefer one another, to account others
   better than one's self" (Rom. xii. 10), deem not this to be a lessening
   of thyself. If thou prefer (another) in honor, thou hast honored
   thyself more, attracting [949] to thyself a still higher extinction. On
   all occasions let us yield the precedence to others. Let us bear
   nothing in mind of the evil done to us, but if any good has been done
   (let us remember only that). Nothing so makes a man a friend, as a
   gracious tongue, a mouth speaking good things, a soul free from
   self-elation, a contempt of vain-glory, a despising of honor. If we
   secure these things, we shall be able to become invincible to the
   snares of the Devil, and having with strictness accomplished the
   pursuit of virtue, to attain unto the good things promised to them that
   love Him, through the grace and mercy of our Lord Jesus Christ, with
   Whom to the Father and the Holy Ghost together be glory, dominion,
   honor, now and ever, world without end. Amen.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [925] Two points are much disputed in reference to the vow mentioned in
   v. 18: (1) What kind of a vow it was, whether the Nazarite vow or some
   other. (2) Whether it had been taken and whether the shaving of the
   head was done by Paul or by Aquila. The majority of interpreters
   maintain that this shaving of the head represented the termination of a
   Nazarite vow which had been taken by Paul. The view encounters two
   great difficulties: (1) How can we suppose that the champion of liberty
   from Jewish ceremonies and observances should himself be given to their
   observance? (2) Luke here places the name of the wife Priscilla first
   and then Aquila, and keiramenos stands next to this name. It is most
   naturally construed with the name to which it stands nearest,
   especially when this unexpected arrangement of the names of the husband
   and wife is taken into account. It is true that the same arrangement is
   found in the salutation of Paul (Rom. xvi. 3; 1 Tim. iv. 19), but this
   may be due to the predominant Christian activity of the wife; so also
   in v. 26, which may have been conformed to this passage. The former
   consideration is the one of chief importance. On the other side it must
   be acknowledged that there would be less motive for mentioning a vow of
   Aquila than of Paul. The vow taken was probably akin to that of the
   Nazarites. It is referred to Paul by the older interpreters by Bengel,
   Olshausen, Zeller, De Wette, Lange, Hackett, Gloag, Lechler, Bleek,
   Ewald; to Aquila, by the Vulgate, Grotius, Kuinoel, Wieseler, Meyer,
   Conybeare and Howson.--G.B.S.

   [926] Edd. without stop, hetis ouk egeneto meta to tuptethenai ton
   Sosthenen.--B. N. Cat. egeneto eti, which is the eti of v. 18, and
   explained by the following words.

   [927] 'Idou kai gune: transposed from after the sentence, "For having
   been--custom as Jews." Mod. text adds, to ison andrasi poiousa kai
   didaskousa. But perhaps the comment was, "and mentioned before her
   husband." See Serm. in illud Salutate Prise. et Aquil. tom. iii. p.
   176. B. where he comments on this position of the names, and adds that
   "she having taken Apollos, an eloquent man, etc. taught him the way of
   God and made him a perfect teacher."

   [928] Something is wanting here, for in ekolueto eis ten 'Asian elthein
   there seems to be a reference to xvi. 6. koluthentes lalesai ton logon
   en te 'Asi& 139;, and again in ou men autous haplos eiasen to ibid. 7.
   ouk eiasen autous to pneuma. He may have spoken to this effect: This
   was his first visit to Ephesus, for he was forbidden before to come
   into Asia....Not however that the Spirit haplos ouk eiasen, but he
   says, with promise, I will come to you, etc. The prohibition was not
   absolute, but he was not permitted on the former occasion to preach in
   Asia (Procons.), because he was impelled to more urgent duties (in
   Macedonia and Greece); accordingly here also he has other immediate
   objects in view, and therefore cannot stay. So in Hom. xli. on xix. 10,
   11. "For this reason also (the Lord) suffered him not to come into
   Asia, waiting (or reserving Himself) for this conjuncture."

   [929] What St. Chrysostom said has been misconceived by the reporter or
   the copyists. He meant to remark two things concerning Apollos: 1. That
   having only the baptism of John he nevertheless had the Spirit, nay,
   was "fervent in the Spirit." How so? He had it, as Cornelius had it;
   the baptism of the Spirit without the baptism of water. (See
   Recapitulation fin.) 2. That there is no mention of his receiving
   baptism, as the twelve did in the following narrative. St. Luke, he
   says, evidently had a meaning in this juxtaposition of the two
   incidents. Apollos had the baptism of the Spirit "therefore did not
   need the water." (Hence whether he received it or not, the writer does
   not think need to mention it.) Those twelve had no accurate knowledge
   even of the facts relating to Jesus: nor so much as know whether there
   were a Holy Ghost.--The scribes did not comprehend this view of the
   case. Hence A. C. omit all' ou baptizetai, retained by B. mod. text and
   Cat. OEc. (all' oude b.)--They take hoi meta touton (i.e. the twelve of
   the following incident) to mean the Apostles, and therefore make it
   pollo mallon kai houtos edeethe an, "if Christ's own disciples after
   John's baptism needed the baptism of Christ, a fortiori this man would
   need it."--They find the baptism in the akrib. auto exethento, "this
   was one of the points they taught him--that he must be baptized."--St.
   Chrys. probably spoke of the case of the hundred and twenty who were
   baptized with the Spirit on the Day of Pentecost: i.e. "Those having"
   the greater, the baptism of the Spirit, did not need the less, the
   baptism of water. The scribes absurdly make him suggest that Apollos
   may have been one of the hundred and twenty.

   [930] Perhaps it should be, kai ei hoi meta touton...tou Ch., pos ouch
   houtos edeethe an; 'All' oude baptizetai. Ti oun estin eipein; oude gar
   haplos ephexes etheken amphotera. (By amph. perhaps the scribes
   understood the "knowing only the baptism of John," and, the being
   "fervent in Spirit") 'Emoi dokei hoper epi ton hekaton eikosi ton meta
   ton 'Ap. baptisthenton, hoper epi tou Korneliou gegone, gegenetai kai
   epi toutou.

   [931] Here OEcumenius perceived that Chrys. was misrepresented.
   Accordingly, he reads, Toutou oun akribos exetasthentos (Cat. to oun
   akribos exetasthen to, a confusion of the two readings), dokei touto me
   einai hoti..."This point being closely examined, it does not seem to
   mean this, that he also needed to be baptized." But the scribes took it
   as above, and the innovator (with whom A. partly agrees) enlarges it
   thus: "But he is not baptized, but when "they expounded to him more
   perfectly." But this seems to me to be true, that he did also need to
   be baptized: since the other twelve," etc. On this the Paris Editor,
   supposing the twelve Apostles to be meant, strangely remarks, Itane?
   duodecim quae Jesum spectabant nihil noverunt Imo hoi kr', i.e. hoi
   hekaton eikosi. As if it were likely that those hundred and twenty
   could be so ignorant.

   [932] Eikos de auton kai baptisthenai. If Chrys. said this (see note 7,
   p. 247), the meaning may be: "It is likely however that he did receive
   baptism," viz. though the writer does not mention it. For this is the
   point--the writer mentions it in the case of those twelve, for it was
   the means by which they, ignorant hitherto of the existence of a Holy
   Ghost, received the Spirit; not so in the case of Apollos, for as he
   had already the baptism of the Spirit, the water was quite a
   subordinate consideration. See above, Hom, xxiv. p. 157, on the case of
   Cornelius.

   [933] Still overlooking the reference to the following narrative, B. C.
   read Ei de autoi hoi 'Ioannou--, "But if even John's disciples," etc.:
   mod. text and A., Plen ei kai autoi--, reading the next clause
   affirmatively, Cat. and OEc., ei de houtoi hoi 'Ioannou--, which we
   adopt. The scribes have further darkened the sense by inserting here v.
   27 to the end, and xix. 1-7.

   [934] The utter confusion of the text makes it uncertain what Chrys.
   said concerning Apollos. The probability is that he still stood upon
   the plane of John's baptism and teaching, a zealous and able man, but
   not yet instructed in the Christian doctrine of the Spirit, nor
   understanding the significance of Christian baptism. It is probable
   that after receiving instruction he was re-baptized with the twelve at
   Ephesus (xix. 5-7).--G.B.S.

   [935] Proetrepsato (Sav, marg. anto) kai houtos (A. houtos). We read
   proetrepsanto de kai houtoi.

   [936] Viz. the Spirit came upon them in baptism, but it did not appear
   until Paul had laid his hands upon them: then they spake with tongues,
   etc.

   [937] epi Neronos must be removed from the end of the sentence where
   the mss. and Edd. have it.

   [938] Instead of this, Edd. have v. 22, 23.

   [939] From this point to the end of the Exposition, all is confused,
   viz. in the old text the order is as here marked by the letters a, a b
   b. . i.e. it gives two expositions, severally imperfect, but completing
   each other. In mod. text the parts are rearranged, but so that the
   first of the portions marked b is placed after the second of those
   marked a. It also assigns some of the comments to wrong texts, and in
   many places alters the sense.

   [940] Mod. text "From the baptism itself (i.e. immediately after it)
   they prophesy: but this the baptism of John had not; wherefore it was
   imperfect. But that they may be made worthy of such gifts, he more
   prepared them first."

   [941] Mod. text "that they who receive baptism are (therein) thoroughly
   cleansed from their sins: for were it not so, these would not have
   received the gifts immediately."

   [942] Mod. text "And how is it that they who have received the Spirit
   taught not, but Apollos did, who had not yet received the Spirit?" An
   entire perversion of Chrysostom's meaning.

   [943] In the mss. it is pos de ouk elabon baptisma; which cannot be
   right. We restore elaben.

   [944] Mod. text besides other alterations: "that communicating in the
   other things one with another, in the essentials (en tois anankaiois)
   we do not communicate, and being in peace with all men are at variance
   one with another."

   [945] Ouk apo touton humas enagomen, all' apo ton allon. But the scope
   seems to require, Ouk apo t. hu. apagomen, i.e. "as these are things
   not even to be supposed to exist among Christians, we do not make it
   our business to lead you away from these;"--and for the other clause,
   "But would lead you on to those other things" which Sirach has not
   mentioned.

   [946] A. substitutes kai gar polla esti ta sunothounta hemas kai
   sundesmounta pros philias: "For indeed there are many things which
   perforce impel us to become and bind us to continue friends," viz.
   independently of our own choice: which is good in point of sense; but
   the original reading of the passage implies this meaning: "Even the men
   of the world acknowledge the necessity of friendship, and look out
   pleas, inducements, and justifications for friendship: hora posa hoi
   exothen epenoesan philika"--i.e. which are far-fetched, and therefore
   need epinoeisthai, compared with the near and constraining motives
   which bring and keep us Christians together. For sunteknian which
   appears in all our mss. and is retained without suspicion by the Edd.
   we confidently restore suntechnian, comp. xviii. 2. dia to homotechnon
   einai. There is a gradation from lower to higher, suntechnian,
   geitonian (or geitosunen C. A.) sungeneias.

   [947] In the old text both sense and syntax are confused by the
   transpositions of the parts marked (c) and (b)--occasioned perhaps by
   the homoeteleuton, viz., sumphonian at the end of (a) and (c): hence
   (d) ouden apeches adousa melos has nothing to agree with, unless it
   were the mia psuche of (c); accordingly C. omits adousa. Mod. text
   reforms the whole passage thus: "Just as in an harp, the sounds are
   diverse, but one the harmony, and one the musician who touches the
   harp: so here, the harp is Charity itself, and the ringing sounds are
   the loving words brought forth by Charity, all of them giving out one
   and the same harmony and symphony: but the musician is the might of
   Charity: this strikes out the sweet strain. I could wish to lead you
   into such a city, were it possible, wherein were one soul, and thou
   shouldest see how than all harp and flute more harmonious is the
   symphony there, singing no dissonant strain,"--Instead of ouden apeches
   adousa melos Touto..., we place the full stop after adousa, so that the
   next sentence begins Melos touto kai angelous k. t. l. and at the end
   of it, instead of Theon euphrainei to melos Olon...., we read
   euphrainei Touto melos holon k. t. l.

   [948] The omission in B. C. of this clause and the following which A.
   and Mod. text retain, may be explained by the like ending hupothesin
   schein. Mod. text has also after thumedias; the clause en geloti aei
   esti kai truphe.

   [949] eis to pleon timethenai epispomenos. As epispasthai,
   epispasasthai in Chrys. is generally transitive with accusative of the
   thing, which is here to pleon timethenai, we read, eis sauton to pl. t.
   '.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Homily XLI.

   Acts XIX. 8, 9

   "And he went into the synagogue, and spake boldly for the space of
   three months, disputing and persuading the things concerning the
   kingdom of God. But when divers were hardened, and believed not, but
   spake evil of that way before the multitude, he departed from them, and
   separated the disciples, disputing daily in the school of one
   Tyrannus."

   (a) See him in every place forcing his way into the synagogue, and in
   this manner departing thence. For in every place, he wished to have the
   occasion given him by them. [950] (c) He wished to separate the
   disciples thence, and to have the beginning for ceasing to assemble
   with them, given by (the Jews) themselves. And it was not for nothing
   that he did this (b) which I have said. He was henceforth "provoking
   them to jealousy." For both the Gentiles readily received him, and the
   Jews, upon the Gentiles receiving him, repented. (a) This is why he
   continually made a stir among them, [951] "for three months arguing and
   persuading concerning the kingdom of God:" for you must not suppose
   because you hear of his "speaking boldly," that there was any
   harshness: it was of good things that he discoursed, of a kingdom: who
   would not have heard him? "But when divers were hardened, speaking evil
   of the way." They might well call it "the way;" this was indeed the
   way, that led into the kingdom of heaven. "He departed from them, and
   separated the disciples, disputing daily in the school of one Tyrannus.
   And this was done for the space of two years, so that all that were in
   Asia heard the word of the Lord, both Jews and Greeks." (v. 10.) (a) Do
   you mark how much was effected by his persisting? [952] "Both Jews and
   Greeks heard: (c) all that dwelt in Asia:" it was for this also that
   the Lord suffered him not to go into Asia (ch. xvi. 6) (on a former
   occasion); waiting, as it seems to me, for this same conjuncture. (Hom.
   xl. p. 245.) (b) "And God wrought special miracles by the hands of
   Paul: so that from his body were brought unto the sick handkerchiefs or
   aprons, and the diseases departed from them, and the evil spirits went
   out of them." (v. 11, 12.) Not touched the wearer only (and so were
   healed), but also receiving them, they laid them upon the sick (and so
   healed them). [953] (g) "He that believeth on Me," saith Christ, "doeth
   greater works than those which I do." (John xiv. 12.) This, and the
   miracle of the shadows is what He meant (in those words). (d) "Then
   certain of the vagabond Jews, exorcists, took upon them to call over
   them which had evil spirits the name of the Lord Jesus, saying, We
   adjure you by Jesus whom Paul preacheth." (v. 13.) So entirely did they
   do all by way of trade! Observe: vagabond, or, itinerant, Jewish
   exorcists. And to believe indeed, they had no mind; but by that Name
   they wished to cast out the demons. "By Jesus, whom Paul preacheth."
   Only see what a name Paul had got! "And there were seven sons of one
   Sceva, a Jew, and chief of the priests, which did so. And the evil
   spirit answered and said, Jesus I know, and Paul I know; but who are
   ye? And the man in whom the evil spirit was leaped on them, and
   overcame them, and prevailed against them, so that they fled out of
   that house naked and wounded." (v. 14-16.) They did it in secret: then
   their impotence is publicly exposed. (f) Then not the Name does
   anything, unless it be spoken with faith. (h) See how they used their
   weapons against themselves! (j) So far were they from thinking Jesus to
   be anything great: no, they must needs add Paul, as thinking him to be
   something great. Here one may marvel how it was that the demon did not
   cooperate with the imposture of the exorcists, but on the contrary
   exposed them, and laid open their stage-play. He seems to me (to have
   done this) in exceeding wrath: just as it might be, if a person being
   in uttermost peril, should be exposed by some pitiful creature, and
   wish to vent all his rage upon him. "Jesus I know, and Paul I know."
   For, that there may not seem to be any slight put upon the Name of
   Jesus, (the demon) first confesses (Him), and then has permission given
   him. For, to show that it was not any weakness of the Name, but all
   owing to the imposture of those men, why did not the same take place in
   the case of Paul? "They fled out of that house naked and wounded:" he
   sorely battered their heads, perhaps rent their garments. (e) "And this
   became known to all, both Jews and Greeks, that dwelt at Ephesus, and
   fear fell upon them all, and the name of the Lord Jesus was magnified.
   And many of them that had believed came confessing and making known
   their practices." (v. 17, 18.) For since they had got to possess such
   power as, by means of the demons, to do such things, well might this be
   the consequence. "And many of them that practised curious arts, brought
   their books together, and burnt them in the presence of all
   men;"--having seen that there was no more use of them now that the
   demons themselves do these things--"and reckoned up the price of them,
   and found the amount fifty thousand pieces of silver. [954] So mightily
   grew the word of God and prevailed." (v. 19, 20.) (i) "And" [955] (so)
   "he disputed," in the school of one Tyrannus for two years:" where were
   believers, and believers exceedingly (advanced in the faith). Moreover
   (Paul) writes (to them) as to great men.

   (Recapitulation.) (b) "And having entered in to the synagogue," etc.
   (v. 8.) But [956] why eparresiazeto? It means, he was ready to confront
   dangers, and disputed more openly, not veiling the doctrines. (a) "But
   when some were hardened, and spake evil of the way, having departed
   from them, he separated the disciples." (v. 9.) He put a stop, it
   means, to their evil-speaking: he did not wish to kindle their envy,
   nor to bring them into more contention. (c) Hence let us also learn not
   to put ourselves in the way of evil-speaking men, but to depart from
   them: he did not speak evil, when himself evil spoken of. "He disputed
   daily," and by this gained the many, that, being evil intreated and
   (evil) spoken of, he did not (utterly) break away from them, and keep
   aloof. (e) The evil-speakers are defeated. They calumniated the
   doctrine itself; (therefore) so as neither to rouse the disciples to
   wrath, nor * * them, he withdrew, [957] showing that everywhere alike
   they repel salvation from them. Here now he does not even apologize,
   seeing that the Gentiles everywhere have believed. "In the school of
   one Tyrannus:" it was not that he sought the place, but without more
   ado where there was a school (there he discoursed). [958] (d) And look,
   no sooner is the trial from those without over, than this from the
   demons begins. Mark the infatuated Jewish hardness. Having seen his
   garments working miracles, they paid no heed to it. What could be
   greater than this? But, on the contrary, it resulted in just the
   opposite effect. If any of the heathens believe not, having seen the
   (very) dust working these effects, let him believe. [959] (f)
   Wonderful, how great the power of them that have believed! Both Simon
   for the sake of merchandise sought the grace of the Spirit, and these
   for this object did this. What hardness (of heart)! Why does not Paul
   rebuke them? It would have looked like envy, therefore it is so
   ordered. This same took place in the case of Christ (Mark ix. 36): but
   then the person is not hindered, for it was the beginning of the new
   state of things: since Judas also is not hindered, whereas Ananias and
   Sapphira were struck dead: and many Jews even for opposing (Christ)
   suffered nothing, while Elymas was blinded. "For I am not come," saith
   Christ, "to judge the world, but that the world might be saved." (John
   iii. 17.) "And seven sons," etc. (v. 14.) See the villany of the men!
   They still continued to be Jews, while wishing to make a gain of that
   Name. All that they did was for glory and profit. (g) Look, [960] in
   every case, how men are converted not so much in consequence of good
   things as of things fearful. In the case of Sapphira, fear fell upon
   the Church, and men dared not join themselves to them: here they
   received handkerchiefs and aprons, and were healed: and after this,
   then they came confessing their sins. (Hereby) the power of the demons
   is shown to be a great one, when it is against unbelievers. For why did
   he not say, "Who is Jesus?" He was afraid, lest he also should suffer
   punishment; but, that it might be permitted him to take revenge upon
   those who mocked him, he did this; "Jesus," says he, "I know," etc. He
   was in dread of Paul. For why did not those wretched men say to him, We
   believe? How much more splendid an appearance they would have made had
   they said this, that is, if they had claimed Him as their Master? But
   instead of that, they spoke even those senseless words, "By Jesus, whom
   Paul preacheth." Do you mark the forbearance (of the writer), how he
   writes history and does not call names? This makes the Apostles
   admirable. "And the evil spirit," etc. (v. 15), for what had happened
   at Philippi (ch. xvi. 16) had given a lesson to these also. He mentions
   the name, and the number, thereby giving to the persons then living a
   credible proof of what he wrote. And why were they itinerant? For the
   sake of merchandise: not assuredly to bear tidings of the word; how
   should that be their object? And [961] how ran they anon, preaching by
   the things they suffered? "Insomuch," it says, "that all that dwelt in
   Asia heard the word of the Lord." Ought not this to have converted all?
   And marvel not, for nothing convinces malice. But come now, let us look
   at the affair of the exorcists, with what an evil disposition (they
   acted). Why the same was not done in the case of Christ, is an inquiry
   for another time, and not for the present, save that this also was well
   and usefully ordered. It seems to me that they did this also in
   mockery, and that in consequence of this (punishment), none dared even
   at random to name that Name. Why did this put them upon confession?
   Because this was a most mighty argument of God's omniscience
   (therefore), before they should be exposed by the demons, they accused
   themselves, fearing lest they should suffer the same things. For when
   the demons their helpers are their accusers, what hope is there
   thenceforth, save the confession by deeds?

   But see, I pray you, after such signs had been wrought, what evils
   within a short space ensue. Such is human nature: it soon forgets. Or,
   do ye not remember what has been the case among ourselves? Did not God
   last year shake our whole city? [962] Did not all run to baptism? Did
   not whoremongers and effeminate and corrupt persons leave their
   dwellings, and the places where they spent their time, and change and
   become religious? But three days passed, and they returned again to
   their own proper wickedness. And whence is this? From the excessive
   laziness. And what marvel if, when the things have passed away (this be
   the case), seeing that, the images lasting perpetually, the result is
   such? The fate of Sodom--say, does it not still last (in its effects)?
   [963] Well, did the dwellers beside it become any the better? And what
   say you to the son of Noah? Was he not such (as he is represented), did
   he not see with his eyes so vast a desolation, and yet was wicked? Then
   let us not marvel how, when such things had been done, these Jews (at
   Ephesus) believe not, when we see that belief itself often comes round
   for them into its opposite, [964] into malignity; as, for instance,
   when they say that He hath a devil, He, the Son of God! Do you not see
   these things even now, and how men are many of them like serpents, both
   faithless and thankless, men who, viper-like, when they have enjoyed
   benefits and have been warmed by some, then they sting their
   benefactors? This we have said, lest any should marvel, how, such signs
   having been wrought, they were not all converted. For behold, in our
   own times happened those (miracles) relating to the martyr Babylas,
   [965] those relating to Jerusalem, those relating to the destruction of
   the temples, and not all were converted. Why need I speak of ancient
   things? I have told you what happened last year; and none gave heed to
   it, but again little by little they fell off and sunk back. The heaven
   stands perpetually crying aloud that it has a Master, and that it is
   the work of an Artificer, all this that we see--I mean the world--and
   yet some say that it is not so. What happened to that Theodorus last
   year--whom did it not startle? And yet nothing came of it, but having
   for a season become religious, they returned to the point from which
   they had started in their attempt to be religious. So it was with the
   Jews. This is what the Prophet said of them: "When He slew them, then
   they sought Him, and turned early unto God." (Ps. lxxviii. 34.) And
   what need to speak of those things that are common to all? How many
   have fallen into diseases, how many have promised, if raised up, to
   work so great a change, and yet they have again become the same as
   ever! This, if nothing else, shows that we have natural free-will--our
   changing all at once. Were evil natural, this would not be: things that
   are natural and necessary, we cannot change from. "And yet," you will
   say, "we do change from them. For do we not see some, who have the
   natural faculty to see, but are blinded by fear?" (True--) because this
   also is natural: * * if a different (necessity of) nature come not also
   into operation: [966] (thus) it is natural to us, that being terrified
   we do not see; it is natural to us that when a greater fear supervenes,
   the other gives way. "What then," you will say, "if right-mindedness
   [967] be indeed according to nature, but fear having overpowered it
   cast it out?" What then if I shall show that some even then are not
   brought to a right mind, but even in these fears are reckless? Is this
   natural? Shall I speak of ancient things? Well then, of recent? How
   many in the midst of those fears continued laughing, mocking, and
   experienced nothing of the sort? Did not Pharaoh change immediately,
   and (as quickly) run back to his former wickedness? But here, as if
   (the demons) knew Him not, they (the exorcists) added, "Whom Paul
   preacheth," whereas they ought to have said, "the Saviour of the
   world." "Him that rose again." By this they show that they do know, but
   they did not choose to confess His glory. Wherefore the demon exposes
   them, leaping upon them, and saying, "Jesus I know, and Paul I know,
   but who are ye?" So that not ye are believers, but ye abuse that Name
   when ye say this. Therefore the Temple is desolate, [968] the implement
   easy to be overcome. So that ye are not preachers; mine, says he, ye
   are. Great was the wrath of the demon. The Apostles had power to do
   this to them, but they did it not as yet. For they that had power over
   the demons that did these things to them, much more had power over the
   men themselves. Mark how their forbearance is shown, in that they whom
   they repulsed do these things, while the demons whom they courted do
   the contrary. "Jesus," says he, "I know." Be ashamed, ye that are
   ignorant (of Him). "And Paul I know." Well said, "Think not that it is
   because I despise them, that I do these things." Great was the fear of
   the demon. And why without these words did he not rend their garments?
   For so he would both have sated his wrath, and established the
   delusion. He feared as I said, the unapproachable force, and would not
   have had such power had he not said this. But observe how we find the
   demons everywhere more right minded (than the Jews), not daring to
   contradict nor accuse the Apostles, or Christ. There they say, "We know
   Thee who Thou art" (Matt. viii. 29); and, "Why art Thou come hither
   before the time to torment us" (Mark i. 24): and again, "I know Thee
   who Thou art, the Son of God." And here, "These men are servants of the
   most high God" (ch. xvi. 17): and again, "Jesus I know, and Paul I
   know." For they exceedingly feared and trembled before those holy
   persons. Perhaps some one of you, hearing of these things, wishes he
   were possessed of this power, so that the demons should not be able to
   look him in the face, and accounts those saints happy for this, that
   they had such power. But let him hear Christ saying, "Rejoice not
   because the demons are subject unto you" (Luke x. 20), because He knew
   that all men rejoice most in this, through vainglory. For if thou
   seekest that which pleaseth God, and that which is for the common good,
   there is another, a greater way. It is not so great to free from a
   demon as it is to rescue from sin. A demon hinders not to attain unto
   the kingdom of Heaven, nay, even cooperates, unwillingly indeed, but
   nevertheless cooperates by making him that has the demon more
   sober-minded; but sin casts a man out.

   But it is likely some man will say, "God forbid it should ever befall
   me to be sobered in this way!" Nor do I wish it for you, but a very
   different way, that you should do all from love of Christ: if however,
   which God forbid, it should so befall you, then even on this behalf I
   would comfort you. If then the demon does not cast out (from the
   kingdom of heaven), but sin does cast out, to free a man from sin is
   greater beneficence.

   From this let us study to free our neighbors, and before our neighbors,
   our own selves. Let us see to it, lest we have a demon: let us examine
   ourselves strictly. More grievous than a demon is sin, for the demon
   makes men humble. See ye not those possessed with a demon, when they
   have recovered from the attack, how downcast they are, of how sad a
   countenance, how fraught with shame their faces are, how they have not
   even courage to look one in the face? See the strange inconsistency!
   While those are ashamed on account of the things they suffer, we are
   not ashamed on account of the things we do; while they are abashed
   being wronged, we are not abashed when doing wrong: and yet their
   condition is not a subject for shame, but for pity and tenderness and
   indulgence: nay, great is the admiration it calls for, and many the
   praises, when struggling against such a spirit, they bear all
   thankfully: whereas our condition in very deed is a subject for
   ridicule, for shame, for accusation, for correction, for punishment,
   for the worst of evils, for hell-fire; calling for no compassion
   whatever. Seest thou, that worse than a demon is sin? And those indeed,
   from the ills they suffer, reap a double profit: first, their being
   sobered and brought to more self-control; then, that having suffered
   here the chastisement of their own sins, they depart hence to their
   Master, purified. For indeed upon this we have often discoursed to you,
   that those who are punished here, if they bear it thankfully, may
   naturally be supposed to put away thereby many of their sins. Whereas
   from sins the mischief resulting is twofold; first, that we offend;
   secondly, that we become worse. Attend to what I say. Not this is the
   only injury we get from sin, that we commit a sin: but another and a
   worse is this, that our soul receives a habit. Just as it is in the
   case of the body--for it will be more plain when put in the form of an
   example--as he who has taken a fever has got harm not only in this
   respect, that he is sick, but also that after the sickness he is become
   weaker, even though he may return to health after a long disease: just
   so in the case of sin, though we may regain health, yet we are far from
   having the strength we need. For [969] take the case of one who has
   been insolently abusive: does he not suffer his deserts for his abusive
   conduct? Aye, but there is another and a worse thing to rue (which is),
   that his soul is become more insensible to shame. For from each several
   sin that is committed, even after the sin has been done and has ceased,
   there remains a kind of venom instilled into our souls. Do you not hear
   people saying, when they are recovered from sickness, "I dare not drink
   water now?" And yet the man has regained his health: aye, but the
   disease has done him this harm also. And whereas those (possessed)
   persons, albeit suffering ill, are thankful, we, when faring well,
   blaspheme God, and think ourselves very ill used: for you will find
   more persons behaving thus in health and wealth than in poverty and
   sickness. For there stands the demon over (the possessed), like a very
   hangman, fierce, uttering many (menaces), even as a schoolmaster
   brandishing the lash, and not suffering them to give way to any laxity.
   And suppose that some are not at all brought to a sober mind, neither
   are these liable to punishment; [970] no small thing this: even as
   fools, even as madmen and children, are not called to account, so
   neither are these: since for things that are done in a state of
   unconsciousness, none can be so merciless as to call the doers to
   account. Why then, in a far worse condition than those who are
   possessed of evil sprits are we that sin. We do not, indeed, foam at
   the mouth, nor distort our eyes, or throw about our hands convulsively;
   but as for this, would that we did it in our body and not in our soul!
   Will you that I show you a soul, foaming, filthy, and a distortion of
   the mind's eyes? Think of those who are in a passion and drunken with
   rage; can any form be filthier than the words they discharge? In very
   deed it is like a sputtering of noisome slaver. And just as the
   possessed know none of those who are present, so neither do these.
   Their understanding darkened, their eyes distorted, they see not who is
   friend, who foe, who worthy of respect, who contemptible, but they see
   all alike without a difference. And then, do you not see them, how they
   tremble, just like those others? But they do not fall to the ground,
   say you? True, but their soul lies on the ground and falls there in
   convulsions: since had it stood upright, it would not have come into
   the condition it is in. Or think you not that it betokens a soul
   abjectly sprawling and lost to all self-possession, the things men can
   do and say when drunken with rage? There is also another form of
   madness worse than this. What may this be? When men cannot so much as
   suffer themselves to vent their anger, but instead of that nourish
   within their own bosoms, to their own proper hurt, [971] as it were a
   very hangman with his lash, the rancorous remembrance of wrongs. For it
   is a bane to themselves first, the malice that they bear. To say
   nothing of the things to come, what torture, think you, must that man
   undergo in the scourging of his soul, as day by day he looks how he may
   avenge himself on his enemy? He chastises himself first, and suffers
   punishment, swelling (with suppressed passion), fighting against
   himself, setting himself on fire. For needs must the fire be always
   burning within thee: while raising the fever to such a height, and not
   suffering it to wane, thou thinkest thou art inflicting some evil on
   the other, whereas thou art wasting thyself, ever bearing about with
   thee a flame which is always at its height, and not letting thy soul
   have rest, but evermore being in a state of fury, and having thy
   thoughts in a turmoil and tempest. What is more grievous than this
   madness, to be always smarting with pain, and ever swelling and
   inflamed? For such are the souls of the resentful: when they see him on
   whom they wish to be revenged, straightway it is as if a blow were
   struck them: if they hear his voice, they cower and tremble: if they be
   on their bed, they picture to themselves numberless revenges, hanging,
   torturing that enemy of theirs: and if, beside all this, they see him
   also to be in renown, O! the misery they suffer! Forgive him the
   offence, and free thyself from the torment. Why continue always in a
   state of punishment, that thou mayest once punish him, and take thy
   revenge? Why establish for thyself a hectic disease? [972] Why, when
   thy wrath would fain depart from thee, dost thou keep it back? Let it
   not remain until the evening, says Paul. (Eph. iv. 26.) For like some
   eating rot or moth, even so does it gnaw through the very root of our
   understanding. Why shut up a beast within thy bowels? Better a serpent
   or an adder to lie within thy heart, than anger and resentment: for
   those indeed would soon have done with us, but this remains forever
   fixing in us its fangs, instilling its poison, letting loose upon us an
   invading host of bitter thoughts. "That he should laugh me to scorn,"
   say you, "that he should despise me!" [973] O wretched, miserable man,
   wouldest thou not be ridiculed by thy fellow-servant, and wouldest thou
   be hated by thy Master? Wouldest thou not be despised by thy
   fellow-servant, and despisest thou thy Master?

   To be despised by him, is it more than thou canst bear, but thinkest
   thou not that God is indignant, because thou ridiculest Him, because
   thou despisest Him, when thou wilt not do as He bids thee? But that
   thine enemy will not even ridicule thee, is manifest from hence (that),
   whereas if thou follow up the revenge, great is the ridicule, great the
   contempt, for this is a mark of a little mind; on the contrary, if thou
   forgive him, great is the admiration, for this is a mark of greatness
   of soul. But you will say, he knows not this. Let God know it, that
   thou mayest have the greater reward. For He says, "Lend to those of
   whom ye hope not to receive." (Luke vi. 34.) So let us also do good to
   those who do not even perceive that one is doing them good, that they
   may not, by returning to us praise or any other thing, lessen our
   reward. For when we receive nothing from men, then we shall receive
   greater things from God. But what is more worthy of ridicule, what more
   paltry, than a soul which is always in anger, and wishing to take
   revenge? It is womanly, this disposition, it is babyish. For as the
   babes are angry even with lifeless things, and unless the mother beats
   the ground, they will not let go their anger: [974] so do these persons
   wish to revenge themselves on those who have aggrieved them. Why then,
   it is they who are worthy of ridicule: for to be overcome by passion,
   is the mark of a childish understanding, but to overcome it, is a sign
   of manliness. Why then, not we are the objects of ridicule, when we
   keep our temper, but they. It is not this that makes men
   contemptible--not to be conquered by passion: what makes them
   contemptible is this--to be so afraid of ridicule from without, as on
   this account to choose to subject one's self to one's besetting
   passion, and to offend God, and take revenge upon one's self. These
   things are indeed worthy of ridicule. Let us flee them. Let a man say,
   that having done us numberless ills, he has suffered nothing in return:
   let him say that he might again frantically assault us, and have
   nothing to fear. Why, in no other (better) way could he have proclaimed
   our virtue; no other words would he have sought, if he had wished to
   praise us, than those which he seems to say in abuse. Would that all
   men said these things of me: "he is a poor tame creature; all men heap
   insults on him, but he bears it: all men trample upon him, but he does
   not avenge himself." Would that they added, "neither, if he should wish
   to do so, can he:" that so I might have praise from God, and not from
   men. Let him say, that it is for want of spirit that we do not avenge
   ourselves. This does us no hurt, when God knows (all): it does but
   cause our treasure to be in greater safety. If we are to have regard to
   them, we shall fall away from everything. Let us not look to what they
   say, but to what becomes us. But, says he, "Let no man ridicule me,"
   and some make a boast of this. O! what folly! "No man," says he,
   "having injured me, has ridiculed me:" that is, "I had my revenge." And
   yet for this thou deservest to be ridiculed, that thou didst take
   revenge. Whence came these words among us--being, as they are, a
   disgrace to us and a pest, an overthrow of our own proper life and of
   our discipline? It is in downright opposition to God that thou (so)
   speakest. The very thing which makes thee equal to God--the not
   avenging thyself--this thou thinkest a subject for ridicule! Are not we
   for these things worthy to be laughed at, both by ourselves, and by the
   heathen, when we thus speak against God? I wish to tell you a story of
   a thing that happened in the old times (which they tell) not on the
   subject of anger, but of money. A man had an estate in which there was
   a hidden treasure, unknown to the owner: this piece of ground he sold.
   The buyer, when digging it for the purpose of planting and cultivation,
   found the treasure therein deposited, and came [975] and wanted to
   oblige the seller to receive the treasure, urging that he had bought a
   piece of ground, not a treasure. The seller on his part repudiated the
   gift, saying, "The piece of ground (is not mine), I have sold it, and I
   have no concern whatever with this (treasure)." So they fell to
   altercation about it, the one wishing to give it, the other standing
   out against receiving it. So chancing upon some third person, they
   argued the matter before him, and said to him, "To whom ought the
   treasure to be assigned?" The man could not settle that question; he
   said, however, that he would put an end to their dispute--he would (if
   they pleased) be master of it himself. So he received the treasure,
   which they willingly gave up to him; and in the sequel got into
   troubles without end, and learnt by actual experience that they had
   done well to have nothing to do with it. So ought it be done likewise
   with regard to anger; both ourselves ought to be emulous [976] not to
   take revenge, and those who have aggrieved us, emulous to give
   satisfaction. But perhaps these things also seem to be matter of
   ridicule: for when that madness is widely prevalent among men, those
   who keep their temper are laughed at, and among many madmen he who is
   not a madman seems to be mad. Wherefore I beseech you that we may
   recover (from this malady), and come to our senses, that becoming pure
   from this pernicious passion, we may be enabled to attain unto the
   kingdom of heaven, through the grace and mercy of His only-begotten
   Son, with Whom to the Father, together with the Holy Spirit, be glory,
   might, honor, now and ever, world without end. Amen.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [950] mss. and Edd. Pantachou gar par auton ebouleto labein aphormen,
   hoper ephen. Ta te gar ethne parezelou loipon kai rhadios k. t. l. In
   parezelou there is an allusion to Rom. xi. 14, "if by any means I may
   provoke them to jealousy:" its subject therefore should be "the
   Apostle" (nam et gentes exstimulabat jam, Erasm.) "he was henceforth
   provoking to jealousy, being what he said to the Romans, "If by any
   means I may provoke," etc., not "the Gentiles," as Ben. makes it, nam
   gentes jam zelo fervebant. Besides transposing the parts b, c, we read,
   Parezelou loipon. Ta te gar ethue rhadios....But perhaps it should be
   Parezelou loipon, hoper ephe "Ei pos parazeloso k. t. l."

   [951] Dia touto enochlei (enochlei Sav.) autois sunechos metapeithon,
   old text, retained by Saville. He is explaining why St. Paul still
   resorted to the synagogues, though an unwelcome visitant. He wished to
   separate the Church from the Synagogue: but he would not himself take
   the first step towards this. It must be the act of the Jews. Therefore
   until they by their outrageous conduct obliged him to depart, he kept
   on troubling them with his presence (eisothounta, enochlei). Not that
   his discourse was harsh: that word, eparres., does not mean this, but
   that he spoke freely and without reserve. (Recapitulation)--The unusual
   word metapeithon is probably a corruption of the abbreviation of the
   text-words, epi menas treis dialeg. kai peithon, which the reporter may
   have written thus, m. t. peithon.--Mod. text substitutes Dia touto
   dielegeto autois sunechos hoti epeithe.

   [952] poson enusen he epistasia. Cat., apostasia, with reference to
   apostas in v. 9.--The letters marking the order in which the parts are
   given in the mss. will show the extreme confusion into which the notes
   of this Homily have fallen.

   [953] Ouchi phorountes heptonto monon. Edd. i.e., "The process was not
   only this, that persons bearing these things, by touching the sick
   healed them, but the things themselves simply laid upon the sick were
   effectual for their healing." But A. C. Cat. phorountos, which is much
   better: "It was not only that they touched him (the Apostle) wearing
   these things"--viz. as the woman was healed by touching the hem of
   Christ's garment--"but receiving them, they laid them upon the sick,"
   etc.--In the next sentence (g), for touto kai to ton skion estin hoper
   elegen, (which Sav. gives in marg.), Edd. have touto to ton skion
   ainittomenos, which Ben. renders has umbras insinuans. St. Chrys.
   elsewhere alleges the miraculous efficacy of St. Paul's garments and of
   St. Peter's shadow, in illustration of our Lord's saying, t. i. 537. A.
   t. ii. 53. C.

   [954] Ephesus was famous for its sorcerers and magicians. Plutarch and
   Eustathius speak of Ephesian letters ('Ephesia grammata) which, written
   on slips, were carried about as charms and had power to assure success
   and avert disaster. The perierga were arts connected with this sorcery
   and the books burned contained, no doubt, mysterious sentences and
   symbols which gave to them an extravagant worth in the eyes of the
   superstitious. In this way the large price set upon them may be
   accounted for.--G.B.S.

   [955] The meaning seems to be, Such was the effect of his two years'
   preaching at Ephesus: and his Epistle shows what high attainments in
   the faith were made by the Ephesians.

   [956] The partial restoration which is here attempted implies this
   scheme of the derangement: 2, 1.: 1, 3, 2, 4: see note 3, p. 252.

   [957] hos mete tous mathetas eis thumon egeirai, mete ekeinous
   anachoresai. Mod. text. transposes eis th. egeirai and anachor. We read
   anechorese. The verb either to ekeinous or to tous mathetas is probably
   lost.

   [958] Some have supposed Tyrannus to have been a Jewish teacher, who
   conducted a school in a private synagogue--a Beth Midrash (so Meyer).
   In this view, Paul and his companions, on account of the opposition
   which they encountered, separated themselves from the public synagogue,
   and betook them to this private Jewish school. But Tyrannus is a Greek
   name and the more common and preferable opinion is that he was a
   teacher of philosophy or rhetoric who had become a Christian and in
   whose apartments both Jews and Gentiles could meet without
   molestation.--G.B.S.

   [959] ten konin tauta ergazomenen, pisteueto, B. C. Cat. But A.
   substitutes koren, Mod. text skian. He seems to allude here to the
   miracles effected by the very ashes of the martyrs: see e.g. t. ii.
   494, A.: and perhaps with reference to these he says, Babai, pose ton
   pisteusanton he dunamis: unless this be meant as an exclamation of the
   persons who "took upon them," etc. i.e. Like Simon, they saw the
   wonders wrought in the name of Jesus; "Wonderful (said they)! Why, what
   power is exercised by these men who have believed!" namely, by those
   who by laying the handkerchiefs, etc., upon the sick restored them to
   health.--Mod. text adds, "that to others also there comes (the power)
   of doing the same things: and how great the hardness of those who even
   after the demonstrations of power yet continue in unbelief."

   [960] From this point to the end of the Exposition, having in vain
   attempted to restore the true order, we take it as it lies in the mss.
   and Edd.--Below, "and after this;" i.e. "yet after this," then these
   itinerant Jewish exorcists took upon them, etc. and not until after
   their punishment, when "fear fell upon them all," did those of the
   professed believers (pon pepisteukoton) who still practiced magic come
   forward confessing their sins.

   [961] Pos de etrechos loipon keruttontes di hon epaschon. The subject
   to epaschon seems to be "these exorcists" the sons of Sceva: but to
   etrechonit seems to be "the Apostles." "This made the Apostles
   wonderful in men's eyes:" they had wrought miracles, and preached two
   years, "so that all in Asia heard the word of the Lord," yet still
   these practices continued: but (see) how they ran (what success they
   had) now, preaching by the things these men were suffering: "and this
   became known to all the Jews and Greeks also dwelling in Asia, and the
   name of the Lord Jesus was magnified."--Mod. text, seemingly referring
   etrechonto the exorcists, reads kalos de etr. And in place of v. 10,
   gives, "Whence, showing this, it saith, And this became known to all,'"
   etc. v. 17.

   [962] Ben. assigns this to the year 399, and cites the first of the
   "Eleven Homilies" t. xii. as having been delivered according to St.
   Chrys. thirty days after that great earthquake, viz., in the year of
   the fall of Eutropius, therefore a.d. 399. But Ed. Par. justly corrects
   this mistake: in fact, the seismos of which St. Chrys. there speaks (t.
   xii. p. 324. A.) is only a metaphor, meaning the catastrophe of
   Eutropius.

   [963] Perhaps with an allusion to Jude ver. 7, "Sodom and Gomorrah--set
   forth for an example, suffering the vengeance of eternal fire."

   [964] Meaning, perhaps, Even when they believe the miracles to be real,
   that which should have brought them to faith becomes to them an
   occasion of greater wickedness.

   [965] The miracles at Antioch, when at the instigation of the demon
   (Apollo) the remains of the martyr Babylas were removed by order of
   Julian. See the Hom. de S. Babyla, t. ii. p. 567.--The Theodorus
   mentioned below cannot be the lapsed person of that name to whom St.
   Chrys. addressed the first of the two Paraeneses, t. i. init. But
   probably perusi is corrupt, and the allusion may be to the troubles at
   Antioch in connection with Theodorus the Sicilian; see p. 238, note 4.

   [966] an me phusis hetera proselthe. To complete the sense we must
   supply, "because this also (the being blinded by fear) is a natural
   affection: but what I have said is true, viz. that ton kata phusin kai
   ananken ou dunametha methistasthai, an me k. t. l.

   [967] ti oun an kai he sophrosune. This is corrupt or mutilated. The
   sense requires, "What if in some cases an evil mind' be a natural
   necessity--as much as seeing or any other natural property or
   affection, but when there seems to be a change, it is only that fear
   casts out the evil mind for a while?"

   [968] Meaning perhaps, That which should be the Temple of Christ, the
   body of the believer.

   [969] Mod. text, "For look now at some one who has been abusive and has
   not been punished: not for this only is it a subject for weeping, that
   he does not suffer the punishment for his abusiveness, but also for
   another reason it is a subject for mourning. What may this be? That his
   soul is now become more shameless." But Chrys. is speaking of the
   immediate evil--here the act of hubris for which the man suffers, or
   will have to give account hereafter--and the permanent effect, the
   hexis which every evil act fixes on the soul.--Eteronhere and above we
   render in its pregnant sense, "other and worse," or, "what is quite
   another and a more serious thing."

   [970] Old text. Ei de tines med' holos nephoien, oude ekeinoi didoasi
   diken. Sav. and Ben. houto and dosousi. But Par. has resumed the
   unintelligible reading of mod. text, ei de tines med' houto n., all'
   oun ekeinoi didoasi diken.

   [971] alla triphosi par heautois oikeion kakon, kathaper tina demion
   ten mnesikakian. Mod. text oikeiakon kath. t. d.

   [972] For ti kataskeuazeis hektikon sauto nosema; B. has, ti k. ektekon
   sauton ;to nosemati, quae lectio non spernanda, te morbo tabefaciens,
   Ben. The reading ektekon is explained by the etacism; the ti in
   nosemati is derived from the following ti boulomenon; hence it was
   necessary to alter sauto into sauton to. In the following sentence, B.
   has ti boulomenos, "Why when thou wouldest be quit of it, dost thou
   keep thine anger?"

   [973] Mod. text weakly, "But this I do that he may not laugh me to
   scorn, that he may not despise me."

   [974] Kathaper gar ekeina (meaning ta brephe) kai pros (om. B. C.) ta
   apsucha orgizetai, kan me plexe to edaphos he meter, ouk aphiesi ten
   orgen.--Mod. text and Edd. except Sav. omit he meter.

   [975] Mod. text followed by Edd. perverts the whole story, making the
   parties contend, not for the relinquishing of the treasure, but for the
   possession of it, so making the conclusion (the willing cession of it
   by both to the third party) unintelligible, and the application
   irrelevant. The innovator was perhaps induced to make this alteration,
   by an unseasonable recollection of the Parable of the Treasure hid in a
   field.--"The seller having learnt this, came and wanted to compel the
   purchaser apolabein ton thesauron," (retaining apol., in the unsuitable
   sense "that he, the seller, should receive back the treasure.") "On the
   other hand, the other (the purchaser) repulsed him, saying, that he had
   bought the piece of ground along with the treasure, and that he made no
   account of this (kai oudena logon poiein huper toutou.) So they fell to
   contention, both of them, the one wishing to receive, the other not to
   give," etc.

   [976] kai hemas philoneikein me amunasthai, kai tous lelupekotas
   philoneikein dounai diken: as in the story, the parties ephiloneikoun,
   the one me labein ton th., the other dounai.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Homily XLII.

   Acts XIX. 21, 23

   "After these things were ended, Paul purposed in the Spirit, when he
   had passed through Macedonia and Achaia, to go to Jerusalem, saying,
   After I have been there, I must also see Rome. So he sent into
   Macedonia two of them that ministered unto him, Timotheus and Erastus;
   but he himself stayed in Asia for a season. And the same time there
   arose no small stir about the Way."

   He sends Timothy and Erastus into Macedonia, but himself remains at
   Ephesus. Having made a long enough stay in that city, he wishes to
   remove elsewhere again. But how is it, that having from the first
   chosen to depart into Syria, he turns back to Macedonia? "He purposed,"
   it says, "in the Spirit," showing that all (that he did) was done not
   of his own power. Now he prophesies, saying, "I must also see Rome:"
   perhaps to comfort them with the consideration of his not remaining at
   a distance, but coming nearer to them again, and to arouse the minds of
   the disciples by the prophecy. At this point, [977] I suppose, it was
   that he wrote his Epistle to the Corinthians from Ephesus, saying, "I
   would not have you ignorant of the trouble which came to us in Asia."
   (2 Cor. i. 8.) For since he had promised to go to Corinth, he excuses
   himself on the score of having loitered, and mentions the trial
   relating the affair of Demetrius. "There arose no small stir about the
   Way." [978] Do you see the renown [979] (acquired)? They contradicted,
   it says: (then) came miracles, twofold: (then) again, danger: such is
   the way the threads alternate throughout the whole texture (of the
   history). "For a certain man named Demetrius, a silversmith, which made
   silver temples of Diana, brought no small gain unto the craftsmen." (v.
   24.). "Which made," it says, "silver temples of Diana." And how is it
   possible that temples could be made of silver? Perhaps as small boxes
   (kiboria.) [980] Great was the honor paid to this (Diana) in Ephesus;
   since, when (Hom. in Eph. Prol.) their temple was burnt it so grieved
   them, that they forbade even the name of the incendiary ever to be
   mentioned. See how, wherever there is idolatry, in every case we find
   money at the bottom of it. Both in the former instance it was for
   money, and in the case of this man, for money. (ch. xix. 13.) It was
   not for their religion, because they thought that in danger; no, it was
   for their lucrative craft, that it would have nothing to work upon.
   Observe the maliciousness of the man. He was wealthy himself, and to
   him indeed it was no such great loss; but to them the loss was great,
   since they were poor, and subsisted on their daily earnings.
   Nevertheless, these men say nothing, but only he. And observe: [981]
   "Whom having collected, and the workmen of like occupation," having
   themselves common cause with him, "he said, Sirs, ye know that by this
   craft we have our wealth" (v. 25); then he brought the danger home to
   them, that we are in danger of falling from this our craft into
   starvation. "Moreover ye see and hear, that not alone at Ephesus, but
   almost throughout all Asia, this Paul hath persuaded and turned away
   much people, saying that they be no gods, which are made with hands: so
   that not only this our craft is in danger to be set at naught; but
   also, that the temple of the great goddess Diana should be despised,
   and her magnificence should be destroyed, whom all Asia and the world
   worshippeth. And when they heard these sayings, they were full of
   wrath, and cried out, saying, Great is Diana of the Ephesians." (v.
   26-28.) And yet the very things he spoke were enough to bring them to
   true religion: but being poor senseless creatures, this is the part
   they act. For if this (Paul being) man is strong enough to turn away
   all, and the worship of the gods is in jeopardy, one ought to reflect,
   how great must this man's God be, and that he will much more give you
   those things, for which ye are afraid. Already (at the outset) he has
   secured a hold upon their minds by saying, "This Paul hath turned away
   much people, saying, that they be no gods, which are made with men's
   hands." See what it is that the heathen are so indignant at; because he
   said that "they which be made of men are no gods." Throughout, he
   drives his speech at their craft. Then that which most grieved them he
   brings in afterwards. But, with the other gods, he would say, we have
   no concern, but that "the temple also of the great goddess Diana is in
   danger to be destroyed." Then, lest he should seem to say this for the
   sake of lucre, see what he adds: "Whom the whole world worshippeth."
   Observe how he showed Paul's power to be the greater, proving all
   (their gods) to be wretched and miserable creatures, since a mere man,
   who was driven about, a mere tentmaker, had so much power. Observe the
   testimonies borne to the Apostles by their enemies, that they overthrew
   their worship. [982] There (at Lystra) they brought "garlands and
   oxen." (ch. xiv. 13.) Here he says, "This our craft is in danger to be
   set at naught.--Ye have filled (all) everywhere with your doctrine."
   (ch. v. 28.) So said the Jews also with regard to Christ: "Ye see how
   the world is going after Him" (John xii. 19); and, "The Romans shall
   come and take away our city." (ch. xi. 48). And again on another
   occasion, "These that have turned the world upside down are come hither
   also." (ch. xvii. 6).--"And when they heard these sayings, they were
   full of wrath." Upon what was that wrath called forth? On hearing about
   Diana, and about their source of gain. "And cried out, saying, Great is
   Diana of the Ephesians. And the whole city was filled with confusion:
   and rushed with one accord into the theatre." (v. 29). Such is the way
   with vulgar minds, any trivial occasion shall hurry them away and
   inflame their passions. Therefore [983] it behooves to do (things) with
   (strict) examination. But see how contemptible they were, to be so
   exposed to all (excitements)! "Having caught Gaius and Aristarchus, men
   of Macedonia, Paul's companions in travel, they dragged them:" (here)
   again recklessly, just as did the Jews in the case of Jason; and
   everywhere they set upon them. [984] "And when Paul would have entered
   in unto the people, the disciples suffered him not," (v. 30) so far
   were they from all display and love of glory. "And certain of the
   Asiarchs, which were his friends, sent unto him, desiring him that he
   would not adventure himself into the theatre" (v. 31) to a disorderly
   populace and tumult. And Paul complies, for he was not vainglorious,
   nor ambitious. "Some therefore cried one thing, and some another: for
   the assembly was confused." Such is the nature of the multitude: it
   recklessly follows, like fire when it has fallen upon fuel; and the
   more part knew not wherefore they were come together." (v. 32.) "And
   they drew Alexander out of the multitude, the Jews putting him
   forward." It was the Jews that thrust him forward; [985] but as
   providence ordered it, this man did not speak. "And Alexander beckoned
   with the hand, and would have made his defence unto the people." (v.
   33.) "But when they knew that he was a Jew, all with one voice about
   the space of two hours cried out, Great is Diana of the Ephesians." (v.
   34.) A childish understanding indeed! as if they were afraid, lest
   their worship should be extinguished, they shouted without
   intermission. For two years had Paul abode there, and see how many
   heathen there were still! "And when the town clerk had appeased the
   people, he said, Ye men of Ephesus, what man is there that knoweth not
   how that the city of the Ephesians is temple-keeper of the great
   goddess Diana, and of the image which fell down from Jupiter?" (v. 35.)
   As if the thing were not palpable. With this saying first he
   extinguished their wrath. "And of the Diopetes." There was another
   sacred object (hieron) that was so called. Either he means the piece of
   burnt earth or her image. [986] [987] This (is) a lie. "Seeing then
   that these things cannot be spoken against, ye ought to be quiet, and
   to do nothing rashly. For ye have brought hither these men, which are
   neither robbers of churches, nor yet blasphemers of your goddess." (v.
   36, 37.) All this however he says to the people; but in order that
   those (workmen) also might become more reasonable, he says: "Wherefore
   if Demetrius, and the craftsman which are with him, have a matter
   against any man, the law is open, and there are deputies: let them
   implead one another. But if ye enquire anything concerning other
   matters, it shall be determined in a lawful assembly. For we are in
   danger to be called in question for this day's uproar, there being no
   cause, for which (matter) we shall not be able to give an account for
   this concourse." (v. 38-40.) "A lawful assembly," he says, for there
   were three assemblies according to law in each month; but this one was
   contrary to law. Then he terrified them also by saying, "We are in
   danger to be called to account" for sedition. But let us look again at
   the things said.

   (Recapitulation.) "After these things were ended," it says, "Paul
   purposed in the Spirit, when he had passed through Macedonia and
   Achaia, to go to Jerusalem," saying, "After I have been there, I must
   also see Rome." (v. 21.) He no longer speaks here after the manner of a
   man, [988] or, He purposed to pass through those regions, without
   tarrying longer. Wherefore does he send away Timothy and Erastus? Of
   this I suppose he says, "Wherefore when we could no longer forbear, we
   thought it good to be left at Athens alone. He sent away," it says,
   "two of those who ministered to him" (1 Thess. iii. 1), both to
   announce his coming, and to make them more eager. "But he himself
   tarried awhile in Asia." (v. 22.) Most of all does he pass his time in
   Asia; and with reason: there, namely, was the tyranny, of the
   philosophers. [989] (Afterwards) also he came and discoursed to them
   again. "And the same time" etc. (v. 23), for indeed the superstition
   was excessive. (a) "Ye both see and hear," so palpable was the result
   that was taking place--"that not alone at Ephesus, but almost
   throughout all Asia, this Paul by persuading hath turned away," not by
   violence: this is the way to persuade a city. Then, what touched them
   closely, "that they be no gods which are made with hands." (v. 26.) He
   overturns, says he, our craft: (e) "From this work we have our wealth.
   Hath persuaded." How [990] did he persuade--he, a man of mean
   consideration? How prevail over so great a force of habit? by doing
   what--by saying what? It is not for a Paul (to effect this), it is not
   for a man. Even this is enough, that he said, "They are no gods." Now
   if the impiety (of the heathen religions) was so easy to detect, it
   ought to have been condemned long ago: if it was strong, it ought not
   to have been overthrown so quickly. (b) For, lest they should consider
   within themselves (how strange), that a human being should have such
   power as this, and if a human being has power to effect such things,
   why then one ought to be persuaded by that man, he adds: (f) "not only
   is this our craft in danger to be set at naught, but also," as if
   forsooth alleging a greater consideration, "the temple of the great
   goddess Diana," etc. (c) "whom all Asia and the world worshippeth." (v.
   27.) (g) "And when they heard, they were filled with wrath, and
   shouted, Great is Diana of the Ephesians!" (v. 28.) For each city had
   its proper gods. (d) They thought to make their voice a barrier against
   the Divine Spirit. Children indeed, these Greeks! (h) And their feeling
   was as if by their voice they could reinstate the worship of her, and
   undo what had taken place! "And the whole city," etc. (v. 29.) See a
   disorderly multitude! "And when Paul," etc. (v. 30.) Paul then wished
   to enter in that he might harangue them: for he took his persecutions
   as occasions for teaching: "but the disciples suffered him not." Mark,
   how great forethought we always find them taking for him. At the very
   first they brought him out that they might not (in his person) receive
   a mortal blow; and yet they had heard him say, "I must also see Rome."
   But it was providential that he so predicts beforehand, that they might
   not be confounded at the event. But they would not that he should even
   suffer any evil. "And certain of the Asiarchs besought him that he
   would not enter into the theatre." Knowing his eagerness, they
   "besought him:" so much did all the believers love him.--"And they drew
   Alexander," etc. (v. 33.) This Alexander, why did he wish to plead? Was
   he accused? No, but it was to find an opportunity, and overturn the
   whole matter, and inflame [991] the anger of the people. "But when they
   knew that he was a Jew, all with one voice about the space of two hours
   cried out, Great is Diana of the Ephesians." (v. 34.) Do you mark the
   inordinate rage? Well, and with rebuke does the town clerk say, "What
   man is there that knoweth not how that the city of the Ephesians--" (v.
   35) (coming to the point) which they were frightened about. Is it this,
   [992] says he, that ye do not worship her? And he does not say, "That
   knoweth not" Diana, but, "our city," that it always worshipped her.
   [993] "Seeing then that these things cannot be spoken against." (v.
   36.) Why then do ye make a question about them, as if these things were
   not plain? (b) Then he quietly chides them, showing that they had come
   together without reason. "And to do nothing rashly," he says. Showing
   that they had acted rashly. (a) "For ye have brought hither," etc. (v.
   37.) They wanted to make religion the pretext for what concerned their
   own money-making: (c) and it was not right on account of private
   charges to hold a public assembly. For he put them to a nonplus, and
   left them not a word to say for themselves. [994] "There being no
   cause," he says, "for this concourse, for which" (matter) "we shall not
   [995] be able to give the account." (v. 40.) See how prudently, how
   cleverly, the unbelievers (act). Thus he extinguished their wrath. For
   as it is easily kindled, so also is it easily extinguished. "And when
   he had thus spoken," it says, "he dismissed the assembly." (v. 41.)

   Seest thou how God permits trials, and by them stirs up and awakens the
   disciples, and makes them more energetic? Then let us not sink down
   under trials: for He Himself will "also make the way of escape, that we
   may be able to bear them." (1 Cor x. 13.) Nothing so makes friends, and
   rivets them so firmly, as affliction: nothing so fastens and compacts
   the souls of believers: nothing is so seasonable for us teachers in
   order that the things said by us may be heard. For the hearer when he
   is in ease is listless and indolent, and seems to suffer annoyance from
   the speaker: but when he is in affliction and distress, he falls into a
   great longing for the hearing. For when distressed in his soul, he
   seeks on all sides to find comfort for his affliction: and the
   preaching brings no small comfort. "What then," you will say, "of the
   Jews? How was it that in consequence of their weakheartedness, they did
   not hear?" Why, they were Jews, those ever weak and miserable
   creatures: and besides, the affliction in their case was great, but we
   speak of affliction in moderation. For observe: they expected to be
   freed from the evils that encompassed them, and they fell into
   numberless greater evils: now this is no common distress to the soul.
   Afflictions cut us off from the sympathy we have for the present world,
   as appears in this, that we wish for death immediately, and cease to be
   loving of the body: which very thing is the greatest part of wisdom, to
   have no hankering, no ties to the present life. The soul which is
   afflicted does not wish to be concerned about many things: repose and
   stillness are all it desired, content for its part to have done with
   the things present, even though there be nothing else to follow. As the
   body when wearied and distressed does not wish to indulge in amours, or
   gormandizing, but only to repose and lie down in quiet; so the soul,
   harassed [996] by numberless evils, is urgent to be at rest and quiet.
   The soul which is at ease is (apt to be) fluttered, alarmed, unsettled:
   whereas in this there is no vacuity, no running to waste: and the one
   is more manly, the other more childish; the one has more gravity, in
   the other more levity. And as some light substance, when it falls upon
   deep water, is tossed to and fro, just so is the soul when it falls
   into great rejoicing. Moreover, that our greatest faults arise out of
   overmuch pleasure, any one may see. Come, if you will, let us represent
   to ourselves two houses, the one where people are marrying, the other
   where they are mourning: let us enter in imagination into each: let us
   see which is better than the other. Why, that of the mourner will be
   found full of seriousness (philosophias); that of the marrying person,
   full of indecency. For look, (here are) shameful words, unrestrained
   laughter, more unrestrained motions, both dress and gait full of
   indecency, words fraught with mere nonsense and foolery: in short, all
   is ridicule there, all ridiculous. [997] I do not say the marriage is
   this; God forbid; but the accompaniments of the marriage. Then nature
   is beside itself in excess of riot. Instead of human beings, those
   present become brute creatures, some neighing like horses, others
   kicking like asses: such utter license, such dissolute unrestraint:
   nothing serious, nothing noble: (it is) the devil's pomp, cymbals, and
   pipes, and songs teeming with fornication and adultery. But not so in
   that house where there is mourning; all is well-ordered there: such
   silence, such repose, such composure; nothing disorderly, nothing
   extravagant: and if any one does speak, every word he utters is fraught
   with true philosophy: and then the wonderful circumstance is, that at
   such times not men only, but even servants and women speak like
   philosophers--for such is the nature of sorrow--and while they seem to
   be consoling the mourner, they in fact utter numberless truths full of
   sound philosophy. Prayers are there to begin with, that the affliction
   may stop there, and go no further: many a one comforting the sufferer,
   and recitals without number of the many who have the like cause for
   mourning. "For what is man?" (they ask) (and thereupon) a serious
   examination of our nature--"aye, then, what is man!" (and upon this) an
   impeachment of the life (present) and its worthlessness, a reminding
   (one another) of things to come, of the Judgment. (So from both these
   scenes) each returns home: from the wedding, grieved, because he
   himself is not in the enjoyment of the like good fortune; from the
   mourning, light-hearted, because he has not himself undergone the like
   affliction, and having all his inward fever quenched. But what will
   you? Shall we take for another contrast the prisons and the theatres?
   For the one is a place of suffering, the other of pleasure. Let us
   again examine. In the former there is seriousness of mind; for where
   there is sadness, there must needs be seriousness. He who aforetime was
   rich, and inflated with his own importance, now will even suffer any
   common person to converse with him, fear and sorrow, like some mightier
   fire, having fallen on his soul, and softening down his harshness: then
   he becomes humble, then of a sad countenance, then he feels the changes
   of life, then he bears up manfully against everything. But in a theatre
   all is the reverse of this--laughter, ribaldry, devil's pomp,
   dissoluteness, waste of time, useless spending of days, planning for
   extravagant lust, adultery made a study of, practical training to
   fornication, schooling in intemperance, encouragement to filthiness,
   matter for laughter, patterns for the practice of indecency. Not so the
   prison: there you will find humbleness of mind, exhoration, incentive
   to seriousness, contempt of worldly things; (these) are all trodden
   under foot and spurned and, fear stands over (the man there), as a
   schoolmaster over a child, controlling him to all his duties. But if
   you will, let us examine in a different way. [998] I should like you to
   meet a man on his return from a theatre, and another coming out of
   prison; and while you would see the soul of the one fluttered,
   perturbed, actually tied and bound, that of the other you would see
   enlarged, set free, buoyant as on wings. For the one returns from the
   theatre, enfettered by the sight of the women there, bearing about
   chains harder than any iron, the scenes, the words, the gestures, that
   he saw there. But the other on his return from the prison, released
   from all (bounds), will no longer think that he suffers any evil as
   comparing his own case with that of (those) others. (To think) that he
   is not in bonds will make him thankful ever after; he will despise
   human affairs, as seeing so many rich men there in calamity, men (once)
   having power to do many and great things, and now lying bound there:
   and if he should suffer anything unjustly, he will bear up against this
   also; for of this too there were many examples there: he will be led to
   reflect upon the Judgment to come and will shudder, seeing here [999]
   (in the earthly prison) how it will be there. For as it is with one
   here shut up in prison, so in that world also before the Judgment,
   before the Day that is to come. Towards wife, children, and servants,
   he will be more gentle.

   Not so he that comes from the theatre: he will look upon his wife with
   more dislike, he will be peevish with his servants, bitter towards his
   children, and savage towards all. Great are the evils theatres cause to
   cities, great indeed, and we do not even know that they are great.
   Shall we examine other scenes of laughter also, I mean the feasts, with
   their parasites, their flatterers, and abundance of luxury, and
   (compare with them) places where are the halt and blind? As before, in
   the former is drunkenness, luxury, and dissoluteness, in the latter the
   reverse.--See also with regard to the body, when it is hot-blooded,
   when it is in good case, it undergoes the quickest change to sickness:
   not so, when it has been kept low. Then let me make my meaning clearer
   to you:--let there be a body having plenty of blood, plenty of flesh,
   plump with good living: this body will be apt even from any chance food
   to engender a fever, if it be simply idle. But let there be another,
   struggling rather with hunger and hardship: this is not easily
   overcome, not easily wrestled down by disease. Blood, though it may be
   healthy in us, does often by its very quantity engender disease: but if
   it be small in quantity, even though it be not healthy, it can be
   easily worked off. So too in the case of the soul, that which leads an
   easy, luxurious life, has its impulses quickly swayed to sin: for such
   a soul is next neighbor to folly, to pleasure, to vainglory also, and
   envy, and plottings, and slanderings. Behold this great city of ours,
   what a size it is! Whence arise the evils? is it not from those who are
   rich? is it not from those who are in enjoyment? Who are they that
   "drag" men "before the tribunals?" Who, that dissipate properties?
   Those who are wretched and outcasts, or those who are inflated with
   consequence, and in enjoyment? It is not possible that any evil can
   happen from a soul that is afflicted. (James ii. 6.) Paul knew the gain
   of this: therefore he says, "Tribulation worketh patience, and patience
   experience, and experience hope, and hope maketh not ashamed." (Rom. v.
   3.) Then let us not sink in our afflictions, but in all things give
   thanks, that so we may get great gain, that we may be well-pleasing to
   God, who permits afflictions. A great good is affliction: and we learn
   this from our own children: for without affliction (a boy) would learn
   nothing useful. But we, more than they, need affliction. For if there,
   when the passions (as yet) are quiet, (chastisement) benefits them, how
   much more us, especially possessed as we are by so many! Nay, we
   behoove rather to have schoolmasters than they: since the faults of
   children cannot be great, but ours are exceeding great. Our
   schoolmaster is affliction. Let us then not draw it down willingly upon
   ourselves, but when it is come let us bear it bravely, being, as it is,
   always the cause of numberless good things; that so we may both obtain
   grace from God, and the good things which are laid up for them that
   love Him, in Christ Jesus our Lord, with Whom to the Father, together
   with the Holy Spirit, be glory, might, honor, now and evermore, world
   without end. Amen.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [977] 'Enteuthen. If St. Chrys. is rightly reported, he means the
   second Epistle, which he proceeds to quote from. But that Epistle was
   plainly not written apo 'Ephesou. Perhaps what he said was to this
   effect: "At this point I suppose it was--viz. after the mission of
   Timothy and Erastus--that he wrote (his first Epistle) to the
   Corinthians from Ephesus: and in the second Epistle he alludes to the
   great trial which ensued in the matter of Demetrius. He had promised to
   come to Corinth sooner, and excuses himself on the score of the delay."
   But ta kata Demetrion diegoumenos can hardly be meant of St. Paul: it
   should be ainittomenos.

   [978] The use of he hodos without further definition, to represent the
   Christian religion, is peculiar to the Acts (ix. 2; Acts xix. 9, 23,
   Acts xxiv. 22). Kuriou or soterias would express the omitted defining
   idea.--G.B.S.

   [979] Oras ten eudokimesin; This seems to refer to v. 17-20. "But see
   how successes and trials here, as all along, alternate. Then the Jews
   contradicted: (v. 9) then miracles, twofold, (11-12 and 13-19): now
   again (after that eudokimesis), danger."--Here the mss. and Edd. give
   v. 24-27, which we have distributed to their proper places.

   [980] These silver "temple" (naous) were shrines, small models of the
   temple containing images of the goddess, which pilgrims to the temple
   purchased and carried away and probably used in their homes as objects
   of domestic worship.--G.B.S.

   [981] Kai hora koinonous ontas autous; eita ton kindunon epestesen (so
   Cat. C. -san, A. B. epetesen). Mod. text, "But being themselves
   partners of the craft, he takes them as partners also of the riot. Then
   also he exaggerated (euxesen) the danger, adding. This our craft is in
   danger of coming into contempt. For this is pretty nearly what he
   declares by this, that from this art," etc.

   [982] hoti kathairon (Cat. hote ekatheroun) auton ta sebasmata, ekei
   stemmata kai taurous prosepheron; entautha phesin hoti kinduneuei k. t.
   l. These seem to be only rough notes or hints of what Chrys. said. The
   first words kath. auton ta seb. look like a reference to Acts xvii. 23,
   anatheoron ta sebasmata humon: "thus at Athens, surveying the objects
   of their worship, and finding an Altar, etc. he thence takes occasion
   to preach the Unknown God. At Lystra, they brought garlands and oxen,
   and the Apostles thereupon, etc. Therefore these men here might well
   say, Our craft is in danger. For it was true, as was said on another
   occasion (at Jerusalem), Ye have filled, etc.: and, They that have
   turned the world, etc. Nay, of Christ also the Jews said the same, The
   world is going after Him."

   [983] Dia tauta met' exetaseos dei poiein, Mod. text adds panta. This
   sentence, om. by A., seems to be out of place, and to belong rather to
   v. 36. We have transposed the text v. 28, 29, which in mss. and Edd. is
   given after hos pasi prokeisthai.

   [984] kai pantachou autois prokeintai. To make some sense of the
   passage, we adopt proskeintai from B. We also transpose v. 30 which is
   given with 31 after the following sentence.

   [985] Proebalonto 'Ioudaioi oikonomikos de (supplied by Cat.) houtos
   ouk ephthenxato. Mod. text "The Jews thrust him forward, as Providence
   ordered it, that they might not have (it in their power) to gainsay
   afterwards. This man is thrust forward, and speaks: and hear what (he
   says)."

   [986] Old text: Ieron heteron houtos ekaleito--meaning, as we take it,
   the Palladium of Troy, which was also called "the Diopetes," to
   Palladion to Diopetes kaloumenon, Clem. Alex. Protrept. iv. 47.--etoi
   to ostrakon autes phesin. Something more is needed, therefore we supply
   e to agalma autes phesin. But hieron in this sense is not usual.
   Ostrakon, whatever it mean, cannot be the image of Diana, which was
   known to be of wood. The passage seems to be corrupt, and one might
   conjecture that hieron heteron relates to "another Temple" of Diana
   built after the first which was burned by Herostratos, and that the
   name of this man is latent in the unintelligible etoitoostrakon, and
   that Chrysostom's remark is this, that together with that former Temple
   perished the original Diopetes: so that to speak of that image as still
   in being was a lie (touto pseudos)--Mod. text "But a different hieron
   was thus called diopetes: either then the idol of Diana they called
   Diopetes, hos ek tou Dios to ostrakon ekei nopeptokos, and not made by
   man: or a different agalmawas thus called among them."--Isidore of
   Pelus. in the Catena: "Some say that it is spoken of the image of
   Diana, i.e. (a worshipper) of the great Diana and of her diopetes
   agalma:' some that the Palladium also (is here named as diop.), i.e.
   the image of Minerva, which they worshipped along with Diana." Ammonius
   ibid., "the naos tou Dios: or the stronguloeides"--meaning the
   ostrakon?--"or rather, which is the true explanation, this image of
   Diana: or the Palladium, which they thought came from Jupiter, and was
   not the work of men." OEcum. gives the same variety of explanations,
   from the Catena. The words touto pseudos, which in the mss. follow the
   text v. 36, 37, are better referred to the Diopetes, as in our
   translation.--Mod. text ara to pan pseudos: and then, "these things
   however he says to the people, in order that those also," etc. omitting
   de preserved by the old text.

   [987] This Diopetes, the image which was supposed to have fallen down
   from Jupiter or heaven (Dios--pipto), was the image of Diana which was
   in the great temple at Ephesus. This was the superstitious belief of
   the people as is clear from the many instances in classic mythology in
   which statues are famed to have fallen from heaven. This image was of
   wood and was probably found there by the Greeks when they colonized
   Ionia.--G.B.S.

   [988] i.e. In this, he prophesies (see above on this verse): but in his
   purpose of going to Jerusalem from Achaia, he was disappointed, for he
   had to return through Macedonia: e proeileto, i.e. this is the meaning
   of etheto en pneumati. Mod. text om. ouketi enchronisas, and adds: "for
   this is the meaning of etheto, and such is the force of the
   expression." Then: "But why he sends away T. and E., the writer does
   not say: but it seems to me that of this also he says, 'En pneumati.
   Wherefore when," etc.--The meaning is: "He sends them away on this
   occasion, as he did at Athens: viz. because he could no longer forbear,
   therefore he thought it good to be left alone."

   [989] ekei gar en he turannis (mod. text he polle phatria) ton
   philosophon. But this seems to belong rather to Athens.

   [990] Mod. text inserts for connection: "And if from this work wealth
   accrues to you, how hath he persuaded," etc.

   [991] ekkausai. Erasm. ut et confutaret totum et furorem populi
   extingueret. Ben. subverteret....extingueret. But ekkausai will not
   bear this sense, nor does the context suggest it. Alexander's object,
   it is represented, was to overthrow the preaching, and kindle the rage
   of the people yet more.--Cat. and Sav. marg. helkusai.

   [992] Mod. text "As if he had said, Do ye not worship her?"

   [993] Mod. text "But, Our city, paying court to them: therapeuon
   autous:" for which the old text has, But, Your city. 'Etherapeusen
   auten. Which may mean, Thus he, the town clerk, paid homage to the
   city, by speaking of its honors. But therapeuete auten in the preceding
   sentence requires the sense given in the translation.

   [994] Sphodra gar autous elogesen kai dieporesen. Mod. text Touto sph.
   autous diep., omitting, elogesen, which, if not corrupt is here put in
   an unusual sense.

   [995] ou dunesometha old text, here and above, as in the Alexandrine
   ms. of the N. T. (received by Griesbach) but here with tes sustr. t.
   transposed. (If the negative be retained, it is better to read peri tes
   s. t. as in the leading authorities of the text: so that this clause is
   epexegetical to peri hou; for which, namely, for this concourse.)

   [996] tarachtheisa B. The other mss. taricheutheisa, which is
   unsuitable here.

   [997] holos ouden heteron he panta gelos kai katagelos ta ekei.

   [998] C., 'All' ei boulei palin pollous exetasomen topous; B., 'Alla
   palin ei boulei heterous exet. topous. Mod. text 'All' ei b., palin
   heteros exet. tous autous topous. In the Translation we adopt heteros
   and omit topous.

   [999] The text is corrupt: kai phrixei tous topous--perhaps it should
   be tous ekei topous--entautha horon; kathaper, gar entautha en
   desmoteri& 251; tunchanon houto kakei pro tes kriseos pro tes mellouses
   hemeras, sc. phrixei. i.e. "just as here, being shut up in prison he
   looks forward with dread to the coming trial, so will he in that
   world," etc. Mod. text quite misrepresenting the sense: "For, as he
   that is here shut up in prison is gentle towards all, so those also
   before the Judgment, before the coming Day, will be more gentle," etc.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Homily XLIII.

   Acts XX. 1

   "And after the uproar was ceased, Paul called unto him the disciples,
   and embraced them, and departed for to go into Macedonia."

   There was need of much comforting after that uproar. Accordingly,
   having done this, he goes into Macedonia, and then into Greece. For, it
   says, "when he had gone over those parts, and had given them much
   exhortation, he came into Greece, and there abode three months. And
   when the Jews laid wait for him, as he was about to sail into Syria, he
   purposed to return through Macedonia." (v. 2, 3.) Again he is
   persecuted by the Jews, and goes into Macedonia. "And there accompanied
   him into Asia Sopater of Berea; and of the Thessalonians, Aristarchus
   and Secundus; and Gaius of Derbe, and Timotheus; and of Asia, Tychicus
   and Trophimus. These going before tarried for us at Troas." (v. 4, 5.)
   But how does he call Timothy a man "of Thessalonica?" [1000] This is
   not his meaning, but, "Of Thessalonians, Aristarchus and Secundus and
   Gaius: of Derbe, Timothy," [1001] etc., these, he says, went before him
   to Troas, preparing the way for him. "And we sailed away from Philippi
   after the days of unleavened bread, and came unto them to Troas in five
   days; where we abode seven days." (v. 6.) For it seems to me that he
   made a point of keeping the feasts in the large cities. "From
   Philippi," where the affair of the prison had taken place. This was his
   third coming into Macedonia, and it is a high testimony that he bears
   to the Philippians, which is the reason why he makes some stay there.
   "And upon the day of the week, when the disciples came together to
   break bread, Paul preached unto them, ready to depart on the morrow;
   and continued his speech until midnight." (v. 7.) It was then the
   (season between Easter and) Pentecost. [1002] See how everything was
   subordinate to the preaching. It was also, it says, the Lord's day.
   [1003] Not even during night-time was he silent, nay he discoursed the
   rather then, because of stillness. Mark how he both made a long
   discourse, and beyond the time of supper itself. But the Devil
   disturbed the feast--not that he prevailed, however--by plunging the
   hearer in sleep, and causing him to fall down. "And," it says, "there
   were many lights in the upper chamber, where they were gathered
   together. And there sat in a window a certain young man named Eutychus,
   being fallen into a deep sleep: and as Paul was long preaching, he sunk
   down with sleep, and fell down from the third loft, and was taken up
   dead. And Paul went down, and fell on him, and embracing him, said,
   Trouble not yourselves; for his life is in him. When he therefore was
   come up again, and had broken bread, and eaten, and talked a long
   while, even till break of day, so he departed. And they brought the
   young man alive, and were not a little comforted." (v. 8-12.) But
   observe, I pray you, the theatre, how crowded it was: and the miracle,
   what it was. "He was sitting in a window," at dead of night. Such was
   their eagerness to hear him! Let us take shame to ourselves! "Aye, but
   a Paul" say you, "was discoursing then." Yes, and Paul discourses now,
   or rather not Paul, either then or now, but Christ, and yet none cares
   to hear. No window in the case now, no importunity of hunger, or sleep,
   and yet we do not care to hear: no crowding in a narrow space here, nor
   any other such comfort. And the wonderful circumstance is, that though
   he was a youth, he was not listless and indifferent; and though (he
   felt himself) weighed down by sleep, he did not go away, [1004] nor yet
   fear the danger of falling down. It was not from listlessness that he
   slumbered, but from necessity of nature. But observe, I beseech you, so
   fervent was their zeal, that they even assembled in a third loft: for
   they had not a Church yet. "Trouble not yourselves," he says. He said
   not, "He shall come to life again, for I will raise him up:" but mark
   the unassuming way in which he comforts them: "for his life," says he,
   "is in him. When he was come up again, and had broken bread, and
   eaten." This thing cut short the discourse; it did no harm, however.
   "When he had eaten," it says, "and discoursed a long while, even till
   break of day, so he departed." Do you mark the frugality of the supper?
   Do you observe how they passed the whole night? Such were their meals,
   that the hearers came away sober, and fit for hearing. But we, in what
   do we differ from dogs? Do you mark what a difference (between us and
   those men)? "And they brought the young man alive, and," it says, "were
   not a little comforted," both because they received him back alive, and
   because a miracle had been wrought. [1005] "And we went before to ship,
   and sailed unto Thasos, [1006] there intending to take in Paul: for so
   had he appointed, minding himself to go afoot." (v. 13.) We often find
   Paul parting from the disciples. For behold again, he himself goes
   afoot: giving them the easier way, and himself choosing the more
   painful. He went afoot, both that he might arrange many matters, and by
   way of training them to bear a parting from him. [1007] "And when he
   had joined us at Thasos, having taken him on board, we came to
   Mytilene; and having sailed thence on the morrow, we come over against
   Chios"--then they pass the island--"and on the next day we touched at
   Samos, and having stopped at Trogylium, on the following day we came to
   Miletus. For Paul had determined to sail by Ephesus, because he would
   not spend the time in Asia: for he hasted, if it were possible for him,
   to be in Jerusalem the day of Pentecost." (v. 14-16.) Why this haste?
   Not for the sake of the feast, but of the multitude. At the same time,
   by this he conciliated the Jews, as being one that did honor the
   feasts, wishing to gain even his adversaries: at the same time also he
   delivers the word. [1008] Accordingly, see what great gain accrued,
   from all being present. But that the interests of the people of Ephesus
   might not be neglected on that account, he managed for this in a
   different way. But let us look over again what has been said.

   (Recapitulation.) "And having embraced them," it says, "he departed for
   to go into Macedonia." (v. 1.) By this again he refreshed them
   (anektesato), giving them much consolation. "And having exhorted" the
   Macedonians, "with much discourse, he came into Greece." (v. 2.)
   Observe how we everywhere find him accomplishing all by means of
   preaching, not by miracles. "And we, sailed," etc. The writer
   constantly shows him to us as hasting to get to Syria; and the reason
   of it was the Church, and Jerusalem, but still he restrained his
   desire, so as to set all right in those parts also. [1009] And yet
   Troas is not a large place: why then do they pass seven days in it?
   Perhaps it was large as regarded the number of believers. And after he
   had passed seven days there, on the following day he spent the night in
   teaching: so hard did he find it to tear himself away from them, and
   they from him. "And when we came together" it says, "to break bread."
   (v. 7-12.) At the very time (of breaking bread) the discourse having
   taken its commencement,* extended: [1010] as representing that they
   were hungry, and it was not unseasonable: for the principal object
   (which brought them together) was not teaching, but they came together
   "to break bread;" discourse however having come up, he prolonged the
   teaching. See how all partook also at Paul's table. It seems to me,
   that he discoursed while even sitting at table, teaching us to consider
   all other things as subordinate to this. Picture to yourselves, I
   beseech you, that house with its lights, with its crowd, with Paul in
   the midst, discoursing, with even the windows occupied by many: what a
   thing it was to see, and to hear that trumpet, and behold that gracious
   countenance! [1011] But why did he discourse during night time? Since
   "he was about to depart," it says, and was to see them no more: though
   this indeed he does not tell them, they being too weak (to bear it),
   but he did tell it to the others. At the same time too the miracle
   which took place would make them evermore to remember that evening; so
   that the fall turned out to the advantage of the teacher. Great was the
   delight of the hearers, and even when interrupted it was the more
   increased. That (young man) was to rebuke all that are careless (of the
   word), he whose death was caused by nothing else than this, that he
   wished to hear Paul. "And we went before to ship," etc. (v. 13.)
   Wherefore does the writer say where they came, and where they went to?
   To show in the first place that he was making the voyage more
   leisurely--and this upon human grounds--and sailing past (some): also
   (for the same reason he tells) where he made a stay, and what parts he
   sailed past; (namely,) "that he might not have to spend the time in
   Asia." (v. 16.) Since had he come there, he could not have sailed by;
   he did not like to pain those who would have begged him to remain. "For
   he hasted," it says, "if it were possible for him to keep the day of
   Pentecost in Jerusalem:" and (this) was not possible (if he stayed).
   Observe, how he is also moved like other men. For therefore it is that
   all this is done, that we may not fancy that he was above human nature:
   (therefore) you see him desiring (something), and hasting, and in many
   instances not obtaining (his object): for those great and holy men were
   partakers of the same nature with us; it was in the will and purpose
   that they differed, and so it was that also they attracted upon
   themselves the great grace they did. See, for instance, how many things
   they order by an economy of their own. "That we give not offence" (2
   Cor. vi. 3) to those who wish (to take offence), and, "That our
   ministry be not blamed." Behold, both an irreproachable life and on the
   other hand condescension. This is (indeed to be) called economy, to the
   (very) summit and height (of it). [1012] For he that went beyond the
   commandments of Christ, was on the other hand more humble than all. "I
   am made all things to all men," he says, "that I might gain all." (1
   Cor. ix. 22.) He cast himself also upon dangers, as he says in another
   place; "In much patience, in afflictions, in necessities, in
   distresses, in stripes, in imprisonments." (2 Cor. vi. 4, 5.) And great
   was his love for Christ. For if there be not this, all else is
   superfluous, both the economy (of condescending accommodation), and the
   irreproachable life, and the exposing himself to dangers. "Who is
   weak," he says, "and I am not weak? Who is offended, and I burn not?"
   (2 Cor. xi. 29.) These words let us imitate, and let us cast ourselves
   upon dangers for our brethren's sake. Whether it be fire, or the sword,
   cast thyself on it, beloved, that thou mayest rescue (him that is) thy
   member: cast thyself, be not afraid. Thou art a disciple of Christ, Who
   laid down His life for His brethren: a fellow-disciple with Paul, who
   chose to suffer numberless ills for his enemies, for men that were
   warring against him; be thou filled with zeal, imitate Moses. He saw
   one suffering wrong, and avenged him; he despised royal luxury, and for
   the sake of those who were afflicted he became a fugitive, a wanderer,
   lonely and deserted; he passed his days in a foreign land; and yet he
   blamed not himself, nor said, "What is this? I despised royalty, with
   all that honor and glory: I chose to avenge those who were wronged, and
   God hath overlooked me: and not only hath He not brought me back to my
   former honor, but even forty years am I passing in a foreign land.
   Truly, handsomely [1013] have I received my wages, have I not!" But
   nothing of the kind did he say or think. So also do thou: be it that
   thou suffer any evil for doing good, be it that (thou have to wait) a
   long time, be not thou offended, be not discomposed: God will of a
   surety give thee thy reward. The more the recompense is delayed, the
   more is the interest of it increased. Let us have a soul apt to
   sympathize, let us have a heart that knows how to feel with others in
   their sorrows: no unmerciful temper (omon), no inhumanity.

   Though thou be able to confer no relief, yet weep thou, groan, grieve
   over what has happened: even this is not to no purpose. If it behooves
   us to feel for those who are justly punished by God, much more for
   those who suffer unjustly at the hands of men. (They of) "AEnan,"
   [1014] it saith, "came not forth to mourn for the house which was near
   her" (Micah i. 11): they shall receive pain, "in return for that they
   built for derision." And again, Ezekiel makes this an accusation
   against them, that they did not grieve for (the afflicted). (Ezek. xvi.
   2.) What sayest thou, O Prophet? God punisheth, and shall I grieve for
   those that He is punishing? Yea verily: for God Himself that punisheth
   wisheth this: since neither does He Himself wish to punish, nay, even
   Himself grieves when punishing. Then be not thou glad at it. You will
   say, "If they are justly punished, we ought not to grieve." Why, the
   thing we ought to grieve for is this--that they were found worthy of
   punishment. Say, when thou seest thy son undergoing cautery or the
   knife, dost thou not grieve? and sayest thou not to thyself, "What is
   this? It is for health this cutting, to quicken his recovery; it is for
   his deliverance, this burning?" but for all that, when thou hearest him
   crying out, and not able to bear the pain, thou grievest, and the hope
   of health being restored is not enough to carry off the shock to
   nature. So also in the case of these, though it be in order to their
   health that they are punished, nevertheless let us show a brotherly
   feeling, a fatherly disposition. They are cuttings and cauteries, the
   punishments sent by God: but it is for this we ought to weep, that they
   were sick, that they needed such a mode of cure. If it be for crowns
   that any suffer these things, then grieve not; for instance, as Paul,
   as Peter suffered: but when it is for punishment that one suffers
   justice, then weep, then groan. Such was the part the prophets acted;
   thus one of them said, "Ah! Lord, dost thou destroy the residue of
   Israel?" (Ezek. ix. 8.) We see men-slayers, wicked men, suffering
   punishment, and we are distressed, and grieve for them. Let us not be
   philosophical beyond measure: let us show ourselves pitiful, that we
   may be pitied; there is nothing equal to this beautiful trait: nothing
   so marks to us the stamp of human nature as the showing pity, as the
   being kind to our fellow-men. In fact, therefore do the laws consign to
   public executioners the whole business of punishment: having compelled
   the judge to punish so far as to pronounce the sentence, thereafter
   they call forth those to perform the act itself. So true is it, that
   though it be justly done, it is not the part of a generous
   (philosophou) soul to inflict punishment, but it requires another sort
   of person for this: since even God punishes not by His own hand, but by
   means of the angels. Are they then executioners, the angels? God
   forbid: I say not this, but they are avenging powers. When Sodom was
   destroyed, the whole was done by them as the instruments: when the
   judgments in Egypt were inflicted, it was through them. For, "He sent,"
   it says, "evil angels among them." (Psalm lxxviii. 50.) But when there
   is need of saying, God does this by Himself: thus, He sent the
   Son:--(b) but, [1015] "He that receiveth you, receiveth Me, and he that
   receiveth Me, receiveth Him that sent Me." (Matt. x. 40.) (a) And again
   He saith, "Then will I say unto the angels, Gather together them that
   do iniquity, and cast them into the furnace." (Matt. xiii. 30, 41, 42.)
   But concerning the just, not so. (c) And again, "Bind him hand and
   foot, and cast him into outer darkness." (Matt. xxii. 13.) Observe how
   in that case His servants minister: but when the point is to do good,
   see Himself doing the good, Himself calling: "Come, ye blessed of My
   Father, inherit the Kingdom prepared for you." (Matt. xxv. 34.) When
   the matter is, to converse with Abraham, then Himself comes to him:
   when it is, to depart to Sodom, He sends His servants, like a judge
   raising up those who are to punish. "Thou hast been faithful over a few
   things, I will make thee ruler over many things" (Matt. xxv. 21); I
   (will make thee): but that other, not Himself, but His servants bind.
   Knowing these things, let us not rejoice over those who are suffering
   punishment, but even grieve: for these let us mourn, for these let us
   weep, that for this also we may receive a reward. But now, many rejoice
   even over those who suffer evil unjustly. But not so, we: let us show
   all sympathy: that we also may have God vouchsafed us, through the
   grace and mercy of His only-begotten Son, with Whom to the Father and
   the Holy Ghost together be glory, might, honor, now and ever, world
   without end. Amen.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1000] The phrase achri tes 'Asias are omitted by ' and B. and are now
   discarded in the leading critical editions. The residence of Timothy is
   not given, as being well known. It was probably Lystra (Acts xvi.
   1).--G.B.S.

   [1001] St. Chrysostom's reading of v. 4 is peculiar, but does not
   appear in the vv. ll. of N. T. perhaps because the Edd. of Chrys.
   conform it to the usual text, which is Thessal. de, 'Ar. kai Sek. kai
   Ga& 190;os Derbaios kai Timotheos, i.e. two Thessalonians, and beside
   them Gaius of Derbe, and Timothy, etc. But in the preceding chapter, v.
   29, a Gaius was mentioned along with Aristarchus, and both as
   Macedonians. Hence it seems St. Chrys. read it with a stop after Ga&
   190;os, of Thessalonians, Aristarchus and Secundus and Gaius. In his
   remark, he seems to be giving a reason for striking out kai before
   Timotheos: viz. "How does he call Timothy a Thessalonian, (as a
   negligent reader might suppose to be the case, viz., Of Thess. Ar. and
   Sec. and Gaius Derbaeus and Timothy?) He does not say this, but, of
   Thessalonians he mentions three, and then, of Derbe, Timothy, cf. xvi.
   1., whereas Gaius was not of Derbe, but of Macedonia, xix. 29." The
   note of OEcumen. on the passage shows that Derbaios was supposed by
   some to be a proper name: "Of the rest, he tells us what countries they
   were of: for Timothy he is content with the name, his personal
   character was distinction enough, and besides he has already told us
   where T. came from: viz. xvi. 1. But if Derbaios here is a noun of
   nation and not a proper name, perhaps he has here also mentioned his
   country."

   [1002] Pentekoste, meaning the whole of the seven weeks. The scope of
   the remark is, Being met for celebration of the Holy Eucharist, which
   followed the Sermon, and the discourse being lengthened out until
   midnight, they were fasting all the time (for the Eucharist was taken
   fasting, see Hom. xxvii. in 1 Cor.): so that, though it was during the
   weeks after Easter, when there was no fast, and not only so, but the
   Lord's Day moreover, here was a fast protracted till midnight.

   [1003] That the religious observance of Sunday is here alluded to has
   been generally assumed. Taken in connection with 1 Cor. xvi. 2 and Rev.
   i. 10, the passage renders it highly probable that at this time (about
   a.d. 57) the first day of the week was regularly observed by the
   Christians in memory of the Lord's resurrection, although it is certain
   that the Jewish Christians still observed the Jewish Sabbath.--G.B.S.

   [1004] ouk apeste, so as to lose the opportunity of hearing, and forego
   the "breaking of bread," which was to follow the discourse. Comp. Hom.
   x. in Gen. init.

   [1005] The narrative requires the interpretation of Chrys. that this
   was a case of restoration to life, not merely of revival from suspended
   animation (as Olshausen, Ewald, DeWette). This is established by the
   fact that Eutychus is said to have seen taken up nekros, not hos
   nekros. Moreover to erthe nekros (v. 9) is opposed egagon zonta (v.
   12). He was dead; they brought him alive. It is true that the apostle
   says: "His life (soul) is in him," but this is said after he had fallen
   upon and embraced him, or this may have been said from the standpoint
   of his confidence of a miraculous restoration, as Jesus said of Jairus'
   daughter: "The damsel is not dead, but sleepeth," meaning that from his
   standpoint and in view of his power she still lived, although she was
   in reality dead.--G.B.S.

   [1006] Old text instead of Assonhas Thason, a misreading which appears
   in some mss. and Versions of the Acts: Cat., Nason.

   [1007] paideuon te autous chorizesthai autou: but mod. text hama kai
   paideuon autous mede chorizesthai autou. After this, old text has
   anechthemen, phesin, eis ten Thason evidently confusing this clause of
   v. 13, with the first of v. 14, then, eita parechontai (for parerch.)
   ten neson, followed by v. 15, 16. Mod. text, v. 15, followed by "See,
   how Paul being urgent, they put to sea, and lose no time, but
   parerchontai tas nesous," and v. 16.

   [1008] kai tous echthrous helein (F. eleein) boulomenos, wishing by
   this means to overcome (for their good) even those who hated him. Then,
   hama kai ton logon kathiei. Mod. text hama espeude ton logon katheinai.
   Mr. Field remarks on Hom. in 2 Cor. p. 553 B. where we have parainesin
   kathiesi, that the much more usual expression is, eis ti katheinai, and
   adds: "semel tantum ap. Nostrum reperimus logon katheinai, viz. t. ix.
   p. 236. E."--our passage.

   [1009] all' homos kateiche ton pothon kai ta ekei katorthoun. The
   infinitive requires boulomenos or the like: i.e. "though desirous to
   get to Jerusalem, he restrained his desire, and made a stay at Troas of
   seven days, wishing, etc.:" but B. gives the same sense by reading
   katorthon, Cat. katorthou. Mod. text houtos eiche ton pothon kai ta
   ekei katorthoun.

   [1010] Pros auton ton kairon, archen ho logos labon pareteinen hos
   endeiknumenos peinen; kai ouk en akairon; ou gar proegoumenos eis
   didaskalian katheken. This is evidently mutilated; the verb to ho logos
   is wanting: hos endeik. peinen, either "making a display of," or,
   "pleading as excuse the being hungry," is unintelligible; so is ouk en
   ak. Mod. text attempts to make sense by reading: "At the very time o
   enedeiknuto peinen, kai ouk en akairon, archen ho logos labon
   paretathe, hoste ou proeg."

   [1011] Mod. text "many occupying even the windows, to hear that
   trumpet, and see that gracious countenance. What must the persons
   taught have been, and how great the pleasure they must have enjoyed!"

   [1012] Touto oikonomia legetai eis akroteta kai eis hupsos. "This"--the
   blameless life and therewith sunkatabasis described in 2 Cor. vi. 3
   ff--"is what one may indeed call Oikonomia--managing or dispensing
   things for the good of others, so that they shall have what is best for
   them in the best manner, without shocking their prejudices. Oikon., in
   the moral sense of the word, implies sunkatabasois, letting one's self
   down to the level of others for their good. (Hence below, kai ta tes
   oikonomias, kai (ta) tou aleptou biou.) "Talk of economy'--here you
   have it at its very top and summit, in a degree not to be surpassed."
   Instead of hupsos the context seems to require "the lowest depth."
   Hence mod. text to eis akroteta einai kai hupsous aretes, kai
   tapeinophrosunes sunkatabaseos. Kai akoue pos ho huperbainon..."the
   being at the summit both of loftiness of virtue and of lowliness of
   condescension." In the next sentence St. Paul is described as ho
   huperbainon ta parangelmata tou Christou, namely, the precept "that
   they which preach the Gospel should live by the Gospel," 1 Cor. ix. 14.

   [1013] Edd. kalos ge; ou gar tous misthous apelabon: as if it meant,
   "And well that it is so: for I have not received my wages--therefore
   the reward is yet to come: not as it is with those who apechousi ton
   misthon auton in this life, Matt. vi. 2 ff." If this were the meaning,
   the sentence would be out of place; it should be, "He said nothing of
   the kind, but would rather have repressed such thoughts with the
   consideration, It is well: for I have not received my wages--they are
   yet to come." But in fact here as elsewhere the Edd. overlook the
   ironical interrogation ou gar. Read kalos ge (ou gar;) tous misthous ap
   elabon (or kalous ge).

   [1014] Ainan. Sav. marg., Sainan. LXX. Edd., Sennaar. Hebr., Zaanan.

   [1015] This clause is evidently misplaced, and moreover requires to be
   completed. The meaning may be: "So in the highest of all God's saving
   acts, the mission of the Son; for he that receiveth Him receiveth the
   Father."
     __________________________________________________________________

   Homily XLIV.

   Acts XX. 17-21

   "And from Miletus he sent to Ephesus, and called the elders of the
   Church. And when they were come to him, he said unto them, Ye know,
   from the first day that I came into Asia, after what manner I have been
   with you at all seasons, serving the Lord with all humility of mind,
   and with many tears, and temptations, which befell me by the lying in
   wait of the Jews: and how I kept back nothing that was profitable unto
   you, but have showed you, and have taught you publicly, and from house
   to house, testifying both to the Jews, and also to the Greeks,
   repentance toward God and faith toward our Lord Jesus Christ."

   See him, hasting to sail by, and yet not overlooking them, but taking
   order for all. Having sent for the rulers, through those he discourses
   to them (the Ephesians): but it is worthy of admiration, how finding
   himself under a necessity of saying certain great things about himself,
   he tries to make the least he can of it (peirhata metriazein). "Ye
   know." For just as Samuel, when about to deliver up the government to
   Saul says in their presence, "Have I taken aught of your hands? Ye are
   witnesses, and God also" (1 Sam. xii. 3, 5); (so Paul here). David
   also, when disbelieved, says, "I was with the flock keeping my father's
   sheep: and when the bear came, I scared her away with my hands" (1 Sam.
   xvii. 34, 35): and Paul himself too says to the Corinthians, "I am
   become a fool; ye have compelled me." (2 Cor. xii. 11.) Nay, God
   Himself also does the same, not speaking of himself upon any and every
   occasion, but only when He is disbelieved, then He brings up His
   benefits. Accordingly, see what Paul does here: first he adduces their
   own testimony: that you may not imagine his words to be mere boasting,
   he calls the hearers themselves as witnesses of the things he says,
   since he was not likely to speak lies in their presence. This is the
   excellence of a teacher, to have for witnesses of his merits those who
   are his disciples. And what is wonderful, Not for one day nor for two,
   says he, have I continued doing this. He wishes to cheer them for the
   future, that they may bravely bear all things, both the parting from
   him, and the trials about to take place--just as it was in the case of
   Moses and Joshua. And see how he begins: "How I have been with you the
   whole time, serving the Lord with all humility of mind." Observe, what
   most becomes rulers: "hating pride" (Exod. xviii. 21, LXX.), says
   (Moses): which (qualification) is especially in point for rulers,
   because to them there is (almost) a necessity of becoming arrogant.
   This (humility) is the groundwork of all that is good, as in fact
   Christ saith, [1016] "Blessed are the poor in spirit." (Matt. v. 3.)
   And (here) not simply, "with humility of mind," but, "with all
   humility." For there are many kinds of humility, in word and in action,
   towards rulers, and toward the ruled. Will you that I mention to you
   some kinds of humility? There are some who are lowly towards those who
   are lowly, and high towards the high: this is not the character of
   humility. [1017] Some then are such. Then, that he may not seem to be
   arrogant, he lays a foundation beforehand, removing that suspicion:
   For, "if, says he, I have acted with all humility of mind,' it is not
   from arrogance that I say the things I say." Then for his gentleness,
   ever with much condescension making them his fellows. "With you," he
   says, "have I been, serving the Lord;" he makes the good works common
   to them with himself: none of it his own peculiar. "What?" (you will
   say) "why, against God could he possibly bear himself arrogantly?" And
   yet there are many who do bear themselves arrogantly against God: but
   this man not even against his own disciples. This is the merit of a
   teacher, by his own achievements of virtue to form the character of his
   disciples. Then for his fortitude, upon which also he is very concise.
   "With many tears," he says, "and temptations which befell me by the
   lying in wait of the Jews." Do you see that he grieves at their doings?
   But here too he seems to show how sympathizing he was: for he suffered
   for those who were going to perdition, for the doers themselves: what
   was done to himself, he even rejoiced at it; for he belonged to that
   band which "rejoiced that they were counted worthy to suffer shame for
   that Name" (Acts v. 41): and again he says, "Now I rejoice in my
   sufferings for you" (Col. i. 24): and again, "For our light affliction,
   which is but for the moment, worketh for us a far more exceeding and
   eternal weight of glory." (2 Cor. iv. 17). These things, however, he
   says, by way of making the least of his merits (metriazon). But there
   he show his fortitude, not so much of daring, as of enduring: "I," says
   he, "have been evil entreated, but it was with you: and what is indeed
   the grievous part of the business, at the hands of Jews." Observe, he
   puts here both love and fortitude. Mark, here, I pray you, a character
   of teaching: "I kept back nothing," he says, ungrudging fulness,
   unshrinking promptness--"of what was profitable unto you:" because
   there were things which they did not need to learn. For as the hiding
   some things would have been like grudging, so the saying all things
   would be folly. This is why he adds, "that was profitable unto you. But
   have showed you, and have taught you:" have not only said, but also
   taught: not doing this either as a mere matter of form. For that this
   is what he means, observe what he says: "publicly, and from house to
   house:" thereby representing the exceeding toil, the great earnestness
   and endurance. "Both Jews, and Greeks." Not (addressing myself) to you
   alone. "Testifying:" here, the boldness of speech: and that, even
   though we do no good, yet we must speak: for [1018] this is the meaning
   of "testifying," when we speak to those who do not pay attention: and
   so the word diamarturasthai is for the most part used. "I call heaven
   and earth to witness" (Deut. iv. 26), diamarturomai, Moses says: and
   now Paul himself, Diamarturomenos "both to Jews and Greeks repentance
   toward God." What testifiest thou? That they should be careful about
   their manner of life: that they should repent, and draw near to God.
   "Both to Jews and Greeks"--for neither did the Jews know Him--both
   [1019] by reason of their works, he says, "repentance towards God,"
   and, by reason that they knew not the Son, he adds, "and faith in the
   Lord Jesus." To what end, then, sayest thou these things? to what end
   dost thou put them in mind of them? What has come of it? hast thou
   anything to lay to their charge? Having first alarmed their feeling,
   then he adds, "And now, behold, I go bound in the Spirit unto
   Jerusalem, not knowing the things that shall befall me there: save that
   the Holy Ghost witnesseth in every city, saying that bonds and
   afflictions abide me. But none of these things move me, neither count I
   my life dear unto myself, so that I might finish my course with joy,
   and the ministry, which I have received of the Lord Jesus, to testify
   the Gospel of the grace of God." (v. 22-24). Wherefore says he this? By
   way of preparing them to be always ready to meet dangers, whether seen
   or unseen, and in all things to obey the Spirit. [1020] He shows that
   it is for great objects that he is led away from them. "Save that the
   Holy Ghost," he says, "in every city witnesseth to me saying"--to show
   that he departs willingly; that (see Hom. xlv. p. 273) you may not
   imagine it any bond or necessity, when he says, "bound in the
   Spirit--that in every city bonds and afflictions await me." Then also
   he adds this, "I count not my life dear, until I shall have fulfilled
   my course and the ministry, which I received of the Lord Jesus." Until
   I shall have finished my course, says he, with joy. Do you mark how
   (clearly) these were the words not of one lamenting, but of one who
   forbore to make the most (of his troubles) (metriazontos), of one who
   would instruct those (whom he addressed), and sympathize with them in
   the things which were befalling He says not, "I grieve indeed, [1021]
   but one must needs bear it:" "but," says he, "of none of those things
   do I make account, neither do I have," i.e. account "my life dear to
   me." Why this again? not to extol himself, but to teach them, as by the
   former words, humility, so by these, fortitude and boldness: "I have it
   not precious," i.e. "I love it not before this: I account it more
   precious to finish my course, to testify." And he says not, "to
   preach," "to teach"--but what says he? "to testify
   (diamarturasthai)--the Gospel of the grace of God." He is about to say
   something more uncomfortable (phortikoteron), namely, "I am pure from
   the blood of all men (because on my part) there is nothing lacking:" he
   is about to lay upon them the whole weight and burden: so he first
   mollifies their feelings by saying, "And now behold I know that ye
   shall see my face no more." The consolation [1022] is twofold: both
   that "my face ye shall see no more," for in heart I am with you: and
   that it was not they alone (who should see him no more): for, "ye shall
   see my face no more, ye all, among whom I have gone about preaching the
   Kingdom." [1023] So that he may well (say), "Wherefore I take you to
   record (read dio mart. for diamart.),--seeing I shall be with you no
   more--"that I am pure from the blood of all men." (v. 26.) Do you mark
   how he terrifies them, and troubled and afflicted as their souls are,
   how hard he rubs them (epitribei)? But it was necessary. "For I have
   not shunned," he says, "to declare unto you all the counsel of God."
   (v. 27.) Why then, he who does not speak, has blood to answer for: that
   is, murder! Nothing could be more terrifying than this. He shows that
   they also, if they do it not, have blood to answer for. So, whereas he
   seems to be justifying himself, in fact he is terrifying them. "Take
   heed therefore unto yourselves, and to all the flock, over the which
   the Holy Ghost hath made you overseers (or, bishops) to feed the Church
   of God (see note 3), which He hath purchased with His own blood." (v.
   28.) Do you mark? he enjoins them two things. Neither success in
   bringing others right of itself is any gain--for, I fear, he says,
   "lest by any means, when I have preached to others, I myself should be
   a cast-away" (1 Cor. ix. 27); nor the being diligent for one's self
   alone. For such an one is selfish, and seeks his own good only, and is
   like to him who buried his talent. "Take heed to yourselves:" this he
   says, not because our own salvation is more precious than that of the
   flock, but because, when we take heed to ourselves, then the flock also
   is a gainer. "In which the Holy Ghost hath made you overseers, to feed
   the Church of God." See, it is from the Spirit ye have your ordination.
   This is one constraint: then he says, "To feed the Church of the Lord."
   [1024] Lo! another obligation: the Church is the Lord's. [1025] And a
   third: "which He hath purchased with His own blood." It shows [1026]
   how precious the concern is; that the peril is about no small matters,
   seeing that even His own blood He spared not. He indeed, that he might
   reconcile those who were enemies, poured out even His blood: but thou,
   even when they are become thy friends, art not able to retain them.
   "For I know this, that after my departing shall grievous wolves enter
   in among you, not sparing the flock." (v. 29.) Again he engages
   (epistrephei) them from another quarter, from the things which should
   come after: as when he says, "We wrestle not against flesh and blood.
   After my departing," he says, "grievous wolves shall enter in among
   you" (Eph. vi. 12); twofold the evil, both that he himself would not be
   present, and that others would assail them. "Then why depart, if thou
   knowest this beforehand?" The Spirit draws me, he says. Both "wolves,"
   and "grievous, not sparing the flock;" and what is worse, even "from
   among your own selves:" the grievous thing (this), when the war is
   moreover an intestine war. The matter is exceeding serious, for it is
   "the Church of the Lord:" great the peril for with blood He redeemed
   it: mighty the war, and twofold. "Also of your own selves shall men
   arise, speaking perverse things, to draw away disciples after them."
   (v. 30.) "How then? what comfort shall there be?" "Therefore watch, and
   remember, that by the space of three years I ceased not to warn every
   one night and day with tears." (v. 31.) See how many strong expressions
   are here: "with tears," and "night and day," and "every one." For it
   was not that if he saw many, [1027] then he came in (to the work), but
   even were it for a single soul, he was capable of doing everything (for
   that one soul). So it was, in fact, that he compacted them together
   (sunekrotesen) (so firmly as he did). "Enough done on my part: three
   years have I remained:" they had establishing enough, he says; enough
   of roofing. "With tears," he says. Seest thou that the tears were on
   this account? The bad man grieves not: grieve thou: perhaps he will
   grieve also. As, when the sick man sees his physician partaking of
   food, he also is incited to do the same: so likewise here, when he sees
   thee weeping, he is softened: he will be a good and great man. [1028]

   (Recapitulation.) "Not knowing," he says, "the things that shall befall
   me." (v. 22, 23.) Then is this why thou departest? By no means; on the
   contrary (I know that), "bonds and afflictions await me." That (there
   are) trials, I know, but of what kind I know not: which was more
   grievous. "But none of these things move me" (v. 24): for do not
   suppose that I say these things as lamenting them: for "I hold not my
   own life dear." It is to raise up their minds that he says all this,
   and to persuade them not only not to flee, but also to bear nobly.
   Therefore it is that he calls it a "course" and a "ministry," on the
   one hand, showing it to be glorious from its being a race, on the
   other, showing what was due from it, as being a ministry. I am a
   minister: nothing more. Having comforted them, that they might not
   grieve that he was so evil entreated, and having told them that he
   endured those things "with joy," and having shown the fruits of them,
   then (and not before) he brings in that which would give them pain,
   that he may not overwhelm their minds. "And [1029] now behold," etc.
   "Wherefore I take you to record, that I am pure from the blood of all
   men, because I have not shrunk from declaring unto you the whole
   counsel of God" (v. 25-27): * * * that (counsel) which concerns the
   present matter. "For I know this," etc. (v. 29.) "What then," someone
   might say, "thinkest thou thyself so great? if thou shouldest depart,
   are we to die?" I say not this, he replies, that my absence causeth
   this: but what? That there should rise up against you certain of
   another sort: he says not, "because of my departing," but "after my
   departing:" that is, after his going on his journey.--And yet this
   thing has happened already: much more (then will it happen) hereafter.
   Then we have the cause, "to draw away disciples after them." (v. 30).
   That there are heresies, this is the cause, and no other than this.
   Then comes also consolation. But if He "purchased" it "with His own
   blood," He will assuredly stand forward in its defence. "Night and
   day," he says, "I cease not to warn with tears." (v. 31.) This might
   well be said in our case also: and though the speech seems to refer
   peculiarly to the teachers, it is common also to the disciples. For
   what, though I speak and exhort and weep night and day, while the
   disciple obeys not? Therefore [1030] it is that he says, "I take you to
   record:" since also himself says, "I am pure from the blood of all men:
   for I have not shunned to declare unto you." (v. 26, 27.) Why then,
   this only is to be a teacher, to declare, to preach, to instruct,
   shrink from nothing, to exhort night and day: but if, while one is
   doing all this, nothing comes of it, ye know what remains. Then ye have
   another justification: "I am pure from the blood of all men." Think not
   that these words are spoken to us only: for indeed this speech is
   addressed to you also, that ye should attend to the things spoken, that
   ye should not start away from the hearing. What can I do? Lo! each day
   I rend myself with crying out, "Depart from the theatres:" and many
   laugh at us: "Desist from swearing, from covetousness:" numberless are
   our exhortations, and there is none to hear us. But I do not discourse
   during night? Fain would I do this also in the night time, and at your
   tables, if it were possible that one could be divided into ten thousand
   pieces, so as to be present with you and discourse. But if once in the
   week we call to you, and ye shrink back, and some of you do not even
   come here, and you that do come, depart having received no
   profit,--what shall we do? Many I know even sneer at us, that we are
   forever discoursing about the same things: so wearisome are we become
   to you by very satiety. But for this not we are to blame, but the
   hearers may thank themselves. For he indeed who is making good
   progress, rejoices to hear the same things always; it seems to be his
   praises that he hears spoken: but he who does not wish to get on, seems
   even to be annoyed, and though he hear the same thing but twice, it
   seems to him that he is hearing it often.

   "I am pure," he says, "from the blood of all men." (v. 26.) This was
   fit and proper for Paul to say, but we dare not say it, conscious as we
   are of numberless faults. Wherefore for him the ever vigilant, ever at
   hand, the man enduring all things for the sake of the salvation of his
   disciples, it was fit and proper to say this: but we must say that of
   Moses, "The Lord was wroth with me for your sakes" (Deut. iii. 26),
   because ye lead us also into many sins. For when we are dispirited at
   seeing you make no progress, is not the greater part of our strength
   struck down? For what, I ask you has been done? Lo! by the grace of God
   we also have now passed the space of three years, [1031] not indeed
   night and day exhorting you, but doing this, often every third day, or
   every seventh. What more has come of it? We accuse, we rebuke, we weep,
   we are in anguish, although not openly, yet in heart. But those
   (inward) tears are far more bitter than these (outward ones): for these
   indeed bring a kind of relief to the feelings of the sorrowful, whereas
   those aggravate it, and bind it fast. Since when there is any cause of
   grief, and one cannot give vent to the sorrow, lest he should seem to
   be vainglorious, think what he suffers! Were it not that people would
   tax me with excessive love of display, you would see me each day
   shedding fountains of tears: but to those my chamber is witness, and my
   hours of solitude. For believe me I have (at times) despaired of my own
   salvation, but from my mourning on your account, I have not even
   leisure to bemoan my own evils: so entirely are ye all in all to me.
   And whether I perceive you to be advancing, then, for very delight, I
   am not sensible of my own evils: or whether I see you not advancing,
   such is my grief, I again dismiss my own cares from my thoughts:
   brightening up on account of your good things, though I myself have
   evils without number, and saddened on account of your painful things,
   though my own successes are without number. For what hope is there for
   the teacher, when his flock is destroyed? What kind of life, what kind
   of expectation is there for him? With what sort of confidence will he
   stand up before God? what will he say? For grant that he has nothing
   laid to his charge, has no punishment to suffer, but is "pure from the
   blood of all men:" yet even so will he suffer a grief incurable: since
   fathers also though they be not liable to be called to account for
   their children's sins, nevertheless have grief and vexation. And this
   profits them nothing, [1032] nor shields them (proistatai). "For it is
   they that watch for our souls, as those that must give account." (Heb.
   xiii. 17.) This seems to be a fearful thing: to me this gives no
   concern after your destruction. For whether I give account, or not, it
   is no profit to me. Might it be, that ye were saved, and I to give
   account because of you: ye saved, and I charged with not having
   fulfiled my part! For my anxiety is not that you should be saved
   through me as the means, but only that you should be saved, no matter
   by what person as the instrument. Ye know not the pangs of spiritual
   childbirth, how overpowering they are; how he who is in travail with
   this birth, would rather be cut into ten thousand pieces, than see one
   of those to whom he has given birth perishing and undone. Whence shall
   we persuade you? By no other argument indeed, but by what has been
   done, in all that regards you we shall clear ourselves. [1033] We too
   shall be able to say, that in nothing have we "shrunk from declaring"
   to you the whole truth: nevertheless we grieve: and that we do grieve,
   is manifest from the numberless plans we lay and contrivances we
   devise. And yet we might say to ourselves, What matters it to me? I
   have done my part, "I am pure from" (their) "blood:" but this is not
   enough for comfort. If we could tear open our heart, and show it to
   you, ye would see with what largeness it holds (you) within it, both
   women and children and men; for such is the power of love, that it
   makes the soul more spacious than the heaven. "Receive us," says
   (Paul): "we have wronged no man, ye are not straitened in us." (2 Cor.
   vii. 2; vi. 12.) He had all Corinth in his heart, and says, "Ye are not
   straitened: be ye also enlarged" (2 Cor. vi. 13); but I myself could
   not say this, for I well know, that ye both love me and receive me. But
   what is the profit either from my love or from yours, when the things
   pertaining to God thrive not in us? It is a ground for greater sorrow,
   an occasion of worse mischief (lumes, al. lupes). I have nothing to lay
   to your charge: "for I bear you record, that, if it had been possible,
   ye would have plucked out your own eyes, and have given them to me."
   (Gal. iv. 15.) "We yearn not only to give you the Gospel, but also our
   own souls." (1 Thess. ii. 8.) We are loved and we love (you): but this
   is not the question. But let us love Christ, "for the first commandment
   is, Thou shalt love the Lord thy God: and the second is like unto it,
   And thy neighbor as thyself." (Matt. xxii. 37-39.) We have the second,
   we need the first: need the first, exceedingly, both I and you. We have
   it, but not as we ought. Let us love Him: ye know how great a reward is
   laid up for them that love Christ: let us love Him with fervor of soul,
   that, enjoying his goodwill, we may escape the stormy waves of this
   present life, and be found worthy to obtain the good things promised to
   them that love Him, through the grace and mercy of His only-begotten
   Son, with whom to the Father, together with the Holy Ghost, be glory,
   might, honor, now and ever, world without end. Amen.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1016] i.e. putting this foremost of the Beatitudes.

   [1017] Something more ought to follow, but the report is imperfect.
   Mod. text "Others again there are who are not such as these, but who in
   the case of both characters preserve according to the occasion both the
   lowly and the high bearing: which thing indeed above all is
   characteristic of humility. Since then he is about to teach them such
   things, lest he should seem to be arrogant," etc.

   [1018] To gar diamarturasthai touto estin, hotan.....To gar
   diamarturasthai hos epi to polu touto estin.

   [1019] Old text dia te ta erga, dia te ton Hui& 232;n agnoein; kai
   pistin ten eis ton K. 'I. as if all this were said in explanation of
   the preceding Oude gar 'Ioudaioi edesan auton. But dia te ta erga
   explains the clause ten eis ton Theon metanoian, which requires to be
   inserted as in the Translation. Mod. text "both because they were
   ignorant of the Son, and because of their works, and their not having
   faith in the Lord Jesus."

   [1020] Chrys. understands "bound in the spirit" to mean constrained by
   the Holy Spirit (so Theophylact, Beza, Calvin, Wordsworth et al.). The
   fact that the Holy Spirit is mentioned in the next verse (23) in such a
   way as to be distinguished apparently from "the spirit" here mentioned,
   has led most critics to believe that "the spirit" was Paul's own spirit
   (so Meyer, Lechler, Lange, DeWette, Ewald, Alford, Hackett, Gloag).
   Dedemenos should not be taken as meaning bound with chains in prospect,
   i.e., as seen in his spirit in advance (as Bengel, Conybeare and
   Howson), but rather constrained, inwardly constrained.--G.B.S.

   [1021] mss. Cat. and Edd. algomen "let us grieve:" but Savile, algo
   men. The next clause all' oude hegoumai, or, all' oude, Egoumai,
   requires something to make sense of it, as in the Translation.

   [1022] Diple he paramuthia. The meaning is, "It was his face that they
   would see no more: he chooses that expression by way of softening
   matters, implying that in spirit he would be present: and again, all
   ye, not they only, so that the grief was not peculiar to them:" but
   this being rather obscure, A. substitutes athumia, and mod. text Diple
   he lupe, i.e. "the dejection (or, the sorrow) was twofold, both the
   being to see his face no more, and the, All of them."

   [1023] Neither of the two ideas which Chrys. draws from v. 25--(a) that
   though absent in body, he would be present with them in spirit; (b)
   that the "all" addressed refers to the whole company--comes naturally
   from the text. The apostle states his firm conviction that he shall not
   again visit Ephesus. Whether he ever did so or not, we do not know. The
   probabilities in the case would depend upon the question of a release
   from his Roman imprisonment. He hoped for such a release and intended
   to visit Colossae (Philem. 22). On the supposition of such a release
   and on the consequent supposition of the Pauline authorship of the
   Pastoral Epistles, a visit after this time to Ephesus becomes very
   probable, especially since we find the apostle (2 Tim. iv. 13, 20) at
   Troas and Miletus.--G.B.S.

   [1024] Hence it appears that St. Chrys. reads Kuriou not Theou in this
   text, though in the citation the Scribes give it according to the other
   reading, Theou.

   [1025] It is an interesting fact that in this passage where the reading
   vacillates between Kuriou and theou, while the report of the Homily has
   given us theou, the citation of the N. T. text favors the reading
   Kuriou. The great majority of mss. read tou Kuriou: ' and B. have tou
   theou (the usual Pauline formula). Many critics hold that Kur. was
   changed to th. in accordance with Pauline usage in the Epistles. The
   idea of the "blood of God" is against the reading theou. Modern critics
   are nearly equally divided. Alford, Westcott and Hort, read theou;
   Meyer, Tischendorf, Kuriou; to us the latter seems decidedly
   preferable.--G.B.S.

   [1026] deiknusi timion to pragma, hoti. Mod. text. polu deikn. di hon
   eipe timion to pr. So Edd. Multum ostendit dum dicit pretiosam rem.
   Ben.

   [1027] Ou gar ei pollous eide tote epheisato (mod. epheideto). Non enim
   si multos vidisset, eis pepercisset, Ben. But Cat. has preserved the
   true reading, ephistato.

   [1028] Estai chrestos kai megas aner. The second epithet, being
   evidently unsuitable, mod. text gives, chrestos aner kai praos
   genesetai. But perhaps ch. a. kai m. belongs to the next sentence, as
   an exclamation on v. 22. "A good and great man!" and for malassetai;
   estai we may read malachthesetai.

   [1029] Old text: hina me katachose auton ten dianoian, followed by the
   latter part of v. 27. Tou anangeilai humin k. t. l. But the connection
   may also be, "I have not shrunk--of course in due order and proportion"
   (or something of that kind) "that he may not overwhelm their minds,
   from declaring," etc. It might seem, however, from the comment which
   follows, viz ten peri tou parontos pragmatos, that Chrys. is here
   proposing an interpretation of v. 27 different from what was implied in
   the first exposition, p. 269, and from that of v. 20: i.e. "painful as
   it is, I have not shrunk from announcing to you all the counsel of God,
   to wit, as touching the present matter, my separation from you, so that
   ye shall see my face no more." But this being very unsatisfactory, it
   is better to take the connection thus: Nor does he now shrink from
   declaring to them the whole counsel of God concerning the coming
   events, and their duty and responsibility therein. (We have therefore
   placed the mark of an hiatus before this clause.)--Mod. text
   substitutes, "But what is this (that he adds), Also of your own selves
   shall men arise, speaking perverse things.' What then," etc.

   [1030] The text is evidently confused or defective here. Mod. text "For
   that none may fancy it plea enough for his justification, that he is a
   disciple while yet he does not yield, therefore having said, I take you
   to record, he adds, for I have not shunned," etc.

   [1031] St. Chrysostom succeeded Nectarius in the Archbishopric of
   Constantinople, 26th Feb. Coss. Honorius iv. and Eutychianus a.d. 398.
   Socrat. vi. 2.--From the following passage it appears that these Homm.
   though begun after Easter, perhaps of a.d. 400, extended over a
   considerable period of time, not being preached every day.--Below, mod.
   text spoils the sense by altering pikrotera into kouphotera.

   [1032] Mod. text inserts a phesin, and makes the sentence
   interrogative. "And does this, you will say, profit them nothing nor
   shield them, that they watch for our souls? But then they watch as they
   that must give an account: and to some indeed this seems to be
   terrible." The meaning in general seems to be: "If they perish, yet
   surely you can comfort yourself with the thought, that you at least are
   pure from their blood. No, this thought avails nothing to ward off
   (that sorrow). "Because they watch," etc.--this seems a fearful thing.
   But if you be lost, it is not the thought of my accountability that
   gives me most concern--it is the thought of your perishing. Oh! that I
   might in the last day find you saved though not through me, yea, though
   I myself thereafter were called to account as not having done my part
   by you!"

   [1033] Eterothen men oudamothen, apo de ton genomenon) meaning perhaps,
   "From what has been done by us in our ministry: we will endeavor to
   persuade you by reminding you of all our care and pains for our
   salvation:") ta kath' humas panta apolusometha. 'Apoluesthai
   (enklemata), is frequent in Chrys., often confused with apolouesthai
   and apoduesthai. See Mr. Field's Index and Annotat. in Hom. Matth.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Homily XLV.

   Acts XX. 32

   "And now, brethren, I commend you to God, and to the word of His grace,
   which is able to build you up, and to give you an inheritance among all
   them that are sanctified."

   What he does when writing in an Epistle, this he does also when
   speaking in council: from exhorting, he ends with prayer: for since he
   had much alarmed them by saying, "Grievous wolves shall enter in among
   you" (v. 29), therefore, not to overpower them, and make them lose all
   self-possession, observe the consolation (he gives). "And now," he
   says, as always, "I commend you, brethren, to God, and to the word of
   His grace:" that is, to His grace: it is grace that saveth. He
   constantly puts them in mind of grace, to make them more earnest as
   being debtors, and to persuade them to have confidence. "Which is able
   to build you up." [1034] He does not say, to build, but, "to build up,"
   showing that they had (already) been built. Then he puts them in mind
   of the hope to come; "to give you an inheritance," he says, "among all
   them which are sanctified." Then exhortation again: "I have coveted no
   man's silver, or gold, or apparel." (v. 33.) He takes away that which
   is the root of evils, the love of money. "Silver, or gold," he says. He
   says not, I have not taken, but, not even "coveted." No great thing
   this, but what follows after is great. "Yea, ye yourselves know, that
   these hands have ministered unto my necessities, and to them that were
   with me. I have showed you all things, how that so laboring, ye ought
   to support the weak." (v. 34, 35.) Observe him employed in work and not
   simply that, but toiling. "These hands have ministered unto my
   necessities, and to them that were with me:" so as to put them to
   shame. And see how worthily of them. For he says not, Ye ought to show
   yourselves superior to money, but what? "to support the weak"--not all
   indiscriminately--"and to hear the word of the Lord which He spake, It
   is more blessed to give than to receive." [1035] For lest any one
   should think that it was spoken with reference to them, and that he
   gave himself for an ensample, as he elsewhere says, "giving an ensample
   to you" (Phil. iii. 17), he added the declaration of Christ, Who said,
   "It is more blessed to give than to receive." He prayed over them while
   exhorting them: he shows it both by action,--"And when he had thus
   spoken, he kneeled down, and prayed with them all," (v. 36)--he did not
   simply pray, but with much feeling: (katanuxeos): great was the
   consolation--and by his saying, "I commend you to the Lord. And they
   all wept sore, and fell on Paul's neck and kissed him, sorrowing most
   of all for the words which he spake, that they should see his face no
   more." (v. 37, 38.) He had said, that "grievous wolves should enter
   in;" had said, "I am pure from the blood of all men:" and yet the thing
   that grieved them most of all was this, "that they should see him no
   more:" since indeed it was this that made the war grievous. "And they
   accompanied them," it says, "unto the ship. And it came to pass, that
   after we had torn ourselves from them"--so much did they love him, such
   was their affection towards him--"and had launched, we came with a
   straight course unto Coos, and the day following unto Rhodes, and from
   thence unto Patara: and finding a ship sailing over unto Phenicia, we
   went aboard, and set forth. Now when we had discovered Cyprus, we left
   it on the left hand, and sailed into Syria, and landed at Tyre" (Acts
   xxi. 1-3): he came to Lycia, and having left Cyprus, he sailed down to
   Tyre--"for there the ship was to unlade her burden. And finding
   disciples, we tarried there seven days: who said to Paul through the
   Spirit, that he should not go up to Jerusalem." (v. 4.) They too
   prophesy of the afflictions. It is so ordered that they should be
   spoken by them also, that none might imagine that Paul said those
   things without cause, and only by way of boasting. And there again they
   part from each other with prayer. "And when we had accomplished those
   days, we departed, and went our way; and they all brought us on our
   way, with wives and children, till we were out of the city: and we
   kneeled down on the shore, and prayed. And when we had taken our leave
   one of another, we took ship; and they returned home again. And when we
   had finished our course from Tyre, we came to Ptolemais, and saluted
   the brethren, and abode with them one day. And the next day we that
   were of Paul's company departed, and came unto Caesarea: and we entered
   into the house of Philip the evangelist, which was one of the seven;
   and abode with him." (v. 5-8.) Having come to Caesarea, it says, we
   abode with Philip, which was one of the seven. "And the same man had
   four daughters, virgins, which did prophesy." (v. 9.) But it is not
   these that foretell to Paul, though they were prophetesses; it is
   Agabus. "And as we tarried there many days, there came down from Judea
   a certain prophet, named Agabus. And when he was come unto us, he took
   Paul's girdle, and bound his own hands and feet, and said, Thus saith
   the Holy Ghost, So shall the Jews at Jerusalem bind the man that owneth
   this girdle, and shall deliver him into the hands of the Gentiles." (v.
   10, 11.) He who formerly had declared about the famine, the same says,
   This "man, who owneth this girdle, thus shall they bind." (ch. xi. 28.)
   The same that the prophets used to do, representing events to the
   sight, when they spoke about the captivity--as did Ezekiel--the same
   did this (Agabus). "And," what is the grievous part of the business,
   "deliver him into the hands of the Gentiles. And when we heard these
   things, both we, and they of that place, besought him not to go up to
   Jerusalem." (v. 12.) Many even besought him not to depart, and still he
   would not comply. "Then Paul answered, What mean ye to weep and to
   break mine heart?" [1036] (v. 13.) Do you mark? Lest, having heard that
   saying, "I go bound in the Spirit" (ch. xx. 22), you should imagine it
   a matter of necessity, or that he fell into it ignorantly, therefore
   these things are foretold. But they wept, and he comforted them,
   grieving at their tears. For, "what mean ye," he says, "to weep and to
   break my heart?" Nothing could be more affectionate: because he saw
   them weeping, he grieved, he that felt no pain at his own trials. "For
   I am ready not to be bound only, but also to die at Jerusalem for the
   name of the Lord Jesus. And when he would not be persuaded, we ceased,
   saying, The will of the Lord be done." (v. 13, 14.) Ye do me wrong in
   doing this: for do I grieve? Then they ceased, when he said, "to break
   my heart." I weep, he says, for you, not on account of my own
   sufferings: as for those (men), I am willing even to die for them. But
   let us look over again what has been said.

   (Recapitulation.) "Silver, or gold, or apparel," etc. (ch. xx. 33, 34;
   1 Cor. ix; 2 Cor. xi.) So then, it was not in Corinth only that they
   did this [1037] --they that corrupted the disciples, but in Asia as
   well. But he nowhere casts this up as a reproach to the Ephesians, when
   writing to them. And why? Because he did not fall upon any subject that
   obliged him to speak of this. But to the Corinthians he says, "My
   boasting has not been stopped in the regions of Achaia." (2 Cor. xi.
   10.) And he does not say, Ye did not give to me; but, "Silver, or gold,
   or apparel, I coveted not," that it might not seem to be their doing,
   that they had not given. And he does not say, From no man have I
   coveted the necessaries of life, that again it might not look like
   accusing them: but he covertly hints as much, seeing that he provided
   subsistence for others as well as himself. See how he worked with
   earnestness, "night and day" discoursing (to others), "with tears
   warning each one of them." (v. 31.) (Here) again he puts them in fear:
   "I have showed you all things," he says: ye cannot take refuge in the
   plea of ignorance: "have shown you" by works "how that so laboring ye
   ought to work." And he does not say, that to receive is bad, but that
   not to receive is better. For, "remember," he says, "the words of the
   Lord which he spake: It is more blessed to give than to receive." (v.
   35.) And where said He this? Perhaps the Apostles delivered it by
   unwritten tradition; or else it is plain from (recorded sayings, from)
   which one could infer it. [1038] For in fact here he has shown both
   boldness in meeting dangers, sympathy with those over whom he ruled,
   teaching with (unshrinking) boldness, humility, (voluntary) poverty:
   but, what we have here is even more than that poverty. For if He says
   there (in the Gospel), "If thou wilt be perfect, sell what thou hast
   and give to the poor" (Matt. xix. 21), when, besides receiving nothing
   himself, he provides sustenance for others also, what could equal this?
   It is one degree to fling away one's possessions; a second, to be
   sufficient for the supply of one's own necessities: a third, to provide
   for others also; a fourth, for one (to do all this) who preaches and
   has a right to receive. So that here is a man far better than those who
   merely forego possessions. "Thus it is right to support the weak:" this
   is (indeed) sympathy with the weak; for to give from the labors of
   others, is easy. "And they fell on his neck," it says, "and wept." (v.
   37.) He shows their affection also by saying, "Upon his neck," as
   taking a last and yet a last embrace, such was the love they conceived
   from his discourse, such the spell of love that bound them. For if we
   groan when simply parting from each other, although we know that we
   shall receive one another back again, what a tearing away of themselves
   it must have been to them! Methinks Paul also wept. "Having torn
   ourselves away," he says: he shows the violence of it by saying,
   "having torn ourselves away from them." And with reason: otherwise they
   could never have got to sea. What means, "We came with a straight
   course unto Coos?" Instead of saying, "we did not go round nor make
   stay in other places." Then "unto Rhodes." (ch. xxi. 1.) See how he
   hastes on. And finding a ship sailing over unto Phenicia. (v. 2.)
   Possibly that ship (in which they had come) was making a stay there:
   wherefore they shifted to another, and not having found one going to
   Caesarea, but (finding this) for Phenice, they embarked in it (and
   pursued their voyage), having left Cyprus also and Syria: but the
   expression, "having left it on the left hand," is not said simply (in
   that meaning), but that they made speed not to get to Syria either.
   [1039] "We landed at Tyre." (v. 3.) Then they tarry with the brethren
   seven days. Now that they were come near to Jerusalem, they no longer
   run. (b) "Who said to Paul through the Spirit, that he should not go up
   to Jerusalem." (v. 4.) Observe how, when the Spirit does not forbid, he
   complies. They said, "Adventure not thyself into the theatre, and he
   did not adventure" (ch. xix. 31): often they bore him off (from
   dangers), and he complied: again he escaped by a window: and now,
   though numberless persons, so to say, beseech him, both those at Tyre
   and those at Caesarea, weeping also and predicting numberless dangers,
   he refuses to comply. And yet it is not (merely), they predicted the
   dangers, but "said by the Spirit." If then the Spirit bade, why did he
   gainsay? "By the Spirit," that is, they knowing "by the Spirit" (what
   would be the consequences, said to him): for of course it does not mean
   that the exhortation they made was by the Spirit. For they did not
   simply foretell to him the dangers (through the Spirit), but (added of
   themselves) that it behooved him not to go up--sparing him. But "after
   we had accomplished the days," i.e. had fulfilled the appointed days,
   "we separated, and went on our way: they all bringing us on our way
   with wives and children." (v. 5.)--See how great was the entreaty. And
   again they part with prayer. Also in Ptolemais they stay one day, but
   in Caesarea many. (v. 6-8.) (a) Now that they are near to Jerusalem,
   they no longer hurry. For observe, I pray you, all the days. "After the
   day of unleavened bread" they came "to Troas in five days" (ch. xx. 6);
   then they there spent "seven;" in all, twelve: then to "Thasos," to
   "Mytilene," to "Trogylium" and "over against Chios," and to "Samos" and
   "Miletus" (ib. 13-17); eighteen in all. Then to "Cos," to "Rhodes," to
   "Patara," twenty-one: then say [1040] five to "Tyre;" twenty-six: there
   "seven;" thirty-three; "Ptolemais," thirty-four; then to "Caesarea,
   many days" (ch. xxi. 1-10); and then, thereafter, the prophet puts them
   up thence. (c) When Paul has heard that he has to suffer numberless
   perils, then he is in haste, not flinging himself upon the dangers but
   accounting it to be the command of the Spirit. (e) And Agabus does not
   say, "They shall bind" Paul, that he may not seem to speak upon
   agreement (with Paul), but "the man that owneth this girdle" (v.
   11)--so then he had a girdle also. [1041] But when they could not
   persuade him--this was why they wept--then they "held their peace." Do
   you mark the resignation? do you mark the affection? "They held their
   peace," it says, "saying, The will of the Lord be done." (v. 12-14.)
   (g) The Lord, say they, Himself will do that which is pleasing in his
   sight. For they perceived that it was the will of God. Else Paul would
   not be so bent (upon going)--he that on all (other occasions delivers
   himself out of dangers. (d) "And after these, days," it says, "having
   taken up our baggage"--i.e. having received the (supplies) necessary
   for the journey--"we went up to Jerusalem." (v. 15.) "And there went
   with us also certain of the disciples from Caesarea, bringing us to one
   with whom we should lodge, one Mnason, an ancient disciple of Cyprus."
   [1042] (v. 16.) "And when we were come to Jerusalem, the brethren
   received us gladly." (v. 17.) (f) "Bringing us," it says, "(to him)
   with whom we should lodge"--not to the church: for on the former
   occasion (ch. xv. 4), when they went up concerning the decrees, they
   lodged with the Church, but now with a certain "ancient disciple." (The
   expression) shows that the preaching had been going on a long time:
   whence it seems to me that this writer in the Acts epitomizes the
   events of many years, relating (only) the matters of chief importance.
   (h) So unwilling were they to burthen the Church, when there was
   another to lodge them; and so little did they stand upon their dignity.
   "The brethren," it says, "received us gladly." Affairs among the Jews
   were now full of peace: there was not much warfare (among them).
   "Bringing us," it says, "to one with whom we should lodge." Paul was
   the guest he entertained. Perchance some one of you says: Aye, if it
   were given me to entertain Paul as a guest, I readily and with much
   eagerness would do this. Lo! it is in thy power to entertain Paul's
   Master for thy guest, and thou wilt not: for "he that receiveth one of
   these least," he saith, "receiveth Me." (Matt. xviii. 5; Luke ix. 48.)
   By how much the brother may be least, so much the more does Christ come
   to thee through him. For he that receives the great, often does it from
   vainglory also; but he that receives the small, does it purely for
   Christ's sake. It is in thy power to entertain even the Father of
   Christ as thy guest, and thou will not: for, [1043] "I was a stranger,"
   He says, "and ye took me in" (Matt. xxv. 35): and again, "Unto one of
   the least of these the brethren that believe on Me, ye have done it
   unto Me." (ib. 40.) Though it be not Paul, yet if it be a believer and
   a brother, although the least, Christ cometh to thee through him. Open
   thine house, take Him in. "He that receiveth a prophet," He saith,
   "shall receive a prophet's reward." (Matt. x. 41.) Therefore too he
   that receives Christ, shall receive the reward of him who has Christ
   for his guest. [1044] Do not thou disbelieve His words, but be
   believing. Himself hath said, Through them I come to thee: and that
   thou mayest not disbelieve, He lays down both punishments for those who
   do not receive, and honors for those who do receive; since He would not
   have done this, unless both the person honored and the person insulted
   were Himself. "Thou receivedst Me," He saith, "into thy lodging, I will
   receive thee into the Kingdom of My Father; thou tookest away My
   hunger, I take away thy sins; thou sawest Me bound, I see thee loosed;
   thou sawest Me a stranger, I make thee a citizen of heaven; thou gavest
   Me bread, I give thee an entire Kingdom, that thou mayest inherit and
   possess it." He saith not, "Receive," but, "Inherit," the word which is
   spoken of those who have possession by right of ownership; as when we
   say, "This have I inherited." Thou didst it to Me in secret, I will
   proclaim it openly: and of thine acts indeed I say, that they were of
   free gift, but Mine are of debt. "For since thou," He saith, "didst
   begin, I follow and come after: I am not ashamed to confess the
   benefits conferred on Me, nor from what things thou didst free Me,
   hunger and nakedness and wandering. Thou sawest Me bound, thou shalt
   not behold the fire of hell; thou sawest Me sick, thou shalt not behold
   the torments nor the punishments." O hands, truly blessed, which
   minister in such services as these, which are accounted worthy to serve
   Christ! Feet which go into prisons for Christ's sake, with ease defy
   the fire: no trial of bonds have they, (the hands) [1045] which saw Him
   bound! Thou clothedst Him with a garment, and thou puttest on a garment
   of salvation: thou wast in prison with Him, and with Him thou findest
   thyself in the Kingdom, not ashamed, knowing that thou visitedst Him.
   The Patriarch knew not that he was entertaining Angels, and he did
   entertain them. (Gen. xviii. 3.) Let us take shame to ourselves, I
   beseech you: he was sitting in mid-day, being in a foreign land, where
   he had none inheritance, "not so much as to set his foot on" (ch. vii.
   5): he was a stranger, and the stranger entertained strangers: for he
   was a citizen of heaven. Therefore, not even while he was on earth was
   he a stranger (to Him). We are rather strangers than that stranger, if
   we receive not strangers. He had no home, and his tent was his place of
   reception. And mark his liberality--he killed a calf, and kneaded fine
   meal: mark his ready mind--by himself and his wife: mark the unassuming
   manner--he worships and beseeches them. For all these qualities ought
   to be in that man who entertains strangers--readiness, cheerfulness,
   liberality. For the soul of the stranger is abashed, and feels ashamed;
   and unless (his host) show excessive joy, he is as (if) slighted, and
   goes away, and it becomes worse than not to have received him, his
   being received in this way. Therefore he worships them, therefore he
   welcomes them with speech, therefore with a seat. For who would have
   hesitated, knowing that this work was done unto Him? "But we are not in
   a foreign land." If we will, we shall be able to imitate him. How many
   of the brethren are strangers? There is a common apartment, the Church,
   which we call the "Xenon." Be inquisitive (periergazesthe), sit before
   the doors, receive those who come yourselves; though you may not wish
   to take them into your houses, at any rate in some other way (receive
   them), by supplying them with necessaries. "Why, has not the Church
   means" you will say? She has: but what is that to you? that they should
   be fed from the common funds of the Church, can that benefit you? If
   another man prays, does it follow that you are not bound to pray?
   Wherefore do you not say, "Do not the priests pray? then why should I
   pray?" "But I," you will say, "give to him who cannot be received
   there." Give, though it be to that one: for what we are anxious for is
   this, that you should give at any rate. Hear what Paul says: "That it
   may relieve them that are widows indeed, and that the Church be not
   burdened." (1 Tim. v. 16.) Be it how you will, only do it. But I put
   it, not, "that the Church be not burdened," but, "that thou be not
   burdened;" for at this rate thou wilt do nothing, leaving all to the
   Church. This is why there is a common room set apart by the Church,
   that you may not say these things. "The Church," say you, "has lands,
   [1046] has money, and revenues." And has she not charges? I ask; and
   has she not a daily expenditure? "No doubt," you will say. Why then do
   you not lend aid to her moderate means? I am ashamed indeed to say
   these things: however, I compel no man, if any one imagines what I am
   saying to be for gain. Make for yourself a guest-chamber in your own
   house: set up a bed there, set up a table there and a candlestick.
   (comp. 2 Kings iv. 10.) For is it not absurd, that whereas, if soldiers
   should come, you have rooms set apart for them, and show much care for
   them, and furnish them with everything, because they keep off from you
   the visible war of this world, yet strangers have no place where they
   might abide? Gain a victory over the Church. Would you put us to shame?
   This do: surpass us in liberality: have a room, to which Christ may
   come; say, "This is Christ's cell; this building is set apart for Him."
   Be it but an underground [1047] chamber, and mean, He disdains it not.
   "Naked and a stranger," Christ goes about, it is but a shelter He
   wants: afford it, though but this. Be not uncompassionate, nor inhuman;
   be not so earnest in worldly matters, so cold in spiritual. Let also
   the most faithful of thy servants be the one entrusted with this
   office, and let him bring in the maimed, the beggars, and the homeless.
   These things I say to shame you. For ye ought indeed to receive them in
   the upper part of your house; but if ye will not do this, then though
   it be below, though but where thy mules are housed, and thy servants,
   there receive Christ. Perchance ye shudder at hearing this. What then,
   when ye do not even this? Behold, I exhort, behold, I bid you; let this
   be a matter to be taken up in earnest. But ye do not wish it thus,
   perhaps? Do it some other way. There are many poor men and poor women:
   set apart some one (of these) constantly to remain there: let the poor
   man be (thine inmate) though but as a guard to thy house: let him be to
   thee wall and fence, shield and spear. Where alms are, the devil dares
   not approach, nor any other evil thing. Let us not overlook so great a
   gain. But now a place is set apart for a chariot, and for litters
   (basterniois) another; but for Christ Who is wandering, not even one!
   Abraham received the strangers in the place where he abode himself; his
   wife stood in the place of a servant, the guests in the place of
   masters. He knew not that he was receiving Christ; knew not that he was
   receiving Angels; so that had he known it, he would have lavished his
   whole substance. But we, who know that we receive Christ, show not even
   so much zeal as he did who thought that he was receiving men. "But they
   are impostors," you will say, "many of them, and unthankful." And for
   this the greater thy reward, when thou receivest for the sake of
   Christ's name. For if thou knowest indeed that they are impostors,
   receive them not into thy house: but if thou dost not know this, why
   dost thou accuse them lightly? "Therefore I tell them to go to the
   receiving house." But what kind of excuse is there for us, when we do
   not even receive those whom we know, but shut our doors against all?
   Let our house be Christ's general receptacle: let us demand of them as
   a reward, not money, but that they make our house the receptacle for
   Christ; let us run about everywhere, let us drag them in, let us seize
   our booty: greater are the benefits we receive than what we confer. He
   does not bid thee kill a calf: give thou bread to the hungry, raiment
   to the naked, shelter to the stranger. But that thou mayest not make
   this thy pretext, there is a common apartment, that of the Church;
   throw thy money into that, and then thou hast received them: since
   (Abraham) there had the reward of those things also which were done by
   his servants. "He gave the calf to a young man, and he hasted to dress
   it." (Gen. xviii. 7.) So well trained were his servants also! They ran,
   and murmured not as ours do: for he had made them pious. He drew them
   out to war, and they murmured not: so well disciplined were they. (Gen.
   xiv. 14.) For he had equal care for all as for himself: he all but said
   as Job did, "We were alike formed in the same womb." (Job xxxiii. 6.)
   Therefore let us also take thought for their salvation, and let us make
   it our duty to care for our servants, that they may be good; and let
   our servants also be instructed in the things pertaining to God. Then
   will virtue not be difficult to us, if we train them orderly. Just as
   in war, when the soldiers are well-disciplined, the general carries on
   war easily, but the contrary happens, when this is not so; and when the
   sailors too are of one mind, the pilot easily handles the
   rudder-strings; so here likewise. For say now, if thy servants have
   been so schooled, thou wilt not be easily exasperated, thou wilt not
   have to find fault, wilt not be made angry, wilt not need to abuse
   them. It may be, thou wilt even stand in awe of thy servants, if they
   are worthy of admiration, and they will be helpers with thee, and will
   give thee good counsel. But from all these shall all things proceed
   that are pleasing to God, and thus shall the whole house be filled with
   blessing, and we, performing things pleasing to God, shall enjoy
   abundant succor from above, unto which may we all attain, through the
   grace and mercy of our Lord Jesus Christ, with Whom to the Father and
   the Holy Ghost, together be glory, might, honor, now and ever, world
   without end. Amen.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1034] The phrase "which is able" (to dunameno) may be connected with
   the word "God," or with "the word of His grace." As standing nearer the
   latter, this would be the natural construction. So our author has taken
   it, understanding by "the word of His grace" rather the grace itself
   than the doctrine concerning it. Most critics have preferred to connect
   the phrase with to theo on the ground that it is more appropriate to
   ascribe the giving of an inheritance among the sanctified directly to
   God than to His word. (So DeWette, Meyer, Alford, Gloag).--G.B.S.

   [1035] By "the weak" Chrys. evidently understands the physically weak,
   the sick and poor (see the Recapitulation) and we think correctly as
   opposed to the "weak in faith." The apostle counsels labor in order to
   liberality toward the needy. So Olshausen, DeWette, Hackett, Gloag,
   Alford, vs. Neander, Tholuck, Lechler, Meyer.--G.B.S.

   [1036] The remainder of v. 13 and 14 we have removed from this to its
   proper place.

   [1037] Ouk ara en Korintho touto eirgasanto monon hoi diaphtheirontes
   tous mathetas k. t. l. One would have expected eirgasato monon, kai
   ouch hos hoi d. But the connection, not fully expressed, may be this:
   "So different from those "grievous wolves not sparing the flock," the
   false teachers who would make a gain of them! So then" etc.

   [1038] Some text or texts of the Gospels should be supplied here:
   beginning perhaps like the next sentence with a Kai gar.

   [1039] By Syria he seems here to mean the northern parts, about
   Antioch. "They left Cyprus on the left, but nearer to it than the
   opposite coast of Syria, because he did not wish to come near that
   either." Mod. text "This is not said idly, but to show that he did not
   think fit even to come near it (Cyprus), they sailing straight for
   Syria." What follows required transposition: the derangement, 2, 1: 3,
   5, 7: 4, 6, 8.

   [1040] A. C. Cat. (in B. the original characters are written over by a
   later hand), Eita boulethenai pente eis Turon. Perhaps boulei theinai.
   Mod. text eita ekeithen di hemeron pente.

   [1041] Hom.x. in Matt. E. "But why, you may ask, did he (the Baptist)
   use a girdle also with his garment? This was a custom with the
   ancients, before this present soft and dissolute fashion of ours came
   in. Thus Peter appears girdled, and Paul likewise: as it says, The man
   that owneth this girdle."

   [1042] The meaning of the latter part of v. 16 (agontes par ho
   xenisthomen Mnasoni tini Kupri& 251; k. t. l.), according to Chrys., is
   that the disciples from Caesarea conducted Paul to the house of Mnason
   at Jerusalem where he was to lodge, not (as our Eng. vss.), that they
   brought with them Mnason on their journey from Caesarea to Jerusalem.
   The former seems the preferable view as there is nothing in the context
   to intimate that Mnason was at this time in Caesarea and his residence
   was evidently Jerusalem. The construction of attraction is also equally
   well resolved in this way.--G.B.S.

   [1043] Here supply, "He that receiveth Me, receiveth Him that sent Me."

   [1044] oukoun kai ho Christon (should it be Christianon') dechomenos,
   lepsetai misthon tou Christon xenizonos.--Ben. renders the latter
   clause, recipiet mercedem Christi peregrinantis.

   [1045] All our mss. omit cheires, but the text hai dedemenon auton
   idousai requires more than this for its emendation. Below, before "not
   ashamed." mod. text inserts, "These things He (Christ) confesseth."

   [1046] 'All' echei iouga he ekklesia. On iouga, juga, see p. 74. Here
   also B. iunga., mod. text substitutes dapanemata.

   [1047] A. B. C. kan katagogion e so Morel. Ben. But E. has here
   preserved the true reading katogeon, so Savil. with marg. katagaion.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Homily XLVI.

   Acts XXI. 18, 19

   "And the day following Paul went in with us unto James: and all the
   elders were present. And when he had saluted them, he declared
   particularly what things God had wrought among the Gentiles by his
   ministry."

   This was the Bishop of Jerusalem; and to him (Paul) is sent on an
   earlier occasion. This (James) was brother of the Lord; a great and
   admirable man. (To him, it says,) "Paul entered in with us." Mark the
   (Bishop's) unassuming behavior: "and the elders" (were present). Again
   Paul relates to them the things relating to the Gentiles, not indulging
   in vainglory, God forbid, but wishing to show forth the mercy of God,
   and to fill them with great joy. (ch. xv.) See accordingly: "when they
   heard it," it says, "they glorified God,"--not praised nor admired
   Paul: for in such wise had he narrated, as referring all to Him--"and
   said unto him, Thou seest, brother, how many thousands of Jews there
   are which believed." Observe with what modest deference they too speak:
   "they said to him:" not (James) as Bishop discourses authoritatively,
   but they take Paul as partner with them in their view; "Thou seest,
   brother:" as though immediately and at the outset apologizing for
   themselves, and saying, "We did not wish this. Seest thou the necessity
   of the thing? how many thousands,' say they, of Jews there are which'
   have come together." And they say not, "how many thousands we have made
   catechumens," but, "there are. And these," say they, "are all zealous
   for the law." (v. 20.) Two reasons--the number of them, and their
   views. For neither had they been few, would it have been right to
   despise them: nor, if they were many and did not all cling to the law,
   would there have been need to make much account of them. Then also a
   third cause is given: "And they all," it says, "have been informed of
   thee"--they say not,"have heard," but katechethesan, that is, so they
   have believed, and have been taught, "that thou teachest apostasy from
   Moses to all the Jews which are among the Gentiles, by telling them not
   to circumcise their children, neither to walk after the customs." (v.
   21.) "What is it therefore? the multitude must needs come together: for
   they will hear that thou art come. Do therefore this that we say to
   thee" (v. 22, 23): they say these things as advising, not as
   commanding. "We have four men which have a vow on them; them take, and
   purify thyself with them, and be at charges with them." Make thy
   defence in act, not in word--"that they may shave themselves," it says,
   "and all may know that those things, whereof they were informed
   concerning thee, are nothing; but that thou thyself also walkest
   orderly, and keepest the law" (v. 23, 24): they say not, "teachest,"
   but, of superabundance, "that thou thyself also keepest the law." For
   of course not this was the matter of chief interest, whether he did not
   teach others, but, that he did himself observe the law. "What then" (he
   might say), "if the Gentiles should learn it? I shall injure them." How
   so? say they, seeing that even we, the teachers of the Jews, have sent
   unto them. "As touching the Gentiles which believe, we have written and
   concluded that they observe no such thing, save only that they keep
   themselves from things offered to idols, and from blood, and from
   strangled, and from fornication." (v. 25.) Here with a kind of
   remonstrance (entreptikhos), As "we," say they, commanded them,
   although we are preachers to the Jews, so do thou, although a preacher
   to the Gentiles, cooperate with us. Observe Paul: he does not say,
   "Well, but I can bring forward Timothy, whom I circumcised: well, but I
   can satisfy them by what I have to say (of myself):" but he complied,
   and did all: for in fact thus was it expedient (to do). [1048] For it
   was one thing to take (effectual) measures for clearing himself, and
   another to have done these things without the knowledge of any (of the
   parties). It was a step open to no suspicion, the fact of his even
   bearing the expenses. "Then Paul took the men, and the next day
   purifying himself with them entered into the temple, signifying the
   accomplishment of the days of purification, until that an offering
   should be offered for every one of them." (v. 26.) "Signifying,"
   diangellon, i.e. katangellon, publicly notifying: so that it was he who
   made himself conspicuous. "And when the seven days were about to be
   completed, the Jews from Asia"--for (his arrival) most keeps times with
   theirs [1049] --"when they saw him in the temple, stirred up all the
   people, and laid hands on him, crying out, Men of Israel, help: This is
   the man, that teacheth all men everywhere against the people, and the
   law, and this place: and further brought Greeks also into the temple,
   and hath polluted this holy place." (v. 27, 28.) Mark their habitual
   conduct, how turbulent we everywhere find it, how men who with or
   without reason make a clamor in the midst. [1050] "For they had seen
   before with him in the city Trophimus an Ephesian, whom they supposed
   that Paul had brought into the temple. And all the city was moved, and
   the people ran together: and they took Paul, and drew him out of the
   temple and forthwith the doors were shut." (v. 29, 30.) "Men of
   Israel," it says, "help: this is the man that (teaches) against the
   people, and the law, and this place."--the things which most trouble
   them, the Temple and the Law. And Paul does not tax the Apostles with
   being the cause of these things to him. "And they drew him," it says,
   "out of the Temple: and the doors were shut." For they wished to kill
   him; and therefore were dragging him out, to do this with greater
   security. "And as they went about to kill him, tidings came unto the
   tribune of the cohort, that all Jerusalem was in an uproar. Who
   immediately took soldiers and centurions, and ran down unto them: and
   when they saw the tribune and the soldiers, they left beating of Paul.
   Then the tribune came near, and took him, and commanded him to be bound
   with two chains; and demanded who he was, and what he had done. And
   some cried one thing, some another, among the multitude." (v. 31-34.)
   But the tribune having come down delivered him, and "commanded him to
   be bound with two chains:" (hereby) appeasing the anger of the people.
   "And when he could not know the certainty for the tumult, he commanded
   him to be carried into the castle. And when he came upon the stairs, so
   it was, that he was borne of the soldiers for the violence of the
   people. For the multitude of the people followed after, crying, Away
   with him!" (v. 34-36.) What means, "Away with him?" that is, what they
   say with us according to the Roman custom, To the standards with him!
   [1051] "And as Paul was to be led into the castle, he said unto the
   tribune, May I speak unto thee?" (v. 37.) In the act of being borne
   along up the stairs, he requests to say something to the tribune: and
   observe how quietly he does it. "May I speak unto thee?" he says. "Who
   said, Canst thou speak Greek? Art thou not then that Egyptian, which
   before these days madest an uproar, and leddest out into the wilderness
   four thousand men that were murderers?" (v. 38.) For (this Egyptian)
   was a revolutionary and seditious person. With regard to this then Paul
   clears himself, and * * [1052]

   (Recapitulation.) "Do therefore this that we say unto thee," etc. (v.
   23, 24.) He shows that it was not necessary to do this upon principle
   (proegoumenos)--whence also they obtain his compliance--but that it was
   economy and condescension. [1053] "As touching the Gentiles," etc. (v.
   25.) Why, then, this was no hindrance to the preaching, seeing they
   themselves legislated for them to this effect. Why, then, [1054] in his
   taking Peter to task he does not absolutely (haplhos) charge him with
   doing wrong: for precisely what he does on this occasion himself, the
   same does Peter on that occasion, (merely) holding his peace, and
   establishing his doctrine. (Gal. ii. 11.) And he says not, For why? it
   is not right to teach those among the Gentiles. "It is not enough to
   have not (so) preached there, but there was need also to do something
   more, that those may be persuaded that thou observest the law. The
   affair is one of condescension, be not alarmed." They do not advise him
   (to this course) sooner, until they have first spoken of the economy
   and the gain. "And besides, the doing this in Jerusalem, is a thing to
   be borne. Do thou this thing therefore' here, that it may be in thy
   power abroad to do the other." (b) "The next day," it says, "he took
   them" (v. 26): he deferred it not; for when there is economy in the
   case, this is the way of it. (a) "Jews from Asia having seen him," for
   it was natural that they were spending some days there, "in the
   Temple." (v. 27.) (c) Mark the economy (of Providence) that appeared
   (in this). (p. 279, note 1) After the (believing) Jews had been
   persuaded (concerning him), then it is that those (Jews of Asia) set
   upon him in order that those (believing Jews) may not also set upon
   him. Help, say they, "ye men of Israel!" as though it were some
   (monster) difficult to be caught, and hard to be overcome, that has
   fallen into their hands. "All men," they say, "everywhere, he ceaseth
   not to teach;" not here only. And then the accusation (is) more
   aggravated by the present circumstances. "And yet more," say they, "he
   has polluted the temple, having brought into it men who are Greeks."
   (v. 28.) And yet in Christ's time there "came up (Greeks) to worship"
   (John xii. 20): true, but here it speaks of Greeks who had no mind to
   worship. "And they seized Paul," etc. (v. 30-35.) They no longer wanted
   laws nor courts of justice: they also beat him. But he forbore to make
   his defence then; he made it afterward: with reason; for they would not
   even have heard him then. Pray, why did they cry, "Away with him?" (v.
   36.) They feared he might escape them. Observe how submissively Paul
   speaks to the tribune. "May I speak unto thee? Then art not thou that
   Egyptian?" (v. 37, 38.) This Egyptian, namely, was a cheat and
   impostor, and the devil expected to cast a cloud over (the Gospel)
   through him, and implicate both Christ and His Apostles in the charges
   pertaining to those (imposters): but he prevailed nothing, nay the
   truth became even more brilliant, being nothing defeated by the
   machinations of the devil, nay rather shining forth all the more. Since
   if there had not been impostors, and then these (Christ and His
   Apostles) had prevailed, perhaps some one might have laid hold upon
   this: but when those impostors did actually appear, this is the wonder.
   "In order," says (the Apostle), "that they which are approved may be
   made manifest." (1 Cor. xi. 19.) And Gamaliel says, "Before these days
   stood up Theudas." [1055] Then let us not grieve that heresies exist,
   seeing that false Christs wished to attack even Christ both before this
   and after; with a view to throw Him into the shade, but on every
   occasion we find the truth shining out transparent. So it was with the
   Prophets: there were false prophets, and by contrast with these they
   shone the more: just as disease enhances health, and darkness light,
   and tempest calm. There is no room left for the Greeks to say that (our
   teachers) were impostors and mountebanks: for those (that were such)
   were exposed. It was the same in the case of Moses: God suffered the
   magicians, on purpose that Moses might not be suspected to be a
   magician: He let them teach all men to what length magic can go in
   making a fantastic show: beyond this point they deceived not, but
   themselves confessed their defeat. Impostors do us no harm, rather do
   us good, if we will apply our mind to the matter. What then, you will
   say, if we are partners with them in common estimation? The estimation
   is not among us, but with those who have no judgment. Let not us
   greatly care for the estimation of the many, nor mind it more than
   needs. To God we live, not to men: in heaven we have our conversation,
   not on earth: there lie the awards and the prizes of our labors, thence
   we look for our praises, thence for our crowns. Thus far let us trouble
   ourselves about men--that we do not give and afford them a handle
   against us. But if, though we afford none, those choose to accuse us
   thoughtlessly and without discrimination, let us laugh, not [1056]
   weep. "Provide" thou "things honest before the Lord and before men" (2
   Cor. viii. 21): if, though thou provide things honest, that man
   derides, give thyself no more concern (for that). Thou hast thy
   patterns in the Scriptures. For, saith he, "do I now persuade men or
   God?" (Gal. i. 10) and again, "We persuade men, but we are made
   manifest unto God." (2 Cor. v. 11.) And Christ (spoke) thus of them
   that take offence: "Let them alone, they be blind guides of the blind"
   (Matt. xv. 14); and again, "Woe unto you, when all men speak well of
   you" (Luke vi. 26): and again, "Let your works shine, that men may see,
   and glorify your Father which is in heaven." (Matt. v. 16.) And, "Whoso
   shall offend one of these little ones, it were better for him that a
   millstone were hanged about his neck, and he were drowned in the depths
   of the sea." (Matt. xviii. 6.)

   These sayings are not contrary, nay, they are exceedingly in accord.
   For when the offence is with us, then woe unto us, but when not with
   us, not so. And again, Woe to (that man) through whom "the name of God
   is blasphemed." (Rom. ii. 24.) How then if I do what is right in
   anything, but another blasphemes? That is nothing to me, but only to
   him: for through him (God) was blasphemed. "And how is it possible to
   do what is right in anything, and yet give a handle to the rest?"
   Whence will ye that I bring examples--from present, or from old times?
   Not to be easily scared (psophodeheis), shall we speak to the very
   point now in hand? Paul judaized in Jerusalem, but in Antioch not so:
   he judaized, and they were offended (p. 282, note 3), but those had no
   right to be offended. He is said to have saluted both Nero's cupbearer
   and his concubine: [1057] what, think ye, must they have said against
   him because of this? But they had no right to do so. Since, if he drew
   them to him for [1058] loose living or any wicked acts, one might well
   be offended: but if in order to right living, what is there to be
   offended at? Let me mention something that happened to one of my
   acquaintance. The wrath of God once fell upon (a city), and he being
   very young (was) in the order of deacon. The bishop was absent at the
   time, and of the presbyters none took thought for the matter, but
   indiscriminately they caused in one night immense numbers [1059] of
   people to be baptized all at once, and they did indiscriminately
   receive baptism, all of them ignorant of everything: these he took
   apart by a hundred or two hundred together, and discoursed to them, not
   upon any other subject, but only on the sacraments, so that the
   unbaptized also were not allowed to be present. Many thought he did
   this because he coveted rule. But he cared not for that: neither
   however did he continue the thing for a (longer) time, but immediately
   desisted. When then? Was he the cause of the scandal? I think not. For
   if indeed he had done this without cause, they might with reason have
   ascribed it to him: and so again, if he had continued to do so. For
   when aught of what is pleasing to God is hindered by another's taking
   offence, it is right to take no notice: but then is the time to mind
   it, when we are not forced because of him to offend God. For, say, if,
   while we are discoursing and putting drunkards to shame (skoptonton),
   any one take offence--am I to give over speaking? Hear Christ say,
   "Will ye also go away?" (John vi. 67.) So then, the right thing is,
   neither to take no notice, nor to take too much, of the weakness of the
   many. Do we not see the physicians acting thus: how, when it may be
   done, they humor the whims of their patients, but when the
   gratification does harm, then they will not spare? Always it is good to
   know the right mean. Many reviled, because a certain beautiful virgin
   stayed, and they railed upon those who catechised (her). What then? Was
   it their duty to desist for that? By no means. For let us not look to
   this only, whether some be offended, but whether they are justly
   offended, and [1060] so that it is no hurt to ourselves (to give way).
   "If meat," saith (Paul), "offend my brother, I will eat no meat as long
   as the world lasts." (1 Cor. viii. 13.) With reason: for the not eating
   did (him) no harm. If however it offend him, that I wish to renounce
   (apotaxasthai) (the world), it is not right to mind him. And whom, you
   will ask, does this offend? Many, to my knowledge. When therefore the
   hindrance is a thing indifferent, let (the thing) be done [1061] .
   Else, if we were to look only to this, many are the things we have to
   desist from: just as, on the other hand, if we should despise (all
   objections), we have to destroy many (brethren). As in fact Paul also
   took thought beforehand concerning offence: "Lest," he says, "in this
   liberality which is administered by us:" for it was attended with no
   loss (to him) to obviate an ill surmise. But when we fall into such a
   necessity as that great evils should ensue through the other's taking
   offence [1062] let us pay no heed to that person. He has to thank
   himself for it, and we are not now accountable, for it was not possible
   to spare him without hurt (to ourselves). Some were offended, because
   certain believers sat down to meat in (heathen) temples. It was not
   right to sit down: for no harm came of this (their not doing it). They
   were offended, because Peter ate with the Gentiles. But he indeed
   spared them, but (Paul) [1063] not so. On all occasions it behooves us
   in following the laws of God to take great pains that we give no matter
   of offence; that both ourselves may not have to answer for it, and may
   have mercy vouchsafed us from God, by the grace and loving-kindness of
   His only-begotten Son, with Whom to the Father and Holy Ghost together
   be glory, dominion, honor, now and ever, world without end. Amen.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1048] It has been much disputed whether the charge: "Thou teachest
   apostacy from Moses," etc., was true or not. There certainly was truth
   in the charge. Paul maintained that the Mosaic law, as such, was not
   binding upon Christians. But it was against those who made it a yoke of
   bondage upon believers, that he waged a polemic. Where there was no
   imposition of the law as necessary to salvation, Paul in no way
   antagonized it, but rather trusted to the free working of the
   principles of the gospel to gradually accomplish the abolition of its
   rites and forms. The truth seems to be that Paul was tolerant of
   Judaism where it did not impose burdens upon believers or threaten the
   completeness and sufficiency of the gospel; he even accommodated
   himself to Jewish requirements, as in shaving his head at Cenchrea and
   circumcising Timothy. He never unnecessarily opposed the law of Moses,
   but taught that it had been fulfilled in Christ. So far as he
   accommodated himself to its ceremonies, it was only that he might
   remove prejudice and so win the Jews to Christ.--G.B.S.

   [1049] Old text: malista gar ekeinois sunchronizei, as the comment on
   hoi apo tes 'Asias 'Ioudaioi, meaning apparently that his arrival at
   Jerusalem would naturally fall at the same time with that of the Jews
   who, like himself, came from the same parts. Mod. text transfers the
   comment to the first clause of the verse, "And as the days were about
   to be fulfilled: hora pos malista de autois enchronizei," it is not
   easy to see with what meaning.

   [1050] hora to ethos auton pantachou tarachodes, kai haplos boonton en
   to meso. Meaning perhaps that the conduct of these Ephesian Jews was of
   a piece with that of their heathen countrymen, ch. xix. 28.

   [1051] en tois signois auton embale. Ammonius in the Catena, "It was a
   custom of the Jews to utter this cry against the just as they did
   against the Lord, Aire auton! i.e. away with Him from among the
   living." Hence OEcumen. combining this with the explanation in the
   text, "It was the custom of the Jews, etc. But some say, That is, what
   they say with us," etc. And so mod. text, "It was a custom of the Jews
   to say this against those whom they would condemn, as also in the case
   of Christ they appear doing this, and saying, Aron auton! that is, Make
   him to disappear from among the living. "But some," what among us they
   say according to the Roman custom, 'En tois signois auton embale, the
   same is the Aire auton.

   [1052] Mod. text supplies the evident lacuna with, "And by what he
   says, takes him off from his suspicion. "But let us look again at what
   has been read. "There are," they say, "with us seven men," etc.

   [1053] This vow appears to have been the Nazarite vow described in Num.
   vi. 1-21, taken by the apostle as an accommodation to Jewish prejudices
   and to allay the suspicions of the legal party in Jerusalem. This was
   done upon the recommendation of James, the "Bishop" of the church, and
   his associates. The significance of Paul's paying the expenses, is,
   perhaps, that the period during which the others vow had run was on
   this condition reckoned to his account also. It is noticeable that the
   party of James distinctly admits that adherence to the legal ceremonies
   is not required of the Gentile Christians; it is equally important to
   notice that Paul yielded to the advice to take this view, as a
   concession in a matter of indifference, since he was living for the
   time as a Jew among Jews, that he might give no needless offence and
   might win the more. It was not a compromise, but an expedient
   concession to convictions and prejudices which it was not wise or
   necessary to oppose or increase.--G.B.S.

   [1054] Mod. text, "Using this economy then, he himself at a later time
   (?) accuses Peter, and he does not do this hapls" St. Chrysostom's view
   of St. Peter's dissimulation at Antioch as an "economy," is most fully
   given in his exposition of the passage, Chomment. in Gal. chap. ii. S:.
   4, 5.

   [1055] Mod. text adds, "But as for the sicarii, some say they were a
   kind of robbers, so called from the swords they bore, which by the
   Romans are called sicae: others, that they were of the first sect among
   the Hebrews. For there are among them three sects, generally considered
   (haireseis hai genikai): Pharisees, Sadducees, and Essenes who are also
   called hosioi, for that is the meaning of the name Essenes,' on account
   of their reverend manner of life: but the same (?) are also called
   sicarii, because of their being zealots." For a further illustration of
   the way in which the modern text was formed, especially in respect of
   its use of the Catena (see p. 279, note 3), compare the latter with
   OEcumenius on this passage. The Catena, namely, cites from Origen:
   "Among the Jews are treis haireseis genikai; Pharisees, Sadducees,
   Essenes: these (last) exercise a more reverend manner of life, being
   lovers one of another and temperate: whence also they are called
   Essenes, i.e. hosioi: but others called them (?) sicarii, i.e.
   zealots." (OEcumen. using the Catena, makes a continuous exposition
   from Chrys., Origen, and Josephus. Mod. text from the same materials,
   interpolates the text of Chrys. as above.

   [1056] B. alone of our mss. gives the negative which the sense
   requires; restored to the text by Ed. Par. Ben. 2.

   [1057] The cupbearer may be Narcissus (Rom. xvi. 11): the name of the
   concubine is not mentioned. In one of his earliest works, Adv. Oppugn.
   Vitae Monast. i. S: 3. t. i. p. 59. D. St. Chrys. relates that Nero
   cast St. Paul into prison, and in the end beheaded him, in his rage at
   the loss of a favorite concubine, converted by him to the faith.

   [1058] Ben. espasato, which is the reading of D. only: all the rest
   epespasato.

   [1059] In the original, muriadas pollas. The deacon is probably Chrys.
   himself; the bishop, Flavian.

   [1060] kai me meta tes hemeteras blabes. Mod. text and Edd. kai ei me,
   which is ambiguous. "The thing to be considered is, whether they are
   offended dikaios kai me meta t. he. b. justly, and not with concomitant
   hurt to ourselves should we give way." As in the case afterwards
   mentioned, the sitting at meat in an idol's temple; the "weak brothers"
   were offended dikaios, and to abstain from such conduct was not
   attended with any moral hurt or loss to the men of "knowledge."

   [1061] hotan toinun adiaphoron e to koluma, ginestho. Ben, quando
   igitur indifferens est, abstineatur. But the koluma (which is
   overlooked in this rendering) seems to mean, the hindrance to the
   apotaxasthai, which latter will be the subject to ginestho. For
   instance, if the impediment urged by others against a person's taking
   the monastic vows be a thing indifferent, let him take them. Else, if
   we were to look to this only--viz. that this or that man is
   offended--pollon echomen apostenai--many are the right undertakings we
   should have to forego or desist from: as on the other hand were we to
   make it a rule to despise all considerations of offence, we should have
   to be the ruin of many a brother.

   [1062] Namely, in a matter where the duty of persisting in our course
   is plain--viz. where the other is offended ou dikaios, and to give way
   would be meta tes hemeteras blabes--then, even though great evils to
   him or others result from our not giving way, we must take no notice of
   the offence, must allow it no weight.

   [1063] autos de ouk eti. Here, as above, p. 118, it seems to be assumed
   that St. Paul's judaizing at Jerusalem gave offence to the Gentile
   brethren in his company.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Homily XLVII.

   Acts XXI. 39, 40

   "But Paul said, I am a man which am a Jew of Tarsus, a city in Cilicia,
   a citizen of no mean city: and I beseech thee, suffer me to speak unto
   the people. And when he had given him license, Paul stood on the
   stairs, and beckoned with the hand unto the people. And when there was
   made a great silence, he spake unto them in the Hebrew tongue, saying."

   Observe how, when he discourses to those that are without, he does not
   decline availing himself of the aids afforded by the laws. Here he awes
   the tribune by the name of his city. And again, elsewhere he said,
   "Openly, uncondemned, Romans as we are, they have cast us into prison."
   (ch. xix. 37.) For since the tribune said, "Art thou that Egyptian?" he
   immediately drew him off from that surmise: then, that he may not be
   thought to deny his nation, he says at once, "I am a Jew:" he means his
   religion. [1064] (b) What then? he did not deny (that he was a
   Christian): God forbid: for he was both a Jew and a Christian,
   observing what things he ought: since indeed he, most of all men, did
   obey the law: (a) as in fact he elsewhere calls himself, "Under the law
   to Christ." (1 Cor. ix. 21.) What is this, I pray? (c) The man [1065]
   that believes in Christ. And when discoursing with Peter, he says: "We,
   Jews by nature.--But I beseech thee, suffer me to speak unto the
   people." (Gal. ii. 15.) And this is a proof, that he does not speak
   lies, seeing he takes all as his witnesses. Observe again how mildly he
   speaks. This again is a very strong argument that he is chargeable with
   no crime, his being so ready to make his defence, and his wishing to
   come to discourse with the people of the Jews. See a man well-prepared
   (tetagmenon andra)!--Mark the providential ordering of the thing:
   unless the tribune had come, unless he had bound him, he would not have
   desired to speak for his defence, he would not have obtained the
   silence he did. "Standing on the stairs." Then there was the additional
   facility afforded by the locality, that he should have a high place to
   harangue them from--in chains too! What spectacle could be equal to
   this, to see Paul, bound with two chains, and haranguing the people!
   (To see him,) how he was not a whit perturbed, not a whit confused;
   how, seeing as he did so great a multitude all hostility against him,
   the ruler standing by, he first of all made them desist from their
   anger: then, how prudently (he does this). Just what he does in his
   Epistle to the Hebrews, the same he does here: first he attracts them
   by the sound of their common mother tongue: then by his mildness
   itself. "He spake unto them," it says, "in the Hebrew tongue, saying,
   Men, brethren, and fathers, hear ye my defence which I make now unto
   you." (ch. xxii. 1.) Mark his address, at once so free from all
   flattery, and so expressive of meekness. For he says not, "Masters,"
   nor "Lords," but, "Brethren," just the word they most liked: "I am no
   alien from. you," he says, nor "against you." "Men," he says,
   "brethren, and fathers:" this, a term of honor, that of kindred. "Hear
   ye," says he, "my"--he says not, "teaching," nor "harangue," but, "my
   defence which I now make unto you." He puts himself in the posture of a
   suppliant. "And when they heard that he spake in the Hebrew tongue to
   them, they kept the more silence." (v. 2.) Do you observe how the using
   the same tongue subdued them? In fact, they had a sort of awe for that
   language. Observe also how he prepares the way for his discourse,
   beginning thus: "I am verily a man which am a Jew, born in Tarsus, a
   city in Cilicia, yet brought up in this city at the feet of Gamaliel,
   and taught according to the perfect manner of the law of the fathers,
   and was zealous toward God, as ye all are this day." (v. 3.) "I am a
   man," he says, "which am a Jew:" which thing they liked most of all to
   hear; "born in Tarsus, a city of Cilicia." That they may not again
   think him to be of another nation, he adds his religion: "but brought
   up in this city." (p. 282, note 4.) He shows how great was his zeal for
   the worship, inasmuch as having left his native city, which was so
   great and so remote too, he chose to be brought up here for the Law's
   sake. See how from the beginning he attached himself to the law. [1066]
   But this he says, not only to defend himself to them, but to show that
   not by human intent was he led to the preaching of the Gospel, but by a
   Divine power: else, having been so educated, he would not have suddenly
   changed. For if indeed he had been one of the common order of men, it
   might have been reasonable to suspect this: but if he was of the number
   of those who were most of all bound by the law, it was not likely that
   he should change lightly, and without strong necessity. But perhaps
   some one may say: "To have been brought up here proves nothing: for
   what if thou camest here for the purpose of trading, or for some other
   cause?" Therefore he says, "at the feet of Gamaliel:" and not simply,
   "by Gamaliel," but "at his feet," showing his perseverance, his
   assiduity, his zeal for the hearing, and his great reverence for the
   man. "Taught according to the perfect manner of the law of the
   fathers." Not simply, "the law," but "the law of the fathers;" showing
   that he was such from the beginning, and not merely one that knew the
   Law. All this seems indeed to be spoken on their side, but in fact it
   told against them, since he, knowing the law, forsook it. "Yes: but
   what if thou didst indeed know the law accurately, but dost not
   vindicate it, no, nor love it?" "Being a zealot," he adds: not simply
   (one that knew it). Then, since it was a high encomium he had passed
   upon himself, he makes it theirs as well as his, adding, "As ye all are
   this day." For he shows that they act not from any human object, but
   from zeal for God; gratifying them, and preoccupying their minds, and
   getting a hold upon them in a way that did no harm. Then he brings
   forward proofs also, saying, "and I persecuted this way unto the death,
   binding and delivering into prisons both men and women. As also the
   high priest doth bear me witness, and all the estate of the elders" (v.
   4, 5): "How does this appear." As witnesses he brings forward the
   high-priest himself and the elders. He says indeed, "Being a zealot, as
   ye" (Hom. xix. p. 123): but he shows by his actions, that he went
   beyond them. "For I did not wait for an opportunity of seizing them: I
   both stirred up the priests, and undertook journeys: I did not confine
   my attacks, as ye did, to men, I extended them to women also: "both
   binding, and casting into prisons both men and women."

   This testimony is incontrovertible; the (unbelief) of the Jews (is
   left) without excuse. See how many witnesses he brings forward, the
   elders, the high-priest, and those in the city. Observe his defence,
   how it is not of cowardly fear (for himself, that he pleads), no, but
   for teaching and indoctrination. For had not the hearers been stones,
   they would have felt the force of what he was saying. For up to this
   point he had themselves as witnesses: the rest, however, was without
   witnesses: "From whom also I received letters unto the brethren, and
   went to Damascus, to bring them which were there bound unto Jerusalem,
   for to be punished. And it came to pass, that, as I made my journey,
   and was come nigh unto Damascus about noon, suddenly there shone from
   heaven a great light round about me. And I fell unto the ground, and
   heard a voice saying unto me, Saul, Saul, why persecutest thou Me? And
   I answered, Who are Thou, Lord? And he said unto me, I am Jesus of
   Nazareth, Whom thou persecutest." (v. 6, 7, 8.) Why then, these very
   things ought to have been held worthy of credit, from those that went
   before: otherwise he would not have undergone such a revolution. How if
   he is only making a fine story of it, say you? Answer me, Why did he
   suddenly fling away all this zeal? Because he looked for honor? And yet
   he got just the contrary. But an easy life, perhaps? No, nor that
   either. Well but something else? Why it is not in the power of thought
   to invent any other object. So then, leaving it to themselves to draw
   the inference, he narrates the facts. "As I came nigh," he says, "unto
   Damascus, about noonday." See how great was the excess of the light.
   What if he is only making a fine story, say you? Those who were with
   him are witnesses, who led him by the hand, who saw the light. "And
   they that were with me saw indeed the light, and were afraid; but they
   heard not the voice of Him that spake to me." (v. 9.) But in another
   place he says, "Hearing the voice, but seeing no man." (Acts ix. 7.) It
   is not at variance: no, there were two voices, that of Paul and the
   Lord's voice: in that place, the writer means Paul's voice (Hom. xix.
   p. 124, note 2); as in fact (Paul) here adds, "The voice of Him that
   spake unto me. Seeing no man:" he does not say, that they did not see
   the light: but, "no man," that is, "none speaking." And good reason
   that it should be so, since it behooved him alone to have that voice
   vouchsafed unto him. For if indeed they also had heard it, (the
   miracle) would not have been so great. Since persons of grosser minds
   are persuaded more by sight, those saw the light, and were afraid. In
   fact, neither did the light take so much effect on them, as it did on
   him: for it even blinded his eyes: by that which befel him, (God) gave
   them also an opportunity of recovering their sight, if they had the
   mind. It seems to me at least, that their not believing was
   providentially ordered, that they might be unexceptionable witnesses.
   "And he said unto me" it says, "I am Jesus of Nazareth, Whom thou
   persecutest." (comp. ch. ix. 5.) Well is the name of the city
   (Nazareth) also added, that they might recognize (the Person):
   moreover, the Apostles also spoke thus. (ch. ii. 22; iv. 10; x. 38.)
   And Himself bore witness, that they were persecuting Him. "And they
   that were with me saw indeed the light, and were afraid, but they heard
   not the voice of Him that spake to me. And I said, What shall I do,
   Lord? And the Lord said unto me, Arise, and go into Damascus; and there
   it shall be told thee of all things which are appointed for thee to do.
   And when I could not see for the glory of that light, being led by the
   hand of them that were with me, I came into Damascus. And one Ananias,
   a devout man according to the law, having a good report of all the Jews
   which dwelt there, came unto me, and stood, and said unto me, Brother
   Saul, receive thy sight. And the same hour I looked up upon him. Enter
   into the city," it says, "and there it shall be spoken to thee of all
   that is appointed for thee to do." (v. 10-13.) Lo! again another
   witness. And see how unexceptionable he makes him also. "And one
   Ananias," he says, "a devout man according to the law,"--so far is it
   from being anything alien!--"having a good report of all the Jews that
   dwelt" (there). "And I in the same hour received sight." Then follows
   the testimony borne by the facts. Observe how it is interwoven, of
   persons and facts; and the persons, both of their own and of aliens:
   the priests, the elders, and his fellow-travellers: the facts, what he
   did and what was done to him: and facts bear witness to facts, not
   persons only. Then Ananias, an alien; [1067] then the fact itself, the
   recovery of sight; then a great prophecy. "And he said, The God of our
   fathers hath chosen thee, that thou shouldest know His will, and see
   That Just One." (v. 14.) It is well said, "Of the fathers," to show
   that they were not Jews, but aliens from the law, and that it was not
   from zeal (for the law) that they were acting. "That thou shouldest
   know His will." Why then His will is this. See how in the form of
   narrative it is teaching. "And see That Just One, and hear the voice of
   His mouth. For thou shalt be His witness unto all men of what thou hast
   seen and heard. And see," he says, "that Just One." (v. 15.) For the
   present he says no more than this: if He is Just, they are guilty. "And
   hear the voice of His mouth." See how high he raises the fact! "For
   thou shalt be His witness--for this, because thou wilt not betray the
   sight and hearing (i.e. "prove false to")--"both of what thou hast
   seen, and of what thou hast heard:" by means of both the senses he
   claims his faith, fulness--"to all men. And now why tarriest thou?
   arise, and be baptized, and wash away thy sins, calling on His name."
   (v. 16.) Here it is a great thing he has uttered. For he said not, "Be
   baptized in His name:" but, "calling on the name of Christ." It shows
   that He is God: since it is not lawful to "call upon" any other, save
   God. Then he shows also, that he himself was not compelled: for, "I
   said," says he, "What must I do?" Nothing is (left) without witness:
   no; he brings forward the witness of a whole city, seeing they had
   beheld him led by the hand. But see the prophecy fulfilled. "To all
   men," it is said. For he did become a witness to Him, and a witness as
   it ought to be; by what he suffered, by what he did, and by what he
   said. Such witnesses ought we also to be, and not to betray the things
   we have been entrusted withal: I speak not only of doctrines, but also
   of the manner of life.

   For observe: because he had seen, because he had heard, he bears
   witness to all men, and nothing hindered him. We too bear witness (Mod.
   text "have heard") that there is a Resurrection and numberless good
   things: we are bound to bear witness of this to all men. "Yes, and we
   do bear witness," you will say, "and do believe." How; when ye act the
   contrary? Say now: if any one should call himself a Christian, and then
   having apostatized should hold with the Jews, would this testimony
   suffice? By no means: for men would desire the testimony which is borne
   by the actions. Just so, if we say that there is a Resurrection and
   numberless good things, and then despise those things and prefer the
   things here, who will believe us? Not what we say, but what we do, is
   what all men look to. "Thou shalt be a witness," it says, "unto all
   men:" not only to the friendly, but also to the unbelievers: for this
   is what witnesses are for; not to persuade those who know, but those
   who know not. Let us be trustworthy witnesses. But how shall we be
   trustworthy? By the life we lead. The Jews assaulted him: our passions
   assault us, bidding us abjure our testimony. But let us not obey them:
   we are witnesses from God. (Christ) is judged that He is not God:
   [1068] He has sent us to bear witness to Him. Let us bear witness and
   persuade those who have to decide the point: if we do not bear witness,
   we have to answer for their error also. But if in a court of justice,
   where worldly matters come in question, nobody would receive a witness
   full of numberless vices, much less here, where such (and so great) are
   the matters to be considered. We say, that we have heard Christ, and
   that we believe the things which He has promised: Show it, say they, by
   your works: for your life bears witness of the contrary--that ye do not
   believe. Say, shall we look at the money-getting people, the rapacious,
   the covetous? the people that mourn and wail, that build and busy
   themselves in all sorts of things, as though they were never to die?
   "Ye do not believe that ye shall die, a thing so plain and evident: and
   how shall we believe you when ye bear witness?" For there are, there
   are many men, whose state of mind is just as if they were not to die.
   For when in a lengthened old age they set about building and planting,
   when will they take death into their calculations? It will be no small
   punishment to us that we were called to bear witness, but were not able
   to bear witness of the things that we have seen. We have seen Angels
   with our eyes, yea, more clearly than those who have (visibly) beheld
   them. We shall be (Mod. text "Then let us be") witnesses to Christ: for
   not those only are "martyrs," (or witnesses, whom we so call), but
   ourselves also. This is why they are called martyrs, because when
   bidden to abjure (the faith), they endure all things, that they may
   speak the truth: and we, when we are bidden by our passions to abjure,
   let us not be overcome. Gold saith: Say that Christ is not Christ. Then
   listen not to it as to God, but despise its biddings. The evil lusts
   [1069] "profess that they know God, but in works they deny Him." (Tit.
   i. 16.) For this is not to witness, but the contrary. And indeed that
   others should deny (Him) is nothing wonderful: but that we who have
   been called to bear witness should deny Him, is a grievous and a
   heinous thing: this of all things does the greatest hurt to our cause.
   "It shall be to (your)selves for a testimony." (Luke xxi. 13), He
   saith: but (this is) when we ourselves stand to it firmly. If we would
   all bear witness to Christ, we should quickly persuade the greater
   number of the heathen. It is a great thing, my beloved, the life (one
   leads). Let a man be savage as a beast, let him openly condemn thee on
   account of thy doctrine, [1070] yet he secretly approves, yet he will
   praise, yet he will admire. For say, whence can an excellent life
   proceed? From no source, except from a Divine Power working in us.
   "What if there be heathen also of such a character?" If anywhere any of
   them be such, it is partly from nature, partly from vainglory. Wilt
   thou learn what a brilliancy there is in a good life, what a force of
   persuasion it has? Many of the heretics have thus prevailed, and while
   their doctrines are corrupt, yet the greater part of men out of
   reverence for their (virtuous) life did not go on to examine their
   doctrine: and many even condemning them on account of their doctrine,
   reverence them on account of their life: not rightly indeed, but still
   so it is, that they do thus feel (towards them). This has brought
   slanders on the awful articles of our creed, this has turned everything
   upside down, that no one takes any account of good living: this is a
   mischief to the faith. We say that Christ is God; numberless other
   arguments we bring forward, and this one among the rest, that He has
   persuaded all men to live rightly: but this is the case with few. The
   badness of the life is a mischief to the doctrine of the Resurrection,
   to that of the immortality of the soul, to that of the Judgment: many
   other (false doctrines) too it draws on with itself, fate, necessity,
   denial of a Providence. For the soul being immersed in numberless
   vices, by way of consolations to itself tries to devise these, that it
   may not be pained in having to reflect that there is a Judgment, and
   that virtue and vice lie in our own power. (Such a) life works
   numberless evils, it makes men beasts, and more irrational than beasts:
   for what things are in each several nature of the beasts, these it has
   often collected together in one man, and turned everything upside down.
   This is why the devil has brought in the doctrine of Fate: this is why
   he has said that the world is without a Providence (Hom. ii. p. 15):
   this is why he advances his hypothesis of good natures, and evil
   natures, and his hypothesis of evil (uncreated and) without beginning,
   and material (in its essence): and, in short, all the rest of it, that
   he may ruin our life. For it is not possible for a man who is of such a
   life either to recover himself from corrupt doctrines, or to remain in
   a sound faith: but of inevitable necessity he must receive all this.
   For I do not think, for my part, that of those who do not live aright,
   there could be easily found any who do not hold numberless satanical
   devices--as, that there is a nativity (or birth-fate) (genesis), that
   things happen at random, that all is hap-hazard and chance-medley.
   Wherefore I beseech you let us have a care for good living, that we may
   not receive evil doctrines. Cain received for punishment that he should
   be (ever) groaning and trembling. (Gen. iv. 14.) Such are the wicked,
   and being conscious within themselves of numberless bad things, often
   they start out of their sleep, their thoughts are full of tumult, their
   eyes full of perturbation; everything is fraught for them with
   misgivings, everything alarms them, their soul is replete with grievous
   expectation and cowardly apprehension, contracted with impotent fear
   and trembling. Nothing can be more effeminate than such a soul, nothing
   more inane. [1071] Like madmen, it has no self-possession. For it were
   well for it that in the enjoyment of calm and quiet it were enabled to
   take knowledge of its proper nobility. But when all things terrify and
   throw it into perturbation, dreams, and words, and gestures, and
   forebodings, indiscriminately, when will it be able to look into
   itself, being thus troubled and amazed? Let us therefore do away with
   its fear, let us break asunder its bonds. For were there no other
   punishment, what punishment could exceed this--to be living always in
   fear, never to have confidence, never to be at ease? Therefore knowing
   these things assuredly, let us keep ourselves in a state of calm and be
   careful to practise virtue, that maintaining both sound doctrines and
   an upright life, we may without offence pass through this life present,
   and be enabled to attain unto the good things which God hath promised
   to them that love Him, through the grace and mercy of His only-begotten
   Son, with Whom to the Father and the Holy Ghost together be glory,
   might, honor, now and ever, world without end. Amen.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1064] Eita hina me nomisthe to ethnos 'Ioudaios, legei ten threskeian;
   kai gar kai allachou ennomon heauton Christou kalei. Ti (A. B. C. add
   oun, Cat. de) touto estin; (Mod. text adds, Paulos pseudetai; Apage) Ti
   oun; ouk ernesato; k. t. l. The sense is confused by omission and
   transposition. It seems to be this: He gives the tribune to understand
   that he is a Roman: but because he would not have the Jews to suppose
   that he was not a Jew, therefore he declares his religion, that he is a
   Jew. And herein was no denial of his Christianity, etc. See below on v.
   3, hina me palin nomisosi to ethnos allo, ten threskeian epegagen.
   Hence we restore the sense as in the text.--OEcumen. gives it, "He
   immediately drew him off from this surmise, kai to ethnos kai ten
   threskeian eipon, as in fact he elsewhere calls himself, Under the law
   to Christ."

   [1065] Mod. text omits the article. O to Christo pisteuon, as we take
   it, is the answer to the question, ti de touto estin; In the next
   sentence (which Edd. separate from this only by a comma) he says: in
   the same sense he calls himself and Peter, phusei 'Ioudaioi, "born Jews
   (not proselytes,) and Jews still." But Ammonius in the Catena: "I am a
   man which am a Jew: for we Christians are phusei 'Ioudaioi, as
   confessing the true faith: which is what the name Judah signifies."

   [1066] The whole purpose of Paul's defence here is to appease the
   prejudice against him as an apostate from Moses. He addresses the
   people of Jerusalem in their own tongue and as "brethren." He shows
   them that although born in a Greek city, he had received his education
   in Jerusalem, under one of their most famous Rabbis. He sketches his
   history as a zealous adherent of Judaism. After his conversion he did
   not desert the religion of his fathers. It was while praying in the
   temple that the call of God came to him which summoned him to go as an
   apostle to the Gentiles. From this apology, it would be seen how far
   Paul was from despising the Mosaic law and also, how manifestly
   providential had been the call by which he had been set apart to a
   distinct work among the Gentiles. It is a guarded defence which neither
   antagonizes the law, nor admits its binding force over the apostle or
   his converts.

   [1067] Perhaps it should be, "And he too, not an alien:" viz. being a
   "devout man according to the Law:" as above, he says of Ananias, houtos
   ouden allotrion esti.

   [1068] Krinetai par anthropois (tisin ho Theos add. mod. text) hoti ouk
   esti Theos. The subject, not expressed, is Christ. He is brought before
   the bar of men's judgment for trial whether He be God: so below tous
   dikazontas.

   [1069] Mod. text adds: "say the same: but be not thou seduced, but
   stand nobly that it may not be said of us also, They profess," etc.

   [1070] Kan phaneros ou kataginoske (B. C. -ei) dia to dogma, all'
   apodechetai k. t. l. Ben. retains this, in the sense, saltem aperte non
   damnabit propter dogma: taking kan in different senses in this and the
   former clause. Ed. Par. Ben. 2, Legendum videtur phaneros oun katag.
   Licet sit quispiam valde efferus, licet aperte ob dogma condemnet, at
   clam etc. Erasm. Etiam si per dogma non condemnetur. The emendation is
   sure and easy: kan phaneros SOU kataginoske. So below, Polloi de kai
   kataginoskontes auton dia to dogma, aidountai dia ton bion.

   [1071] Old text exechoteron: a word unknown to the Lexicons, and of
   doubtful meaning. If we could suppose a comparative of the perfect
   participle in kos (analogous to the comparison of erromenos and
   asmenos), exestekoteron would suit the sense very well: but such a form
   seems to be quite unexampled.--Mod. text anoetoteron. Then: "Even as
   madmen have no self-possession, so this has no self-possession. When
   therefore is this to come to consciousness of itself, having such a
   dizziness; which it were well," etc.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Homily XLVIII.

   Acts XXII. 17-20

   "And it came to pass, that, when I was come again to Jerusalem, even
   while I prayed in the temple, I was in a trance; and saw him saying
   unto me, Make haste, and get thee quickly out of Jerusalem: for they
   will not receive thy testimony concerning me. And I said, Lord, they
   know that I imprisoned and beat in every synagogue them that believed
   on thee: and when the blood of thy martyr Stephen was shed, I also was
   standing by, and consenting unto his death, and kept the raiment of
   them that slew him."

   See how he thrusts himself (into danger), I came, he says, after that
   vision, "to Jerusalem. I was in a trance," etc. Again, this is without
   witness: but observe, the witness follows from the result. He said,
   "They will not receive thy testimony:" they did not receive it. And yet
   from calculations of reason the surmise should have been this, that
   they would assuredly receive him. For I was the man that made war upon
   the Christians: so that they ought to have received him. Here he
   establishes two things: both that they are without excuse, since they
   persecuted him contrary to all likelihood or calculation of reason;
   and, that Christ was God, as prophesying things contrary to
   expectation, and as not looking to past things, but fore-knowing the
   things to come. How then does He say, "He shall bear My name before the
   Gentiles and kings and children of Israel?" (Acts ix. 15.) Not,
   certainly persuade. Besides which, on other occasions we find the Jews
   were persuaded, but here they were not. Where most of all they ought to
   have been persuaded, as knowing his former zeal (in their cause), here
   they were not persuaded. "And when the blood of Thy martyr Stephen,"
   etc. See where again his discourse terminates, namely, in the forcible
   main point (eis to hischuron kephalaion): that it was he that
   persecuted, and not only persecuted but killed, nay, had he ten
   thousand hands (muriais chersin anairhon) would have used them all to
   kill Stephen. He reminded them of the murderous spirit heinously
   indulged (by him and them). Then of course above all they would not
   endure him, since this convicted them; and truly the prophecy was
   having its fulfilment: great the zeal, vehement the accusation, and the
   Jews themselves witnesses of the truth of Christ! "And he said unto me,
   Depart: for I will send thee far hence unto the Gentiles. And they gave
   him audience unto this word, and then lifted up their voices, and said,
   Away with such a fellow from the earth: for it is not fit that he
   should live." (v. 21, 22.) The Jews [1072] would not endure to hear out
   all his harangue, [1073] but excessively fired by their wrath, they
   shouted, it says, "Away with him; for it is not fit that he should
   live. And as they cried out, and cast off their clothes, and threw dust
   into the air, the tribune commanded him to be brought into the castle,
   and bade that he should be examined by scourging; that he might know
   wherefore they cried so against him." (v. 23, 24.) Whereas both the
   tribune ought to have examined whether these things were so--yes, and
   the Jews themselves too--or, if they were not so, to have ordered him
   to be scourged, he "bade examine him by scourging, that he might know
   for what cause they so clamored against him." And yet he ought to have
   learnt from those clamorers, and to have asked whether they laid hold
   upon aught of the things spoken: instead of that, without more ado he
   indulges his arbitrary will and pleasure, and acts with a view to
   gratify them: for he did not look to this, how he should do a righteous
   thing, but only how he might stop their rage unrighteous as it was.
   "And as they bound him with thongs, [1074] Paul said unto the centurion
   that stood by, Is it lawful for you to scourge a man that is a Roman
   and uncondemned?" (v. 25.) Paul lied not, God forbid: for he was a
   Roman: [1075] if there was nothing else, he would have been afraid (to
   pretend this), lest he should be found out, and suffer a worse
   punishment. (See Sueton. Vit. Claud. S:25.) And observe he does not say
   it peremptorily (haplhos), but, "Is it lawful for you?" The charges
   brought are two, both its being without examination, and his being a
   Roman. They held this as a great privilege, at that time: for they say
   that (it was only) from the time of Hadrian that all [1076] were named
   Romans, but of old it was not so. He would have been contemptible had
   he been scourged: but as it is, he puts them into greater fear (than
   they him). Had they scourged him, they would also have dismissed [1077]
   the whole matter, or even have killed him; but as it is, the result is
   not so. See how God permits many (good results) to be brought about
   quite in a human way, both in the case of the Apostles and of the rest
   (of mankind). Mark how they suspected the thing to be a pretext, [1078]
   and that in calling himself a Roman, Paul lied: perhaps surmising this
   from his poverty. "When the centurion heard that, he went and told the
   tribune, saying, Take heed what thou doest: for this man is a Roman.
   Then the tribune came, and said unto him, Tell me, art thou a Roman? He
   said, Yea. And the tribune answered, With a great sum obtained I this
   freedom. And Paul said, But I was free born. Then straightway they
   departed from him which should have examined him: and the tribune also
   was afraid, after he knew that he was a Roman, and because he had bound
   him." (v. 26-29.)--"But I," he says, "was free born." So then his
   father also was a Roman. What then comes of this? He bound him, and
   brought him down to the Jews. [1079] "On the morrow, because he would
   have known the certainty whereof he was accused of the Jews, he loosed
   him from his bands, and commanded the chief priests and all their
   council to appear, and brought Paul down, and set him before them." (v.
   30.) He discourses not now to the multitude, nor to the people. "And
   Paul, earnestly beholding the council, said, Men and brethren, I have
   lived in all good conscience before God until this day." (ch. xxiii.
   1.) What he means is this: I am not conscious to myself of having
   wronged you at all, or of having done anything worthy of these bonds.
   What then said the high priest? [1080] Right justly, and ruler-like,
   and mildly: "And the high priest Ananias commanded them that stood by
   him to smite him on the mouth. Then said Paul unto him, God shall smite
   thee, thou whited wall: for sittest thou to judge me after the law, and
   commandest me to be smitten contrary to the law? And they that stood by
   said, Revilest thou God's high priest? Then said Paul, I wist not,
   brethren, that he was the high priest: for it is written, Thou shalt
   not speak evil of the ruler of thy people." [1081] (v. 3-5.) Because "I
   knew not that he was high priest." Some say, Why then does he defend
   himself as if it was matter of accusation, and adds, "Thou shalt not
   speak evil of the ruler of thy people?" For if he were not the ruler,
   was it right for no better reason than that to abuse (him or any)
   other? He says himself, "Being reviled, we bless; being persecuted, we
   suffer it" (1 Cor. iv. 12); but here he does the contrary, and not only
   reviles, but curses. [1082] They are the words of boldness, rather than
   of anger; he did not choose to appear in a contemptible light to the
   tribune. For suppose the tribune himself had spared to scourge him,
   only as he was about to be delivered up to the Jews, his being beaten
   by their servants would have more emboldened him: this is why Paul does
   not attack the servant, but the person who gave the order. But that
   saying, "Thou whited wall, and dost thou sit to judge me after the
   law?" (is) instead of, Being (thyself) a culprit: as if he had said,
   And (thyself) worthy of stripes without number. See accordingly how
   greatly they were struck with his boldness; for whereas the point was
   to have overthrown the whole matter, they rather commend him. [1083]
   (infra, v. 9.) "For it is written," etc. He wishes to show that he thus
   speaks, not from fear, nor because (Ananias) did not deserve to be
   called this, but from obedience to the law in this point also. And
   indeed I am fully persuaded that he did not know that it was the high
   priest, [1084] since he had returned now after a long interval, and was
   not in the habit of constant intercourse with the Jews; seeing him too
   in the midst among many others: for the high priest was no longer easy
   to be seen at a glance, there being many of them and diverse. [1085]
   So, it seems to me, in this also he spoke with a view to his plea
   against them: by way of showing that he does obey the law; therefore he
   (thus) exculpates himself.

   (Recapitulation.) (b) But let us review what has been said. (a) "And
   when I was came again to Jerusalem," etc. (v. 17.) How was it, [1086]
   that being a Jew, and there brought up and taught, he did not stay
   there? Nor did he abide there, unless he had a mind to furnish
   numberless occasions against him: everywhere just like an exile,
   fleeing about from place to place. (c) "While I prayed in the temple,"
   he says, "it came to pass that I was in a trance." (To show) that it
   was not simply a phantom of the imagination, therefore "while he
   prayed" (the Lord) stood by him. And he shows that it was not from fear
   of their dangers that he fled, but because they would "not receive" his
   "testimony." (v. 18.) But why said he "They know I imprisoned?" (v.
   19.) Not to gainsay Christ, but because he wished to learn this which
   was so contrary to all reasonable expectation. Christ, however, did not
   teach him (this), [1087] but only bade him depart, and he obeys: so
   obedient is he. "And they lifted up their voices," it says, "and said,
   Away with him: it is not fit that this fellow should live." (v. 22.)
   Nay, ye are the persons not fit to live; not he, who in everything
   obeys God. O villains and murderers! "And shaking out their clothes,"
   it says, "they threw dust into the air" (v. 23), to make insurrection
   more fierce, because they wished to frighten the governor. [1088] And
   observe; they do not say what the charge was, as in fact they had
   nothing to allege, but only think to strike terror by their shouting.
   "The tribune commanded," etc. and yet he ought to have learnt from the
   accusers, "wherefore they cried so against him. And as they bound him,
   etc. And the chief captain was afraid, after he learnt that he was a
   Roman." Why then it was no falsehood. "On the morrow, because he would
   know the certainty wherefore he was accused of the Jews, etc., he
   brought him down before the council." (v. 24-30.) This he should have
   done at the outset. He brought him in, loosed. This above all the Jews
   would not know what to make of. [1089] "And Paul," it says, "earnestly
   beholding them." It shows his boldness, and how it awed them (to
   entreptikon). "Then the high priest Ananias." etc. (ch. xxiii. 1, 2.)
   Why, what has he said that was affronting? What is he beaten for? Why
   what hardihood, what shamelessness! Therefore (Paul) set him down (with
   a rebuke): "God shall smite thee thou whited wall." (v. 3.) Accordingly
   (Ananias) himself is put to a stand, and dares not say a word: only
   those about him could not bear Paul's boldness. They saw a man ready to
   die [1090] * * * for if this was the case, (Paul) had but to hold his
   peace, and the tribune would have taken him, and gone his way; he would
   have sacrificed him to them. He both shows that he suffers willingly
   what he suffers, and thus excuses himself before them, not that he
   wished to excuse himself to them--since as for those, he even strongly
   condemns them--but for the sake of the people. [1091] "Violating the
   law, commandest thou me to be beaten?" Well may he say so: for to kill
   a man who had done (them) no injury, and that an innocent person, was a
   violating of the law. For neither was it abuse that was spoken by him,
   unless one would call Christ's words abusive, when He says, "Woe unto
   you, Scribes and Pharisees, for ye are like unto whited walls." (Matt.
   xxiii. 27.) True, you will say: but if he had said it before he had
   been beaten, it would have betokened not anger, but boldness. But I
   have mentioned the reason of this. [1092] And (at this rate) we often
   find Christ Himself "speaking abusively" to the Jews when abused by
   them; as when He says, "Do not think that I will accuse you." (John v.
   45.) But this is not abuse, God forbid. See, with what gentleness he
   addresses these men: "I wist not," he says, "that he was God's high
   priest" (v. 4, 5): and, (to show) that he was not dissembling
   (eironeuetai) he adds, "Thou shalt not speak evil of the ruler of thy
   people." He even confesses him to be still ruler. Let us also learn the
   gentleness also, [1093] that in both the one and the other we may be
   perfect. For one must look narrowly into them, to learn what the one is
   and what the other: narrowly, because these virtues have their
   corresponding vices hard by them: mere forwardness passing itself off
   for boldness, mere cowardice for gentleness: [1094] and need being to
   scan them, lest any person possessing the vice should seem to have the
   virtue: which would be just as if a person should fancy that he was
   cohabiting with the mistress, and not know that it was the
   servant-maid. What then is gentleness, and what mere cowardice? When
   others are wronged, and we do not take their part, but hold our peace,
   this is cowardice: when we are the persons ill-treated, and we bear it,
   this is gentleness. What is boldness? Again the same, when others are
   the persons for whom we contend. What forwardness? When it is in our
   own cause that we are willing to fight. So that magnanimity and
   boldness go together, as also (mere) forwardness and (mere) cowardice.
   For he that (does not) resent on his own behalf, [1095] will hardly but
   resent on behalf of others: and he that does not stand up for his own
   cause, will hardly fail to stand up for others. For when our habitual
   disposition is pure from passion, it admits virtue also. Just as a body
   when free from fever admits strength, so the soul, unless it be
   corrupted by the passions, admits strength. It betokens great strength,
   this gentleness; it needs a generous and a gallant soul, and one of
   exceeding loftiness, this gentleness. Or, think you, is it a small
   thing to suffer ill, and not be exasperated? Indeed one would not err
   if in speaking of the disposition to stand up for our neighbors, one
   should call it the spirit of manly courage. For he that has had the
   strength to be able to overcome so strong a passion (as this of
   selfishness), will have the strength to dare the attack on another. For
   instance, these are two passions, cowardice and anger: if thou have
   overcome anger, it is very plain that thou overcomest cowardice also:
   but thou gettest the mastery over anger, by being gentle: therefore (do
   so) with cowardice also, and thou wilt be manly. Again, if thou hast
   not got the better of anger, thou art become forward (and pugnacious);
   but not having got the better of this, neither canst thou get the
   better of fear; consequently, thou wilt be a coward too: and the case
   is the same as with the body; if it be weak, it is quickly overcome
   both by cold and heat: for such is the ill temperament, but the good
   temperament is able to stand all (changes). Again, greatness of soul is
   a virtue, and hard by it stands prodigality: economy is a virtue, the
   being a good manager; hard by it stands parsimony and meanness. Come,
   let us again collate and compare the virtues (with their vices). Well,
   then, the prodigal person is not to be called great-minded. How should
   he? The man who is overcome by numberless passions, how should he be
   great of soul? For this is not despising money; it is only the being
   ordered about by other passions: for just as a man, if he were at the
   beck and bidding of robbers to obey their orders, could not be free (so
   it is here). His large spending does not come of his contempt of money,
   but simply from his not knowing how to dispose of it properly: else,
   were it possible both to keep it and to lay it out on his pleasure,
   this is what he would like. But he that spends his money on fit
   objects, this is the man of high soul: for it is truly a high soul,
   that which is not in slavery to passion, which accounts money to be
   nothing. Again, economy is a good thing: for thus that will be the best
   manager, who spends in a proper manner, and not at random without
   management. But parsimony is not the same thing with this. For the
   former [1096] indeed, not even when an urgent necessity demands,
   touches the principal of his money: but the latter will be brother to
   the former. Well, then, we will put together the man of great soul, and
   the prudent economist, as also the prodigal and the mean man: for both
   of these are thus affected from littleness of soul, as those others are
   (from the opposite). Let us not then call him high-souled, who simply
   spends, but him who spends aright: nor let us call the economical
   manager mean and parsimonious, but him who is unseasonably sparing of
   his money.

   What a quantity of wealth that rich man spent, "who was clothed in
   purple and fine linen?" (Luke xvi. 19.) But he was not high-souled: for
   his soul was possessed by an unmerciful disposition and by numberless
   lusts: how then should it be great? Abraham had a great soul, spending
   as he did for the reception of his guests, killing the calf, and, where
   need was, not only not sparing his property, but not even his life. If
   then we see a person having his sumptuous table, having his harlots and
   his parasites, let us not call him a man of a great mind, but a man of
   an exceedingly little mind. For see how many passions he is enslaved
   and subject to--gluttony, inordinate pleasure, flattery: but him who is
   possessed by so many, and cannot even escape one of them, how can any
   one call magnanimous? Nay, then most of all let us call him
   little-minded, when he spends the most: for the more he spends, the
   more does he show the tyranny of those passions: for had they not
   excessively got the mastery over him, he would not have spent to
   excess. Again, if we see a person, giving nothing to such people as
   these, but feeding the poor, and succoring those in need, himself
   keeping a mean table--him let us call an exceedingly high-souled man:
   for it is truly a mark of a great soul, to despise one's own comfort,
   but to care for that of others. For tell me, if you should see a person
   despising all tyrants, and holding their commands of no account, but
   rescuing from their tyranny those who are oppressed and evil entreated;
   would you not think this a great man? So let us account of the man in
   this case also. The passions are the tyrant: if then we despise them,
   we shall be great: but if we rescue others also from them, we shall be
   far greater, as being sufficient not only for ourselves, but for others
   also. But if any one, at a tyrant's bidding, beat some other of his
   subjects, is this greatness of soul? No, indeed: but the extreme of
   slavery, in proportion as he is great. And now also there is set before
   us (prokeitai) a soul that is a noble one and a free: but this the
   prodigal has ordered to be beaten by his passions: the man then that
   beats himself, shall we call high-souled? By no means. Well then * *,
   but let us see what is greatness of soul, and what prodigality; what is
   economy, and what meanness; what is gentleness, and (what) dulness and
   cowardice; what boldness, and what forwardness: that having
   distinguished these things from each other, we may be enabled to pass
   (this life) well-pleasing to the Lord, and to attain unto the good
   things promised, through the grace and mercy of our Lord Jesus Christ,
   to Whom be the glory for ever and ever. Amen.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1072] The sense is confused in old text by misplacing the portions of
   sacred text. Mod. text "witnesses of the truth of Christ speaking
   boldly. But the Jews," etc. v. 21-24, which verses are followed in old
   text by phesin; aire auton ou gar kathekei auton zen. Below, mod. text
   "or the Jews themselves also," and omits "or if it were not so, to have
   ordered him to be scourged."

   [1073] The words, "I will send thee to the Gentiles," were those at
   which the Jews took offence. That a word should come from heaven to
   Paul in the Temple, commanding him to leave the chosen people and the
   Holy City and go to the uncircumcised heathen, was a statement verging
   upon blasphemy. This admission they would regard as proof of Paul's
   apostasy from Moses. It implied that he regarded the heathen as
   standing upon the same plane as themselves. The thought roused all
   their native bigotry. Beyond "this word" they would not hear him, nor
   did they think that one who should so estimate the privileges and
   character of the Jews as compared with the Gentiles was fit to
   live.--G.B.S.

   [1074] Proeteinan auton tois himasin is commonly rendered, as here,
   "When they stretched him out, or bound him with thongs." But this
   rendering seems to overlook the force of pro in the verb and the force
   of the article tois. The preferable interpretation seems to be,
   (Thayer's Lex.): "When they had stretched him out for the thongs, i.e.
   to receive the blows of the thongs, by tying him up to a beam or
   pillar." (So Meyer, DeWette, Lechler, Gloag).--G.B.S.

   [1075] Mod. text entirely mistaking the sense, interpolates, "On which
   account also the tribune fears on hearing it. And why, you will say,
   did he fear?" as if it meant, The tribune would have been afraid to be
   condemned for this, etc.

   [1076] Meaning that all provincial subjects of the Roman Empire came to
   be called Romans, only in the time of this Emperor: therefore in St.
   Paul's time it was a great thing to be able to call one's self a Roman.
   If it means, "All the citizens of Tarsus," the remark is not apposite.
   Certain it is that Tarsus, an urbs libera by favor of M. Anthony,
   enjoyed neither jus coloniarum nor jus civitatis until long afterwards,
   and the Apostle was not a Roman because a citizen of Tarsus. This
   however is not the point of St. Chrysostom's remark. In the Catena and
   OEcumen. it will be seen, that in later times the extended use of the
   name "Roman" as applied to all subjects of the Roman Empire made a
   difficulty in the understanding of this passage. Thus Ammonius takes it
   that St. Paul was a "Roman," because a native of Tarsus which was
   subject to the Romans (so OEc.): and that the Jews themselves for the
   like reason were Romans; but these scorned the appellation as a badge
   of servitude; Paul on the contrary avouched it, setting an example of
   submission to the powers that be.--After this sentence mod. text
   interpolates, "Or also he called himself a Roman to escape punishment:
   for," etc.

   [1077] parepempsan an: mod. text (after Cat.) needlessly alters to
   paretrepsan.

   [1078] prophasin einai to pragma kai to eipein auton Romaion ton
   Paulon; kai isos....We read to eipein and kai pseudesthai ton P. isos.
   Mod. text "But the tribune by answering, with a great sum,' etc., shows
   that he suspected it to be a pretext, Paul's saying that he was a
   Roman: and perhaps he surmised this from Paul's apparent
   insignificance."

   [1079] Mod. text interpolates: "So far was it from being a falsehood,
   his saying, etc., that he also gained by it, being loosed from his
   chains. And in what way, hear." And below, altering the sense: "He no
   longer speaks to the tribune, but to the multitude and the whole
   people."

   [1080] Mod. text "When he ought to have been pricked to the heart,
   because (Paul) had been unjustly bound to gratify them, he even adds a
   further wrong, and commands him to be beaten: which is plain from the
   words subjoined."

   [1081] Mod. text "Now some say, that he knowing it speaks ironically
   (or feigns ignorance, eironeuetai); but it seems to me, that he did not
   at all know that it was the high priest: otherwise he would even have
   honored him: wherefore," etc. In old text tines phasi, placed before
   hoti ouk edein, k. t. l. requires to be transposed.

   [1082] Mod. text "Away with the thought: he appears to have done
   neither the one nor the other: but to one accurately considering it,
   the words," etc.

   [1083] Parainousi, all our mss. But Erasm. debacchantur, and all the
   Edd. paroinousin, contrary to the sense.

   [1084] Other interpretations are given in the Catena and OEcum.
   "Anonym.: The high priest being a hypocrite deserved to be called a
   whited wall.' Whence also Paul says he did not even know him as high
   priest, since it is the work of a high priest to save the flock put
   under his charge: but this man made havoc upon it, etc. Severus: Paul
   justly reproached him, but then, as if repenting, said: I knew not,'
   etc. Not know that he was high priest? Then how saidst thou, And
   sittest thou to judge me?'--But he pretends ignorance: an ignorance
   which does no harm, but is an economy' (oikonomousan): for reserve
   (metacheirismos) may be more forcible than speaking out (parresia): an
   unseasonable parresia often hinders the truth: a seasonable metach. as
   often advances it."

   [1085] Other methods of dealing with Paul's much debated statement: "I
   did not know that he was the high priest," besides the view given in
   the text (with which agree Beza, Wolff, Lechler, et al.) are: (1) Paul
   did not perceive who it was that addressed him and thus did not know
   that it was the high priest whom he rebuked (Alford). (2) Paul did not
   acknowledge Ananias to be high priest; he would not recognize so unjust
   a man as a real high priest (Calvin, Meyer, Stier). (3) Ananias was not
   high priest at this time (Lightfoot, Whiston, Lewin). (4) Paul did not
   recollect or consider that it was the high priest whom he was
   addressing (Bengel, Olshausen, Neander, Schaff, Hackett, Conybeare and
   Howson, Gloag). In this view Paul apologizes for his rash words, spoken
   inadvertently and without reflection, by adding: "for it is written,
   Thou shalt not speak evil of the ruler of thy people." Baur and Zeller
   suppose that the apostle never said what he is reported as saying. The
   choice appears to lie between views (2) and (4).--G.B.S.

   [1086] Mod. text omits the whole of the portion marked (a). The sense
   is: St. Paul is concerned to explain how it was that having been bred
   and taught in Jerusalem, he did not remain there. It was by command of
   Christ in a vision that he departed. In fact he could not stay there
   unless, etc. Accordingly we find him everywhere fleeing about from
   place to place, like one exiled from his own land. The words which are
   corrupt, are: ouk ekei emenen; oude ekei dietriben(oude gar exen ekei
   diatribein?) ei me muria kat' auton (autou A) kataskeuasai (sic) ethele
   pantachou; kathaper tis phugas periphugon.

   [1087] to houto paradoxon, viz. that the Jews would not receive the
   testimony of one, who from his known history had, of all men, the
   greatest claim to be heard by them: "Lord, they know,' etc., therefore
   surely they will listen to me." (So St. Chrysostom constantly
   interprets these words: see Cat. in loco.) But Christ did not gratify
   his wish for information on this point: He only bade him depart.--The
   innovator, who has greatly disfigured this Homily by numerous
   interpolations, has here: "did not teach him what he must do."

   [1088] Better: "they cast off their clothes" as a signal of their anger
   and readiness to stone Paul. Others understand it to mean: waving their
   garments as a signal of their assent to the exclamations against Paul
   of those who were near.--G.B.S.

   [1089] touto malista eporesan an hoi 'Ioudaioi: i.e. perhaps "they
   would be at a loss to know the reason of his being brought before them
   loosed, not knowing what had passed between him and the tribune." Mod.
   text amplifies: "This he ought to have done at the outset, and neither
   to have bound him, nor have wished to scourge him, but to have left
   him, as having done nothing such as that he should be put in bonds. And
   he loosed him,' it says, etc. This above all the Jews knew not what to
   make of."

   [1090] heidon anthropon thanatonta; ei gar touto en, kan esigesen; kai
   labon auton apelthen; kan exedoken auton autois ho chiliarchos. The
   meaning (see above p. 289.) may be: "The wrong was not to be put up
   with, for to hold his peace under such treatment would have been to
   embolden the tribune to sacrifice him to his enemies, as a person who
   might be insulted with impunity." But the passage is corrupt: perhaps
   it should be ouk (mod. text has houtos) eidon anthr. than. "They did
   not see before them one who was willing to die, i.e. to let them take
   away his life. For if this were the case, he had but to hold his peace,
   and the tribune would," etc. Mod. text "In such wise saw they a man
   ready to die; and they would not endure it. I knew not that he was the
   high priest.' Why then: the rebuke was of ignorance. For if this were
   not the case, kan labon auton apelthe kai ouk esigese, kan exedoken, k.
   t. l."

   [1091] Mod. text quite perverting the sense: "Obeying the law, not from
   a wish to show (endeixasthai) to them: for those he had even strongly
   condemned. For the law's sake, therefore, he defends himself, not for
   the sake of the people, with reason," etc.

   [1092] Viz. it was because he did not choose to let the tribune despise
   him, p. 289. And so mod. text adds, hoti ouk ebouleto kataphronethenai.

   [1093] Mathomen kai ten epieikeian, i.e. Paul's as well as his
   parresia. Mod. text "Let us then also learn gentleness."

   [1094] hoti paruphestasin autais hai kakiai, te men parresi& 139;
   thrasutes te de epieikei& 139; anandria. It is seldom possible to match
   the ethical terms of one language with exact equivalents in another.
   Here thrasutes, as opposed to parresia "courage in speaking one's
   mind," is not merely "audacity," or "hardihood," or "pugnacity," or
   "the spirit of the bully," though it may be applied to all these. On
   the whole, "forwardness" seems to be most suitable for the antithesis:
   the one character comes forward boldly and speaks up in the cause of
   truth and justice; the other thrusts itself forward, in its own cause,
   for resentment of wrongs done to one's self. Below, in connection with
   anandria it means what we call "bullying."

   [1095] All our mss. ho gar huper heautou me algon, duskolos huper
   heteron algesei, but Sav. marg. ouk algesei: which we adopt as
   indispensable to the sense. In the next sentence, C. omits the me
   before amunon, and A. the ouk before amuneitai.

   [1096] 'Ekeinos men gar oude anankaias apaitouses chreias, tes ousias
   haptetai ton chrematon, houtos de ekeinou genoito an adelphos. We leave
   this as it stands, evidently corrupt. Something is wanting after houtos
   de. "The former, the oikonomikos, is careful not to touch his principal
   or capital, but will confine his outlay within his income: the latter,"
   etc. But oude anank. ap. chreias is hardly suitable in the former case,
   and should rather come after houtos de "the latter, the niggard, though
   the need be ever so urgent, has not the heart to touch either principal
   or income"--or something to that effect. Then perhaps, pos oun houtos
   ekeinou genoito an adelphos; Mod. text "For the former spends all upon
   proper objects; the latter, not even when urgent need requires, touches
   the principal of his money. The oikon. therefore will to brother to the
   megalops."
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   Homily XLIX. [1097]

   Acts XXIII. 6-8

   "But when Paul perceived that the one part were Sadducees, and the
   other Pharisees, he cried out in the council, Men and brethren, I am a
   Pharisee, the son of a Pharisee: of the hope and resurrection of the
   dead I am called in question. And when he had so said, there arose a
   dissension between the Pharisees and the Sadducees: and the multitude
   was divided. For the Sadducees say that there is no resurrection,
   neither angel, nor spirit: but the Pharisees confess both."

   Again he discourses simply as man, and he does not on all occasions
   alike enjoy the benefit of supernatural aid. "I am a Pharisee, the son
   of a Pharisee:" [1098] both in this, and in what comes after it, he
   wished to divide the multitude, which had an evil unanimity against
   him. And he does not speak a falsehood here either: for he was a
   Pharisee by descent from his ancestors. "Of the hope and resurrection
   of the dead I am called in question." For since they would not say for
   what reason they arraigned him, he is compelled therefore to declare it
   himself. "But the Pharisees," it says, "confess both." And yet there
   are three things: how then does he say both? "Spirit and Angel" is put
   as one. [1099] When he is on their side, then they plead for him. "And
   there arose a great cry: and the scribes that were of the Pharisees'
   part arose, and strove, saying, We find no evil in this man: but"
   (what) "if a spirit has spoken to him, or an angel?" [1100] [1101] (v.
   9.) Why did they not plead for him before this? Do you observe, how,
   when the passions give way, the truth is discovered? Where is the
   crime, say they, if an angel has spoken to him, or a spirit? Paul gives
   them no handle against him. "And when there arose a great dissension,
   the tribune, fearing lest Paul should have been pulled in pieces of
   them, commanded the soldiers to go down, and to take him by force from
   among them, and to bring him into the castle." (v. 10.) The tribune is
   afraid of his being pulled in pieces, now that he has said that he is a
   Roman: and the matter was not without danger. Do you observe that Paul
   had a right to profess himself a Roman? Else, neither would (the
   tribune) have been afraid now. So it remains that the soldiers must
   bear him off by force. But when the wretches saw all to be without
   avail, they take the whole matter into their own hands, as they would
   fain have done before, but were prevented: and their wickedness stops
   nowhere, though it received so many checks: and yet how many things
   were providentially ordered, on purpose that they might settle down
   from their rage, and learn those things through which they might
   possibly recover themselves! But none the less do they set upon him.
   Sufficient for proof of his innocence was even this, that the man was
   saved when at the point to be pulled in pieces, and that with these so
   great dangers about him, he escaped them all. "And the night following
   the Lord stood by him, and said, Be of good cheer, Paul: for as thou
   hast testified of Me in Jerusalem, so must thou bear witness also at
   Rome. And when it was day, certain of the Jews banded together, and
   bound themselves under a curse, saying that they would neither eat nor
   drink till they had killed Paul. And they were more than forty which
   had made this conspiracy." (v. 11-13.) "They bound themselves under a
   curse," it says. See how vehement and revengeful they are in their
   malice! What means, "bound under a curse?" [1102] Why then those men
   are accused forever, seeing they did not kill Paul. And forty together.
   For such is the nature of that nation: when there needs concerting
   together for a good object, not even two concur with each other: but
   when it is for an evil object, the entire people does it. And they
   admit the rulers also as accomplices. "And they came to the chief
   priests and elders, and said, We have bound ourselves under a great
   curse that we will eat nothing until we have slain Paul. Now therefore
   ye with the council signify to the tribune that he bring him down unto
   you to-morrow, as though ye would enquire something more perfectly
   concerning him: and we, or ever he come near, are ready to kill him.
   And when Paul's sister's son heard of their lying in wait, he went and
   entered into the castle, and told Paul. Then Paul called one of the
   centurions unto him, and said, Bring this young man unto the tribune:
   For he hath a certain thing to tell him. So he took him, and brought
   him to the tribune, and said, Paul the prisoner called me unto him, and
   prayed me to bring this young man unto thee, who hath something to say
   unto thee. Then the tribune took him by the hand, and went with him
   aside privately, and asked him, What is that thou hast to tell me? And
   he said, the Jews have agreed to desire thee that thou wouldest bring
   down Paul to-morrow into the council, as though they would enquire
   somewhat of him more perfectly. But do not thou yield unto them for
   there lie in wait for him of them more than forty men, which have bound
   themselves with an oath, that they will neither eat nor drink till they
   have killed him: and now are they ready, looking for a promise from
   thee. So the tribune then let the young man depart, and charged him,
   See thou tell no man that thou hast showed these things to me." (v.
   14-22). Again he is saved by man's forethought. And observe: Paul lets
   no man learn this, not even the centurion, that the matter might not
   become known. And the centurion having come, reported to the tribune.
   And it is well done of the tribune also, that he bids him keep it
   secret, that it might not become known: moreover he gives his orders to
   the centurions only, at the time when the thing was to be done: and so
   Paul is sent into Caesarea, that there too he might discourse in a
   greater theatre and before a more splendid audience: that so the Jews
   may not be able to say, "If we had seen Paul, we would have
   believed--if we had heard him teaching." Therefore this excuse too is
   cut off from them. "And the Lord," it said, "stood by him, and said, Be
   of good cheer: for as thou hast testified of Me in Jerusalem, so must
   thou bear witness also at Rome." (Yet) even after He has appeared to
   him, He again suffers him to be saved by man's means. And one may well
   be astonished at Paul; [1103] he was not taken aback, neither said,
   "Why, what is this? Have I then been deceived by Christ?" but he
   believed: yet, because he believed, he did not therefore sleep: no;
   what was in his own power by means of human wisdom, he did not abandon.
   "Bound themselves by a curse:" it was a kind of necessity that those
   men fastened on themselves by the curse. "That they would neither eat
   nor drink." Behold fasting the mother of murder! Just as Herod imposed
   on himself that necessity by his oath, so also do these. For such are
   the devil's (ways): under the pretext forsooth of piety he sets his
   traps. "And they came to the chief priests," etc. And yet they ought to
   have come (to the tribune), ought to have laid a charge, and assembled
   a court of justice: for these are not the doings for priests, but for
   captains of banditti, these are not the doings for rulers, but for
   ruffians. They endeavor also to corrupt the ruler: but it was
   providentially ordered, to the intent that he also should learn of
   their plot. For not (only) by their having nothing to say, but also by
   their secret attempt, they convicted themselves that they were naught.
   It is likely too that after (Paul was gone) the chief priests came to
   (the tribune) making their request, and were put to shame. For [1104]
   of course he would not have liked either to deny or to grant their
   request. How came he to believe (the young man's tale)? He did so in
   consequence of what had already taken place; because it was likely they
   would do this also. And observe their wickedness: they as good as laid
   a necessity on the chief priests also: for if they undertook so great a
   thing themselves, and engaged themselves in the whole risk, much more
   ought those to do thus much. Do you observe, how Paul is held innocent
   by those that are without, as was also Christ by Pilate? See their
   malice brought to naught: they delivered him up, to kill and condemn
   him: but the result is just the contrary; he is both saved, and held
   innocent. For had it not been so, [1105] he would have been pulled in
   pieces: had it not been so, he would have perished, he would have been
   condemned. And not only does (the tribune) rescue him from the rush
   (made upon him), but also from much other [1106] (violence): see how he
   becomes a minister to him, insomuch that without risk he is carried off
   safe with so large a force. "And he called unto him two centurions,
   saying, Make ready two hundred soldiers to go to Caesarea, and horsemen
   threescore and ten, and spearmen two hundred, at the third hour of the
   night; and provide them beasts, that they may set Paul on, and bring
   him safe unto Felix the governor. And he wrote a letter after this
   manner: Claudius Lysias unto the most excellent governor Felix sendeth
   greeting. This man was taken of the Jews, and should have been killed
   of them: then came I with an army, and rescued him, having understood
   that he was a Roman. And when I would have known the cause wherefore
   they accused him, I brought him forth into their council: whom I
   perceived to be accused of questions of their law, but to have nothing
   laid to his charge worthy of death or of bonds. And when it was told me
   how that the Jews laid wait for the man, I sent straightway to thee,
   and gave commandment to his accusers also to say before thee what they
   had against him. Fare ye well." (v. 23-30). See how the letter speaks
   for him as a defence--for it says, "I found nothing worthy of death,"
   but as accusation against them (rather) than against him. "About to
   have been killed of them:" so set upon his death were they. First, "I
   came with the army, and rescued him:" then also "I brought him down
   unto them:" and not even so did they find anything to lay to his
   charge: and when they ought to have been stricken with fear and shame
   for the former act, they again attempt to kill him, insomuch that again
   his cause became all the more clear. "And his accusers," he says, "I
   have sent unto thee:" that at the tribunal where these things are more
   strictly examined, he may be proved guiltless.

   (Recapitulation.) Let us look then to what has been said above. "I," he
   says, "am a Pharisee:" then, that he may not seem to pay court, he
   adds, "Of the hope and resurrection of the dead it is, that I am called
   in question." (v. 6.) From this charge and calumny he commends himself.
   "For the Sadducees indeed," etc. The Sadducees have no knowledge of
   anything incorporeal, perhaps not even God; so gross (pachheis) are
   they: whence neither do they choose to believe that there is a
   Resurrection. "And the scribes," etc. Look; the tribune also hears that
   the Pharisees have acquitted him of the charges, and have given
   sentence (mss. and Edd. epsephisato, "he gave sentence") in his favor,
   and with greater confidence carries him off by force. Moreover all that
   was spoken (by Paul) was full of right-mindedness (philosophias). "And
   the night following the Lord stood by him," etc. See what strong
   consolation! First he praises him, "As thou hast testified to My cause
   in Jerusalem;" then He does not leave him to be afraid for the
   uncertain issue of his journey to Rome: for thither also, He saith,
   thou shalt not depart alone (monos, Cat. and Edd. monon), but thou
   shalt also have all this boldness of speech. Hereby it was made
   manifest, not (only) that he should be saved, but that (he should be
   so) in order to great crowns in the great city. But why did He not
   appear to him before he fell into the danger? Because it is evermore in
   the afflictions that God comforts us; for He appears more wished-for,
   while even in the dangers He exercises and trains us. Besides, he was
   then at ease, when free from bonds; but now great perils were awaiting
   him. "We have bound ourselves," they say, "under a curse, that we will
   not eat nor drink." (v. 14.) What is all this zeal? "That he may bring
   him down," it says, "unto you, as though ye would enquire into his case
   more perfectly." (v. 15.) Has he not twice made a speech unto you? has
   he not said that he is a Pharisee? What (would ye have) over and above
   this? So reckless were they and afraid of nothing, not tribunals, not
   laws: such their hardihood which shrunk from nothing. They both declare
   their purpose, and announce the way of carrying it into effect. "Paul's
   sister's son heard of it." (v. 16.) This was of God's providence, their
   not perceiving that it would be heard. What then did Paul? he was not
   alarmed, but perceived that this was God's doing: and casting all upon
   Him, so he acquits himself (from further concern about it:) "having
   called one of the centurions," etc. (v. 17.) He told of the plot, he
   was believed; he is saved. If he was acquitted of the charge, why did
   (the tribune) send the accusers? That the enquiry might be more strict:
   that the man might be the more entirely cleared.

   Such are God's ways of ordering: the very things by which we are hurt,
   by these same are we benefited. Thus it was with Joseph: his mistress
   sought to ruin him: and she seemed indeed to be contriving his ruin,
   but by her contriving she placed him in a state of safety: for the
   house where that wild beast (of a woman) was kept was a den in
   comparison with which the prison was gentle. (Gen. xxxix. 1-20.) For
   while he was there, although he was looked up to and courted, he was in
   constant fear, lest his mistress should set upon him, and worse than
   any prison was the fear that lay upon him: but after the accusation he
   was in security and peace, well rid of that beast, of her lewdness and
   her machinations for his destruction: for it was better for him to keep
   company with human creatures in miserable plight, than with a maddened
   mistress. Here he comforted himself, that for chastity's sake he had
   fallen into it: there he had been in dread, lest he should receive a
   death-blow to his soul: for nothing in the world is more annoying than
   a woman in love can be to a young man who will not (meet her advances):
   nothing more detestable (than a woman in such case), nothing more fell:
   all the bonds in the world are light to this. So that the fact was not
   that he got into prison, but that he got out of prison. She made his
   master his foe, but she made God his friend: brought him into closer
   relation to Him Who is indeed the true Master; she cast him out of his
   stewardship in the family, but made him a familiar friend to that
   Master. Again, his brethren sold him (Gen. xxxvii. 18); but they freed
   him from having enemies dwelling in the same house with him, from envy
   and much ill will, and from daily machinations for his ruin: they
   placed him far aloof from them that hated him. For what can be worse
   than this, to be compelled to dwell in the same house with brethren
   that envy one; to be an object of suspicion, to be a mark for evil
   designs? So that while they and she were severally seeking to compass
   their own ends, far other were the mighty consequences working out by
   the Providence of God for that just man. When he was in honor, then was
   he in danger; when he was in dishonor, then was he in safety. The
   eunuchs did not remember him, and right well it was that they did not,
   that the occasion of his deliverance might be more glorious: that the
   whole might be ascribed, not to man's favor, but to God's Providence
   (Gen. xl. 23): that at the right moment, Pharaoh, reduced to need,
   might bring him out; that not as conferring but as receiving a benefit,
   the king might release him from the prison. (ib. xli. 40.) It behooved
   to be no servile gift, but that the king should be reduced to a
   necessity of doing this: it behooved that it should be made manifest
   what wisdom was in him. Therefore it is that the eunuch forgets him,
   that Egypt might not forget him, that the king might not be ignorant of
   him. Had he been delivered at that time, it is likely he would have
   desired to depart to his own country: therefore he is kept back by
   numberless constraints, first by subjection to a master, secondly by
   being in prison, thirdly by being over the kingdom, to the end that all
   this might be brought about by the Providence of God. Like a spirited
   steed that is eager to bound off to his fellows, did God keep him back
   there, for causes full of glory. For that he longed to see his father,
   and free him from his distress, is evident from his calling him
   thither. (Gen. xlv. 9.)

   Shall we look at other instances of evil designing, how they turn out
   to our good, not only by having their reward, but also by their working
   at the very time precisely what is for our good? This (Joseph's) uncle
   (Esau) had ill designs against his father (Jacob), and drove him out of
   his native land: what then? (Gen. xxvii. 41.) He too set him (thereby)
   aloof from the danger; for he too got (thereby) to be in safety. He
   made him a wiser and a better man (philosophoteron); he was the means
   of his having that dream (Gen. xxviii. 12.) But, you will say, he was a
   slave in a foreign land? Yes, but he arrives among his own kindred, and
   receives a bride, and appears worthy to his father-in-law. (ib. xxix.
   23.) But he too cheated him? Yes, but this also turned out to his good,
   that he might be the father of many children. But it was in his mind to
   design evil against him? True, but even this was for his good, that he
   might thereupon return to his own country; for if he had been in good
   circumstances, he would not have so longed for home. But he defrauded
   him of his hire? Aye, but he got more by the means. (ib. xxxi. 7.)
   Thus, in every point of these men's history, the more people designed
   their hurt, the more their affairs flourished. If (Jacob) had not
   received the elder daughter, he would not soon have been the father of
   so many children; he would have dragged out a long period in
   childlessness, he would have mourned as his wife did. For she indeed
   had reason to mourn, as not having become a mother (ib. xxx. 1, 2.);
   but he had his consolation: whence also he gives her a repulse. Again,
   had not (Laban) defrauded him of his hire, he would not have longed to
   see his own country; the higher points (philosophia) of the man's
   character would not have come to light, (his wives) would not have
   become more closely attached to him. For see what they say: "With
   devouring hath he devoured us and our money." (Gen. xxxi. 15.) So that
   this became the means of riveting their love to him. After this he had
   in them not merely wives, but (devoted) slaves; he was beloved by them:
   a thing that no possession can equal: for nothing, nothing whatever, is
   more precious than to be thus loved by a wife and to love her. "And a
   wife," Scripture says, "that agrees with her husband." (Ecclus. xxv. 1)
   "A man and a wife that agree together." E.V.) One thing this, as the
   Wise Man puts it, of the things for which a man is to be counted happy;
   for where this is, there all wealth, all prosperity abounds: as also,
   where it is not, there all besides profits nothing, but all goes wrong,
   all is mere unpleasantness and confusion. Then let us seek this before
   all things. He that seeks money, seeks not this. Let us seek those
   things which can remain fixed. Let us not seek a wife from among the
   rich, lest the excess of wealth on her side produce arrogance, lest
   that arrogance be the means of marring all. See you not what God did?
   how He put the woman in subjection? (Gen. iii. 16.) Why art thou
   ungrateful, why without perception? The very benefit God has given thee
   by nature, do not thou mar the help it was meant to be. So that it is
   not for her wealth that we ought to seek a wife: it is that we may
   receive a partner of our life, for the appointed order of the
   procreation of children. It was not that she should bring money, that
   God gave the woman; it was that she might be an helpmate. But she that
   brings money, becomes, instead of a wife, a setter up of her own will
   (epiboulos), a mistress--it may be a wild beast instead of a
   wife--while she thinks she has a right to give herself airs upon her
   wealth. Nothing more shameful than a man who lays himself out to get
   riches in this way. If wealth itself is full of temptations, what shall
   we say to wealth so gotten? For you must not look to this, that one or
   another as a rare and unusual case, and contrary to the reason of the
   thing, has succeeded: as neither ought we in other matters to fix our
   regards upon the good which people may enjoy, or their chance
   successes, out of the common course: but let us look to the reason of
   the thing as it is in itself, and see whether this thing be not fraught
   with endless annoyance. Not only you bring yourself into a disreputable
   position; you also disgrace your children by leaving them poor, if it
   chance that you depart this life before the wife: and you give her
   incomparably more occasions for connecting herself with a second
   bridegroom. Or do you not see that many women make this the excuse for
   a second marriage--that they may not be despised; that they want to
   have some man to take the management of their property? Then let us not
   bring about so great evils for the sake of money; but let us dismiss
   all (such aims), and seek a beautiful soul, that we may also succeed in
   obtaining love. This is the exceeding wealth, this the great treasure,
   this the endless good things: whereunto may we all attain by the grace
   and loving kindness of our Lord Jesus Christ, with Whom to the Father
   and the Holy Ghost together be glory, dominion, honor, now and ever,
   world without end. Amen.
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   [1097] This Homily is wanting in C. The mod. text swarms with
   interpolations.

   [1098] kai en touto, viz. in saying "I am a Pharisee," kai en to meta
   tauta, i.e. "Of the hope of resurrection," etc. Mod. text "but is also
   permitted to contribute somewhat of himself, which also he does and kai
   en t., kai en to m. t. both on this occasion and on that which followed
   (?) he pleads for himself, wishing," etc.

   [1099] Mod. text "Either because spirit and angel is one, or because
   the term amphotera is taken not only of two but of three." (This is
   taken from Ammonius in the Catena. The innovator adds): "the writer
   therefore uses it katachrestikos, and not according to strict
   propriety."

   [1100] The last clause in the Vulgate text, me theomachomen, is unknown
   to St. Chrys., being in fact quite a modern addition. Chrys. interprets
   it as an aposiopesis--viz. poion enklema; St. Isidore of Pelusium in
   the Cat. to gar ei e esti; tout' estin, e pn. elalesen auto e angelos.
   Ammonius ibid. "Either the sentence is left incomplete, viz. but
   whether a spirit or an angel has spoken to him...is not certain: or, it
   is to be spoken as on the part of the Pharisees, Eide (?) pn. k. t. l.
   that is, Behold, he is manifestly asserting the resurrection, taught
   (katechetheis) either by the Holy Ghost or by an angel the doctrine of
   the resurrection." Mod. text using the latter: "Where is the crime, if
   an angel has spoken to him, if a spirit, and taught (katechetheis) by
   him, he thus teaches the doctrine of the resurrection?" (and then,
   adopting the modern addition me theom.), "then let us not stand off
   from him, lest warring with him, we be found also fighting against
   God."

   [1101] The Pharisees were uniformly more favorably inclined to
   Christianity than the rival sect of the Sadducees. The latter, as
   disbelieving in the resurrection and the spirit-world, would be
   especially prejudiced against a system which made these tenets so
   central. The Pharisees, on the other hand, agreed on these points with
   Christianity. It is evident that in his defence here before the
   Sanhedrin Paul wishes to conciliate the Pharasaic party so far as can
   be done by emphasizing his own agreement with them respecting the
   resurrection. They, as believers in this doctrine, would have less
   prejudice against Paul's teaching concerning Christ's resurrection. In
   asserting his Pharasaic ancestry, Paul wishes to establish a point of
   connection with them and thus gain a foothold for the defence of his
   central truth of Christ's resurrection, which justifies him in being
   His disciple and servant.--G.B.S.

   [1102] To this question mod. text interpolates for answer from Ammonius
   in the Catena, "that is, they declared themselves to be out of the pale
   of the faith to Godward, if they should not do that which was
   determined against Paul."

   [1103] Kai axion ekplagenai ton Paulon; (A. and Cat. omit this) ti de
   touto; ouk ethorubethe, oude eipe. Here mod. text rightly transposes ti
   de touto.

   [1104] Mod. text "And with reason the tribune does this (i.e. sends
   Paul away): for of course he did not wish either to gratify
   (charisasthai) or to assent." But the meaning is: "If he had not been
   informed of their plot, he would have been embarrassed by the request,
   not liking to refuse, nor yet to grant it."

   [1105] ei gar me houto. Cat. houtos: "but for this man (the tribune.)"

   [1106] Mod. text omits alla kai alles polles; hora pos.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Homily L.

   Acts XXIII. 31, 32, 33

   "Then the soldiers, as it was commanded them, took Paul, and brought
   him by night to Antipatris. On the morrow they left the horsemen to go
   with him, and returned to the castle: who, when they came to Caesarea,
   and delivered the epistle to the governor, presented Paul also before
   him."

   Like some king whom his body-guards escort, so did these convey Paul;
   in such numbers too, and by night, for fear of the wrath of the people.
   [1107] Now then you will say that they have got him out of the city,
   they desist from their violence? No indeed. But (the tribune) would not
   have sent him off with such care for his safety, but that while he
   himself had found nothing amiss in him, he knew the murderous
   disposition of his adversaries. "And when the governor had read the
   letter, he asked of what province he was. And when he understood that
   he was of Cilicia; I will hear thee, said he, when thine accusers are
   also come." Already Lysias has spoken for his exculpation; (but the
   Jews seek to) gain the hearer beforehand. "And he ordered him to be
   kept in custody in Herod's praetorium" (v. 34, 35): again Paul is put
   in bonds. "And after five days came down the high priest Ananias with
   the elders." See how for all this they do not desist; hindered as they
   were by obstacles without number, nevertheless they come, only to be
   put to shame here also. "And with an orator, one Tertullus." [1108] And
   what need was there of "an orator? Which (persons) also informed the
   governor against Paul." (c. xxiv. 1.) See how this man also from the
   very outset (b) with his praises seeks to gain the judge beforehand.
   "And when he was called forth, Tertullus began to accuse him, saying,
   Seeing that by thee we enjoy great quietness, and that very worthy
   deeds are done unto this nation by thy providence, we accept it always,
   and in all places, most noble Felix, with all thankfulness." (v. 2, 3.)
   Then as having much to say, he passes by the rest: "Notwithstanding,
   that I be not further tedious unto thee, I pray thee that thou wouldest
   hear us of thy clemency a few words. For we have found this man a
   pestilent fellow, and a mover of sedition among all the Jews throughout
   the world." (a) As a revolutionary and seditious person he wishes to
   deliver him up. And yet, it might be answered, it is ye that have done
   this. (c) And see how he would put up the judge to a desire of
   punishing, seeing he had here an opportunity to coerce the man that
   turned the world upside down! As if they had achieved a meritorious
   action, they make much of it: "Having found this fellow," etc., "a
   mover of sedition," say they, "among all the Jews throughout the
   world." (Had he been such), they would have proclaimed him as a
   benefactor and saviour of the nation! [1109] "And a ringleader of the
   sect of the Nazarenes." (v. 4, 5.) They thought this likely to tell as
   a reproach--"of the Nazarenes:" and by this also they seek to damage
   him--for Nazareth was a mean place. And, "we have found him," say they:
   see how maliciously they calumniate him: (found him), as if he had been
   always giving them the slip, and with difficulty they had succeeded in
   getting him: though he had been seven days in the Temple! "Who also
   hath gone about to profane the temple; whom we took, [and would have
   judged according to our law."] (v. 6.) See how they insult even the
   Law; it was so like the Law, forsooth, to beat, to kill, to lie in
   wait! And then the accusation against Lysias: though he had no right,
   say they, to interfere, in the excess of his confidence he snatched him
   from us: ["But the tribune Lysias came upon us, and with great violence
   took him away out of our hands, commanding his accusers to come unto
   thee]: [1110] by examining of whom thyself mayest take knowledge of all
   these things, where of we accuse him. And the Jews also assented,
   saying that these things were so." (v. 7-9). What then says Paul? "Then
   Paul; after that the governor had beckoned unto him to speak, answered,
   Forasmuch as I know that thou hast been of many years a just judge unto
   this nation, I do the more cheerfully answer for myself." (v. 10.) This
   is not the language of flattery, his testifying to the judge's justice:
   [1111] no, the adulation was rather in that speech of the orator, "By
   thee we enjoy great quietness." If so, then why are ye seditious? What
   Paul sought was justice. "Knowing thee to be a just judge, I
   cheerfully," says he, "answer for myself." Then also he enforces this
   by the length of time: that (he had been judge) "of many years. Because
   that thou mayest understand, that there are yet but twelve days since I
   went up to Jerusalem for to worship." (v. 11.) And what is this? [1112]
   (It means), "that I could not immediately have raised a commotion."
   Because the accuser had nothing to show (as done) in Jerusalem, observe
   what he said: "among all the Jews throughout the world." Therefore it
   is that Paul here forcibly attracts him--"to worship," he says, "I came
   up," so far am I from raising sedition--and lays a stress upon this
   point of justices being the strong point. "And they neither found me in
   the Temple disputing with any man, neither raising up the people,
   neither in the synagogues, nor in the city" (v. 12); which in fact was
   the truth. And the accusers indeed use the term "ringleader," as if it
   were a case of fighting and insurrection; but see how mildly Paul here
   answers. "But this I confess unto thee, that after the way which they
   call heresy, [1113] so worship I the God of my fathers, believing all
   things which are written in the Law and the Prophets: and have hope
   toward God, which they themselves also allow, that there shall be a
   resurrection of the dead, both of the just and unjust." (v. 14, 15.)
   The accusers were separating him (as an alien), but he identifies
   himself with the Law, as one of themselves. "And in this," says he, "do
   I exercise myself, to have always a conscience void of offence toward
   God and toward men. Now after many years I came to bring alms to my
   nation, and offerings. In which they found me purified in the temple,
   not with multitude, neither with tumult." (v. 16, 17, 18.) Why then
   camest thou up? What brought thee hither? To worship, says he; to do
   alms. This was not the act of a factious person. Then also he casts out
   their person: [1114] "but," says he, (they that found me, were)
   "certain Jews from Asia, who ought to have been here before thee, and
   object, if they had ought against me. Or else let these same here say,
   if they have found any evil doing in me while I stood before the
   council, except it be for this one voice, that I cried, standing among
   them, Touching the resurrection of the dead I am called in question by
   you this day." (v. 19, 20, 21.) For this is justification in
   superabundance, not to flee from his accusers, but to be ready to give
   account to all. [1115] "Of the resurrection of the dead," says he, "am
   I this day called in question." And not a word said he of what he had
   to say, how they had conspired against him, had violently kept him, had
   laid wait for him--for these matters are course spoken of by the
   tribune [1116] --but by Paul, though there was danger, not so: no, he
   is silent, and only defends himself, though he had very much to say.
   (b) "In which" [1117] (alms), says he, "they found me in course of
   purifying in the Temple." Then how did he profane it? For it was not
   the part of the same man both to purify himself and worship and come
   for this purpose, and then to profane it. This has with it a surmise of
   the justice of his cause, that he does not fall into a long discourse.
   And he gratifies the judge, I suppose, by that also (namely, by),
   making his defence compendious: (d) seeing that Tertullus before him
   did make a long harangue. (f) And this too is a proof of mildness, that
   when one has much to say, in order not to be troublesome one says but
   few words. (c) But let us look again at what has been said.

   (Recapitulation.) "Then the soldiers," etc. (v. 31-33.) (a) This also
   made Paul famous in Caesarea, his coming with so large a force.--"But,"
   says Tertullus, "that I be not further tedious," (e) showing that
   (Felix) does find him tedious (enkoptetai): "I beseech thee," he does
   not say, Hear the matter, but, "hear us of thy clemency." (ch. xxiv.
   4.) Probably it is to pay court, that he thus lays out his speech. (g)
   "For having found this man, a pestilent fellow, and a mover of sedition
   among all the Jews throughout the world" (v. 5): how then, it might be
   said, if he did this elsewhere (and not here)? No, says he; among us
   also he has profaned the Temple; "attempted," says he, "to profane it:"
   but the how, he leaves untold. "Whom also we took." etc. "But the
   tribune," etc. And while he thus exaggerates what relates to the
   tribune, [1118] see how he extenuates the part of the accusers
   themselves. "We took him," he says, "and would have judged him
   according to our Law." (v. 6.) He shows that it is a hardship to them
   that they have to come to foreign tribunals, and that they would not
   have troubled him had not the tribune compelled them, and that he,
   having no concern in the matter, had seized the man by force: for in
   fact the wrongs done were against us, and with us the tribunal ought to
   have been. For that this is the meaning, see what follows: "with great
   violence" (v. 7), he says. For this conduct is violence. "From whom
   thou mayest know." He neither dares to accuse him (the tribune)--for
   the man was indulgent (forsooth)--nor does he wholly pass it by. Then
   again, lest he should seem to be lying, he adduces Paul himself as his
   own accuser. "From whom, by examining him, thou mayest take knowledge
   of all these things." (v. 8.) Next, as witnesses also of the things
   spoken, the accusers, the same persons themselves both witnesses and
   accusers: "And the Jews also assented," etc. (v. 9.) But Paul,
   "Forasmuch as I know that thou hast been of many years a just judge."
   (v. 10.) Why then, he is no stranger or alien or revolutionary person,
   seeing he had known the judge for many years. And he does well to add
   the epithet "just," [1119] that he (Felix) might not look to the chief
   priest, nor to the people, nor the accuser. See, how he did not let
   himself be carried away into abuse, although there was strong
   provocation. "Believing," he says, "that there will be a resurrection:"
   now a man who believed a resurrection, would never have done such
   things--"which" (resurrection) "they themselves also allow." (v. 15.)
   He does not say it of them, that they believe "all things written in
   the Prophets:" it was he that believed them all, not they: but how
   "all," it would require a long discourse to show. And he nowhere makes
   mention of Christ. Here by saying, "Believing," he does (virtually)
   introduce what relates to Christ; for the present he dwells on the
   subject of the resurrection, which doctrine was common to them also,
   and removed the suspicion of any sedition. And for the cause of his
   going up, "I came," he says, "to bring alms to my nation and
   offerings." (v. 17.) How then should I have troubled those, for the
   bringing offerings to whom I had come so long a journey? "Neither with
   multitude, nor with tumult." (v. 18.) Everywhere he does away the
   charge of sedition. And he also does well to challenge his accusers who
   were from Asia, "Who ought to accuse before thee," etc., but he does
   well also not to reject this either; [1120] "or else," says he, "let
   these same here say. Touching the resurrection of the dead," etc. (v.
   19, 20, 21): for in fact it was on this account they were sore troubled
   from the first, because he preached the Resurrection. This being
   proved, the things relating to Christ also were easily introduced, that
   He was risen. "What evil doing," he says, "they found in me. In the
   council" (ch. iv. 2) he says: the examination not having taken place in
   private. That these things which I say are true, those witness who
   bring this charge against me. "Having," he says, "a conscience void of
   offence both toward God, and toward men." (v. 16.) This is the
   perfection of virtue, when even to men we give no handle against us,
   and are careful to be void of offence with God. "That I cried," he
   says, "in the council." He also shows their violence. [1121] They have
   it not to say, Thou didst these things under the pretext of alms: for
   (it was) "not with multitude, nor with tumult:" especially as upon
   enquiry made concerning this thing, nothing further was found. Do you
   observe his moderation, though there were dangers? do you observe how
   he keeps his tongue from evil-speaking, how he seeks only one thing, to
   free himself from the charges against himself, not that he may
   criminate them, except so far as he might be obliged to do so while
   defending himself? Just as Christ also said: "I have not a devil, but I
   honor My Father: but ye do dishonor Me." (John viii. 49.)

   Let us imitate him, since he also was an imitator of Christ. If he,
   with enemies, who went even to the length of murder and slaughter, said
   nothing offensive to them, what pardon shall we deserve, who in
   reviling and abuse become infuriated, calling our enemies villains,
   detestable wretches? what pardon shall we deserve, for having enemies
   at all? Hear you not, that to honor (another) is to honor one's self?
   So it is: but we disgrace ourselves. You accuse (some one) that he has
   abused you: then why do you bring yourself under the same accusation?
   Why inflict a blow on yourself? Keep free from passion, keep unwounded:
   do not, by wishing to smite another, bring the hurt upon yourself.
   What, is the other tumult of our soul not enough for us, the tumult
   that is stirred up, though there be none to stir it up--for example,
   its outrageous lusts, its griefs and sorrows, and such like--but we
   must needs heap up a pile of others also? And how, you will say, is it
   possible, when one is insulted and abused, to bear this? And how is it
   not possible, I ask? Is a wound got from words; or do words inflict
   bruises on our bodies? Then where is the hurt to us? So that, if we
   will, we can bear it. Let us lay down for ourselves a law not to
   grieve, and we shall bear it: let us say to ourselves, "It is not from
   enmity; it is from infirmity"--for it is indeed owing to an infirmity,
   since, for proof that it comes not from enmity nor from malignity of
   disposition, but from infirmity, the other also would fain have
   restrained (his anger), although he had suffered numberless wrongs. If
   we only have this thought in our minds, that it is from infirmity, we
   shall bear it, and while we forgive the offending person, we shall try
   not to fall into it ourselves. For I ask all you who are present: would
   ye have wished to be able to exercise such a philosophic temper, as to
   bear with those who insult you? [1122] I think so. Well, then, he
   insulted unwillingly; he would rather not have done so, but he did it,
   forced by his passion: refrain thyself. Do you not see (how it is with)
   the demoniacs (in their fits)? Just then as it is with them, so with
   him: it is not so much from enmity, as from infirmity (that he behaves
   as he does): endure it. And as for us--it is not so much from the
   insults as they are in themselves that we are moved, as from our own
   selves: else how is it that when madmen offer us the same insults, we
   bear it? Again, if those who insult us be our friends, in that case too
   we bear it: or also our superiors, in that case also we bear it: how
   then is it not absurd, that in the case of these three, friends,
   madmen, and superiors, we bear it, but where they are of the same rank
   or our inferiors, we do not bear it? I have oftentimes said: It is but
   an impulse of the moment, something that hurries us away on the sudden:
   let us endure it for a little, and we shall bear the whole thing. The
   greater the insults, the more weak the offender. Do you know when it
   behooves us to grieve? When we have insulted another, and he keeps
   silence: for then he is strong, and we weak: but if the contrary be the
   case, you must even rejoice: you are crowned, you are proclaimed
   conqueror, without having even entered into the contest, without having
   borne the annoyance of sun, and heat, and dust, without having grappled
   with an antagonist and let him close with you; nothing but a mere wish
   on your part, sitting or standing, and you have got a mighty crown: a
   crown far greater than those (combatants earn): for to throw an enemy
   standing to the encounter, is nothing like so great as to overcome the
   darts of anger. You have conquered, without having even let him close
   with you, you have thrown down the passion that was in you, have slain
   the beast that was roused, have quelled the anger that was raging, like
   some excellent herdsman. The fight was like to have been an intestine
   one, the war a civil war. For, as those who sit down to besiege from
   without (endeavor to), embroil (the besieged) in civil discords, and
   then overcome them; so he that insults, unless he rouse the passion
   within us, will not be able to overcome us: unless we kindle the flame
   in ourselves, he has no power. Let the spark of anger be within us, so
   as to be ready for lighting at the right moment, not against ourselves,
   nor so as to involve us in numberless evils. See ye not how the fire in
   houses is kept apart, and not thrown about at random everywhere,
   neither among straw, nor among the linen, nor just where it may chance,
   that so there may not be danger, if a wind blow on it, of its kindling
   a flame: but whether a maid-servant have a lamp, or the cook light a
   fire, there is many an injunction given, not to do this in the draught
   of the wind, nor near a wooden panel, nor in the night-time: but when
   the night has come on, we extinguish the fire, fearing lest perchance
   while we are asleep and there is none to help, it set fire, and burn us
   all. Let this also be done with regard to anger; let it not be
   scattered everywhere up and down in our thoughts, but let it be in some
   deep recess of the mind, that the wind arising from the words of him
   who is opposing us may not easily reach to it, but that it receive the
   wind (which is to rouse it) from ourselves, who know how to rouse it in
   due measure and with safety. If it receive the wind from without, it
   knows no moderation; it will set everything on fire: oftentimes when we
   are asleep this wind will come upon it, and will burn up all. Let it
   therefore be with us (in safe keeping) in such sort as only to kindle a
   light: for anger does kindle a light when it is managed as it ought to
   be: and let us have torches against those who wrong others, against the
   devil. Let not the spark lie anywhere as it may chance, nor be thrown
   about; let us keep it safe under ashes: in lowly thoughts let us keep
   it slumbering. We do not want it at all times, but when there is need
   to subdue and to make tender, to mollify obduracy, and convict the
   soul. What evils have angry and wrathful passions wrought! And what
   makes it grievous indeed is, that when we have parted asunder, we have
   no longer the power to come together again, but we wait for others (to
   do this): each is ashamed, and blushes to come back himself and
   reconcile the other. See, he is not ashamed to part asunder and to be
   separated; no, he takes the lead as author of the evil: but to come
   forward and patch that which is rent, this he is ashamed to do: and the
   case is just the same, as if a man should not shrink from cutting off a
   limb, but should be ashamed to join it together again. What sayest
   thou, O man? Hast thou committed great injuries, and thyself been the
   cause of the quarrel? Why, then, thou wouldest justly be the first to
   go and be reconciled, as having thyself furnished the cause. But he did
   the wrong, he is the cause of the enmity? Why then, for this reason
   also thou must do it, that men may the more admire thee, that in
   addition to the former, thou mayest get the first prize in the latter
   also: as thou wast not the cause of the enmity, so neither of its being
   extended further. Perhaps also the other, as conscious within himself
   of numberless evils, is ashamed and blushes. But he is haughty? On this
   account above all, do not thou hesitate to run and meet him: for if the
   ailment in him be twofold, both haughtiness and anger, in this thou
   hast mentioned the very reason why thou oughtest to be the first to go
   to him, thou that art the one in sound health, the one who is able to
   see: as for him, he is in darkness: for such is anger and false pride.
   But do thou, who art free from these and in sound health, go to
   him--thou the physician, go to the sick. Does any of the physicians
   say, Because such an one is sick, I do not go to him? No, this is the
   very reason above all why they do go, when they see that he is not able
   to come to them. For of those who are able (to come) they think less,
   as of persons not extremely ill, but not so of those who lie at home
   sick. Or are not pride and anger, think you, worse than any illness? is
   not the one like a sharp fever, the other like a body swollen with
   inflammation? Think what a thing it is to have a fever and
   inflammation: go to him, extinguish the fire, for by the grace of God
   thou canst: go, assuage the heat as it were with water. "But," you will
   say, "how if he is only the more set up by my doing this very thing?"
   This is nothing to thee: thou hast done thy part, let him take account
   for himself: let not our conscience condemn us, that this thing happens
   in consequence of any omission of what ought to have been done on our
   part. "In so doing," says the Scripture, "thou shalt heap coals of fire
   on his head." (Rom. xii. 20, cf. Hom. in l. xxii. S:3.) And yet, for
   all that this is the consequence, it bids us go and be reconciled and
   do good offices--not that we may heap coals of fire, but that (our
   enemy) knowing that future consequence, [1123] may be assuaged by the
   present kindness, that he may tremble, that he may fear our good
   offices rather than our hostilities, and our friendships rather than
   our ill designs. For one does not so hurt his hater by showing his
   resentment as an enemy, as by doing him good and showing kindness. For
   by his resentment, he has hurt both himself and perhaps the other also
   in some little degree: but by doing good offices, he has heaped coals
   of fire on his head. "Why then," you will say, "for fear of thus
   heaping coals one ought not to do this (b) but to carry on the enmity
   to greater lengths." By no means: it is not you that cause this, but he
   with his brutish disposition. For if, when you are doing him good, and
   honoring him, and offering to be reconciled, he persists in keeping up
   the enmity, it is he has kindled the fire for himself, he has set his
   own head on fire; you are guiltless. Do not want to be more merciful
   than God (b), or rather, if you wish it, you will not be able, not even
   in the least degree. How should you? "As far as the heaven is from the
   earth," Scripture says, "so far are My counsels from your counsels"
   (Isa. xlv. 8): and again, "If ye," He says, "being evil, know how to
   give good gifts unto your children, how much more your heavenly Father"
   (Matt. vii. 11)? But in fact this talk is mere pretext and subterfuge.
   Let us not prevaricate with God's commandments. "And how do we
   prevaricate," you will say? He has said, "In so doing, thou wilt heap
   coals of fire on his head:" and you say, I do not like to do this. (a)
   But are you willing to heap coals after another fashion, that is upon
   your own head? For in fact this is what resentment does: (c) since you
   shall suffer evils without number. (e) You say, "I am afraid for my
   enemy, because he has done me great injuries:" in reality is it this
   you say? But how came you to have an enemy? But how came you to hate
   your enemy? You fear for him that has injured you, but do you not fear
   yourself? Would that you had a care for yourself! Do not act (the
   kindness) with such an aim as this: or rather do it, though it be but
   with such an aim. But you do it not at all. I say not to you, "thou
   wilt heap coals of fire:" no, I say another and a greater thing: only
   do it. For Paul says this only by way of summoning thee (if only), in
   hope of the vengeance, to put an end to the enmity. Because we are
   savage as wild beasts in disposition, and would not otherwise endure to
   love our enemy, unless we expected some revenge, he offers this as a
   cake, so to say, to a wild beast. For to the Apostles (the Lord) says
   not this, but what says He? "That ye may be like to your Father which
   is in heaven." (Matt. v. 45.) And besides, it is not possible that the
   benefactor and the benefited should remain in enmity. This is why Paul
   has put it in this way. Why, affecting a high and generous principle in
   thy words, why in thy deeds dost thou not even observe (common)
   moderation? (It sounds) well; thou dost not feed him, for fear of
   thereby heaping upon him coals of fire: well then, thou sparest him?
   well then, thou lovest him, thou actest with this object in view? God
   knows, whether thou hast this object in so speaking, and are not [1124]
   palming this talk upon us as a mere pretence and subterfuge. Thou hast
   a care for thine enemy, thou fearest lest he be punished, then wouldest
   thou not have extinguished thine anger? For he that loves to that
   degree that he overlooks his own interest for the sake of the other's
   advantage, that man has no enemy. (Then indeed) thou mightest say this.
   How long shall we trifle in matters that are not to be trifled with,
   and that admit of no excuse? Wherefore I beseech you, let us cut off
   these pretexts; let us not despise God's laws: that we may be enabled
   with well-pleasing to the Lord to pass this life present, and attain
   unto the good things promised, through the grace and mercy of our Lord
   Jesus Christ, with Whom to the Father and the Holy Ghost together be
   glory, might, honor, now and ever, world without end. Amen.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1107] tou demou ten orgen tes hormes. 'Epei oun tes poleos auton
   exebalon, tote aphistantai. So Edd. and our mss. but Cat. simply ten
   orgen. The next sentence, if referred affirmatively to the Jews, would
   be untrue, for in fact the Jews ouk apestesan. Possibly the scribes
   took it to refer to the soldiers: but this is very unsatisfactory. To
   make sense, it must be read interrogatively: "Well then, at any rate
   that now, they have got him out of the city, they desist from further
   attempts? By no means; and in fact the precautions taken for his safety
   show what was the tribune's view of the matter, both that Paul was
   innocent and that they were set on murdering him." We read aphistantai
   tes hormes.

   [1108] It has been necessary to rearrange the texts, and also to
   transpose the parts mark a, b.--Kai men humeis, phesi touto pepoiekate.
   The phesi here is hypothetical: "Tertullus wishes to arraign Paul as a
   seditious person. And yet, Felix might say, it is ye Jews that have
   been the movers of sedition: in these words ye describe
   yourselves."--Mod. text "v. 2, 3, 4. And yet ye have done this: then
   what need of an orator? See how this man, also from the very outset
   wishes to deliver him up as a revolutionary and seditious person, and
   with his praises preoccupies the judge. Then as having much to say, he
   passes it by, and only says this, But that I be not further tedious
   unto thee."

   [1109] So much was sedition to their taste, they would have been the
   last to arraign him for that; on the contrary etc.--But Mod. text hos
   lumeona loipon kai koinon echthron tou ethnous diaballousi.

   [1110] The bracketed passage in vv. 6-8 om. in A. B. G. H. '. and
   R.V.--G.B.S.

   [1111] Hence it appears that Chrys. read onta se kriten dikaion in v.
   10, though the old text in the citation omits the epithet. Cat. retains
   it.--See p. 299, note 2.

   [1112] As Felix had been many years a judge, he was conversant enough
   with the habits of the Jews to be aware that the Pentecost which
   brought Paul to Jerusalem was but twelve days past: so that there had
   not been time to raise a commotion. Mod. text, "And what did this
   contribute to the proof? A great point: for he shows that Felix himself
   knew that Paul had done nothing of all that he was accused of. But if
   he had ever raised an insurrection, Felix would have known it, being
   judge, and such an affair would not have scaped his notice."--Below,
   dia touto entautha auton helkei, we suppose auton to be Felix: Mod.
   text substitutes enteuthen aphelkon, referring it to the accuser. The
   meaning is obscure, but it seems to be, "draws the attention of his
   judge to this point," viz., of his having come up to worship, and
   therefore endiatribei touto to dikai& 251; lays the stress upon this
   point, of Felix being a just judge. Perhaps, however, the true reading
   here is to dekaduo, "of its being not more than twelve days."

   [1113] Airesis in v. 14 has the same meaning as in v. 5. The meaning is
   therefore obscured by rendering it (as A.V.) in the former verse by
   "sect" and in the latter by "heresy." It is party or sect in both
   cases, used as a term of reproach. Paul's accusers considered him a
   member of a sect which they contemptuously called the Nazarenes. In his
   defence he takes up their own word.--G.B.S.

   [1114] Eita kai ekballei auton to prosopon, rejects their person,
   repudiates their pretension. They had said, "We found him:" he answers,
   "There found me, in a condition as far as possible from that of a mover
   of sedition--not they, but certain of the Jews from Asia.' In the
   Recapitulation, he says, kalos de oude touto ekballei referring to v.
   21. Hence one might conjecture here, eita ouk ekb., to be placed after
   v. 20; but see p. 299, note 3.--Mod. text ekb. a. t. pr. legon
   adioristos, 'En hois heuron me tines ton k. t. l. "Saying indefinitely,
   In which there found me,' (and then adding), certain of the Jews from
   Asia.'"

   [1115] Vv. 5 and 6 had contained the three charges preferred by
   Tertullus, viz.: sedition, sectarianism and profanation of the temple.
   Paul was charged with creating disturbances among the Jews (5). To this
   he replies (11, 12), that the charge is not sustained by facts; he
   worshipped in the temple, but neither there, nor in the synagogues, nor
   in the city, did he create a disturbance or gather a crowd. To the
   second charge that he is a ringleader of the sect of the Nazarenes (5),
   Paul replies by conceding that he worships the God of his fathers after
   a way which they call a sect, but he denies that this fact involves
   rejection or contempt of the law or the prophets (14). To the third
   charge that he had attempted to profane the Temple (6), he replies by
   alleging that he had, on the contrary, brought offerings to the Temple
   service and that he had there peaceably taken part in the religious
   rites of the Nazarites (17, 18). He concludes by insisting that his
   whole offence consists in having stoutly maintained the doctrine of the
   resurrection of the dead.--G.B.S.

   [1116] Old text tauta gar eikotos peri ekeinou legetai, para de
   toutou...We read para ekeinou in the sense, "All that is to be said on
   those points comes from Lysias: from Paul, not a word." Mod. text tauta
   gar par ekeinon legetai genesthai: "these things are said to have been
   done by those."

   [1117] Here old text has the reading en hais, above it was en
   hois.--Here the first Redactor has confused the matter, in consequence
   of his supposing that at the mention of Tertullus (d) Chrys. must have
   gone into the Recapitulation. Hence he places (c) the formula all'
   idomen k. t. l. immediately before this. Accordingly to (d) as being
   comment on v. 4, he joins (e), and then supposing the epieikeias of (f)
   to refer to epieikei& 139; v. 4, he places this next. The part (b) he
   keeps in its place, viz. before the Recapitulation: there remained (a),
   and this he prefixes to b, though its contents clearly show that it
   belongs to the Recapitulation of v. 31.

   [1118] ta men ekeinou, evidently the tribune, but Ben. quae Paulum
   quidem spectabant.--They made the most of what the tribune had done, of
   their own violence they make as little as possible.

   [1119] See above, p. 197, note 3. The principal authorities for the
   dikaion are Laud's Cod. Gr. and Cat. of Acts.

   [1120] kalos de (B.) oude touto ekballei, i.e. but while he does well
   to challenge the parties who found him viz. the Jews from Asia, he does
   well also that he does not cast out or repudiate this particular which
   he goes on to mention--viz. his exclamation before the Sanhedrim. This
   may consist with what was said above, ekballei auton to prosopon: (see
   p. 297, note 1) viz. though he does this, and deprives them of the
   credit they took to themselves, for it was not that they found him; and
   as to his behavior in the temple, he will not admit their testimony,
   for they were not present: yet even these he challenges to testify to
   that of which they were cognizant.--Mod. text "from Asia, saying, Who
   ought to accuse me before thee, if they had aught against me. So
   confident was he to be clear as to the matters of which he was accused,
   that he even challenges them. But not only those from Asia, nay, those
   also from Jerusalem."

   [1121] Mod. text adds, "by saying, 'Ekekraxa: as much as to say, They
   have it not," etc. But their violence was shown not by his crying out,
   but by the fact that they had nothing more against him than this
   exclamation.

   [1122] Old text ara an ethelesate houto philosophein dunasthai--; Mod.
   text ara an houto philosophein dunesthe--; and so Ben. against grammar
   and the sense. Savile and Ed. Par. Ben. 2, ara an
   ethelesete,.....dunasthe; But our mss. give it as above: and Savile's
   reading does not suit the sense: which is, "Would not you have
   wished--? Well, then, so would he."--Below, hosper oun ekeinos ouk (B.,
   ekeinois and om. ouk) apo echthras tosouton, hoson apo astheneias,
   touto hupomenei; houto kai hemeis ouk apo tes phuseos ton hubreon
   kinoumetha, hoson aph' hemon auton. The scribes have made nonsense of
   the passage, and the Edd. retain it. If for hupomenei we read hupomene,
   this will answer to episches in the preceding sentence: to touto we
   supply paschei: so we read, hosper oun ekeinoi, houto kai houtos ouk
   apo e. hoson apo asth. touto paschei; hupomene. Kai hemeis etc.

   [1123] B. C. hina eidos ekeino (mod. text ekeinos) touto (we read
   touto) katastelletai. Here, as often, ekeino refers to the other world,
   touto to this life: "knowing what will come of it there, (i.e. the
   coals of fire) he may," etc.

   [1124] kai me...Mod text kai men..."And yet thou art," etc.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Homily LI.

   Acts XXIV. 22, 23

   "And when Felix heard these things, having more perfect knowledge of
   that way, he deferred them and said, When Lysias the tribune shall come
   down, I will know the uttermost of your matter. And he commanded a
   centurion to keep Paul, and to let him have liberty, and that he should
   forbid none of his acquaintance to minister or come unto him."

   See how much close investigation is made by the many in a long course
   of time, that it should not be said that the trial was hurried over.
   For, as the orator had made mention of Lysias, that he took "him away
   with violence, Felix," he says, "deferred them. Having knowledge of
   that way:" that is, he put them off on purpose: not because he wanted
   to learn, but as wishing to get rid of the Jews. On their account, he
   did not like to let him go: to punish him was not possible; that would
   have been (too) barefaced. "And to let him have liberty, [1125] and to
   forbid none of his acquaintance to minister to him." So entirely did he
   too acquit him of the charges. Howbeit, to gratify them, he detained
   him, and besides, expecting to receive money, he called for Paul. "And
   after certain days, when Felix came with his wife Drusilla, which was a
   Jewess, he sent for Paul, and heard him concerning the faith in Christ.
   And as he reasoned of righteousness, temperance (i.e. self-control or
   chastity), and judgment to come, Felix trembled, and answered, Go thy
   way for this time; when I have a convenient season, I will call for
   thee. He hoped also that money should have been given him of Paul, that
   he might loose him; wherefore he sent for him the oftener, and communed
   with him. But after two years Porcius Festus came into Felix's room:
   and Felix, willing to show the Jews a pleasure, left Paul bound." (v.
   24-27.) See how close to the truth are the things written. But he sent
   for him frequently, not that he admired him, nor that he praised the
   things spoken, nor that he wished to believe, but why? "Expecting," it
   says, "that money should have been given him." Observe how he does not
   hide here the mind of the judge. "Wherefore he sent for him," etc. And
   yet if he had condemned him, he would not have done this, nor have
   wished to hear a man, condemned and of evil character. And observe
   Paul, how, though reasoning with a ruler, he says nothing of the sort
   that was likely to amuse and entertain, but ("he reasoned," it says,)
   "of righteousness, and of the coming judgment," and of the
   resurrection. And such was the force of his words, that they even
   terrified the governor. [1126] This man is succeeded in his office by
   another, and he leaves Paul a prisoner: and yet he ought not to have
   done this; he ought to have put an end to the business: but he leaves
   him, by way of gratifying them. They however were so urgent, that they
   again besought the judge. Yet against none of the Apostles had they set
   themselves thus pertinaciously; there, when they had attacked, anon
   they desisted. So providentially is he removed from Jerusalem, having
   to do with such wild beasts. And they nevertheless request that he
   might be brought again there to be tried. "Now when Festus was come
   into the province, after three days he ascended from Caesarea to
   Jerusalem. Then the high priest and the chief of the Jews informed him
   against Paul, and besought him, and desired favor against him, that he
   would send for him to Jerusalem, laying wait in the way to kill him."
   (ch. xxv. 1-3.) Here now God's providence interposed, not permitting
   the governor to do this: for it was natural that he having just come to
   the government would wish to gratify them: but God suffered him not.
   "But Festus answered, that Paul should be kept at Caesarea, and that he
   himself would depart shortly thither. Let them therefore, said he,
   which among you are able, go down with me, and accuse this man, if
   there be any wickedness in him. And when he had tarried among them more
   than ten days, he went down unto Caesarea; and the next day sitting on
   the judgment seat commanded Paul to be brought." (v. 4-6.) But after
   they came down, they forthwith made their accusations shamelessly and
   with more vehemence: and not having been able to convict him on grounds
   relating to the Law, they again according to their custom stirred the
   question about Caesar, being just what they did in Christ's case. For
   that they had recourse to this is manifest by the fact, that Paul
   defends himself on the score of offences against Caesar. "And when he
   was come, the Jews which came down from Jerusalem stood round about,
   and laid many and grievous complaints against Paul, which they could
   not prove. While he answered for himself, Neither against the law of
   the Jews, neither against the temple, nor yet against Caesar, have I
   offended anything at all. But Festus, willing to do the Jews a
   pleasure, answered Paul, and said, Wilt thou go up to Jerusalem, and
   there be judged of these things before me"? (v. 7-9.) Wherefore he too
   gratifies the Jews, the whole people, and the city. Such being the
   case, Paul terrifies him also, using a human weapon for his defence.
   "Then said Paul, I stand at Caesar's judgment seat, where I ought to be
   judged; to the Jews have I done no wrong, as thou very well knowest.
   For if I be an offender, or have committed anything worthy of death, I
   refuse not to die: but if there be none of these things whereof these
   accuse me, no man may deliver me unto them. I appeal unto Caesar." (v.
   10, 11.) Some one might say, How is it, that having been told, "Thou
   must also bear witness of Me in Rome," (ch. xxiii. 11), he, as if
   unbelieving, did this? God forbid: nay, he did it, because he so
   strongly believed. For it would have been a tempting of God to be bold
   on account of that declaration, and to cast himself into numberless
   dangers, and to say: "Let us see if God is able even thus to deliver
   me." But not so does Paul; no, he does his part, all that in him lies,
   committing the whole to God. Quietly also he reproves the governor:
   for, "If, says he, I am an offender, thou doest well: but if not, why
   dost thou give me up?" "No man," he says, "may sacrifice me." He put
   him in fear, so that even if he wished, he could not sacrifice him to
   them; while also as an excuse to them he had Paul's appeal to allege.
   "Then Festus, when he had conferred with the council, answered, Hast
   thou appealed unto Caesar? unto Caesar shalt thou go. And after certain
   days king Agrippa and Bernice came unto Caesarea to salute Festus." (v.
   12, 13.) Observe, he communicates the matter to Agrippa, so that there
   should be other hearers once more, both the king, and the army, and
   Bernice. Thereupon a speech in his exculpation. "And when they had been
   there many days, Festus declared Paul's cause unto the king, saying,
   There is a certain man left in bonds by Felix: about whom, when I was
   at Jerusalem, the chief priests and the elders of the Jews informed me,
   desiring to have judgment against him. To whom I answered, It is not
   the manner of the Romans to deliver any man to die, before that he
   which is accused have the accusers face to face, and have license to
   answer for himself concerning the crime laid against him. Therefore,
   when they were come hither, without any delay on the morrow I sat on
   the judgment seat, and commanded the man to be brought forth. Against
   whom when the accusers stood up, they brought none accusation of such
   things as I supposed: but had certain questions against him of their
   own superstition, and of one Jesus, which was dead, whom Paul affirmed
   to be alive. And because I doubted of such manner of questions, I asked
   him whether he would go to Jerusalem, and there be judged of these
   matters. But when Paul had appealed to be reserved unto the hearing of
   Augustus, I commanded him to be kept till I might send him to Caesar.
   Then Agrippa said unto Festus, I would also hear the man myself.
   Tomorrow, said he, thou shalt hear him." (v. 14-22.) And observe a
   crimination of the Jews, not from Paul, but also from the governor.
   "Desiring," he says, "to have judgment against him." To whom I said, to
   their shame, that "it is not the manner of the Romans," before giving
   an opportunity to speak for himself, "to sacrifice a man." But I did
   give him (such opportunity), and I found no fault in him. "Because I
   doubted," says he, of "such manner of questions:" he casts a veil also
   over his own wrong. Then the other desires to see him. (b) But let us
   look again at what has been said. [1127]

   (Recapitulation.) "And when Felix," etc. (v. 22.) Observe on all
   occasions how the governors try to keep off from themselves the
   annoyance of the Jews, and are often compelled to act contrary to
   justice, and seek pretexts for deferring: for of course it was not from
   ignorance that he deferred the cause, but knowing it. And his wife also
   hears, together with the governor. (v. 24.) This seems to me to show
   great honor. For he would not have brought his wife to be present with
   him at the hearing, but that he thought great things of him. It seems
   to me that she also longed for this. And observe how Paul immediately
   discourses not only about faith, nor about remission of sins, but also
   about practical points of duty. "Go thy way," he says, "for this time:
   when I have a convenient season, I will call for thee." (v. 25.)
   Observe his hardness of heart: hearing such things, "he hoped that he
   should receive money from him!" (v. 26.) And not only so, but even
   after conversing with him--for it was towards the end of his
   government--he left him bound, "willing to show the Jews a pleasure"
   (v. 27): so that he not only coveted money, but also glory. How, O
   wretch, canst thou look for money from a man who preaches the contrary?
   But that he did not get it, is evident from his leaving him bound; he
   would have loosed him, had he received it. "Of temperance," it says, he
   reasoned; but the other was hankering to receive money from him who
   discoursed these things! And to ask indeed he did not dare: for such is
   wickedness: but he hoped it. "And when two years were completed," etc.,
   so that it was but natural that he showed them a pleasure, as he had
   been so long governor there. "Now when Festus was come into the
   province," etc. (ch. xxv. 1, 2.) At the very beginning, the priests
   came to him, who would not have hesitated to go even to Caesarea,
   unless he had been seen immediately coming up, since immediately on his
   arrival they come to him. And he spends ten days, [1128] in order, I
   suppose, to be open to those who wished to corrupt him with bribes. But
   Paul was in the prison. "They besought him," it says, "that he would
   send for him:" why did they desire it as a favor, if he was deserving
   of death? But thus their plotting became evident even to him, so that
   discoursing of it (to Agrippa), he says, "desiring to have judgment
   against him." They wanted to induce him to pass sentence now
   immediately, being afraid of Paul's tongue. What are ye afraid of? What
   are ye in such a hurry? In fact, that expression, "that he should be
   kept" [1129] (v. 4), shows this. Does he want to escape? "Let them
   therefore," he says, "which among you are able, accuse him." (v. 5.)
   Again accusers, again at Caesarea, again Paul is brought forth. And
   having come, immediately "he sat on the judgment-seat" (v. 6); with all
   his haste: they so drove, so hurried him. While as yet he had not got
   acquainted with the Jews, nor experienced the honor paid to him by
   them, he answered rightly: but now that he had been in Jerusalem ten
   days, he too wants to pleasure them (by sacrificing Paul to them):
   then, also to receive Paul, "Wilt thou," says he, "be judged there of
   these things by me?" (v. 9.) I am not giving thee up to them--but this
   was the fact--and he leaves the point to his own choice, that by this
   mark of respect he might get him to yield: since his was the sentence,
   [1130] and it would have been too barefaced, when he had been convicted
   of nothing here, to take him back thither. "But Paul said, At Caesar's
   tribunal am I standing," etc. (v. 10): he did not say, I will not, lest
   he should make the judge more vehement, but (here) again is his great
   boldness: They cast me out once for all, themselves, and by this they
   think to condemn me, by their showing that I have offended against
   Caesar: at his bar I choose to be judged, at the bar of the injured
   person himself. "To the Jews have I done no wrong, as thou also very
   well knowest." Here now he reproved him, that he too wished to
   sacrifice him to the Jews: then, on the other hand, he relaxes (the
   sternness of) his speech: "if then I be an offender, or have committed
   anything worthy of death, I refuse not to die." I utter sentence
   against myself. For along with boldness of speech there must be also
   justness of cause, so as to abash (the hearer). "But if there be
   nothing in the things whereof these accuse me, no man"--however he may
   wish it--"no man may sacrifice me to please them." He said, not, I am
   not worthy of death, nor, I am worthy to be acquitted, but, I am ready
   to take my trial before Caesar. At the same time too, remembering the
   dream, he was the more confident to appeal. (ch. xxiii. 11) And he said
   not, Thou (mayest not), but, neither any other man may sacrifice me,
   that it might be no affront to him. "Then Festus, when he had conferred
   with the council"--do you observe how he seeks to gratify them? for
   this is favor--"having conferred," it says, "with the council, he said,
   Hast thou appealed unto Caesar? unto Caesar shalt thou go." (v. 12.)
   See how his trial is again lengthened out, and how the plot against him
   becomes an occasion for the preaching: so that with ease and in safe
   custody he should be taken away to Rome, [1131] with none to plot evil
   against him: for it was not the same thing his simply coming there, and
   his coming on such a cause. For, in fact this was what made the Jews
   come together there. (ch. xxviii. 17.) Then again, some time passes
   while he tarries at Jerusalem, that you may learn, that, though some
   time passed, the evil design against him prevails nothing, God not
   permitting it. But this king Agrippa, who was also a Herod, was a
   different Agrippa, after him of James' time, so that this is the fourth
   (Herod). See how his enemies cooeperate with him against their will. To
   make the audience large, Agrippa falls into a desire of hearing: and he
   does not simply hear, but with much parade. And see what a vindication
   (apologian)! So writes Festus, [1132] and the ruthlessness of the Jews
   is openly made a show of: for when it is the governor that says these
   things, he is a witness above all suspicion: so that the Jews are
   condemned by him also. For, when all had pronounced sentence against
   them, then, and not sooner, God brings upon them the punishment. But
   observe: Lysias gave it against them, Felix against them, Festus
   against them--although he wished to gratify them [1133] --Agrippa
   against them. What further? The Pharisees--even they gave it against
   themselves. No evil, says Festus, "of such things as I supposed: no
   accusation did they bring against him." (v. 18.) And yet they did bring
   it: true, but they did not prove it: for their evil design and daring
   plot against him gave cause to surmise this, but the examination
   brought out nothing of the kind. "And of one Jesus," he says, "which
   was dead." (v. 19.) He says naturally enough, "of one" (Jesus), as
   being a man in office, and not caring for these things. "And not
   knowing, for my part, what to make of the enquiry concerning these
   things" (v. 20)--of course, it went beyond a judge's hearing, the
   examining into these matters. If thou art at a loss, why dost thou drag
   him to Jerusalem? But the other would not deign this: no, "To Caesar"
   (says he); as in fact it was touching Caesar that they accused him. Do
   you hear the appeal? hear the plotting of the Jews? hear their factious
   spirit? All these things provoked him to a desire (of hearing him): and
   he gives them the gratification and Paul becomes more renowned. For
   such as I said, are the ill designs (of enemies). Had not these things
   been so, none of these rulers would have deigned to hear him, none
   would have heard with such quietness and silence. And he seems indeed
   to be teaching, he seems to be making a defence; but he rather makes a
   public harangue with much orderliness. Then let us not think that ill
   designs against us are a grievous thing. So long as we do not make ill
   designs against ourselves, no one will be able to have ill designs
   against us: or rather, people may do this, but they do us no hurt; nay,
   even benefit us in the highest degree: for it rests with ourselves,
   whether we shall suffer evil, or not suffer evil. Lo! I testify, and
   proclaim with a loud voice, more piercing even than the sound of a
   trumpet--and were it possible to ascend on high and cry aloud, I would
   not shrink from doing it--him that is a Christian, none of all the
   human beings that inhabit the earth will have power to hurt. And why do
   I say, human beings? Not even the Evil Spirit himself, the tyrant, the
   Devil, can do this, unless the man injure himself; be what it may that
   any one works, in vain he works it. For even as no human being could
   hurt an angel, if he were on earth, so neither can one human being hurt
   another human being. But neither again will he himself be able to hurt
   another, so long as he is good. What then can be equal to this, when
   neither to be hurt is possible, nor to hurt another? For this thing is
   not less than the former, the not wishing to hurt another. Why, that
   man is a kind of angel, yea, like God. For such is God; only, He indeed
   (is such) by nature, but this man, by moral choice: neither to be hurt
   is possible (for either), nor to hurt another. But this thing, this
   "not possible," think not that it is for any want of power--for the
   contrary to this is want of power--no, I speak of the morally
   incompatible (to anendekton). For the (Divine) Nature is neither Itself
   susceptible of hurt, nor capable of hurting another: since this very
   thing in itself is a hurt. For in no other way do we hurt ourselves,
   than by hurting another, and our greatest sins become such from our
   doing injury to ourselves. So that for this reason also the Christian
   cannot be hurt, namely, because neither can he hurt. But how in hurting
   others we hurt ourselves, come, let us take this saying in hand for
   examination in detail. Let a man wrong another, insult, overreach; whom
   then has he hurt? Is it not himself first? This is plain to every one.
   For to the one, the damage is in money, to himself, it is in the soul;
   to destruction, and to punishment. Again, let another be envious: is it
   not himself he has injured? For such is the nature of injustice: to its
   own author first it does incalculable hurt. "Yes, [1134] but to another
   also?" True, but nothing worth considering: or rather, not even a
   little--nay, it even benefits him. For let there be,--as the whole
   matter lies most in these examples,--let there be some poor man, having
   but little property and (barely) provided with necessary food, [1135]
   and another rich and wealthy, and having much power, and then let him
   take the poor man's property, and strip him naked, and give him up to
   starvation, while he shall luxuriate in what he has unjustly taken from
   the other: not only has he not hurt that man at all--he has even
   benefited him, while himself he has not only not benefited, but even
   hurt. For how should it be otherwise? In the first place, harassed by
   an evil conscience, and day by day condemning himself and being
   condemned by all men: and then, secondly, in the judgment to come. But
   the other, how is he benefited? Because to suffer ill and bear it
   nobly, is great gain: for it is a doing away of sins, this suffering of
   ill, it is a training to philosophy, it is a discipline of virtue. Let
   us see which of the two is in evil case, this man or that. For the one,
   if he be a man of well-ordered mind, will bear it nobly: the other will
   be every day in a constant tremor and misgiving: which then is hurt,
   this man or that? "You talk idly," say you: "for when a man has nothing
   to eat, and is forced to bewail himself and to feel himself very
   wretched, or comes and begs, and gets nothing, is not that a ruining of
   both soul and body?" No, it is you that talk idly: for I show facts in
   proof. For say, does none of the rich feel himself wretched? What then?
   Is poverty the cause of his wretchedness? "But he does not starve." And
   what of that? The greater is the punishment, when having riches he does
   this. For neither does wealth make a man strong-minded, nor poverty
   make him weak: otherwise none of those living in wealth would pass a
   wretched life, nor would any of those in poverty (not) curse his fate.
   But that yours is indeed the idle talk, I will make manifest to you
   from hence. Was Paul in poverty or in wealth? did he suffer hunger, or
   did he not? You may hear himself saying, "In hunger and thirst." (2
   Cor. xi. 27.) Did the prophets suffer hunger, or did they not? They too
   had a hard time of it. "Again, you fetch up Paul to me, again the
   prophets, some ten or twenty men." But whence shall I bring examples?
   "Show me from the many some who bear ills nobly." But [1136] the rare
   is ever such: however, if you will, let us examine the matter as it is
   in itself. Let us see whose is the greater and sharper care, whose the
   more easy to be borne. The one is solicitous about his necessary food,
   the other about numberless matters, freed from that care. The rich man
   is not afraid on the score of hunger, but he is afraid about other
   things: oftentimes for his very life. The poor man is not free from
   anxiety about food, but he is free from other anxieties, he has safety,
   has quietness, has security.

   If to injure another is not an evil, but a good, wherefore are we
   ashamed? wherefore do we cover our faces? Wherefore, being reproached,
   are we vexed and disconcerted? If the being injured is not a good
   thing, wherefore do we pride ourselves, and glory in the thing, and
   justify ourselves on its account? Would you learn how this is better
   than that? Observe those who are in the one condition, and those who
   are in the other. Wherefore are laws? Wherefore are courts of justice?
   Wherefore punishments? Is it not, on account of those men, as being
   diseased and unsound? But the pleasure lies great, you will say. Let us
   not speak of the future: let us look into the present. What is worse
   than a man who is under such a suspicion as this? what more precarious?
   what more unsound? is he not always in a state of shipwreck? Even if he
   do any just thing, he is not credited, condemned as he is by all on
   account of his power (of injuring): for in all who dwell with him he
   has accusers: he cannot enjoy friendship: for none would readily choose
   to become the friend of a man who has such a character, for fear of
   becoming implicated with him in the opinion held of him. As if he were
   a wild beast, all men turn away from him; as from a pest, a foe, a
   man-slayer, and an enemy of nature, so they shrink from the unjust man.
   If he who has wronged another happen to be brought into a court of
   justice, he does not even need an accuser, his character condemns him
   in place of any accuser. Not so he who is injured; he has all men to
   take his part, to condole with him, to stretch out the hand of help: he
   stands on safe ground. If to injure another be a good and a safe thing,
   let any one confess that he is unjust: but if he dares not do this, why
   then does he pursue it as a good thing? But let us see in our own
   persons, if his same be done there, what evils come of it: (I mean,) if
   any of the parts or functions within us having overstepped its proper
   bounds, grasp at the office of some other. For let the spleen, if it
   will, have left its proper place, and seize on the part belonging to
   some other organ along with its own, is not this disease? The moisture
   within us, let it fill every place, is it not dropsy and gout? [1137]
   is not this to ruin itself, along with the other? Again, let the bile
   seek for a wide room, and let the blood be diffused throughout every
   part. But how is it in the soul with anger, lust, and all the rest, if
   the food exceed its proper measure? Again in the body, if the eye wish
   to take in more, or to see more than is allotted to it, or admit a
   greater light than is proper. But if, when the light is good, yet the
   eye is ruined, if it choose to see more than is right: consider what it
   must be in the case of an evil thing. If the ear take in a (too) loud
   voice, the sense is stunned: the mind, if it reason about things above
   itself, it is overpowered: and whatever is in excess, mars all. For
   this is pleonexia, the wanting to have more than what is marked off and
   allotted. So too in respect of money; when we will needs put upon (us)
   more burdens (than is meet), although we do not perceive it, to our
   sore hurt we are nourishing within ourselves a wild beast; much having,
   yet much wanting, numberless the cares we entangle ourselves withal,
   many the handles we furnish the devil against ourselves. In the case of
   the rich, however, the devil has not even need of labor, so surely do
   their very concerns of business of themselves ruin them. Wherefore I
   beseech you to abstain from the lust of these things, that we may be
   enabled to escape the snares of the evil one, and having taken hold of
   virtue, to attain unto the good things eternal, through the grace and
   mercy of our Lord Jesus Christ, with Whom to the Father and the Holy
   Ghost together be glory forever. Amen.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1125] Anesis better rendered "relaxation" or "indulgence" (R.V.) than
   "liberty" (A.V.). Meyer understands by this that he was to be allowed
   rest, "to be spared all annoyance." Others (DeWette, Lange) suppose
   anesis to refer to release from chains, the so-called custodia libera
   of the Romans in which the prisoner went free on bail or upon the
   responsibility of some magistrate. This view is, however, inconsistent
   with the fact that Felix committed Paul to the keeping of a centurion
   (23) as well as with his leaving Paul bound (27). The custody was
   doubtless the custodia militaris and anesis denotes the relaxation of
   the rigors of his imprisonment.--G.B.S.

   [1126] Paul's reasoning "concerning righteousness" was directed against
   the well-known injustice of a prince of whom Tacitus says that he acted
   as if there were no penalty for villainy. His reasoning "concerning
   self-control" (ekrateia) was in opposition to his sensuality. He had
   unlawfully married Drusilla who was the wife of Azizus, the king of
   Emesa (Jos. Ant. xx. 7, 2). His references to the judgment to come
   might well have been directed against the governor's murder of
   Jonathan, the high priest.--G.B.S.

   [1127] This formula is placed by C and mod. text just before the text
   "Go thy way," etc., v. 25, as if what is said of the wife also hearing,
   etc., related to the hearing before Agrippa and his wife Bernice.

   [1128] Mod. text "And having gone down in Caesarea, he spends ten
   days." Which is evidently false, but so Edd. have it.--hoste
   engenesthai, seemingly, "to give them an opportunity of buying him."
   Ben., ut prostaret eis qui vellent ipsum corrumpere.

   [1129] to, "phulattesthai;" this seems to refer to xxiii. 35: in v. 4,
   the expression is tereisthai. Perhaps Chrys. said, "He was safe in
   custody, for Felix had ordered him phulattesthai, and there he was
   still. Then what needs this fresh order that he should tereisthai? He
   is not attempting to escape, is he? It shows the spirit of the
   governor: we have him safe; come down and accuse him.'"

   [1130] epeide en kai he apophasis. Mod. text and Sav. omit the kai,
   Ben. epeide ei en apophasis, with no authority of mss. We have marked
   the clause as corrupt. Possibly, kale prophasis is latent in the words,
   with the sense "since some handsome pretext was necessary" (or the
   like): or, perhaps, epeide Kai[saros] en he apophasis, as comment upon
   the clause, 'Epi tou bematos Kaisaros hestos eimi.

   [1131] eis ta 'Ierosoluma all our mss., and so Edd. without remark. Yet
   the sense plainly requires eis Romen, and in fact the Catena has
   preserved the true reading. In the next sentence, he seems to be
   commenting upon the pleious hemeras of v. 14 to this effect: "See how
   his cause is lengthened out by all these delays: the time (ten days) of
   Festus' stay at Jerusalem; then the second hearing; now again, pleious
   hemeras: but for all this, his enemies are not able to effect their
   design.

   [1132] Alluding to v. 26, 27 (which mod. text inserts here): i.e. "to
   this same effect Festus also writes, in his report to the Emperor."

   [1133] For kai hoi charizomenoi autois, mss. and Edd. we restore from
   the Catena kaitoi charizomenos autois.

   [1134] 'Alla kai heteron; all' ouden axiopiston; mallon de oude mikron,
   alla kai ophlei. So B. C.; in A. all this is omitted, Mod.
   text--"incalculable mischief, but little to another, or rather not even
   a little does it hurt, nay even benefits. But I have said nothing
   worthy of belief all' ouden axiopiston eireka. Well then, let there
   be," etc.

   [1135] chremata echon oliga kai tes anankaias euporon trophes, heteros
   de plousios kai euporos. So the mss. and Edd. without comment. We
   assume it to be aporon.

   [1136] 'Alla to spanion aei toiouton. One would expect 'Alla spanion
   aei to toiouton.--Mod. text adds, kai oligoi hoi kaloi.

   [1137] kai podalgia; ouchi heauton sundiephtheire met' ekeinou;he chole
   palin euruchorian zeteito. Mod. text "is not this dropsy? met' ekeinou
   he chole k. t. l. and below ean huperbe to metron, ouchi heauton
   sundiephtheire; houto kai he trophe. adding, "if it be taken beyond
   what can be digested, it involves the body in diseases. For whence
   comes the gout? whence the paralyzing and commotion of the body? Is it
   not from the immediate quantity of aliments? Again in the body," etc.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Homily LII.

   Acts XXV. 23

   "And on the morrow, when Agrippa was come, and Bernice with great pomp,
   and was entered into the place of hearing, with the chief captains, and
   principal men of the city, at Festus' commandment Paul was brought
   forth."

   See what an audience is gathered together for Paul. Having collected
   all his guards, the governor is come, and the king, and the tribunes,
   "with the principal men," it says, "of the city." Then Paul being
   brought forth, see how he is proclaimed as conqueror. Festus himself
   acquits him from the charges, for what says Festus? "And Festus said,
   King Agrippa, and all men which are here present with us, ye see this
   man, about whom all the multitude of the Jews have dealt with me, both
   at Jerusalem, and also here, crying that he ought not to live any
   longer. But when I found that he had committed nothing worthy of death,
   and that he himself hath appealed to Augustus, I have determined to
   send him. Of whom I have no certain thing to write unto my lord.
   Wherefore I have brought him forth before you, and especially before
   thee, O king Agrippa, that, after examination had, I might have
   somewhat to write. For it seemeth to me unreasonable to send a
   prisoner, and not withal to signify the crimes laid against him." (v.
   24-27.) Mark how he accuses them, while he acquits him. O what an
   abundance of justifications! After all these repeated examinations, the
   governor finds not how he may condemn him. They said he was worthy of
   death. On this account he said also: "When I found," says he "that he
   had committed nothing worthy of death.--Of whom I have no certain thing
   to write to my lord." This too is a proof of Paul's spotlessness, that
   the judge found nothing to say concerning him. "Therefore I have
   brought him forth," he says, "before you. For it seemeth to me
   unreasonable to send a prisoner, and not withal to signify the crime
   laid against him." Such were the great straits into which the Jews
   brought themselves and their rulers! What then? "Agrippa said to Paul,
   Thou art permitted to speak for thyself." (ch. xxvi. 1.) From his great
   desire to hear, the king permits him to speak. But Paul speaks out
   forthwith with boldness, not flattering, but for this reason saying
   that he is happy, namely, because (Agrippa) knew all. "Then Paul
   stretched forth the hand, and answered for himself. I think myself
   happy, king Agrippa, because I shall answer for myself this day before
   thee touching all the things whereof I am accused of the Jews.
   Especially because I know thee to be expert in all questions which are
   among the Jews: wherefore I beseech thee to hear me patiently." (v. 2,
   3.) And yet, had he been conscious of guilt, he should have feared at
   being tried in the presence of one who knew all the facts: but this is
   a mark of a clear conscience, not to shrink from a judge who has an
   accurate knowledge of the circumstances, but even to rejoice, and to
   call himself happy. "I beseech thee," he says, "to hear me patiently."
   Since he is about to lengthen out his speech, and to say something
   about himself, on this account, he premises an entreaty, and (then)
   says: "My manner of life from my youth, which was at the first among
   mine own nation at Jerusalem, know all the Jews: which knew me from the
   beginning, if they would testify, that after the most straitest sect of
   our religion I lived a Pharisee." (v. 4, 5.) Then how should I have
   become a seditious person, who when young was (thus) testified of by
   all? Then too from his sect: "after the most straitest sect" says he,
   "of our religion I lived." "What then, if though the sect indeed be
   worthy of admiration, thou art evil?" Touching this also I call all to
   witness--touching my life and conversation. "And now I stand and am
   judged for the hope of the promise made of God unto our fathers: unto
   which promise our twelve tribes, instantly serving God day and night,
   hope to come. For which hope's sake, king Agrippa, I am accused of the
   Jews. Why should it be thought a thing incredible with you, that God
   should raise the dead?" (v. 6-8.) Two arguments he lays down for the
   Resurrection: one, the argument from the prophets: and he does not
   bring forward any prophet (in particular,) but the doctrine itself as
   held by the Jews: the other and stronger one, the argument from the
   facts--(especially from this,) that Christ Himself held discourse with
   him. And he lays the ground for this by (other) arguments, relating
   accurately his former madness. Then too, with high commendation of the
   Jews, he says, "Night and day," says he, "serving (God) look to attain
   unto." So that even if I had not been of unblemished life, it is not
   for this (doctrine) that I ought to be brought to trial:--"for which
   hope, king Agrippa, I am accused of the Jews." And then another
   argument "Why should it be thought a thing incredible with you, that
   God should raise the dead?" Since, if such an opinion had not existed,
   if they had not been brought up in these dogmas, but they were now for
   the first time brought in, perhaps [1138] some one might not have
   received the saying. Then he tells, how he persecuted: this also helps
   the proof: and he brings forward the chief priests as witnesses, and
   the "strange cities," and that he heard Him saying to him, "It is hard
   for thee to kick against the pricks," and shows the mercifulness of
   God, that, though being persecuted He appeared (to men), and did that
   benefit not to me only, but also sent me as teacher to others: and
   shows also the prophecy, now come to pass, which he then heard,
   "Delivering thee from the people, and from the Gentiles, unto whom I
   send thee." Showing all this, he says: "I verily thought with myself,
   that I ought to do many things contrary to the name of Jesus of
   Nazareth. Which thing I also did in Jerusalem: and many of the saints
   did I shut up in prison, having received authority from the chief
   priests; and when they were put to death, I gave my voice against them.
   And I punished them oft in every synagogue, and compelled them to
   blaspheme; and being exceedingly mad against them, I persecuted them
   even unto strange cities. Whereupon as I went to Damascus with
   authority and commission from the chief priests, at midday, O king, I
   saw in the way a light from heaven, above the brightness of the sun,
   shining round about me and them which journeyed with me. And when we
   were all fallen to the earth, I heard a voice speaking unto me, and
   saying in the Hebrew tongue, Saul, Saul, why persecutest thou Me? it is
   hard for thee to kick against the pricks. And I said, Who art Thou,
   Lord? And he said, I am Jesus whom thou persecutest; but rise, and
   stand upon thy feet: for I have appeared unto thee for this purpose, to
   make thee a minister and a witness both of these things which thou hast
   seen, and of those things in the which I will appear unto thee:
   delivering thee from the people, and from the Gentiles, unto whom now I
   send thee, to open their eyes, and to turn them from darkness to light,
   and from the power of Satan unto God, that they may receive forgiveness
   of sins (v. 9-18):--observe [1139] how mildly he discourses--God, he
   says, said (this) to me, "that they may receive forgiveness of sins,
   and inheritance among them which are sanctified by faith that is in
   Me." By these things, says he, I was persuaded, by this vision He drew
   me to Himself, and so persuaded me, that I made no delay. "Whereupon, O
   king Agrippa, I was not disobedient unto the heavenly vision: but
   showed first unto them of Damascus, and at Jerusalem, and throughout
   all the coasts of Judea, and then to the Gentiles, that they should
   repent and turn to God, and do works meet for repentance." (v. 19, 20.)
   I therefore, who instructed others also concerning the most excellent
   way of living, how should I myself have become the author of sedition
   and contention? "For these causes the Jews caught me in the temple, and
   went about to kill me. Having therefore obtained help of God, I
   continue unto this day, witnessing both to small and great, saying none
   other things than those which the prophets and Moses did say should
   come." (v. 21, 22.) See how free from flattery his speech is, and how
   he ascribes the whole to God. Then his boldness--but neither do I now
   desist: and the sure grounds--for it is from the prophets that I urge
   the question, "Whether the Christ was to suffer:" then [1140] the
   Resurrection and the promise, "Whether He, as the first to rise from
   the dead, should show light unto the people and to the Gentiles." (v.
   23.) Festus saw the boldness, and what says he? For Paul was all along
   addressing himself to the king--he was in a manner annoyed, [1141] and
   says to him, "Thou art beside thyself, Paul:" for, "while he thus
   discoursed, Festus said with a loud voice, Paul, thou art beside
   thyself: much learning doth make thee mad." (v. 24.) What then says
   Paul? With gentleness, "I am not mad," says he, "most noble Festus; but
   speak forth the words of truth and soberness." (v. 25.) Then too he
   gives him to understand why, turning from him, he addressed his speech
   to the king: "For the king knoweth of these things, before whom also I
   speak freely: for I am persuaded that none of these things are hidden
   from him: for this thing was not done in a corner." (v. 26.) He shows,
   that (the king) knows all perfectly; at the same time, all but saying
   to the Jews, And ye indeed ought to have known these things--for this
   is the meaning of that which he adds, "For this thing was not done in a
   corner. And Agrippa, said to Paul, 'En oligo thou persuadest me to be a
   Christian." What is en oligo? [1142] "Within a little, para mikron.
   "And Paul said, I could pray to God," kai en oligo kai en pollho, (that
   is) "I could pray to God," for my part, not "in little" (but "in
   much"): he does not simply pray, he prays (not briefly, but) with
   largeness--"that not only thou, but also all that hear me this day,
   were such as I am." [1143] Then he adds, "except these bonds;" and yet
   it was matter of glory; true, but looking to their notion of it,
   therefore says he, "except these bonds." (v. 27-29.)

   (Recapitulation.) "And on the morrow," etc. (v. 23.) The Jews desisted
   ever since Paul exercised his right of appeal. [1144] Then also for him
   the theatre becomes a splendid one: "with great pomp" they were
   present. "And Festus said," etc. "The whole multitude of the Jews--"not
   some of them only, and others not so--"both at Jerusalem, and also
   here," they said "that he ought not to live any longer." (v. 24.) "And
   I having found," etc. It shows that he did right in appealing to
   Caesar. For if [1145] though they had no great matter to allege against
   him, yet those (at Jerusalem) were mad against him, with good reason
   may he go to Caesar. "That after examination had by you," he says, "I
   may get somewhat to write." Observe how the matter is repeatedly put to
   the test. The Jews therefore may thank themselves for this vindication
   [1146] (of Paul), which would come to the ears of those also who were
   at Rome. See how they become the unwilling heralds both of their own
   wickedness and of Paul's virtue, even to the emperor himself: so that
   Paul was carried away (to Rome) with more renown than if he had gone
   thither without bonds: for not as an impostor and a deceiver, after so
   many judges had acquitted him, was he now carried thither. Quit
   therefore of all charges, [1147] among those with whom he was bred and
   born, and not only so, (but) thus free from all suspicion, he makes his
   appearance at Rome. "Then Paul," etc. (ch. xxvi. 1-3.) And he said not,
   Why is this? once for all I have appealed to Caesar: I have been tried
   many times: when will there be an end of this? but what did he? Again
   he is ready to render an account, and that, before the man who was the
   best informed on the subject; and with much boldness, seeing they were
   not his judges to condemn him: but still, though they were not his
   judges, since that declaration was in force, "Unto Caesar shalt thou
   go, he renders an account and gives full answers, "touching all the
   things," and not merely on one and another here and there. They accuse
   me of sedition, accuse me of heresy, accuse me that I have profaned the
   temple: "touching all these things I answer for myself:" now that these
   are not things in accordance with my ways, my accusers themselves are
   witnesses: "my manner of life from my youth," etc. (v. 4.) which is
   what he says on a former occasion "Being a zealot." (ch. xxii. 3.) And
   when the whole people was present, then he challenges their testimony:
   not [1148] before the tribunal, but before Lysias, and again here, when
   more were present: whereas in that hearing there needed not much
   vindication of himself, since Lysias' letter exculpated him. "Know all
   the Jews," he says, "which knew me from the beginning." And he does not
   say what kind of life his was, but leaves it to their own conscience,
   and lays the whole stress on his sect, as he would not have chosen that
   sect, if he had been a man of evil disposition and bad character
   (poneros kai mochtheros). "But, for this hope" (mss. and Edd.
   haireseos) he says, "I stand and am judged." (v. 6, 7.) This hope is
   honored among themselves also, because of this they pray, because of
   this they worship, that unto this they may attain: this same do I show
   forth. Why then, it is acting like madmen, to be doing all things for
   the sake of attaining to this, and yet to persecute him who believes in
   the same. "I indeed thought with myself," that is, I determined, "to do
   many things contrary to the name of Jesus of Nazareth." (v. 9.) I was
   not one of Christ's disciples: among those who fought against Him, was
   I. Whence also he is a witness who has a right to be believed, because
   he, a man who was doing numberless things, makes war on the believers,
   persuading them to blaspheme, stirring up all against them, cities,
   rulers, and by himself doing all this of his own accord, was thus
   suddenly changed. Then again the witnesses, those who were with him:
   next he shows what just cause he had to be persuaded, both from the
   light, and from the prophets, and from the results, and from the things
   which have now taken place. See accordingly, how both from the
   prophets, and from these particulars, he confirms the proof to them.
   For that he may not seem to be broaching some novelty, although he had
   great things to say, yet he again takes refuge with the prophets, and
   puts this as a question for discussion. [1149] Now this had a stronger
   claim upon belief, as having actually come to pass: but since he alone
   saw (Christ), he again fetches proof of it from the prophets. And see
   how he does not discourse alike in the court of justice, and in the
   assembly (of his own people); there indeed he says, "ye slew Him:" but
   here no such thing, that he might not kindle their anger more: but he
   shows the same thing, by saying, "Whether the Christ was to suffer." He
   so frees them from accusations: for the prophets, he says, say this.
   Therefore receive ye also the rest. Since he has mentioned the vision,
   he then without fear goes on to speak also of the good wrought by it.
   "To turn them from darkness to light, and from the power of Satan unto
   God. For to this end have I appeared unto thee" (v. 16-18), not to
   punish, but to make thee an Apostle. He shows the evils which possess
   unbelievers, "Satan, darkness;" the good things belonging to believers,
   light, God, "the inheritance of the saints. Whereupon, O king Agrippa,"
   etc. (v. 19, 20.) He not only exhorts them to repent, but also to show
   forth a life worthy of admiration. And see how everywhere the Gentiles
   are admitted into connection with the people (Israel): for those who
   were present were of the Gentiles. "Testifying," he says, "both to
   great and small," (v. 22) that is, both to distinguished and
   undistinguished. This is also for the soldiers. Observe: having left
   the post of defendant, he took up that of teacher--and therefore also
   it is that Festus says to him, "Thou art beside thyself"--but then,
   that he may not seem to be himself the teacher, he brings in the
   prophets, and Moses: "Whether the Christ was to suffer, whether He as
   the first to rise from the dead should show light both to the people,
   and to the Gentiles." (v. 23.) "And Festus said with a loud voice"--in
   such anger and displeasure (did he speak)--"Paul, thou art beside
   thyself." What then said Paul? "I am not mad," etc. "For this thing,"
   he says, "was not done in a corner." (v. 25, 26.) Here he speaks of the
   Cross, of the Resurrection: that the doctrine was come to every part of
   the world. "King Agrippa," he says, "believest thou"--he does not say,
   the Resurrection, but--"the prophets?" (v. 27.) Then he forestalls him,
   and says: "I know that thou believest." 'En oligo (i.e. within a
   little,) "almost thou persuadeth the to be a Christian." (v. 28.) Paul
   did not understand what the phrase en oligo meant: he thought it meant
   ex oligou (i.e. with little cost or trouble), wherefore also he answers
   (as) to this: so unlearned was he. [1150] And he said not, I do not
   wish (that), but, "I pray that not only thou, but also all that hear."
   Mark how free from flattery his speech is.--"I pray that this day they
   may be all such as I am, except these bonds." (v. 29.) He, the man that
   glories in his bonds, that puts them forth as a golden chain,
   deprecates them for these men: for they were as yet too weak in their
   minds, and it was rather in condescension that he so spake. For what
   could be better than those bonds which always in his Epistles he
   prefers (to all things else), saying, "Paul, a prisoner of Jesus
   Christ:" (Eph. iii. 1) and again, "On this account I am bound with this
   chain" (Acts xxviii. 20), "but the word of God is not bound;" and,
   "Even unto bonds, as an evil-doer." (2 Tim. ii. 9.) The punishment was
   twofold. For if indeed he had been so bound, as with a view to his
   good, the thing would have carried with it some consolation: but now
   (he is bound) both "as an evil-doer," and as with a view to very ill
   consequences; yet for none of these things cared he. [1151]

   Such is a soul winged with heavenly love. For if those who cherish the
   foul (earthly passion which men call) love, think nothing either
   glorious of precious, but those things alone which tend to gratify
   their lust, they think both glorious and honorable, and their mistress
   is everything to them; much more do those, who have been taken captive
   by this heavenly love, think nothing of the cost (ta epitimia). But if
   we do not understand what I am saying, it is no marvel, while we are
   unskilled in this Divine Wisdom. For if any one be caught with the fire
   of Christ's love, he becomes such as a man would become who dwelt alone
   upon the earth, so utterly careless is he for glory or disgrace: but
   just as if he dwelt alone, he would care for nothing, no more does he
   in this case. As for trials, he so despises them, both scourges and
   imprisonments, as though the body in which he suffers these things were
   another's and not his own, or as though he had got a body made of
   adamant: while as for the sweet things of this life, he so laughs them
   to scorn, is so insensible to them, as we are insensible of dead
   bodies, being ourselves dead. He is as far from being taken captive by
   any passion, as the gold refined in the fire and purified is free from
   alloy. For even as flies would not dart into the midst of a flame, but
   fly from it, so the passions dare not even to come near this man. Would
   that I could bring forward examples of all this from among ourselves:
   but since we are at a loss for such, we must needs betake ourselves to
   this same Paul. Observe him then, how he felt towards the whole world.
   "The world is crucified unto me," he says, "and I unto the world" (Gal.
   vi. 14): I am dead to the world, and the world is dead to me. And
   again: "It is no longer I that live, but Christ liveth in me." [1152]
   (ib. Gal. ii. 20.) And, to show you that he was as it were in solitude,
   and so looked upon the things present, hear himself saying, "While we
   look not at the things which are seen, but at the things which are not
   seen." (2 Cor. iv. 18.) What sayest thou? Answer me. And yet what thou
   sayest is the contrary; thou seest the things invisible, and the
   visible thou seest not. Such eyes as thou hadst gotten, such are the
   eyes which are given by Christ: for as these bodily eyes see indeed the
   things that are seen, but things unseen they see not: so those
   (heavenly eyes) do the contrary: none that beholds the invisible
   things, beholds the visible: no one beholding the things seen, beholds
   the invisible. Or is not this the case with us also? For when having
   turned our mind inwards we think of any of the unseen things, our views
   become raised above the things on earth. [1153] Let us despise glory:
   let us be willing to be laughed at rather than to be praised. For he
   indeed who is laughed at is nothing hurt: but he who is praised is much
   hurt. Let us not think much of those things which terrify men, but as
   we do in the case of children, this let us do here: namely, if we see
   any one terrifying children, we do not hold that man in admiration:
   since in fact whoever does frighten, only frightens children; for were
   it a man, he could not frighten him. Just as those who frighten
   (children in sport), do this either by drawing up their eyelids, or by
   otherwise distorting their face, but with the eye looking naturally and
   mild they would not be able to do this: so these others do this, by
   distorting their mental vision (to dioratikon thes dianoias). So that
   of a mild man and beautiful in soul nobody would be afraid; on the
   contrary, we all respect him, honor and venerate him. See ye not, how
   the man who causes terror is also an object of hatred and abhorrence to
   us all? For of those things which are only able to terrify what do we
   not turn away from? Is it not so with wild beasts, with sounds, with
   sights, with places, with the air, such as darkness? Let us not
   therefore think it a great thing, if men fear us. For, in the first
   place, no man indeed is frightened at us: and, secondly, it is no great
   thing (if they were). Virtue is a great good: and see how great.
   However wretched we may deem the things by means of which it consists,
   yet we admire virtue itself, and count them blessed (that have it). For
   who would not count the patient sufferer blessed, although poverty and
   such like things seem to be wretched? When therefore it shines forth
   through those things which seem to be wretched, see how surpassingly
   great this is! Thinkest thou much, O man, because thou art in power?
   And what sort of power? say, was it conferred by appointment? (If so,)
   of men thou hast received power: appoint thyself to it from within. For
   the ruler is not he who is so called, but he who is really so. For as a
   king could not make a physician or an orator, so neither can he make a
   ruler: since it is not the (imperial) letters nor the name that makes a
   ruler. For, if you will, let any man build a medicine-shop, let him
   also have pupils, let him have instruments too and drugs, and let him
   visit those who are sick: are these things sufficient to make a
   physician? By no means: but there is need of art, and without that, not
   only do these things profit nothing, but they even hurt: since it were
   better that he who is not a physician should not even possess
   medicines. He that possesses them not, neither saves nor destroys: but
   he that possesses them, destroys, if he knows not how to use them:
   since the healing power is not only in the nature of the medicines, but
   also in the art of the person applying them: where this is not, all is
   marred. Such also is the ruler: he has for instruments, his voice,
   anger, executioners, banishments, honors, gifts, and praises; he has
   also for medicines, the law; has also for his patients, men; for a
   place to practise in, the court of justice; for pupils, he has the
   soldiers: if then he know not the science of healing, all these profit
   him nothing. The judge is a physician of souls, not of bodies: but if
   this art of healing the bodies needs so much care, much more that of
   healing the soul, since the soul is of more importance than the body.
   Then not the mere having the name of ruler is to be a ruler: since
   others also are called by great names: as Paul, Peter, James, and John:
   but the names do not make them that which they are called, as neither
   does my name make me (to be that which John was); I bear indeed the
   same name with that blessed man, but I am not the same thing
   (homonumos, ou men sunonumos), I am not John, but am called so. In the
   same way they are not rulers, but are called so. But those others are
   rulers even without these adjuncts, just as also a physician, though he
   may not actually practise his science, yet if he have it in his soul,
   he is a physician. Those are rulers, who bear rule over themselves. For
   there are these four things, [1154] soul, family; city, world: and the
   things form a regular progression (hodho probainei). He therefore that
   is to superintend a family, and order it well, must first bring his own
   soul into order; for it is his family: but if he cannot order his own
   family, where there is but one soul, where he himself is master, where
   he is always along with himself, how shall he order others? He that is
   able to regulate his own soul, and makes the one part to rule, the
   other to be subject, this man will be able to regulate a family also:
   but he that can do this by a family, can do it by a city also: and if
   by a city, then also by the world. But if he cannot do this for his own
   soul, how then shall he be able to do it for the world? These things
   have been spoken by me, that we may not be excited about offices of
   rule; that we may know what ruling is: for this (which is so called) is
   not ruling, but a there object of derision, mere slavery, and many
   other names one might call it by. Tell me, what is proper to a ruler?
   is it not to help one's subjects, and to do them good? What then, if
   this be not the case? how shall he help others, who has not helped
   himself? he who has numberless tyrannies of the passions in his own
   soul, how shall he root out those of others? Again, with respect to
   "luxury" or delightful living: the true luxury or delight is not this
   (which is so called), but quite another thing. For as we have shown
   that the ruler is not he who is so called, but another (who has
   something more than the name), so the person who lives indeed in
   delight is another sort of person (than he whom we so describe). For
   "luxury" or delightful living seems indeed to be, the enjoying pleasure
   and the gratifying the belly: yet it is not this thing, but the
   contrary: it is, to have a soul worthy of admiration, and to be in a
   state of pleasure. For let there be a man eating, drinking, and
   wantoning; then let him suffer cares and loss of spirits: can this man
   be said to be in a state of delight? Therefore, it is not eating and
   drinking, it is the being in pleasure, that makes true luxury or
   delightful living. Let there be a man who gets only dry bread, and let
   him be filled with gladness: is not this pleasure? Well then, it is the
   true luxury. Let us see then, to whom this befalls--whether to the
   rich, or to those who are not rich? Neither to the one part altogether,
   nor to the other, but to those who so order their own souls, that they
   may not have many grounds for sorrows. And where is such a life as this
   to be found? for I see you all eager and wishing to hear what this life
   is which has no sorrows. Well then, let this be acknowledged first by
   you, that this is pleasure, this the true luxury, to have no sorrow to
   cause annoyance; and ask not of me meats, and wine, and sauces, and
   silken robes, and a sumptuous table. But if I shall show that apart
   from all these such a life as that is present (within our reach), then
   welcome thou this pleasure, and this life: for the most part of painful
   things happen to us from our not calculating things as we ought. Who
   then will have the most sorrows--he that cares for none of these
   things, or he that cares for them? He that fears changes, or he that
   does not fear? He that is in dread of jealousy, of envy, of false
   accusations, of plottings, of destruction, or he that stands aloof from
   these fears? He that wants many things, or he that wants nothing? He
   that is a slave to masters without number, or he that is a slave to
   none? He that has need of many things, or he that is free? He that has
   one lord to fear, or he that fears despots innumerable? Well then,
   greater is the pleasure here. This then let us pursue, and not be
   excited about the things present: but let us laugh to scorn all the
   pomp of life, and everywhere practise moderation, that we may be
   enabled so to pass through this life, that it may be without pain, and
   to attain unto the good things promised, through the grace and mercy of
   our Lord Jesus Christ, with Whom to the Father and the Holy Ghost
   together be glory, might, honor, now and ever, world without end. Amen.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1138] Old text omits isos, and puts it as a question, "Who would not
   have received the saying?"

   [1139] This is the comment on "forgiveness of sins:" the epieikes
   consisting in the not enlarging upon the greatness and aggravation of
   their sins. In the mss. and Edd. this is placed at the end of v. 18,
   and then, "God said to me, I have appeared to thee," and the rest
   repeated to "forgiveness of sins."

   [1140] Mod. text "Whether He (as) first to rise from the dead should
   declare light: as if he had said, Christ as the first that rose dieth
   no more." It is manifest from the declaring this to all, that they also
   (have to) expect it for themselves. Then Festus seeing the boldness,
   since he all along addressed himself to the king, not once ceasing to
   look full towards him, was as annoyed (hosper epathe ti), and says,
   "Thou art mad, Paul." And that he says this in annoyance (or passion),
   hear from what follows. "And as he thus discoursed," etc.

   [1141] hosper epathe ti. This is explained in the Recapitulation: "with
   a loud voice--houto thumou en kai orges."

   [1142] Old text: "v. 27-29. Euxaimen an, phesin, egoge ouk en oligo, ti
   esti; para mikron. Kai ouch haplos euchetai alla kai epitetamenos. From
   the Recapitulation it appears that Chrys. supposes that Paul, as an
   idiotes, i.e. not conversant with the elegancies of Greek style, ouk
   enoesen ti estin 'En oligo all' enomisen hoti ex oligou: did not
   perceive what Agrippa's phrase meant (viz. as here explained. para
   mikron), but supposed it to be the same as ex oligou." "With little
   ado"--i.e. thou makest short work to persuade me, as if this were an
   easy thing, to be done in brief: therefore Paul answers, Be it in
   little, or be it in much, I could pray to God, with no brief and hasty
   prayer, but epitetamenos, much and earnestly.--For kai ouch haplos, we
   read kai en pollo; ouch ha. and transpose ti estin en oligo; para
   mikron, to its fitting place. Mod. text ouk en oligo; toutesti, mikron,
   omitting para, meaning this as the explanation of St. Paul's eux. en
   oligo. Of the Edd., Commel. Sav. Ben. give para, and so Par. Ben. 2,
   who however rejects the ouk.

   [1143] The correct interpretation of v. 28, 29 depends upon the ff.
   points: (1) Whether the remark of Agrippa is sincere or ironical. (2)
   Whether the true text in v. 29 is en pollo or en meralo. (3) What noun,
   if any, is to be supplied with the adjectives oligo and megalo (or
   pollo). Regarding the first question, the considerations in favor of
   the view that Agrippa's remark is ironical are (a) the frivolous
   character of the man, (b) the current use of Christian among Jews and
   Romans as a term of reproach and contempt. Touching the second point,
   we find that megalo is favored by ' A. B. Syr. Copt. Aram. Vulg., as
   against G. H. for pollo. The former reading is adopted by Tischendorf,
   Lachmann, Meyer, Westcott and Hort, and most modern critics, and the
   evidence in its favor may be considered decisive. Whether any noun is
   to be supplied to oligo and megalo (as most) or not (as Meyer) is not
   important. In any case the sense must be completed. What do "in little"
   and "in great" mean? The sense may be completed by supplying (a) the
   idea of time--"in a little time," i.e. almost. In this case, en megalo
   would have to be rendered "wholly" or "altogether," a meaning which en
   megalo cannot well convey. Another rendering which might be derived
   from supplying the idea of time--differing but slightly from the
   foregoing--would be: "in a little time thou art persuading me!" i.e.
   dost thou think so soon to persuade me? and Paul replies: "Whether in a
   little time or in a long time--whether soon or late--I could wish,"
   etc. The first interpretation lays emphasis upon the state of Agrippa's
   mind--persuaded almost--persuaded altogether; the second upon the
   element of time required to accomplish the persuasion (ironically
   spoken of). (b) The idea of labor, trouble or argument may be supplied
   thus: "Easily--with few words--or with little trouble--thou persuaded
   me!" and Paul's answer is: Whether with little (labor) or with much, I
   would to God that," etc. This view we prefer, because, (a) it
   harmonizes best with the natural meaning of en megalo which (if the
   true reading) requires taking both phrases in a quantitative sense. (b)
   It is favored by the evidently ironical character of Agrippa's remark.
   There is no ground for the opinion of Chrys. (followed by Calvin) that
   en oligo is used in different senses in the language of Agrippa and
   Paul, much less for the idea that Paul did not understand what en oligo
   meant!--G.B.S.

   [1144] 'Apestesan loipon hoi 'I. te aphesei chresamenou ekeinou A. B.
   (C. has lost a leaf here). Mod. text ephesei. Cat. 'Epestesan loipon
   hoi 'I te ephesei chresamenoi ekeinou. If this be the true reading, it
   should seem to belong to pan to pl. ton 'Ioud., viz. "concerning whom
   all the multitude of the Jews besought me:' the Jews thereupon had set
   upon him, using his, Festus' permission." But apest. and ephesei give a
   better sense as comment on v. 23, i.e. "No mention now of the
   Jews--they had left him, when he had made his appeal."--Then, meta
   polles phant. (mod. text adds ho basileus kai) pan to plethos ton 'I.
   paresan ouch hoi men hoi de ou. Which is not true, for it could not be
   said that all the Jews were present at this hearing before Agrippa. We
   read meta p. ph. paresan. Then from v. 24, "pan to plethos" sc.
   enetuchon moi.

   [1145] Ei gar ouden men eichon deinon eipein. i.e. "As far as the
   matter of accusation was concerned, he knew that he had nothing to
   fear: ekeinoi de ememenesan, but the people yonder (at Jerusalem) were
   mad against him: therefore eikotos ep ekeinon erchetai, no wonder he is
   for going to Caesar."

   [1146] The apologia is Festus' written report of the hearings before
   him, which would be sent to Rome, and would at once testify to Paul's
   innocence, and to the malignity of the Jews.

   [1147] Panta toinun apodusamenos, not as Ben. "omnibus ergo relictis,
   apud quos natus, etc." but in the sense of the phrase apoduesthai
   (enklemata) which is frequent in Chrys. That is, "the consequence is
   that Paul makes his first appearance at Rome, not merely as one who has
   cleared himself of all charges brought against him at home, but, after
   these repeated examinations, clear from all suspicion."--Below hoiate
   kurion ouk onton ton katadikazonton auton: the sense intended may be,
   "seeing they were not his judges, even if they wished to condemn him."

   [1148] Mod. text "But not before the tribunal of Lysias alone does he
   this, but also before Festus, and again here." Ben. cites the old text
   only to condemn it. Inconsiderately: for it was in the hearing epi
   Lusiou xxii. 3-5. (Lysias had no "tribunal") and here, that St. Paul
   thus challenged the testimony of the Jews: not before Felix, which is
   what is meant by ekei, still less before Festus.

   [1149] kai touto meson tithesi. The innovator not understanding the
   phrase, and its reference to Ei pathetos ho Christos etc., substitutes,
   "And puts their (words) in the midst."--The meaning is: "He had greater
   things to say than what the prophets had said:" he could say, "The
   Christ whom ye slew is risen, for I have seen Him: but instead of this,
   he put it as a subject for discussion, Did the prophets teach that the
   Christ was to suffer and to rise again?"

   [1150] See above, p. 310, note 1, and *. Yet some modern commentators
   assert that en oligo cannot mean, as Chrys. says, para mikron: that
   this sense requires oligou, or oligou dein, or par oligon: so that, in
   their view, Chrysostom's remark houtos idiotes en would be quite out of
   place.--In the next sentence ou boulomai, all our mss. and Edd. But
   Ben. renders it without the negative Et non dixit, Vellem.

   [1151] He is commenting upon 2 Tim. ii. 9. "I suffer trouble as an
   evil-doer even unto bonds." To others, this might seem a twofold
   aggravation: both that he was treated as a malefactor, and that his
   destruction was intended. For if indeed he was put in bonds hos ep'
   agatho, the thing bore its comfort with it, and such was the case to
   him, but not in their intention; which was, that he should be in chains
   kai hos kakourgos kai hos epi tois deinois. Of the mss. A. C. have hos
   epi tois deinois allous; all' oudenos touton ephrontizen. B. halous;
   and so mod. text. But allous seems to be only the abbreviation of the
   following all' oudenos.

   [1152] Mod. text adds, "To say this, belongs to Paul only: ours it is,
   who are so far removed from him as the heaven is from the earth, to
   hide our faces, so that we dare not even to open our mouth."

   [1153] meteoroi ton energeion hemin ginontai ai opseis. Unable to
   discover any meaning in this, (Ben. sublimes nobis sunt: operationum
   oculi), we conjecture ton epigeion.

   [1154] mss. and Edd., tria gar tauta esti psuche (only F. has psuche):
   "there are for the soul these three subjects."--Below, mss. and Edd.
   oikodomein for oikonomein.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Homily LIII.

   Acts XXVI. 30-32

   "And when he had thus spoken, the king rose up, and the governor, and
   Bernice, and they that sat with them: and when they were gone aside,
   they talked between themselves, saying, This man doeth nothing worthy
   of death or of bonds. Then said Agrippa unto Festus, This man might
   have been set at liberty, if he had not appealed unto Caesar."

   See how again also they pass sentence in his favor, and after having
   said, "Thou art beside thyself," (v. 24) they acquit him, as
   undeserving not only of death, but also of bonds, and indeed would have
   released him entirely, if he had not appealed to Caesar. But this was
   done providentially, that he should also depart with bonds. "Unto
   bonds," he says, "as an evil doer." (1 Tim. ii. 9.) For if his Lord
   "was reckoned among the transgressors" (Mark xv. 28), much more he: but
   as the Lord did not share with them in their character, so neither did
   Paul. For in this is seen the marvellous thing, the being mixed up with
   such, and yet receiving no harm from them. "And when it was determined
   that we should sail into Italy, they delivered Paul and certain other
   prisoners unto one named Julius, a centurion of Augustus' band. And
   entering into a ship of Adramyttium, we launched, meaning to sail by
   the coasts of Asia; one Aristarchus, a Macedonian of Thessalonica,
   being with us. And the next day we touched at Sidon." (ch. xxvii. 1-3.)
   See how far Aristarchus also accompanies Paul. To good and useful
   purpose is Aristarchus present, as he would take back the report of all
   to Macedonia. "And Julius courteously entreated Paul, and gave him
   liberty to go unto his friends to refresh himself. Julius gave Paul
   liberty," it says, acting "courteously, that he might refresh himself;"
   as it was but natural that he should be much the worse from his bonds
   and the fear, and the being dragged hither and thither. See how the
   writer does not hide this either, that Paul wished "to refresh himself.
   And when we had launched from thence, we sailed under Cyprus, because
   the winds were contrary." (v. 4.) Again trials, again contrary winds.
   See how the life of the saints is thus interwoven throughout: escaped
   from the court of justice, they fall in with shipwreck and storm. "And
   when we had sailed over the sea of Cilicia and Pamphylia, we came to
   Myra, a city of Lycia. And there the centurion found a ship of
   Alexandria sailing into Italy; and he put us therein." (v. 5, 6.) "A
   ship of Alexandria," it says. It is likely that both those (in the
   former ship) would bear to Asia the report of what had befallen Paul,
   and that these [1155] would do the same in Lycia. See how God does not
   innovate or change the order of nature, but suffers them to sail into
   the unfavorable winds. But even so the miracle is wrought. That they
   may sail safely, He did not let them go out in the (open) sea, but they
   always sailed near the land. "And when we had sailed slowly many days,
   and scarce were come over against Cnidus, the wind not suffering us, we
   sailed under Crete, over against Salmone; and, hardly passing it, came
   unto a place which is called the fair havens; nigh whereunto was the
   city of Lasea. Now when much time was spent, and when sailing was now
   dangerous, because the fast was now already past, Paul admonished
   them." (v. 7-9.) By "the fast" here, I suppose he means that of the
   Jews. [1156] For they departed thence a long time after the Pentecost,
   so that it was much about midwinter that they arrived at the coasts of
   Crete. And this too was no slight miracle, that they also should be
   saved on his account. "Paul admonished them, and said unto them, Sirs,
   I perceive that this voyage will be with hurt and much damage, not only
   of the lading and ship, but also of our lives. Nevertheless the
   centurion believed the master and the owner of the ship, more than
   those things which were spoken by Paul. And because the haven was not
   commodious to winter in, the more part advised to depart thence also,
   if by any means they might attain to Phenice, and there to winter;
   which is an haven of Crete, and lieth toward the southwest and
   northwest. And when the south wind blew softly, supposing that they had
   obtained their purpose, loosing thence, they sailed close to Crete. But
   not long after there arose against it a tempestuous wind, called
   Euroclydon. [1157] And when the ship was caught, and could not bear up
   into the wind, we let her drive" (R.V. "were driven.") (v. 10-15.) Paul
   therefore advised them to remain, and he foretells what would come of
   it: but they, being in a hurry, and being prevented by the place,
   wished to winter at Phenice. Mark then the providential ordering of the
   events: first indeed, "when the south wind blew softly, supposing they
   had obtained their purpose," they loosed the vessel, and came forth;
   then when the wind bore down upon them, they gave way to it driving
   them, and were with difficulty saved. "And running under a certain
   island which is called Clauda, we had much work to come by the boat:
   which when they had taken up, they used helps, undergirding the ship;
   and, fearing lest they should fall into the quicksands, [1158] strake
   sail, [1159] and so were driven. And we being exceedingly tossed with a
   tempest, the next day they lightened the ship; and the third day we
   cast out with our own hands the tackling of the ship. And when neither
   sun nor stars in many days appeared, and no small tempest lay on us,
   all hope that we should be saved was then taken away. But after long
   abstinence Paul stood forth in the midst of them, and said, Sirs, ye
   should have hearkened unto me, and not have loosed from Crete, and to
   have gained this harm and loss." (v. 16-21.) Then after so great a
   storm he does not speak as insultingly over them, but as wishing that
   at any rate he might be believed for the future. Wherefore also he
   alleges what had taken place for a testimony of the truth of what was
   about to be said by him. "And now I exhort you to be of good cheer: for
   there shall be no loss of any man's life among you, but of the ship.
   For there stood by me this night the angel of God, whose I am, and whom
   I serve, saying, Fear not, Paul; thou must be brought before Caesar:
   and, lo God hath given thee all them that sail with thee. Wherefore,
   sirs, be of good cheer, for I believe God, that it shall be even as it
   was told me. Howbeit we must be cast upon a certain island." (v.
   22-26.) And he foretells two things; both that they must be cast upon
   an island, and that though the ship would be lost, those who were in it
   should be saved--which thing he spoke not of conjecture, but of
   prophecy--and that he "must be brought before Caesar." But this that he
   says, "God hath given thee all," is not spoken boastfully, but in the
   wish to win those who were sailing in the ship: for (he spoke thus),
   not that they might feel themselves bound to him, but that they might
   believe what he was saying. "God hath given thee;" as much (as to say),
   They are worthy indeed of death, since they would not listen to thee:
   however, this is done out of favor to thee. "But when the fourteenth
   night was come, as we were driven up and down in Adria, about midnight
   the shipmen deemed that they drew near to some country; and sounded,
   and found it twenty fathoms; and when they had gone a little further,
   they sounded again, and found it fifteen fathoms. Then fearing lest
   they should have fallen upon rocks, they cast four anchors out of the
   stern, and wished for the day. And as the shipmen were about to flee
   out of the ship, when they had let down the boat into the sea, under
   color as though they would have cast anchors out of the foreship, Paul
   said to the centurion and to the soldiers, Except these abide in the
   ship, ye cannot be saved. Then the soldiers cut off the ropes of the
   boat, and let her fall off." (v. 27-32.) The sailors however, were
   about to escape, having no faith in what was said: but the centurion
   does believe Paul, For he says, If these flee, "ye cannot be saved:" so
   saying, not on this account, but that he might restrain them, and the
   prophecy might not fall to the ground. See how as in a church they are
   instructed by the calmness of Paul's behavior, how he saved them out of
   the very midst of the dangers. And it is of providential ordering that
   Paul is disbelieved, that after proof of the facts, he might be
   believed: which accordingly was the case. And he exhorts them again to
   take some meat, and they do as he bids them, and he takes some first,
   to persuade them not by word, but also by act, that the storm did them
   no harm, but rather was a benefit to their souls. "And while the day
   was coming on, Paul besought them all to take meat, saying, This day is
   the fourteenth day that ye have tarried and continued fasting having
   taken nothing." (v. 33.) [1160] (b) And how, say you, did they go
   without food, having taken nothing? how did they bear it? Their fear
   possessed them, and did not let them fall into a desire of food, being,
   as they were, at the point of extreme jeopardy; (f) but they had no
   care for food. "Wherefore I pray you to take some meat: for this is for
   your health: for there shall not an hair fall from the head of any of
   you. And when he had thus spoken, he took bread, and gave thanks to God
   in presence of them all: and when he had broken it, he began to eat.
   Then were they all of good cheer, and they also took some meat," (v.
   34-36) seeing that there was no question about their lives being saved.
   (d) "And we were in all in the ship two hundred threescore and sixteen
   souls. And when they had eaten enough, they lightened the ship, and
   cast out the wheat into the sea. And when it was day, they knew not the
   land: but they discovered a certain creek with a shore, into the which
   they were minded, if it were possible, to thrust in the ship. And when
   they had taken up the anchors, they committed themselves unto the sea,
   and loosed the rudder bands, and hoisted up the mainsail to the wind,
   and made toward shore." (v. 37-41.) "They made towards shore," having
   given the rudder-handles to the wind: for oftentimes they do it not in
   this way. They were borne along, having loosed the rigging, i.e. the
   sails. "And falling into a place where two seas met, they ran the ship
   aground; and the forepart stuck fast, and remained unmovable, but the
   hinder part was broken with the violence of the waves;" for when there
   is a strong wind, this is the consequence, the stern bearing the brunt
   (of the storm). (a) "And the soldiers' counsel was to kill the
   prisoners, lest any of them should swim out, and escape." (v. 42.)
   Again the devil tries to hinder the prophecy, and they had a mind to
   kill some, but the centurion suffered them not, that he might save
   Paul, so much was the centurion attached to him. "But the centurion,
   willing to save Paul, kept them from their purpose; and commanded that
   they which could swim should cast themselves first into the sea, and
   get to land: and the rest, some on boards, and some on broken pieces of
   the ship. And so it came to pass, that they escaped all safe to land."
   (v. 43, 44.) "And when they were escaped, then they knew that the
   island was called Melita." (ch. xxviii. 1.) Do you mark what good came
   of the storm? Why then it was no mark of their being forsaken, that the
   storm came upon them. (c) Now this that happened was in consequence of
   the season of the year; but the wonder is greater, that at such a
   season they were saved from the midst of the dangers, both he, and for
   his sake the rest, (e) and this too in the Hadriatic. There were two
   hundred and seventy-six souls in all: no small matter this also, if
   indeed they believed. The voyage was at an unseasonable time. (g) It is
   natural to suppose they would ask the reason why they were sailing, and
   would learn all. Nor was it for nothing that the voyage was so
   protracted; it afforded Paul an opportunity for teaching.

   (Recapitulation.) And Paul says, "I perceive that (this voyage will be)
   with hurt and loss." (v. 10.) And observe how unassuming the expression
   is. That he may not seem to prophesy, but to speak as of conjecture, "I
   perceive," says he. For they would not have received it, had he said
   this at the outset. In fact he does prophesy on this former occasion,
   as he does afterward, and says (there), "The God whom I serve," leading
   them on. Then how comes it that it was not "with loss" (of any) "of
   their lives?" It would have been so, but that God brought them safe
   through it. For as far as depended on the nature of the thing, they had
   perished, but God prevented it. Then, to show that it was not from
   conjecture that he so spake, the master of the ship said the contrary
   (v. 11), and he a man of experience in the matter: so far was it from
   being the case that Paul's advice was given from conjecture. Moreover,
   the place suggested this same (which the master said), "being not
   commodious;" and it was evident that from conjecture "the more part
   advised" (v. 12) as they did, rather than Paul. Then, severe the storm
   (that ensued), deep the darkness: and that they may not forget, the
   vessel also goes to pieces, and the corn is flung out and all beside,
   that they may not have it in their power after this to be shameless.
   For this is why the vessel goes to pieces, and [1161] their souls are
   tightly braced. Moreover, both the storm and the darkness contributed
   not a little to his obtaining the hearing he did. Accordingly observe
   how the centurion does as he bids him, insomuch that he even let the
   boat go, and destroyed it. And if the sailors did not as yet comply
   with his bidding, yet afterwards they do so: for in fact this is a
   reckless sort of people. (v. 13-20.) "Sirs, ye should have hearkened to
   me," etc. (v. 21.) One is not likely to have a good reception, when he
   chides in the midst of calamity; but [1162] when he tells them what
   more there is (to come) of the calamity, and then predicts the good,
   then he is acceptable. Therefore he attacks them then first, when "all
   hope that they should be saved was taken away:" that none may say,
   Nothing has come of it. And their fear also bears witness. Moreover,
   the place is a trying one, for it was in the Adriatic, and then their
   long abstinence. They were in the midst of death. It was now the
   fourteenth day that they were going without food, having taken nothing.
   "Wherefore," said he, "I pray you to take some meat: for this is for
   your health" (v. 34), that ye should eat, lest ye perish of hunger.
   Observe, his giving thanks after all that had happened strengthened
   them. For this showed an assured mind that they would be saved. (b)
   "Then were they all of good cheer; and they also took some meat." (v.
   36.) And not only so, but henceforth they so cast all their care upon
   Paul, that they even cast out the corn (v. 37), being so many. (a) Two
   hundred and seventy-six souls (v. 38): whence had they victuals? [1163]
   (c) See how they do their part as men, and how Paul does not forbid
   them. "And when it was day," etc., "they loosed the rudder-bands." (v.
   39, 40.) And the vessel goes to pieces in the daytime, that they may
   not be clean dissolved with the terror: that you may see the prophecy
   brought out as fact. "And the soldiers' counsel," etc. (v. 42.) Do you
   mark that in this respect also they were given to Paul? since for his
   sake the centurion suffered them not to be slain. So confessedly wicked
   do those men seem to me to have been: insomuch that they would have
   chosen even to slay them: but some swam on shore, others were borne on
   boards, and they all were thus saved, and the prophecy received
   accomplishment; (a prophecy,) although not solemn from length of time,
   since he did not deliver it a number of years before, but keeping close
   to the nature of the things themselves: (still a prophecy it was,) for
   all was beyond the reach of hope. And (so) it was through themselves
   being saved that they learnt who Paul was. But some one may say: why
   did he not save the ship? That they might perceive how great a danger
   they had escaped: and that the whole matter depended, not on the help
   of man, but on God's hand saving them independently of a ship. So that
   righteous men, though they may be in a tempest, or on the sea, or in
   the deep, suffer nothing dreadful, but even save others together with
   themselves. If (here was) a ship in danger and suffering wreck, and
   prisoners were saved for Paul's sake, consider what a thing it is to
   have a holy man in a house: for many are the tempests which assail us
   also, tempests far more grievous than these (natural ones), but He can
   also give [1164] us to be delivered, if only we obey holy men as those
   (in the ship) did, if we do what they enjoin. For they are not simply
   saved, but themselves also contributed to other men's believing (pistin
   eisenenkan). Though the holy man be in bonds, he does greater works
   than those who are free. And look how this was the case here. The free
   centurion stood in need of his bound prisoner: the skilful pilot was in
   want of him who was no pilot--nay rather, of him who was the true
   pilot. For he steered as pilot not a vessel of this (earthly) kind, but
   the Church of the whole world, having learnt of Him Who is Lord also of
   the sea; (steered it,) not by the art of man, but by the wisdom of the
   Spirit. In this vessel are many shipwrecks, many waves, spirits of
   wickedness, "from within are fightings, from without are fears" (2 Cor.
   vii. 5): so that he was the true pilot. Look at our whole life: it is
   just such (as was this voyage). For at one time we meet with
   kindliness, at another with a tempest; sometimes from our own want of
   counsel, sometimes from our idleness, we fall into numberless evils;
   from our not hearkening to Paul, when we are eager to go somewhither,
   where he bids us not. For Paul is sailing even now with us, only not
   bound as he was then: he admonishes us even now, and says to those who
   are (sailing) on this sea, "take heed unto yourselves: for after my
   departing grievous wolves shall enter in among you" (Acts xx. 29): and
   again, "In the last times perilous times shall come: and men shall be
   lovers of their own selves, lovers of money, boasters." (2 Tim. iii.
   2.) This is more grievous than all storms. Let us therefore abide where
   he bids us--in faith, in the safe haven: let us hearken unto him rather
   than to the pilot that is within us, that is, our own reason. Let us
   not straightway do just what this may suggest; not what the owner of
   the ship: no, but what Paul suggests: he has passed through many such
   tempests. Let us not learn (to our cost) by experience, but before the
   experience let us "avoid both harm and loss." Hear what he says: "They
   that will be rich fall into temptation." (1 Tim. vi. 9.) Let us
   therefore obey him; else, see what they suffered, because they did not
   take his counsel. And again he tells in another place what causes
   shipwrecks: "Who," he says, "have made shipwreck concerning the faith.
   But do thou continue in the things which thou hast learned and wast
   assured of." (1 Tim. i. 19.) Let us obey Paul: though we be in the
   midst of a tempest, we shall surely be freed from the dangers: though
   we remain without food fourteen days, though hope of safety may have
   left us, though we be in darkness and mist, by doing his bidding, we
   shall be freed from the dangers. Let us think that the whole world is a
   ship, and in this the evildoers and those who have numberless vices,
   some rulers, others guards, others just men, as Paul was, others
   prisoners, those bound by their sins: if then we do as Paul bids us, we
   perish not in our bonds, but are released from them: God will give us
   also to him. Or think you not that sins and passions are grievous
   bonds? for it is not the hands only that are bound, but the whole man.
   For tell me, when any one possessed of much money uses it not, nor
   spends it, but keeps it close, is he not bound more grievously than any
   prisoner by his miserliness, a bond that cannot be broken? What again,
   when a man gives himself up to (the belief in) Fate, is not he too
   bound with other fetters? What, when he gives himself up to
   observations (of times)? What, when to omens? are not these more
   grievous than all bonds? What again, when he gives himself up to an
   unreasonable lust and to love? Who shall break in pieces these bonds
   for you? There is need of God's help that they may be loosed. But when
   there are both bonds and tempest, think how great is the amount of
   dangers. For which of them is not enough to destroy? The hunger, the
   tempest, the wickedness of those on board, the unfitness of the season?
   But against all these, Paul's glory stood its ground. So is it now: let
   us keep the saints near us, and there will be no tempest: or rather,
   though there be a tempest, there will be great calm and tranquillity,
   and freedom from dangers: since that widow had the saint for her
   friend, and the death of her child was loosed, and she received back
   her son alive again. (1 Kings xvii. 17.) Where the feet of saints step,
   there will be nothing painful; and if such should happen, it is for
   proving us and for the greater glory of God. Accustom the floor of thy
   house to be trodden by such feet, and an evil spirit will not tread
   there. For as where a sweet odor is, there a bad odor will not find
   place: so where the holy unguent is, there the evil spirit is choked,
   and it gladdens those who are near it, it delights, it refreshes the
   soul. Where thorns are, there are wild beasts: where hospitality is,
   there are no thorns: for almsgiving having entered in, more keenly than
   any sickle it destroys the thorns, more violently than any fire. Be not
   thou afraid: (the wicked one) fears the tracks of saints, as foxes do
   lions. For "the righteous," it says, "is as bold as alion." (Prov.
   xxviii. 1.) Let us bring these lions into our house, and all the wild
   beasts are put to flight, the lions not needing to roar, but simply to
   utter their voice. For not so much does the roaring of a lion put the
   wild beasts to flight, as the prayer of a righteous man puts to flight
   evil spirits: let him but speak, they cower. And where are such men now
   to be found, you will say? Everywhere, if we believe, if we seek, if we
   take pains. Where hast thou sought, tell me? When didst thou take this
   work in hand? When didst thou make this thy business? But if thou
   seekest not, marvel not that thou dost not find. For "he that seeketh
   findeth" (Matt. vii. 7), not he that seeketh not. Listen to those who
   live in deserts: away with thy gold and silver: (such holy men) are to
   be found in every part of the world. Though thou receive not such an
   one in thy house, yet go thou to him, live with the man, be at his
   dwelling-place, that thou mayest be able to obtain and enjoy his
   blessing. For a great thing it is to receive a blessing from the
   saints: which let us be careful to obtain, that being helped by their
   prayers we may enjoy mercy from God, through the grace and
   loving-kindness of His only-begotten Son, with Whom to the Father and
   the Holy Ghost together be glory, might, honor, now and ever, world
   without end. Amen.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1155] Kai toutous, meaning perhaps those who remained at Myra.

   [1156] The fast referred to was that which occurred on the great day of
   atonement (Lev. xxiii. 27) i.e. on the tenth of the seventh month
   (Tisri). This would be about the end of September, after the autumnal
   equinox, when navigation was considered dangerous.--G.B.S.

   [1157] Preponderant authority favors the reading eurakulon from euros,
   the S. E. wind and the Latin Aquilo, a N. wind (so ', B* A. Vulgate
   Erasmus Mill, Bengel, Olshausen, Hackett, Tischendorf, Lachmann,
   Tregelles, Westcott and Hort, R.V.) If eurokludon is read, it is
   disputed whether the first part of the word is euros (Alford, Gloag,
   Howson,) or eurus, broad. Meyer defends the latter reading, on the
   ground that the phrase ho kaloumenos requires that the word eur. denote
   a name and not merely the direction of the wind and that it is easier
   to suppose that this reading should be modified into the former than
   the reverse. Alford supposes that eurakulon was the name of the wind,
   which the Greek sailors did not understand and pronounced eurokludon.
   Meyer's argument is inadequate, and the probabilities favor the reading
   eurakludon with the meaning, N. E. wind, a signification, moreover,
   which answers all the conditions of the narrative. (See Bib. Dict. sub
   voce.)--G.B.S.

   [1158] Rather, "on the Syrtis" (eis ten Surtin.) There were two shoals
   on the coast of Africa, called by this name, the Syrtis Major and the
   Syrtis Minor. The former to the S. W. of Crete is the one here referred
   to.--G.B.S.

   [1159] R.V. "they lowered the gear" (skeuos). The word skeuos--utensil,
   implement--is in itself indefinite and must be understood from the
   context. It has here been taken to mean "anchor;" "mast" (Olshausen);
   "sail" (Meyer, Lechler, Hackett, A.V.): "gear," meaning the ropes and
   topsails in order to set the ship in a direction off shore.--G.B.S.

   [1160] The confusion here has arisen from the scribe's taking the four
   last portions a, c, e, g, i.e. 4, 5, 6, 7, and inserting between them
   the first three b, f, d, but in the order b, d, f, i.e. 1, 3, 2: so
   that the confused order becomes 4, (1), 5, (3), 6, (2), 7. The texts
   also needed to be redistruted. Of our mss. A, C, omit all the latter
   part d, e, f, g: so that B and Cat. are the authorities here followed
   for the old text. (of N. we have no collation).--In (f), for hate ou
   peri ton psuchon auton ontos tou logou which we have referred to, "Then
   were they of good cheer," viz. because they believed Paul's assurance
   that their lives were safe, mod. text substitutes "(they had no care
   for food,) hate ou peri ton tuchonton ontos tou kindunou." In (d),
   "kateichon," tous oiakas te pneouse dontes, the meaning seems to be,
   they bore right down (upon the shore), letting the rudder-handles go,
   so that the wind was right astern: pollakis gar ouch houto poiousin,
   for oftentimes they steer not so, but more or less transverse to the
   line of the wind. Katepheron to skeuos, t. e. ta istia: what this can
   mean, we do not understand: but above in v. 17, old text has
   chalasantes to skeuos for chal. ta istia: hence we read here
   katepheronto (chalasantes, or some such word) to skeuos, t. e. ta
   i.--For enkoptomenes tes rh& 192;mes we read with the Catena enk. tes
   prumnes. Mod. text substitutes enkoptontes (Sav. tos) tou pneumatos ten
   rh& 192;men.

   [1161] Kai episphingontai auton hai psuchai. Hom. in Matt. p. 60, A.
   episph. is applied to the action of salt in stopping corruption; and
   ib. 167 B. Christians are the salt of the earth, hina episphingomen
   tous diarreontas. Here in a somewhat similar sense, "the vessel goes to
   pieces and their (dissolute) souls (which were in danger of going to
   pieces) are powerfully constricted, held in a close strain, braced to
   the uttermost." Mod. text omits this, and for hina me
   lathontai--anaischuntein, substitutes, "That they may not perish, the
   corn is thrown out and all the rest."--Below, all' hotan kai ta pleiona
   lege tes sumphoras: mod. text absurdly substitutes paratreche: we
   insert after this the clause tote ta chresta prolegei which our mss.
   have below after kai ho phobos marturei.

   [1162] Kai episphingontai auton hai psuchai. Hom. in Matt. p. 60, A.
   episph. is applied to the action of salt in stopping corruption; and
   ib. 167 B. Christians are the salt of the earth, hina episphingomen
   tous diarreontas. Here in a somewhat similar sense, "the vessel goes to
   pieces and their (dissolute) souls (which were in danger of going to
   pieces) are powerfully constricted, held in a close strain, braced to
   the uttermost." Mod. text omits this, and for hina me
   lathontai--anaischuntein, substitutes, "That they may not perish, the
   corn is thrown out and all the rest."--Below, all' hotan kai ta pleiona
   lege tes sumphoras: mod. text absurdly substitutes paratreche: we
   insert after this the clause tote ta chresta prolegei which our mss.
   have below after kai ho phobos marturei.

   [1163] pothen ta siteresia eichon; i.e. what were they to subsist upon,
   having thrown out the rest of the corn? But they trusted Paul's
   assurance for all.

   [1164] charisasthai i.e. to the holy man, to be saved for his sake, in
   like manner as "He gave (kecharistai) to Paul them that sailed with
   him," v. 24.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Homily LIV.

   Acts XXVIII. 1

   "And the barbarous people showed us no little kindness: for they
   kindled a fire, and received us every one, because of the present rain,
   and because of the cold. And when Paul had gathered a bundle of sticks,
   and laid them on the fire, there came a viper out of the heat, and
   fastened on his hand."

   "Showed," he says, "no little kindness to us--barbarians" (as they were
   [1165] )--"having kindled a fire:" else it were of no use that their
   lives be saved, if the wintry weather must destroy them. Then Paul
   having taken brushwood, laid it on the fire. See how active he is;
   observe how we nowhere find him doing miracles for the sake of doing
   them, but only upon emergency. Both during the storm when there was a
   cause he prophesied, not for the sake of prophesying, and here again in
   the first instance he lays on brushwood:--nothing for vain display, but
   (with a simple view) to their being preserved, and enjoying some
   warmth. Then a viper "fastened on his hand. And when the barbarians saw
   the venomous beast hang on his hand, they said among themselves, No
   doubt this man is a murderer, whom, though he hath escaped the sea, yet
   vengeance suffereth not to live." (v. 4.) Well also was this permitted,
   that they should both see the thing and utter the thought, in order
   that, when the result ensued, there might be no disbelieving the
   miracle. Observe their good feeling (towards the distressed), in saying
   this (not aloud, but) among themselves--observe (also) the natural
   judgment clearly expressed even among barbarians, and how they do not
   condemn without assigning a reason. And these also behold, that they
   may wonder the more. "And he shook off the beast into the fire, and
   felt no harm. Howbeit they looked when he should have swollen, or
   fallen down dead suddenly: but after they had looked a great while, and
   saw no harm come to him, they changed their minds, and said that he was
   a god." (v. 5, 6.) They expected him, it says, to fall down dead: and
   again, having seen that nothing of the kind happened to him, they said,
   He is a god. Again (viz. as in ch. xiv. 11), another excess on the part
   of these men. "In the same quarters were possessions of the chief man
   of the island, whose name was Publius; who received us, and lodged us
   three days courteously. And it came to pass, that the father of Publius
   lay sick of a fever and of a bloody flux: to whom Paul entered in, and
   prayed, and laid his hands on him, and healed him." (v. 7, 8.) Behold
   again another hospitable man, Publius, who was both rich and of great
   possessions: he had seen nothing, but purely out of compassion for
   their misfortune, he received them, and took care of them. So that he
   was worthy to receive kindness: wherefore Paul as a requital for his
   receiving them, "healed him. So when this was done, others also, which
   had diseases in the island, came, and were healed: who also honored us
   with many honors; and when we departed, they laded us with such things
   as were necessary" (v. 9, 10), both us and the rest. See how when they
   were quit of the storm, they did not become [1166] more negligent, but
   what a liberal entertainment was given to them for Paul's sake: and
   three months were they there, all of them provided with sustenance. See
   how all this is done for the sake of Paul, to the end that the
   prisoners should believe, and the soldiers, and the centurion. For if
   they were very stone, yet from the counsel they heard him giving, and
   from the prediction they had heard him making, and from the miracles
   they knew him to have wrought, and from the sustenance they by his
   means enjoyed, they must have got a very high notion of him. See, when
   the judgment is right, and not preoccupied by some passion, how
   immediately it gets right judgings, and gives sound verdicts. "And
   after three months we departed in a ship of Alexandria, which had
   wintered in the isle, whose sign was Castor and Pollux. [1167] And
   landing at Syracuse, we tarried there three days. And from thence we
   fetched a compass, and came to Rhegium: and after one day the south
   wind blew, and we came the next day to Puteoli: where we found
   brethren, and were desired to tarry with them seven days: and so we
   went toward Rome. And from thence, when the brethren heard of us, they
   came to meet us as far as Appii forum, and the Three Taverns: whom when
   Paul saw, he thanked God, and took courage." (v. 11-15.) Already the
   preaching has reached to Sicily: see how it has run through (even to
   those lands): at Puteoli also they found some: others also came to meet
   them. Such was the eagerness of the brethren, it nothing disconcerted
   them, that Paul was in bonds. But observe also how Paul himself also
   was affected after the manner of men. For it says, "he took courage,
   when he saw the brethren." Although he had worked so many miracles,
   nevertheless even from sight he received an accession (of confidence).
   From this we learn, that he was both comforted after the manner of men,
   and the contrary. "And when we came to Rome, Paul was suffered to dwell
   by himself with a soldier that kept him." (v. 16.) Leave was given him
   to dwell by himself. No slight proof this also of his being held in
   much admiration: it is clear they did not number him among the rest.
   "And it came to pass, that after three days he called together them
   that were the chief of the Jews." After three days he called the chief
   of the Jews, that their ears might not be preoccupied. And what had he
   in common with them? for they would not (else) have been like to accuse
   him. Nevertheless, it was not for this that he cared; it was for the
   teaching that he was concerned, and that what he had to say might not
   offend them.

   (Recapitulation.) "And the barbarians," etc. (v. 2.) The Jews then,
   beholding all the many miracles they did, persecuted and harassed
   (Paul); but the barbarians, who had seen none, merely on the ground of
   his misfortune, were kind to him.--"No doubt," say they, "this man is a
   murderer:" (v. 4). They do not simply pronounce their judgment, but
   say, "No doubt," (i.e.) as any one may see "and vengeance," say they,
   "suffereth him not to live." Why then, they held also the doctrine of a
   Providence, and these barbarians were far more philosophic than the
   philosophers, who allow not the benefit of a Providence to extend to
   things "below the moon:" whereas (these barbarians) suppose God to be
   present everywhere, and that although a (guilty) man may escape many (a
   danger), he will not escape in the end. And they do not assail him
   forthwith, but for a time respect him on account of his misfortune: nor
   do they openly proclaim their surmise, but speak it "among themselves:
   a murderer;" for the bonds led them to suspect this. "They showed no
   small kindness," and yet (some of them) were prisoners. Let those be
   ashamed that say, Do not do good to those in prison: let these
   barbarians shame us; for they knew not who these men were, but simply
   because they were in misfortune (they were kind): thus much they
   perceived, that they were human beings, and therefore they considered
   them to have a claim upon their humanity. "And for a great while," it
   says, "they expected that he would die." (v. 6.) But when he shook his
   hand, and flung off the beast, then they saw and were astonished. And
   the miracle did not take place suddenly, but the men went by the length
   of time, "after they had looked a great while," so plainly was there no
   deceit, no haste here (sunarpage). "Publius," it says, "lodged them
   courteously" (v. 7): two hundred and seventy-six persons. Consider how
   great the gain of his hospitality: not as of necessity, not as
   unwilling, but as reckoning it a gain he lodged them for three days:
   thereafter having met with his requital, he naturally honored Paul much
   more, when the others also received healing. "Who also," it says,
   "honored us with many honors" (v. 10): not that he received wages, God
   forbid; but as it is written, "The workman is worthy of his meat. And
   when we departed, they laded us with such things as were necessary."
   (Matt. x. 10.) It is plain that having thus received them, they also
   received the word of the preaching: for it is not to be supposed, that
   during an entire three months they would have had all this kindness
   shown them, [1168] had these persons not believed strongly, and herein
   exhibited the fruits (of their conversion): so that from this we may
   see a strong proof of the great number there was of those that
   believed. Even this was enough to establish (Paul's) credit with those
   (his fellow-voyagers). Observe how in all this voyage they nowhere
   touched at a city, but (were cast) on an island, and passed the entire
   winter (there, or) sailing--those being herein under training for
   faith, his fellow-voyagers, I mean. (a) "And after three months we
   departed in a ship of Alexandria, which had wintered in the isle, whose
   sign was Castor and Pollux." (v. 11.) Probably this was painted on it:
   so addicted were they to their idols. (d) "And when the south wind
   blew, we came the next day to Puteoli: where we found brethren, and
   were desired to tarry with them seven days: and so we went toward
   Rome." (v. 13, 14.) (b) Observe them tarrying a while, and again
   hasting onwards. (e) "And from thence, when the brethren heard of us,
   they came to meet us as far as Appii forum, and the Three Taverns" (v.
   15): not fearing the danger. (c) Paul therefore was now so much
   respected, that he was even permitted to be by himself: for if even
   before this they used him kindly, much more would they now. (g) "He was
   suffered," it says, "to dwell by himself, with a soldier that kept
   him." (v. 16.) That it might not be possible for any plot to be laid
   against him there either--for there could be no raising of sedition
   now. So that in fact they were not keeping Paul in custody, but
   guarding him, so that nothing unpleasant should happen: for it was not
   possible now, in so great a city, and with the Emperor there, and with
   Paul's appeal, for anything to be done contrary to order. So surely is
   it the case, that always through the things which seem to be against
   us, all things turn out for us. "With the soldier"--for he was Paul's
   guard. "And having called together the chief of the Jews" (v. 17), he
   discourses to them, who both depart gainsaying, and are taunted by him,
   yet they dare not say anything: for it was not permitted them to deal
   with his matter at their own will. For this is a marvellous thing, that
   not by the things which seem to be for our security, but by their very
   opposites, all comes to be for us. And that you may learn this--Pharaoh
   commanded the infants to be cast into the river. (Exod. i. 22.) Unless
   the infants had been cast forth, Moses would not have been saved, he
   would not have been brought up in the palace. When he was safe, he was
   not in honor; when he was exposed, then he was in honor. But God did
   this, to show His riches of resource and contrivance. The Jew
   threatened him, saying, "Wouldest thou kill me?" (ib. 14) and this too
   was of profit to him. It was of God's providence, in order that he
   should see that vision in the desert, in order that the proper time
   should be completed, that he should learn philosophy in the desert, and
   there live in security. And in all the plottings of the Jews against
   him the same thing happens: then he becomes more illustrious. As also
   in the case of Aaron; they rose up against him, and thereby made him
   more illustrious (Num. xvi., xvii.): that so his ordination should be
   unquestionable, that he might be held in admiration for the future also
   from the plates of brass (thon petalon thou chalkhou). Of course you
   know the history: wherefore I pass over the narration. And if ye will,
   let us go over the same examples from the beginning.

   Cain slew his brother, but in this he rather benefited him: for hear
   what Scripture says, "The voice of thy brother's blood crieth unto Me"
   (Gen. iv. 10): and again in another place, "To the blood that speaketh
   better things than that of Abel." (Heb. xii. 24.) He freed him from the
   uncertainty of the future, he increased his reward: we have all learnt
   hereby what love God had for him. For what was he injured? Not a whit,
   in that he received his end sooner. For say, what do they gain, who die
   more slowly? Nothing: for the having good days does not depend on the
   living many years or few years, but in the using life properly. The
   Three Children were thrown into the furnace, and through this they
   became more illustrious: Daniel was cast into the pit, and thence was
   he made more renowned. (Dan. iii. and vi.) You see that trials in every
   case bring forth great good even in this life, much more in the life to
   come: but as to malice, the case is the same, as if a man having a reed
   should set himself to fight with the fire: it seems indeed to beat the
   fire, but it makes it brighter, and only consumes itself. For the
   malice of the wicked becomes food and an occasion of splendor to
   virtue: for by God's turning the unrighteousness to good account, our
   character shines forth all the more. Again, when the devil works
   anything of this kind, he makes those more illustrious that endure. How
   then, you will say, was this not the case with Adam, but, on the
   contrary, he became more disgraced? Nay, in this case of all others God
   turned (the malice of) that (wicked one) to good account: but if (Adam)
   was the worse for it, it was he that injured himself: for it is the
   wrongs that are done to us by others that become the means of great
   good to us, not so the wrongs which are done by ourselves. As indeed,
   because the fact is that when hurt by others, we grieve, but not so
   when hurt by ourselves, therefore it is that God shows, that he who
   suffers unjustly at the hands of another, gets renown, but he who
   injures himself, receives hurt: that so we may bear the former
   courageously, but not the latter. And besides, the whole thing there
   was Adam's own doing. Wherefore didst thou the woman's bidding? (Gen.
   iii. 6.) Wherefore when she counselled thee contrary (to God), didst
   thou not repel her? Thou wast assuredly thyself the cause. Else, if the
   devil was the cause, at this rate all that are tempted ought to perish:
   but if all do not perish, the cause (of our destruction) rests with
   ourselves. [1169] "But," you will say, "all that are tempted ought (at
   that rate) to succeed." No: for the cause is in ourselves. "At that
   rate it ought to follow that (some) perish without the devil's having
   anything to do with it." Yes: and in fact many do perish without the
   devil's being concerned in it: for surely the devil does not bring
   about all (our evil doings); no, much comes also from our own
   sluggishness by itself alone: and if he too is anywhere concerned as a
   cause, it is from our offering the occasion. For say, why did the devil
   prevail in Judas' case? When "Satan entered into him" (John xiii. 27),
   you will say. Yes, but hear the cause: it was because "he was a thief,
   and bare what was put in the bag." (ib. xii. 6.) It was he that himself
   gave the devil a wide room for entering into him: so that it is not the
   devil who puts into us the beginning, it is we that receive and invite
   him. "But," you will say, "if there were no devil, the evils would not
   have become great." True, but then our punishment would admit of no
   plea for mitigation: but as it is, beloved, our punishment is more
   mild, whereas if we had wrought the evils of ourselves, the
   chastisements would be intolerable. For say, if Adam, without any
   counsel, had committed the sin he did, who would have snatched him out
   of the dangers? "But he would not have sinned," you will say? What
   right hast thou to say this? For he who had so little solidity, that
   was so inert and so ready for folly as to receive such advice as this,
   much more would he without any counsel have become this (that he did
   become). What devil incited the brethren of Joseph to envy? If then we
   be watchful brethren, the devil becomes to us the cause even of renown.
   Thus, what was Job the worse for his falling into such helplessness of
   distress? "Speak not of this instance," you will say: "(Job was not the
   worse,) but the weak person is the worse." Yes, and the weak person is
   the worse, even if there be no devil. "But in a greater degree," you
   will say, "when there is the devil's power working along with him."
   True, but he is the less punished, when he has sinned through the
   devil's working with him; for the punishments are not the same for all
   sins. Let us not deceive ourselves: the devil is not the cause of our
   taking harm, if we be watchful: [1170] rather what he does, is to awake
   us out of our sleep; what he does, is to keep us on the alert. Let us
   for a while examine these things: suppose there were no wild beasts, no
   irregular states of the atmosphere; no sicknesses, no pains, no
   sorrows, nor anything else of the kind: what would not man have become?
   A hog rather than a man, revelling in gluttony and drunkenness, and
   troubled by none of those things. But as it is, cares and anxieties are
   an exercise and discipline of philosophy, a method for the best of
   training. For say, let a man be brought up in a palace, having no pain,
   nor care, nor anxiety, and having neither cause for anger nor failure,
   but whatever he sets his mind upon, that let him do, in that let him
   succeed, and have all men obeying him: (see whether) such a man would
   not become more irrational than any wild beast. But as it is, our
   reverses and our afflictions are as it were a whetstone to sharpen us.
   For this reason the poor are for the most part wiser than the rich, as
   being driven about and tost by many waves. Thus a body also, being idle
   and without motion, is sickly and unsightly: but that which is
   exercised, and suffers labor and hardships, is more comely and healthy:
   and this we should find to hold also in the case of the soul. Iron
   also, lying unused, is spoilt, but if worked it shines brightly; and in
   like manner a soul which is kept in motion. Now these reverses are
   precisely what keeps the soul in motion. Arts again perish, when the
   soul is not active: but it is active when it has not everything plain
   before it: it is made active by adverse things. If there were no
   adverse things, there would be nothing to stir it: thus, if everything
   existed ready-made in beautiful sort, art would not have found wherein
   to exercise itself. So, if all things were level to our understanding,
   the soul would not find wherein to exert itself: if it had to be
   carried about everywhere, it would be an unsightly object. See you not,
   that we exhort nurses not to make a practice of carrying children
   always, that they may not bring them into a habit (of wanting to be
   carried) and so make them helpless? This is why those children which
   are brought up under the eyes of their parents are weak, in consequence
   of the indulgence, which by sparing them too much injures their health.
   It is a good thing, even pain in moderation; a good thing, care; a good
   thing, want; for [1171] they make us strong: good also are their
   opposites: but each of these when in excess destroys us; and the one
   relaxes, but the other (by overmuch tension) breaks us. Seest thou not,
   that Christ also thus trains His own disciples? If they needed these
   things, much more do we. But if we need them, let us not grieve, but
   even rejoice in our afflictions. For these are remedies, answering to
   our wounds, some of them bitter, others mild; but either of them by
   itself would be useless. Let us therefore return thanks to God for all
   these things: for He does not suffer them to happen at random, but for
   the benefit of our souls. Therefore, showing forth our gratitude, let
   us return Him thanks, let us glorify Him, let us bear up courageously,
   considering that it is but for a time, and stretching forward our minds
   to the things future, that we may both lightly bear the things present,
   and be counted worthy to attain unto the good things to come, through
   the grace and mercy of His only begotten Son, with Whom to the Father
   and the Holy Ghost together be glory, might, honor, now and ever, world
   without end. Amen.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1165] The Maltese, though undoubtedly civilized, were barbaroi in the
   Greek and Roman sense of speaking an unintelligible language (cf. 1
   Cor. xiv. 11). The word might be appropriately rendered "foreigners."
   The Maltese were of Phoenician descent and spoke a mixed
   dialect.--G.B.S.

   [1166] amelesterous genomenous, i.e. the impression left on their minds
   by the storm was not suffered to wear out, when the danger was over.
   What happened on shore, Paul's miracles, the kindness and honors shown
   them by the barbarians for Paul's sake, all helped to keep them from
   relapsing into indifference.

   [1167] Or with the sign of the Dioscuri. The reference is to the ships
   insigne, an image or picture of the divinities Castor and Pollux on the
   prow of the ship. In the current mythology they were the sons of
   Jupiter and Leda, and were regarded as the tutelary divinities of
   sailors.--G.B.S.

   [1168] ou gar an en trimeno tosouto dielechthesan me sphodra auton
   pisteusanton. (Mod. text tosauta dielechthe.) This is evidently
   corrupt. The context requires (as we have given in the translation),
   "would not have been so hospitably and liberally entertained, such a
   number as there were of them, two hundred and seventy-six souls and
   this for a period of three months:" but in dielechth. perhaps
   dielenchthesan is latent: "they would not have been so honored etc.,
   but rather would have been convicted," etc.--In what follows, the parts
   had fallen out of their places thus, 2, 4, 6: 3, 5: 1, 7. Mod. text in
   e, hoti phobethentes ton kindunon exelthon, connecting this with the
   first clause of f, kai tauta hikana ekeinous pistosasthai.

   [1169] The dialogue seems to proceed thus. "If the devil was the cause
   of Adam's fall, at this rate it ought to follow that all whom the devil
   tempts should perish (edei kata touto pantas tous peirazomenous
   apollusthai): if this be not the case, as certainly it is not, then,
   the cause (of our perishing) is with ourselves (ei de me apolluntai,
   par hemas he aitia)." Then: 'All' edei, phesi, pantas tous
   peirazomenous katorthoun; ou; par hemas gar he aitia; edei, phesi, kai
   choris tou diabolou apollusthai. "But," say you, "(at this rate) all
   that are tempted ought to succeed (against the Tempter, to come off
   victorious from the encounter)." No: for the cause (of our being
   tempted) is with ourselves. "Then people ought to perish even without
   the devil:" i.e. It should follow that those who perish, perish
   independently of the tempter.' Yes: in fact many do," etc. In the
   printed text all' edei--katorthoun,....edei apollusthai are put
   interrogatively, and in place of the ou par hemas gar he aitia of the
   mss. (which we point Ou. par hemas g. he. a.) it has e, ei par he. he.
   a.

   [1170] Hom. xxiii.in Gen. S: 6, p. 215, A. "I exhort you never to lay
   the blame upon Satan, but upon your own remissness. I say not this to
   exculpate him, for he goeth about,' etc. 1 Pet. v. 8, but to put
   ourselves in more security, that we may not exculpate ourselves when we
   so easily go over to the evil one, that we may not speak those
   heartless, senseless words, Why has God left the evil one so much
   freedom to seduce men.' These words betoken the greatest ingratitude.
   Consider this: God has left him that freedom, to this very end, that by
   fear of the enemy he may keep us ever watchful and sober."

   [1171] The printed text, ischurous gar hemas poiei kala kai ta enantia.
   Ben., fortes enim nos reddunt quae bona et contraria sunt. But kala kai
   ta enantia clearly answers to kalon kai lupe summetros, kalon kai
   phrontis, kalon kai endeia. Only it may be doubted whether ta enantia
   is to be taken here as above, "Good also are adverse things, or, "their
   opposites," i.e. "freedom from sorrow, and care, and want, if in
   moderation." But the context speaks for the latter: viz. "(In
   moderation), for each of them (both these things and of their
   opposites) being out of measure destroys: and as the one leaves no
   solidity or stability (kai to men chaunoi, i.e. immoderate joy, ease,
   comfort), so the other by excessive tension breaks."--So below by tauta
   we understand "these things and their opposites," which are described
   as ta men pikra, ta de hemera (mod text hedea).
     __________________________________________________________________

   Homily LV.

   Acts XXVIII. 17-20

   "And it came to pass, that after three days Paul called the chief of
   the Jews together: and when they were come together, he said unto them,
   Men and brethren, though I have committed nothing against the people,
   or customs of our fathers, yet was I delivered prisoner from Jerusalem
   into the hands of the Romans. Who, when they had examined me, would
   have let me go, because there was no cause of death in me. But when the
   Jews spake against it, I was constrained to appeal unto Caesar; not
   that I had aught to accuse my nation of. For this cause therefore have
   I called for you, to see you, and to speak with you: because that for
   the hope of Israel I am bound with this chain."

   He wished to exculpate both himself and others; himself, that they
   might not accuse him, and by so doing hurt themselves; and those
   (others), that it might not seem that the whole thing was of their
   doing. For it was likely that a report was prevalent, that he had been
   delivered up by the Jews; and this was enough to alarm them. He
   therefore addresses himself to this, and defends himself as to his own
   conduct. [1172] "How then is it reasonable," it might be said, "that
   they should deliver thee up without a cause?" The Roman governors, he
   says, bear me witness, who wished to let me go. "How was it then that
   they did not let (thee) go?" "When the Jews spake against it," he says.
   Observe how he extenuates (in speaking of) their charges against him.
   [1173] Since if he had wished to aggravate matters, he might have used
   them so as to bear harder upon them. Wherefore, he says, "I was
   constrained to appeal unto Caesar:" so that his whole speech is of a
   forgiving nature. What then? didst thou this, that thou mightest accuse
   them? No, he says: "Not that I had aught to accuse my nation of:" but
   that I might escape the danger. For it is for your sakes "that I am
   bound with this chain." So far am I, he says, from any hostile feeling
   towards you. Then they also were so subdued by his speech, that they
   too apologized for those of their own nation: "And they said unto him,
   We neither received letters out of Judea concerning thee, neither any
   of the brethren that came showed or spake any harm of thee." (v. 21.)
   Neither through letters, nor through men, have they made known any harm
   of thee. Nevertheless, we wish to hear from thyself: "But we desire to
   hear of thee what thou thinkest" (v. 22): and then forestalled him by
   showing their own sentiments. "For as concerning this sect, it is known
   to us, that everywhere it is spoken against. And when they had
   appointed him a day, there came many to him into his lodging; to whom
   he expounded and testified the kingdom of God, persuading them
   concerning Jesus, both out of the Law of Moses and out of the Prophets,
   from morning till evening. And some believed the things which were
   spoken, and some believed not." (v. 23, 24.) They said not, we speak
   against it, but "it is spoken against." Then he did not immediately
   answer, but gave them a day, and they came to him, and he discoursed,
   it says, "both out of the Law of Moses, and out of the Prophets. And
   some believed, and some believed not. And when they agreed not among
   themselves, they departed, after that Paul had spoken one word, Well
   spake the Holy Ghost by Esaias the prophet unto our fathers, saying, Go
   unto this people, and say, Hearing ye shall hear, and shall not
   understand; and seeing ye shall see, and not perceive: for the heart of
   this people is waxed gross, and their ears are dull of hearing, and
   their eyes have they closed; lest they should see with their eyes, and
   hear with their ears, and understand with their heart, and should be
   converted, and I should heal them." (v. 25-27.) But when they departed,
   as they were opposed to each other, then he reproaches them, not
   because he wished to reproach those (that believed not), but to confirm
   these (that believed). "Well said Esaias," says he to them. So that to
   the Gentiles it is given to know this mystery. No wonder then, if they
   did gainsay: this was foretold from the first. Then again he moves
   their jealousy (on the score) of them of the Gentiles. "Be it known
   therefore unto you, that the salvation of God is sent unto the
   Gentiles, and that they will hear it. And when he had said these words,
   the Jews departed, and had great reasoning among themselves. And Paul
   dwelt two whole years in his own hired house, and received all that
   came in unto him, preaching the kingdom of God, and teaching those
   things which concern the Lord Jesus Christ, with all confidence, no man
   forbidding him. Amen." (v. 28-31.) It shows the freedom he had now:
   without hindrance in Rome, he who had been hindered in Judea; and he
   remained teaching there for two years. What of the (years) after these?
   [1174]

   (Recapitulation.) (d) "Who having examined me," says he, "found nothing
   in me" (v. 18). When those ought to have rescued, they "delivered (him)
   into the hands of the Romans." And such the superabundance, [1175] * *
   because those had not power to condemn but delivered him prisoner. "Not
   as having aught to accuse my nation of," (v. 19) am I come. See what
   friendliness of expression "my nation:" he does not hold them as
   aliens. He does not say, I do not accuse, but, "I have not (whereof) to
   accuse:" although he had suffered so many evils at their hands. But
   nothing of all this does he say, nor make his speech offensive: neither
   does he seem to be sparing them as matter of favor. For this was the
   main point, to show that they delivered him prisoner to the Romans,
   [1176] when those ought to have condemned him. (a) "For this cause," he
   says, "I wished to see you" (v. 20): that it might not be in any man's
   power to accuse me, and to say what (naturally) might suggest itself
   (ta paristamena), that having escaped their hands I have come for this:
   not to bring evils upon others, but myself fleeing from evils. "I was
   compelled to appeal unto Caesar." Observe them also speaking more
   mildly to him. "We beg," say they: and wish to speak in exculpation of
   those (at Jerusalem). (e) Whereas they ought to accuse them, they plead
   for them: by the very fact of their exonerating them, they do in fact
   accuse them. [1177] (b) For this very thing was a proof that they knew
   themselves exceedingly in the wrong. Had they been confident, they
   would at any rate have done this, so that he should not have it in his
   power to make out his story in his own way, and besides they shrank
   from coming. And by their many times attempting they showed * * (f) "As
   for this sect, it is known to us," say they, "that it is everywhere
   spoken against." (v. 21, 21.) [1178] True, but (people) are also
   everywhere persuaded (as, in fact, here), "some were persuaded, and
   some believed not. And when they had appointed him a day," etc. (v.
   23-25.) See again how not by miracles but by Law and Prophets he puts
   them to silence, and how we always find him doing this. And yet he
   might also have wrought signs; but then it would no longer have been
   matter of faith. In fact, this (itself) was a great sign, his
   discoursing from the Law and the Prophets. Then that you may not deem
   it strange (that they believed not), he introduces the prophecy which
   saith, "Hearing ye shall hear and not understand," more now than then:
   "and ye shall see and not perceive" (v. 26) more now than then. This is
   not spoken for the former sort, but for the unbelievers. How then? Was
   it contrary to the prophecy, that those believed? ("Go,") it says,
   "unto this people" (that is), to the unbelieving people. He did not say
   this to insult them, but to remove the offence. "Be it known then," he
   says, "unto you, that unto the Gentiles is sent the salvation of God.
   They," says he, "will hear it too." (v. 28.) Then why dost thou
   discourse to us? Didst thou not know this? Yes, but that ye might be
   persuaded, and that I might exculpate myself, and give none a handle
   (against me). (c) The unbelieving were they that withdrew. But see how
   they do not now form plots against him. For in Judea they had a sort of
   tyranny. Then wherefore did the Providence of God order that he should
   go thither, and yet the Lord had said, "Get thee out quickly from
   Jerusalem?" (ch. xxii. 18.) That both their wickedness might be shown
   and Christ's prophecy made good, that they would not endure to hear
   him: and so that all might learn that he was ready to suffer all
   things, and that the event might be for the consolation of those in
   Judea: for there also (the brethren) were suffering many grievous
   evils. But if while preaching the Jewish doctrines, he suffered thus,
   had he preached the doctrines of the glory of Christ, how would they
   have endured him? While "purifying himself" (ch. xxi. 26) he was
   intolerable, and how should he have been tolerable while preaching?
   What [1179] lay ye to his charge? What have ye heard? He spoke nothing
   of the kind. He was simply seen, and he exasperated all against him.
   Well might he then be set apart for the Gentiles: well might he be sent
   afar off: there also destined to discourse to the Gentiles. First he
   calls the Jews, then having shown them the facts he comes to the
   Gentiles. (ch. xxiv. 18.) "Well spake the Holy Ghost," etc. But this
   saying, "The Spirit said," is nothing wonderful: for an angel also is
   said to say what the Lord saith: but [1180] He (the Spirit) not so.
   When one is speaking of the things said by the angel, one does not say,
   Well said the angel, but, Well said the Lord. "Well said the Spirit:"
   as much as to say, It is not me that ye disbelieve. But God foreknew
   this from the first. "He discoursed," it says, "with boldness,
   unhindered" (v. 31): for it is possible to speak with boldness, yet
   hindered. His boldness nothing checked: but in fact he also spoke
   unhindered. (c) "Discoursed, [1181] " it says, "the things concerning
   the kingdom of God:" mark, nothing of the things of sense, nothing of
   the things present. (f) But of his affairs after the two years, what
   say we? (b) (The writer) leaves the hearer athirst for more: the
   heathen authors do the same (in their writings), for to know everything
   makes the reader dull and jaded. Or else he does this, (e) not having
   it in his power to exhibit it from his own personal knowledge. (a) Mark
   the order of God's Providence, [1182] "I have been much hindered from
   coming unto you...having a great desire these many years to come unto
   you." (Rom. xv. 22, 23.) (d) But he fed them with hopes. (g) I am in
   haste to go to Spain, and "I hope," says he, "to see you in my journey,
   and to be brought thitherward on my journey by you, if first I be
   filled with your company in some measure." (ib. 24.) (i) Of this he
   says, I will come and rest together with you "in the fulness of the
   blessing of the Gospel" (ib. 29): and again "I am going to Jerusalem to
   minister to the saints" (ib. 25): this is the same that he has said
   here, "To do alms to my nation I came." (Acts xxiv. 17.) (h) Do you
   mark how he did not foresee everything--that sacred and divine head,
   the man higher than the heavens, that had a soul able to grasp all at
   once, the holder of the first place--Paul? The man whose very name, to
   them that know him, suffices for rousing of the soul, for vigilance,
   for shaking off all sleep! Rome received him bound, coming up from the
   sea, saved from a ship-wreck--and was saved from the shipwreck of
   error. Like an emperor that has fought a naval battle and overcome, he
   entered into that most imperial city. (k) He was nearer now to his
   crown. Rome received him bound, and saw him crowned and proclaimed
   conqueror. There he had said, I will rest together with you: but this
   was the beginning of a course once more, and he added trophies to
   trophies, a man not to be overcome. Corinth kept him two years, and
   Asia three, and this city two for this time; a second time he again
   entered it, when also he was consummated. Thus he escaped then, and
   having filled the whole world, he so brought his life to a close. Why
   didst thou wish to learn what happened after these two years? Those too
   are such as these: bonds, tortures, fightings, imprisonments, lyings in
   wait, false accusations, deaths, day by day. Thou hast seen but a small
   part of it? How much soever thou hast seen, such is he for all the
   rest. As in the case of the sky, if thou see one part of it, go where
   thou wilt thou shalt see it such as this: as it is with the sun, though
   thou see its rays but in part, thou mayest conjecture the rest: so is
   it with Paul. His Acts thou hast seen in part; such are they all
   throughout, teeming with dangers. He was a heaven having in it the Sun
   of Righteousness, not such a sun (as we see): so that that man was
   better than the very heaven. Think you that this is a small thing--when
   you say "The Apostle," immediately every one thinks of him (as), when
   you say "The Baptist," immediately they think of John? To what shall
   one compare his words? To the sea, or even to the ocean? But nothing is
   equal to them.

   More copious than this (sea) are (his) streams; purer and deeper; so
   that one would not err in calling Paul's heart both a sea and a heaven,
   the one for purity, the other for depth. He is a sea, having for its
   voyagers not those who sail from city to city, but those from earth to
   heaven: if any man sail in this sea, he will have a prosperous voyage.
   On this sea, not winds, but instead of winds the Holy and Divine Spirit
   wafts the souls which sail thereon: no waves are here, no rock, no
   monsters: all is calm. It is a sea which is more calm and secure than a
   haven, having no bitter brine, but a pure fountain both sweeter than *
   *, and brighter and more transparent than the sun: a sea it is, not
   having precious stones, nor purple dye as ours, but treasures far
   better than those. He who wishes to descend into this sea, needs not
   divers, needs not oil, but much loving-kindness (philanthropias): he
   will find in it all the good things that are in the kingdom of Heaven.
   He will even be able to become a king, and to take the whole world into
   his possession, and to be in the greatest honor; he who sails on this
   sea will never undergo shipwreck, but will know all things well. But as
   those who are inexpert in this (our visible sea) are suffocated (in
   attempting to dive therein), so is it in that other sea: which is just
   the case with the heretics, when they attempt things above their
   strength. It behooves therefore to know the depth, or else not to
   venture. If we are to sail on this sea, let us come well-girded. "I
   could not," he says, "speak unto you as unto spiritual, but as unto
   carnal." (1 Cor. iii. 1.) Let no one who is without endurance sail on
   this sea. Let us provide for ourselves ships, that is, zeal,
   earnestness, prayers, that we may pass over the sea in quiet. For
   indeed this is the living water. Like as if one should get a mouth of
   fire, such a mouth does that man get who knows Paul well: like as if
   one should have a sharp sword, so again does such an one become
   invincible. And for the understanding of Paul's words there is needed
   also a pure life. For therefore also he said: "Ye are become such as
   have need of milk, seeing ye are dull of hearing." (Heb. v. 11, 12.)
   For there is, there is an infirmity of hearing. For as a stomach which
   is infirm could not take in wholesome food (which it finds) hard of
   digestion, so a soul which is become tumid and heated, unstrung and
   relaxed, could not receive the word of the Spirit. Hear the disciples
   saying, "This is a hard saying: who can hear it" (John vi. 60)? But if
   the soul be strong and healthy, all is most easy, all is light: it
   becomes more lofty and buoyant: it is more able to soar and lift itself
   on high. Knowing then these things, let us bring our soul into a
   healthy state: let us emulate Paul, and imitate that noble, that
   adamantine soul: that, advancing in the steps of his life, we may be
   enabled to sail through the sea of this present life, and to come unto
   the haven wherein are no waves, and attain unto the good things
   promised to them that love Him, through the grace and mercy of our Lord
   Jesus Christ, with Whom to the Father and Holy Ghost together be glory,
   might, honor, now and ever, world without end. Amen.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1172] Paul's prompt summoning of the unbelieving Jews was due as
   Chrys. reminds us, to his desire to conciliate them and thus to prevent
   the rise of new obstacles to the progress of the gospel. The apostle
   might naturally suppose that the Jews of Jerusalem, who were bent upon
   destroying him, had lodged information against him with their brethren
   at Rome and that his appearance as a prisoner might still further
   excite their prejudice and opposition. This view of Paul's action
   removes the objection that he could not have given attention to the
   Jews before making the acquaintance of the Christian church (Zeller).
   He had, however, made their acquaintance; the brethren had gone out to
   meet him on his approach to the city and he had probably spent the most
   of the three days referred to in their company. Zeller has objected
   still more zealously to Paul's statement. "I have done nothing against
   this people or the customs of the fathers." Paul's meaning, however,
   is, that he had never sought the destruction or subversion of the
   Jewish law and customs, but had ever labored in the line of the
   Messianic fulfilment of them. Meyer fitly says: "His antagonism to the
   law was directed against justification by the Law."

   [1173] viz. by saying only antilegonton ton 'Ioud., whereas they had
   shown the utmost malignity against him, accusing him of crimes which
   they could not prove, and "saying that he was not fit to live:" but he
   is so forbearing, that though he might have turned all this against
   them, he sinks the mention of it, etc.

   [1174] Ti de ta meta tauta; For the answer to this question, see the
   Recapitulation.--The remainder of the Exposition had fallen into
   extreme confusion, in consequence of the original redactor's having
   read the notes in the order 2, 4, 6: 1, 3, 5: 7: and this is followed
   by another series of trajections. The restoration of the true order
   here, and in the numerous cases of the like kind in the former
   homilies, was no easy matter; but being effected, it speaks for itself.
   Later scribes (of the old text) have altered a few words here and
   there: but the framer of the mod. text has endeavored to make it read
   smoothly, in point of grammar, little regarding the sense and coherence
   of the whole.

   [1175] Kai tosaute he periousia, i.e. not only the Jews could prove
   nothing against him, but the Romans also, to whom they delivered him,
   after strict and repeated examinations, found nothing in him worthy of
   death. So ex abundanti, enough and more than enough, was his innocence
   established. Mod. text adds tes eleutherias.

   [1176] This clause to deixai hoti Romaiois paredokan desmion is wanting
   in A. C. In the next clause, deon ekeinous katadikasai, "whereas, had I
   been guilty, those, the Jews at Jerusalem, ought to have condemned me,
   instead of that, they delivered me prisoner to the Romans,' and the
   consequence was, that I was compelled to appeal unto Caesar.'" But this
   clause being followed by e, mod. text connects thus: tous de
   katadikasai deon ekeinous, deon kategoresai: but whereas these (the
   Jews at Rome) ought to have condemned those (the Jews at Jerusalem),
   ought to have accused them, they rather apologize for them, etc.

   [1177] deon ekeinon kategoresai; apologountai di hon kategorousin
   auton. We restore it thus, apologountai; di hon apologountai,
   kategorousin auton. And in (b), Touto men gar auto for--autou. "This
   very thing," i.e. their neither sending letters concerning him to Rome,
   nor coming themselves; if they had been confident of their cause
   (etharroun), kan touto epoiesan, they would at any rate have sent
   letters concerning him, if they did not come themselves. hoste me
   dunethenai sunarpasai me, Erasmus, who here makes his version from the
   old text, ita ne possent me simul rapere. The mod. text "for if they
   had been confident, they would at least have done this and come
   together, hoste auton sunarpasai, ut ipsum secum attraherent." (Ben.)
   It does not appear what mehas to do here, unless the words, defectively
   reported, are put in St. Paul's mouth: "if," he might say, "they were
   confident, they would have done this, so that I should not be able
   sunarpasai." The expression sunarpasai (sc. to zetoumenon) is a term of
   logic, "to seize to one's self as proved some point which is yet in
   debate and not granted by the opponent:" therefore a petitio principii.
   Above, p. 321, we had sunarpage in the sense of "jumping hastily to a
   conclusion." Later authors also use it in the sense, "to suppress." See
   above, p. 209, note 5. Here, "they would at any rate have written
   letters concerning him (or, me), that so he (or, I) might not be able
   to have it all his (or, my) own way:" to beg the point in dispute, and
   run off with his own justification.--allos te kai elthein oknesan,
   "especially as they shrunk from coming: kai to pollakis epicheirisai
   edeixan, A., epicherai edeisan." Read kai to p. epicheiresai "by their
   repeated attempts (to slay him?)" edeixan hoti ouk etharroun, or hoti
   edeisan. Mod. text. "But now, not being confident they shrunk from
   coming; especially as by their frequent attempting, they showed that
   they were not confident."

   [1178] Needless difficulties have been found in v. 22. It is said that
   the Jews speak as if they had heard of the Christian Church at Rome,
   which some years before is represented by Paul's Epistle to the Romans
   as large and flourishing (Rom. i. 8), only from hearsay, and that Luke
   must have represented them as so speaking in order to represent Paul as
   the founder of the Roman Church. For the reserve of the Jews, however,
   plausible and sufficient reasons can be given, if the fact that they
   say no more than they do requires explanation. To us it does not seem
   to require any. The Jews do not state that they know nothing concerning
   the Roman Christians. They speak of the "sect" in general, but do not
   say that they know of it only by hearsay. They simply state one thing
   which they know, not how they know it, nor that it is all that they
   know. This statement served their purpose to commit themselves in no
   way against Paul concerning whom they had received no official
   information from Jerusalem (v. 21) as also the purpose to encourage
   Paul to explain himself and defend his cause fully and frankly to
   them.--G.B.S.

   [1179] i.e. "You say, He is accused of preaching everywhere against the
   Law--but of what do ye accuse him? what have you heard him say? Not a
   word of the kind did he speak. They did but see him in the Temple, xxi.
   27, and straightway stirred up all the people against him."

   [1180] all' ekeinos ouketi. A., ekeinon. Cat., ekeino. Mod. text all'
   entautha men houtos, kei de ouketi. & 169;Allos de kai--. He makes this
   an argument against those who affirmed the Holy Ghost to be a created
   Angel. There are many places where an Angel speaks in the name of the
   Lord, and what the Angel says, is the Lord's saying. But in speaking of
   such a communication, one would not say, Well spake the Angel, but,
   Well spake the Lord. So here, if the Spirit were but an Angel, St. Paul
   would not have said, "Well spake the Holy Spirit: he would have said,
   Well spake the Lord. Hence the clause all' ekeinos or ekeino (sc. to
   Pn.) ouketi means, "But not so the Spirit," i.e. What has been said of
   the case of an Angel speaking in the name of the Lord, does not apply
   here: the Holy Spirit speaks in His own name. The sense is obscured by
   the insertion of the clause kalos eipe, ph., to Pn. to A. (which we
   omit) before all' ekeinos ouketi.

   [1181] Here follows another series of trajections: the parts, as it
   seems, having been transcribed from the notes in this order, 5, 3, 1:
   6, 4, 2: 7, 9: 8, 10. Mod. text inserts here: "But Paul," it says,
   "dwelt two whole years in his own hired house." So without superfluity
   was he, rather so did he imitate his Master in all things, since he had
   even his dwelling furnished him, not from the labors of others, but
   from his own working: for the words, "in his own hired house," signify
   this. But that the Lord also did not possess a house, hear Him saying
   to the man who had not rightly said, "I will follow Thee whithersoever
   Thou goest: The foxes" said He "have holes, and the birds of the air
   have nests: but the Son of Man hath not where to lay His head." Thus
   did He from His own self teach that we should possess nothing, nor be
   exceedingly attached to things of this life. "And he received," it
   says, "all that came in unto him, preaching the kingdom of God." See
   him speaking nothing of the things of sense; nothing concerning the
   present things, but all concerning the kingdom of God." And below after
   b, in place of c--g, the same has: "But he does this, and tells not
   what things came afterwards, deeming it would be superfluous for those
   who would take in hand the things he had written, and who would learn
   from these how to add on to the narration: for what the things were
   which went before, such doubtless he found these which came after. Hear
   too what he says, writing after these things (?) to the Romans,
   "Whensoever I take my journey into Spain, I will come to you."

   [1182] The report is very defective, but the meaning in general is
   this: See how his desire of coming to Rome is accomplished, but not in
   the way which he proposed. Hence in (h) we do not hesitate to supply
   the negative which is omitted in the mss. and the printed text. 'Oras
   pos OU panta proeora.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [2] These Sermons were preached at Constantinople, in the second or
   third year of St. Chrysostom's archiepiscopate: see Hom. xliv. "Lo, by
   the grace of God, we also have been by the space of three years, not
   indeed night and day exhorting you, but often every third, or at least
   every seventh, day doing this." It appears from Hom. i. that the course
   began during the weeks of Easter: at which season the Book of Acts was
   by long established practice read in other Churches (as at Antioch and
   in Africa), if not at Constantinople. See St. Chrys. Hom. Cur in
   Pentecoste Acta legantur, and St. August. Tr. in Joann. vi. 18.
     __________________________________________________________________

   the homilies of st. john chrysostom,

   archbishop of constantinople,

   on the

   epistle of st. paul the apostle

   to the

   r o m a n s

   translated by

   rev. J. B. morris, m.a.,

   of exeter college, oxford, and;

   rev. w. h. simcox,

   fellow of queen's college, oxford.

   revised, with notes, by

   GEORGE B. STEVENS, Ph.D., d.d.,

   professor IN YALE UNIVERSITY.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Preface to Homilies on Romans.

   ------------------------

   St. Chrysostom's Commentary on the Epistle to the Romans is one of the
   closest and most argumentative of those he has left us. The style of
   the Epistle itself called for this, being such as almost constantly to
   remind an attentive reader of the necessity of forming some notion of
   the views and feelings of the persons to whom it was originally
   addressed. To this point St. Chrysostom has paid much attention, and
   has consequently obtained a far clearer view of the doctinal bearing of
   the Epistle than most other commentators. His early rhetorical
   education would probably have given him even too strong a bias toward
   that kind of exposition, but for his subsequent course of severe
   discipline and ascetic devotion. As it is, the rhetorical element in
   his commentary is of very great value. His ready apprehension of the
   effect intended to be produced by the style and wording of a sentence,
   is often the means of clearing up what might otherwise seem obscure or
   even inconsistent. An example of this occurs in the beginning of the
   seventh chapter, which he expounds in the 12th Homily. The illustration
   of our release from the Law of Moses by partaking in the Death of
   Christ, by the dissolution of marriage at death, is so stated in the
   Epistle as to contain an apparent inconsistency, as though the death of
   the Law, and the death of the person, were confounded. And the various
   readings only shift the difficulty, without removing it. This, however,
   he has very ably shown to be, in fact, an argument a fortiori. Other
   cases will strike other persons as they happen to have found difficulty
   in the Text.

   A far higher qualification for interpreting St. Paul, in whom, as much
   as in any of the sacred writers, the Man appears as well as the guiding
   Spirit, was that peculiar affection with which he regarded him, and
   which he expresses particularly in the beginning of the introduction,
   and at the close of the last Homily. The effect of this is perhaps best
   traced in the commentary on Rom. ix. 3, Hom. xvi.

   The elaborate composition of these Homilies, and the close attention
   which it must have required, has been thought an indication that they
   must have been delivered before the Author was engaged in the cares of
   the Bishopric of Constantinople. But Tillemont has detected even surer
   indications, which place the point clearly beyond all question. In his
   exortation to Charity, Homily 8 he speaks of himself and his hearers as
   under one Bishop. It has been objected that he speaks of himself as
   Pastor, in Hom. xxix. but he does the same in other Homilies, certainly
   delivered by him when he was only a preacher at Antioch, and the terms
   are less definite than in the other case, v. ad. P. Ant. Hom. xx. on
   the Statues. Besides, he seems to address persons who have ready access
   to the place in which St. Paul taught and was bound, which cannot be
   shown to tally with Constantinople, but evidently agrees with Antioch.
   The binding of St. Paul there mentioned is not, however, on record, and
   it is just possible he may mean in that expression to refer to another
   place.

   Some account of the life of the Author has been given in the Preface to
   the Homilies on the First Epistle to the Corinthians, already
   translated. [1183] It may be worthwhile, however, to notice
   particularly, in connection with this work, the manner in which St.
   Chrysostom was quoted in the Pelagian controversy, as some of the
   passages were taken from it.

   St. Augustin, adv. Julianum. l. 1, c. vi. discusses a passage in a
   Homily to the newly baptized, which was alleged against the doctrine of
   Original Sin. He had spoken of infants as not having sins, meaning of
   course actual sins, as the plural number implies. The words were,
   however, easily turned in translation so as to bear another sense. St.
   Augustin quotes on the other side his Letter to Olympias, that "Adam by
   his sin condemned the whole race of men." And Hom. ix. in Gen. c. i. v.
   28, where he speaks of the loss of command over the creation, as a
   penalty of the Fall. And finally a passage from the homily before
   quoted (as ad Neophytos), in which he speaks of our Lord finding us
   "bound by a hereditary debt;" and one in Hom. x. of this Commentary,
   viz. that on Rom. v. 14. These are sufficient to make it clear, that
   St. Chrysostom did not hold any Pelagian doctrine on this point.

   With respect to Free-will, he has one or two passages, as in Hom. on
   the words of St. Paul, 2 Cor. iv. 13. Ben. t. iii. p. 264. "That first
   believing, and obeying when called, is of our good will; but when the
   foundation of faith is laid, we need the assistance of the Spirit." And
   on St. John i. 38. Ben. 8. p. 107, p. 154, O.T. "that God does not
   precede our wills with his gifts; but when we have begun, when we have
   sent our will before, then He gives us abundant opportunities of
   salvation." However, in Hom. lviii. in Gen. he says, "though he
   received help from above, yet he first did his own part. So let us
   persuade ourselves, that though we strive ever so much, we can do no
   good thing at all, except we are aided by help from above. For as we
   can never do anything aright without that help, so unless we contribute
   our own share, we shall not be able to obtain help from above." This
   illustrates his meaning about doing our own part first, and shows that
   he does not mean to exclude Divine aid in the very beginning of good
   actions, only not superseding the motion of our will. The word gifts is
   also to be observed. He probably did not think of its being applicable
   to the first motions of prevenient grace, intending himself the
   Evangelical gifts. This view of his meaning seems to solve the
   difficulties of his expressions, so far as is necessary in a writer
   more rhetorical than logical. Some passages in this Commentary bear on
   the point, as Rom. ii. 16, and viii. 26.

   In a Letter to Olympias, shortly before his death, he laments the
   errors of a "Monk Pelagius," and it is supposed that he means the
   well-known heretic.

   The present Translation is from the text of Savile, except where
   otherwise noted. For the first sixteen Homilies, several mss. have been
   collated in Paris, with a view to an Edition of the original, the rest
   of the collation is not yet come to hand. Four contain nearly the whole
   of the Commentary, and three more several parts of it: two of these
   were partially used by the Benedictine Editors, and supply some
   valuable readings in the latter homilies. There is also one ms. in the
   Bodleian Library, which has many mistakes, but agrees in general with
   the best readings in those which have been collated. It contains nearly
   the whole text as far as Hom. xxx. and has been entirely collated after
   Hom. xvi and for a great part of the earlier Homilies.

   The Editors are indebted for the Translation, and much of the matter
   contained in the notes, to the Reverend J.B. Morris, M.A., of Exeter
   College, as well as for the Index.

   C. Marriot

   The Benedictine text having been revised by Mr. Field with singular
   acumen by aid of collations of all European mss. of any account, it was
   not thought right to republish this important volume without revising
   the tranlation by that text. This was kindly undertaken by the Rev. W.
   H. Simcox, late Fellow of Queen's College, and has been executed with
   the care and exactness to be expected from that accomplished scholar.
   In other respects, he has with a remarkable modesty left the previous
   translation untouched.

   E. B. Pusey

   1876.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1183] [For this a more complete sketch of the Life and Work of St.
   Chrysostom has been given by the Editor in the Prolegomena to the first
   volume.]
     __________________________________________________________________

   homilies

   of

   st. john chrysostom,

   Archbishop of Constantinople,

   on the

   epistle of st. paul the apostle

   to the

   romans.

   ------------------------

   The Argument. [1184]

   As I keep hearing the Epistles of the blessed Paul read, and that twice
   every week, and often three or four times, whenever we are celebrating
   the memorials of the holy martyrs, gladly do I enjoy the spiritual
   trumpet, and get roused and warmed with desire at recognizing the voice
   so dear to me, and seem to fancy him all but present to my sight, and
   behold him conversing with me. But I grieve and am pained, that all
   people do not know this man, as much as they ought to know him; but
   some are so far ignorant of him, as not even to know for certainty the
   number of his Epistles. And this comes not of incapacity, but of their
   not having the wish to be continually conversing with this blessed man.
   For it is not through any natural readiness and sharpness of wit that
   even I am acquainted with as much as I do know, if I do know anything,
   but owing to a continual cleaving to the man, and an earnest affection
   towards him. For, what belongs to men beloved, they who love them know
   above all others; because they are interested in them. And this also
   this blessed Apostle shows in what he said to the Philippians; "Even as
   it is meet for me to think this of you all, because I have you in my
   heart, both in my bonds, and in the defence and confirmation of the
   Gospel." (Phil. i. 7.) And so ye also, if ye be willing to apply to the
   reading of him with a ready mind, will need no other aid. For the word
   of Christ is true which saith, "Seek, and ye shall find; knock, and it
   shall be opened unto you." (Matt. vii. 7.) But since the greater part
   of those who here gather themselves to us, have taken upon themselves
   the bringing up of children, and the care of a wife, and the charge of
   a family, and for this cause cannot afford to all events aroused to
   receive those things which have been brought together by others, and
   bestow as much attention upon the hearing of what is said as ye give to
   the gathering together of goods. For although it is unseemly to demand
   only so much of you, yet still one must be content if ye give as much.
   For from this it is that our countless evils have arisen--from
   ignorance of the Scriptures; from this it is that the plague of
   heresies has broken out; from this that there are negligent lives; from
   this labors without advantage. For as men deprived of this daylight
   would not walk aright, so they that look not to the gleaming of the
   Holy Scriptures must needs be frequently and constantly sinning, in
   that they are walking in the worst darkness. And that this fall not
   out, let us hold our eyes open to the bright shining of the Apostle's
   words; for this man's tongue shone forth above the sun, and he abounded
   more than all the rest in the word of doctrine; for since he labored
   more abundantly than they, he also drew upon himself a large measure of
   the Spirit's grace. (1 Cor. xv. 10.) And this I constantly affirm, not
   only from his Epistles, but also from the Acts. For if there were
   anywhere a season for oratory, to him men everywhere gave place.
   Wherefore also he was thought by the unbelievers to be Mercurius,
   because he took the lead in speech. (Acts xiv. 12.) And as we are going
   to enter fully into this Epistle, it is necessary to give the date also
   at which it was written. For it is not, as most think, before all the
   others, but before all that were written from Rome, yet subsequent to
   the rest, though not to all of them. For both those to the Corinthians
   were sent before this: and this is plain from what he wrote at the end
   of this, saying as follows: "But now I go unto Jerusalem to minister
   unto the saints: for it hath pleased them of Macedonia and Achaia to
   make a certain contribution for the poor saints which are at
   Jerusalem." (Rom. xv. 25, 26.) For in writing to the Corinthians he
   says: "If it be meet that I go also, they shall go with me" (1 Cor.
   xvi. 4); meaning this about those who were to carry the money from
   thence. Whence it is plain, that when he wrote to the Corinthians, the
   matter of this journey of his was in doubt, but when to the Romans, it
   stood now a decided thing. And this being allowed, the other point is
   plain, that this Epistle was after those. But that to the Thessalonians
   also seems to me to be before the Epistle to the Corinthians: for
   having written to them before, and having moved the question of alms to
   them, when he said, "But as touching brotherly love, ye need not that I
   write unto you: for ye yourselves are taught of God to love one
   another. And indeed ye do it toward all the brethren" (1 Thess. iv. 9,
   10): then he wrote to the Corinthians. And this very point he makes
   plain in the words, "For I know the forwardness of your mind, for which
   I boast of you to them of Macedonia, that Achaia was ready a year ago,
   and your zeal hath provoked very many" (2 Cor. ix. 2): whence he shows
   that they were the first he had spoken to about this. This Epistle then
   is later than those, but prior (prote) to those from Rome; for he had
   not as yet set foot in the city of the Romans when he wrote this
   Epistle, and this he shows by saying, "For I long to see you, that I
   may impart unto you some spiritual gift." (Rom. i. 11.) But it was from
   Rome he wrote to the Philippians; wherefore he says, "All the saints
   salute you, chiefly they that are of Caesar's household" (Phil. iv.
   22): and to the Hebrews from thence likewise, wherefore also he says,
   "all they of Italy salute them." (Heb. xiii. 24.) And the Epistle to
   Timothy he sent also from Rome, when in prison; which also seems to me
   to be the last of all the Epistles; and this is plain from the end:
   "For I am now ready to be offered," he says, "and the time of my
   departure is at hand." (2 Tim. iv. 6.) But that he ended his life
   there, is clear, I may say, to every one. And that to Philemon is also
   very late, (for he wrote it in extreme old age, wherefore also he said,
   "as Paul the aged, and now also a prisoner in Christ Jesus") (Philem.
   9), yet previous to that to the Colossians. And this again is plain
   from the end. For in writing to the Colossians, he says, "All my state
   shall Tychicus declare unto you, whom I have sent with Onesimus, a
   faithful and beloved brother." (Col. iv. 7.) For this was that Onesimus
   in whose behalf he composed the Epistle to Philemon. And that this was
   no other of the same name with him, is plain from the mention of
   Archippus. For it is he whom he had taken as worker together with
   himself in the Epistle to Philemon, when he besought him for Onesimus,
   whom when writing to the Colossians he stirreth up, saying, "Say to
   Archippus, Take heed to the ministry which thou hast received, that
   thou fulfil it." (Col. iv. 17.) And that to the Galatians seems to me
   to be before that to the Romans. [1185] But if they have a different
   order in the Bibles, that is nothing wonderful, since the twelve
   Prophets, though not exceeding one another in order of time, but
   standing at great intervals from one another, are in the arrangement of
   the Bible placed in succession. Thus Haggai and Zachariah and the
   Messenger [1186] prophesied after Ezekiel and Daniel, and long after
   Jonah and Zephaniah and all the rest. Yet they are nevertheless joined
   with all those from whom they stand so far off in time.

   But let no one consider this an undertaking beside the purpose, nor a
   search of this kind a piece of superfluous curiosity; for the date of
   the Epistles contributes no little to what we are looking after. [1187]
   For when I see him writing to the Romans and to the Colossians about
   the same subjects, and yet not in a like way about the same subjects;
   but to the former with much condescension, as when he says, "Him that
   is weak in the faith receive ye, but not to doubtful disputations; for
   one believeth that he may eat all things, another, herbs" (Rom. xiv. 1,
   2): who is weak, eateth weak, but to the Colossians he does not write
   in this way, though about the same things, but with greater boldness of
   speech: "Wherefore if ye be dead with Christ," he says, "why, as though
   living in the world, are ye subject to ordinances (touch not, taste
   not, handle not), which all are to perish with the using, not in any
   honor to the satisfying of the flesh" (Col. ii. 20-23);--I find no
   other reason for this difference than the time of the transaction. For
   at the first it was needful to be condescending, but afterwards it
   became no more so. And in many other places one may find him doing
   this. Thus both the physician and the teacher are used to do. For
   neither does the physician treat alike his patients in the first stage
   of their disorder, and when they have come to the point of having
   health thenceforth, nor the teacher those children who are beginning to
   learn and those who want more advanced subjects of instruction. Now to
   the rest he was moved to write by some particular cause and subject,
   and this he shows, as when he says to the Corinthians, "Touching those
   things whereof ye wrote unto me" (1 Cor. vii. 1): and to the Galatians
   too from the very commencement of the whole Epistle writes so as to
   indicate the same thing; but to these for what purpose and wherefore
   does he write? For one finds him bearing testimony to them that they
   are "full of goodness, being filled with all knowledge, and able also
   to admonish others." (Rom. xv. 14.) Why then does he write to them?
   "Because of the grace of God," he says, "which is given unto me, that I
   should be the minister of Jesus Christ" (ib. 15 , 16): wherefore also
   he says in the beginning: "I am a debtor; as much as in me is, I am
   ready to preach the Gospel to you that are at Rome also;" for what is
   said--as that they are "able to exhort others also" (Rom. i. 14,
   15),--and the like, rather belongs to encomium and encouragement: and
   the correction afforded by means of a letter, was needful even for
   these; for since he had not yet been present, he bringeth the men to
   good order in two ways, both by the profitableness of his letter and by
   the expectation of his presence. For such was that holy soul, it
   comprised the whole world and carried about all men in itself thinking
   the nearest relationship to be that in God. And he loved them so, as if
   he had begotten them all, or rather showed (so 4 mss.) a greater
   instinctive affection than any father (so Field: all mss. give "a
   father's toward all"); for such is the grace of the Spirit, it
   exceedeth the pangs of the flesh, and displays a more ardent longing
   than theirs. And this one may see specially in the soul of Paul, who
   having as it were become winged through love, went continually round to
   all, abiding nowhere nor standing still. For since he had heard Christ
   saying, "Peter, lovest thou Me? feed My sheep" (John xxi. 15); and
   setting forth this as the greatest test of love, he displayed it in a
   very high degree. Let us too then, in imitation of him, each one bring
   into order, if not the world, or not entire cities and nations, yet at
   all events his own house, his wife, his children, his friends, his
   neighbors. And let no one say to me, "I am unskilled and unlearned:"
   nothing were less instructed than Peter, nothing more rude than Paul,
   and this himself confessed, and was not ashamed to say, "though I be
   rude in speech, yet not in knowledge." (2 Cor. xi. 6.) Yet nevertheless
   this rude one, and that unlearned man, [1188] overcame countless
   philosophers, stopped the mouths of countless orators, and did all by
   their own ready mind and the grace of God. What excuse then shall we
   have, if we are not equal to twenty names, and are not even of service
   to them that live with us? This is but a pretence and an excuse--for it
   is not want of learning or of instruction which hindereth our teaching,
   but drowsiness and sleep. (Acts i. 15; ii. 41.) Let us then having
   shaken off this sleep with all diligence cleave to our own members,
   that we may even here enjoy much calm, by ordering in the fear of God
   them that are akin to us, and hereafter may partake of countless
   blessings through the grace and love of our Lord Jesus Christ towards
   man, through Whom, and with Whom, be glory to the Father, with the Holy
   Ghost, now, and evermore, and to all ages. Amen.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1184] Field counts this as the first Homily: but it seemed needless to
   disturb the usual numeration.

   [1185] It is remarkable that the conclusions of Chrys. should harmonize
   so well with the results of modern scholarship in regard to the order
   of the Pauline epistles. Except in assigning the Epistle to the Hebrews
   to Paul and in apparently interposing a considerable period between
   Philemon and Colossians, his statements may be taken as giving the best
   conclusions of criticism.--G.B.S.

   [1186] "Or Angel,' i.e. Malachi; who was so called from the expression
   Mal. i. 1 (LXX. dia cheiros angelou autou cf. E.V. in margin by the
   hand of Malachi'), cf. 2 Esdr. i. 40."

   [1187] Our author rightly attaches much importance to the time and
   occasion of writing as bearing upon the meaning of the epistles. The
   earliest epistles--those to the Thessalonians--relate to Paul's
   missionary labors and are but a continuation of the apostle's
   preaching. They might almost be called samples of his sermons. The
   group which falls next in order (Gal., 1 and 2 Cor., and Rom.)
   comprehends the great doctrinal discussions of the problems of law and
   grace, and reflects the conflict of the Apostle to the Gentiles with
   the Judaizing tendency in all its phases. This group is most important
   for the study of the Pauline theology. The third group--the epistles of
   the (first) imprisonment--Col., Philem., Eph. and Phil.--besides
   containing a wonderful fulness and richness of Christian thought,
   exhibits to us the rise and spread of Gnostic heresies,--the
   introduction of heathen philosophical ideas which were destined to
   exert a mighty influence upon the theology, religion and life of the
   church for centuries. The last group--the Pastoral epistles--has a
   peculiar private and personal character from being addressed to
   individuals. They have a special value, for all who hold their
   genuineness, from being the latest Christian counsels of "Paul the
   aged."--G.B.S.

   [1188] The "learning" of the Apostle Paul has been greatly exaggerated
   on both sides. It has been customary to overestimate it. He has been
   described as learned in Greek literature. The quotation of a few words
   from Aratus (Acts xvii. 28) and the use of two (probably) proverbial
   sayings which have been traced to Menander and Epimenides (1 Cor. xv.
   33; Titus i. 12) furnish too slender support for this opinion. (vid.
   Meyer in locis). It is said that Paul had abundant opportunity to
   become acquainted with the Greek literature in Tarsus. But he left
   Tarsus at an early age and all the prejudices of his family would
   disincline him to the study of Heathen literature. His connection with
   Gamaliel and the style of his epistles alike show that his education
   was predominantly Jewish and Rabbinic. He was learned after the manner
   of the strictest Pharisees and from his residence in Tarsus and
   extended travel had acquired a good writing and speaking knowledge of
   the Greek language. Chrys. is uniformly inclined, however, to
   depreciate the culture of Paul. This springs from a desire to emphasize
   the greatness of his influence and power as compared with his
   attainments. The apostle's confession that he is an idiotes to-logo (2
   Cor. xi. 6), means only that he was unskilled in eloquence and is to be
   taken as his own modest estimate of himself in that particular.
   Moreover it is immediately qualified by all' ou te gnosei which is
   entirely inconsistent with the idea that he was rude or illiterate in
   general, or that he considered himself to be so.--G.B.S.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Homily I.

   Rom. I. 1, 2

   "Paul, a servant of Jesus Christ, called to be an Apostle, separated
   unto the Gospel of God, (which He promised afore by His prophets in the
   Holy Scriptures.)"

   Moses having written five books, has nowhere put his own name to them,
   neither have they who after him put together the history of events
   after him, no nor yet has Matthew, nor John, nor Mark, nor Luke; but
   the blessed Paul everywhere in his Epistles sets [1189] his own name.
   Now why was this? Because they were writing to people, who were
   present, and it had been superfluous to show themselves when they were
   present. But this man sent his writings from afar and in the form of a
   letter, for which cause also the addition of the name was necessary.
   But if in the Epistle to the Hebrews he does not do the same, this too
   is after his own wise judgment. [1190] For since they felt prejudiced
   against him, lest on hearing the name at the outstart, they should stop
   up all admission to his discourse, he subtly won their attention by
   concealing the name. But if some Prophets and Solomon have put their
   names, this I leave as a subject for you to look further into
   hereafter, why some of them wished to put it so, and some not. For you
   are not to learn everything from me, but to take pains yourselves also
   and enquire further, lest ye become more dull-witted.

   "Paul, a servant of Jesus Christ." Why did God change his name, and
   call him Paul who was Saul? It was, that he might not even in this
   respect come short of the Apostles, but that that preeminence which the
   chief of the Disciples had, he might also acquire (Mark iii. 16); and
   have whereon to ground a closer union with them. And he calls himself,
   the servant of Christ, yet not merely this; [1191] for there be many
   sorts of servitude. One owing to the Creation, according to which it
   says, "for all are Thy servants" (Ps. cxix. 91); and according to which
   it says, "Nebuchadnezzar, My servant" (Jer. xxv. 9), for the work is
   the servant of Him which made it. Another kind is that from the faith,
   of which it saith, "But God be thanked that ye were the servants of
   sin, but ye have obeyed from a pure heart that form of doctrine which
   was delivered unto you: being then made free from sin, ye became the
   servants of righteousness." (Rom. vi. 17, 18.) Another is that from
   civil subjection (politeias), after which it saith, "Moses my servant
   is dead" (Jos. i. 2); and indeed all the Jews were servants, but Moses
   in a special way as shining most brightly in the community. Since then,
   in all the forms of the marvellous servitude, Paul was a servant, this
   he puts in the room of the greatest title of dignity, saying, "a
   servant of Jesus Christ." And the Names appertaining to the
   dispensation [1192] he sets forth, going on upwards from the lowest.
   For with the Name Jesus, did the Angel come from Heaven when He was
   conceived of the Virgin, and Christ He is called from being anointed,
   which also itself belonged to the flesh. And with what oil, it may be
   asked, was He anointed? It was not with oil that He was anointed, but
   with the Spirit. And Scripture has instances of calling such "Christs":
   inasmuch as the Spirit is the chief point in the unction, and that for
   which the oil is used. And where does it call those "Christs" who are
   not anointed with oil? "Touch not," it says, "Mine anointed, and do My
   prophets no harm" (Ps. cv. 15), but at that time the institution of
   anointing with oil did not yet even exist.

   "Called an Apostle." He styles himself "called" in all his Epistles, so
   showing his own candor (eugnomosunen), and that it was not of his own
   seeking that he found, but that when called he came near and obeyed.
   And the faithful, he styles, "called to be saints," [1193] but while
   they had been called so far as to be believers, he had besides a
   different thing committed to his hands, namely, the Apostleship, a
   thing full of countless blessings, and at once greater than and
   comprehensive of, all the gifts.

   And what more need one say of it, than that whatsoever Christ was doing
   when present, this he committed to their hands when He departed. Which
   also Paul cries aloud, speaking thereof and magnifying the dignity of
   the Apostles' office; "We are ambassadors for Christ, as though God did
   beseech by us;" i.e. in Christ's stead. "Separated to the Gospel of
   God." (2 Cor. v. 20.) For as in a house, each one is set apart for
   divers works; thus also in the Church, there be divers distributions of
   ministrations. And herein he seems to me to hint, that he was not
   appointed by lot only, but that of old and from the first he was
   ordained to this office; which also Jeremy saith, that God spake
   concerning himself, "Before thou camest forth out of the womb, I
   sanctified thee, I ordained thee a prophet unto the nations." (Jer. i.
   5.) For in that he was writing to a vainglorious city, and one every
   way puffed up, he therefore uses every mode of showing that his
   election was of God. For he Himself called him, and Himself separated
   him. And he does this, that he may make the Epistle deserve credit, and
   meet an easy reception. "To the Gospel of God." Not Matthew then alone
   is an Evangelist, nor Mark, as neither was this man alone an Apostle,
   but they also; even if he be said preeminently to be this, and they
   that. And he calleth it the Gospel, not for those good things only
   which have been brought to pass, but also for those which are to come.
   And how comes he to say, that the Gospel "of God" is preached by
   himself? for he says, "separated to the Gospel of God"--for the Father
   was manifest, even before the Gospels. Yet even if He were manifest, it
   was to the Jews only, and not even to all of these as were fitting. For
   neither did they know Him to be a Father, and many things did they
   conceive unworthily of Him. Wherefore also Christ saith, "The true
   worshippers" shall come, and that "the Father seeketh such to worship
   Him." (John iv. 23.) But it was afterwards that He Himself with the Son
   was unveiled to the whole world, which Christ also spake of beforehand,
   and said, "that they might know Thee the only true God, and Jesus
   Christ Whom Thou has sent." (John xvii. 3.) But he calls it the
   "Gospel" of God, to cheer the hearer at the outstart. For he came not
   with tidings to make the countenance sad, as did the prophets with
   their accusations, and charges, and reproofs, but with glad tidings,
   even the "Gospel of God;" countless treasures of abiding and
   unchangeable blessings.

   Ver. 2. "Which He promised afore by His Prophets in the Holy
   Scriptures."

   For the Lord, saith he, "shall give the word to them that proclaim glad
   tidings with great power" (Ps. lxviii. 12, Sept.); and again, "How
   beautiful are the feet of them that preach the Gospel of peace." (Is.
   lii. 7; Rom. x. 15.) See here both the name of the Gospel expressly and
   the temper of it, laid down in the Old Testament. For, we do not
   proclaim it by words only, he means, but also by acts done; since
   neither was it human, but both divine and unspeakable, and transcending
   all nature. Now since they have laid against it the charge of novelty
   also, He shows it to be older than the Greeks, and described aforetime
   in the Prophets. And if He gave it not from the beginning because of
   those that were unwilling to receive it, still, they that were willing
   did hear it. "Your father Abraham," He says, "rejoiced to see My day,
   and he saw it, and was glad." (John viii. 56.) How then comes He to
   say, "Many prophets desired to see the things which ye see, and have
   not seen them?" (Matt. xiii. 17.) He means not so, as ye see and hear,
   the Flesh itself, and the very miracles before your eyes. But let me
   beg you to look and see what a very long time ago these things were
   foretold. For when God is about to do openly some great things, He
   announces them of a long time before, to practise men's hearing for the
   reception of them when they come.

   "In the Holy Scriptures." Because the Prophets not only spake, but also
   writ what they spake; nor did they write only, but also shadowed them
   forth by actions, as Abraham when he led up Isaac, and Moses when he
   lifted up the Serpent, and when he spread out his hands [1194] against
   Amalek, and when he offered the Paschal Lamb.

   Ver. 3. "Concerning His Son which was made of the seed of David,
   according to the flesh."

   What dost, thou, O Paul, that after lifting up our souls so, and
   elevating them, and causing great and unutterable things to pass in
   show before them, and speaking of the Gospel, and that too the Gospel
   of God, and bringing in the chorus of the Prophets, and showing the
   whole of them heralding forth many years before those things which were
   to come: why dost thou again bring us down to David? Art thou
   conversing, oh tell me, of some man, and giving him Jesse's son for a
   father? And wherein are these things worthy of what thou hast just
   spoken of? Yea, they are fully worthy. For our discourse is not, saith
   he, of any bare man. Such was my reason for adding, "according to the
   flesh;" as hinting that there is also a Generation of the Same after
   the Spirit. And why did he begin from that and not from this the
   higher? It is because that was what Matthew, and Luke, and Mark, began
   from. For he who would lead men by the hand to Heaven, must needs lead
   them upwards from below. So too was the actual dispensation ordered.
   First, that is, they saw Him a man upon earth, and then they understood
   Him to be God. In the same direction then, as He Himself had framed His
   teaching, did His disciple also shape out the way which leadeth
   thither. Therefore the generation according to the flesh is in his
   language placed first in order, not because it was first, but because
   he was for leading the hearer from this up to that.

   Ver. 4. "And declared to be the Son of God with power, according to the
   Spirit of Holiness, by the resurrection from the dead, even Jesus
   Christ."

   What is said has been made obscure by the close-folding of the words,