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   Title: History of the Christian Church, Volume VIII: Modern
   Christianity. The Swiss Reformation.
   Creator(s): Schaff, Philip (1819-1893)
   Print Basis: Third edition, revised
   CCEL Subjects: All; History;
   LC Call no: BR145.S3
   LC Subjects:

   Christianity

   History
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   This volume constitutes the second part of

   THE HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION

   by Philip Schaff

   It is included as Volume VIII in the 8-volume

   HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH

   Volume VII in this series, on the German

   Reformation, constitutes the first part of

   this 2-volume unit on he The History of the

   Reformation

   HISTORY

   of the

   CHRISTIAN CHURCH [1]

   by

   PHILIP SCHAFF

   professor of church history in the union theological seminary

   new york

   Christianus sum: Christiani nihil a me alienum puto

   VOLUME VIII.

   MODERN CHRISTIANITY

   THE SWISS REFORMATION

   This is a reproduction of the Third Edition, Revised
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   [1] Schaff, Philip, History of the Christian Church, (Oak Harbor, WA:
   Logos Research Systems, Inc.) 1997. This material has been carefully
   compared, corrected, and emended (according to the 1910 edition of
   Charles Scribner's Sons) by The Electronic Bible Society, Dallas, TX,
   1998.
     __________________________________________________________________

   PREFACE.

   This volume concludes the history of the productive period of the
   Reformation, in which Luther, Zwingli, and Calvin were the chief
   actors. It follows the Protestant movement in German, Italian, and
   French Switzerland, to the close of the sixteenth century.

   During the last year, the sixth-centenary of the oldest surviving
   Republic was celebrated with great patriotic enthusiasm. On the first
   day of August, in the year 1291, the freemen of Uri, Schwyz, and
   Unterwalden formed, in the name of the Lord "a perpetual alliance for
   the mutual protection of their persons, property, and liberty, against
   internal and external foes. On the same day, in 1891, the great event
   was commemorated in every village of Switzerland by the ringing of
   bells and the illumination of the mountains, while on the following
   day--a Sunday--thanksgiving services were held in every church,
   Catholic and Protestant. The chief festivities took place, from July 31
   to Aug. 2, in the towns of Schwyz and Brunnen, and were attended by the
   Federal and Cantonal dignitaries, civil and military, and a vast
   assembly of spectators. The most interesting feature was a dramatic
   representation of the leading events in Swiss history--the sacred oaths
   of Schwyz, Brunnen, and Gruetli, the poetic legend of William Tell, the
   heroic battles for liberty and independence against Austria, Burgundy,
   and France, the venerable figure of Nicolas von der Flue appearing as a
   peacemaker in the Diet at Stans, and the chief scenes of the
   Reformation, the Revolution, and the modern reconstruction. The drama,
   enacted in the open field in view of mountains and meadows and the lake
   of Luzern, is said to have equalled in interest and skill of execution
   the famous Passion Play of Oberammergau. Similar celebrations took
   place, not only in every city and village of Switzerland, but also in
   the Swiss colonies in foreign lands, notably in New York, on the 5th,
   6th, and 7th of September. [2]

   Between Switzerland and the United States there has always been a
   natural sympathy and friendship. Both aim to realize the idea of a
   government of freedom without license, and of authority without
   despotism; a government of law and order without a standing army; a
   government of the people, by the people, and for the people, under the
   sole headship of Almighty God.

   At the time of the Reformation, Switzerland numbered as many Cantons
   (13) as our country originally numbered States, and the Swiss Diet was
   then a loose confederation representing only the Cantons and not the
   people, just as was our Continental Congress. But by the revision of
   the Constitution in 1848 and 1874, the Swiss Republic, following the
   example of our Constitution, was consolidated from a loose,
   aristocratic Confederacy of independent Cantons into a centralized
   federal State, [3] with a popular as well as a cantonal representation.
   In one respect the modern Swiss Constitution is even more democratic
   than that of the United States; for, by the Initiative and the
   Referendum, it gives to the people the right of proposing or rejecting
   national legislation.

   But there is a still stronger bond of union between the two countries
   than that which rests on the affinity of political institutions.
   Zwingli and Calvin directed and determined the westward movement of the
   Reformation to France, Holland, England, and Scotland, and exerted,
   indirectly, a moulding influence upon the leading Evangelical Churches
   of America. George Bancroft, the American historian, who himself was
   not a Calvinist, derives the republican institutions of the United
   States from Calvinism through the medium of English Puritanism. A more
   recent writer, Douglas Campbell, of Scotch descent, derives them from
   Holland, which was still more under the influence of the Geneva
   Reformer than England. Calvinism breeds manly, independent, and earnest
   characters who fear God and nothing else, and favors political and
   religious freedom. The earliest and most influential settlers of the
   United States--the Puritans of England, the Presbyterians of Scotland
   and Ireland, the Huguenots of France, the Reformed from Holland and the
   Palatinate,--were Calvinists, and brought with them the Bible and the
   Reformed Confessions of Faith. Calvinism was the ruling theology of New
   England during the whole Colonial Period, and it still rules in great
   measure the theology of the Presbyterian, Congregational, and Baptist
   Churches.

   In the study of the sources I have derived much benefit from the
   libraries of Switzerland, especially the Stadtbibliothek of Zuerich,
   which contains the invaluable Simler collection and every important
   work relating to the Reformation in Switzerland. I take great pleasure
   in expressing my obligation to Dr. G. von Wyss, president, and Dr.
   Escher, librarian, for their courtesy and kindness on repeated visits
   to that library.

   The sources on the Reformation in French Switzerland are now made fully
   accessible by the new critical edition of Calvin's works, by
   Herminjard's collection of the correspondence of the French-speaking
   Reformers (not yet completed), and by the publications of the
   documentary history of Geneva during the period of Calvin's labors,
   including the registers of the Council and of the Consistory.

   I have freely quoted from Calvin's works and letters, which give us the
   best insight into his mind and heart. I have consulted also his chief
   biographers,--French, German, and English: his enthusiastic
   admirers,--Beza, Henry, Staehelin, Bungener, and Merle D'Aubigne; his
   virulent detractors--Bolsec, Galiffe, and Audin; and his impartial
   critics,--Dyer, and Kampschulte. Dr. Henry's work (1844) was the first
   adequate biography of the great Reformer, and is still unsurpassed as a
   rich collection of authentic materials, although not well arranged and
   digested. [4] Dr. Merle D'Aubigne's "History of the Reformation" comes
   down only to 1542. Thomas H. Dyer, LL. D, the author of the "History,
   of Modern Europe," from the fall of Constantinople to 1871, and other
   historical works, has written the first able and readable "Life of
   Calvin" in the English language, which is drawn chiefly from Calvin's
   correspondence, from Ruchat, Henry, and, in the Servetus chapter, from
   Mosheim and Trechsel, and is, on the whole, accurate and fair, but cold
   and unsympathetic. The admirable work of Professor Kampschulte is based
   on a thorough mastery of the sources, but it is unfortunately
   incomplete, and goes only as far as 1542. The materials for a second
   and third volume were placed after his death (December, 1872) into the
   hands of Professor Cornelius of Munich, who, however, has so far only
   written a few sections. His admiration for Calvin's genius and pure
   character (see p. 205) presents an interesting parallel to Doellinger's
   eloquent tribute to Luther (quoted in vol. VI. 741), and is all the
   more valuable as he dissented from Calvin's theology and church polity;
   for he was an Old Catholic and intimate friend of Reusch and
   Doellinger. [5]

   The sole aim of the historian ought to be the truth, the whole truth,
   and nothing but the truth.

   I have dedicated this volume to my countrymen and oldest surviving
   friends in Switzerland, Dr. Georg von Wyss of Zuerich and Dr. Frederic
   Godet of Neuchatel. The one represents German, the other French
   Switzerland. Both are well known; the one for his historical, the other
   for his exegetical works. They have followed the preparation of this
   book with sympathetic interest, and done me the favor of revising the
   proof-sheets. [6]

   I feel much encouraged by the kind reception of my Church History at
   home and abroad. The first three volumes have been freely translated
   into Chinese by the Rev. D. Z. Sheffield (a missionary of the American
   Board), and into Hindostani by the Rev. Robert Stewart (of the
   Presbyterian Mission of Sialkot).

   I have made considerable progress in the fifth volume, which will
   complete the history of the Middle Ages. It was delayed till I could
   make another visit to Rome and Florence, and study more fully the
   Renaissance, which preceded the Reformation. Two or three more volumes
   will be necessary to bring the history down to the present time,
   according to the original plan. But how many works remain unfinished in
   this world! Ars longa, vita brevis.

   June, 1892.
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   [2] The celebration has elicited some valuable contributions to the
   authentic history of Switzerland, which may be added to the literature
   on p. 3. I mention Dr. W. Oechsli: Die Anfaenge der schweizerischen
   Eidgenossenschaft. Zuerich, 1891.--Jos. Ig. von Ah: Die Bundesbriefe
   der alten Eidgenossen von 1201 bis 1513. Einsiedeln, 1891--Pierre
   Vaucher: Les Commencements de la Confederation suisse. Lausanne,
   1891.--Prof. Georg von Wyss: Rede bei der Bundesfeier der
   Eidgenoessischen polytechn. Schule, und der Hochschule Zuerich am 25
   Juli 1891. Zuerich, 1891.--Denkschrift der historischen u.
   antiquarischen Gesellschaft zu Basel. Zur Erinnerung an den Bund der
   Eidgenossen vom 1. Aug. 1291. Basel, 1891.--The second volume of
   Dierauer's Geschichte der Schweizerischen Eidgenossenschaft appeared at
   Gotha, 1892, but goes only to the year 1516, when the history of the
   Reformation began.

   [3] Bundesstaat, as distinct from a Staatenbund.

   [4] The first and second volumes of Dr. Henry's larger biography are
   sometimes quoted from the English translation of Dr. Stebbing; but the
   third volume always from the original, as Dr. Stebbing omits the
   appendices and nearly all the original documents.

   [5] Professor Reusch of Bonn kindly informed me by letter (Sept. 8,
   1891) that Kampschulte first studied for the priesthood and was an
   orthodox and pious Catholic, but opposed the Vatican decree of papal
   infallibility in 1870, and may therefore be considered as having been
   virtually excommunicated. He administered to him the last sacrament
   (which the ultramontane priest was prohibited from doing by the
   Archbishop of Cologne). The first volume of Kampschulte's work was
   fully and favorably reviewed in Reusch's Literatur-blatt for 1869, No.
   662, by Dr. Hefele of Tuebingen, shortly before he became bishop of
   Rottenburg. Hefele, as a member of the Vatican council, was one of the
   most learned opponents of papal infallibility, but afterwards submitted
   for the sake of peace. A biographical notice of Kampschulte by
   Cornelius is to be found in the fifteenth volume of the Allgemeine
   Deutsche Biographie.

   [6] I take the liberty of quoting a few passages from recent letters of
   these Swiss scholars which will interest the reader. Dr. von Wyss
   writes: "Ihr Vaterland in Amerika und die englische Sprache geben dem
   Werke ein Gepraege, welches dasselbe von deutschen aehnlichen Schriften
   eindruecklich unterscheidet--es liegt ein so unmittelbares Auffassen
   und Erfassen der Hauptsache, auf die es ankoemmt, ein so bestimmtes
   Losgehen auf das Leben, das Praktische, darin--dass mich dieser
   charakteristische Zug Ihrer gewaltigen Arbeit ungemein anzieht. Wie
   verschieden sind doch die Anlagen und die Beduerfnisse der Voelker! Wer
   wollte deutsches, franzoesisches, englisches, amerikanisches Blut und
   Wesen (ich nenne sie nach der historischen Reihenfolge)
   zusammenschmelzen koennen! ueberall ein eigenthuemlicher Zug! Jeder
   werthvoll und lieb, wenn er nicht uebertrieben wird! Wer soll die
   Einheit bilden? Darueber sind wir, mein hochverehrter Freund (ich bin
   gluecklich, so sagen zu duerfen), einig. Aber was wird es einst sein,
   wenn wir diese Einigung in ihrer vollen Verwirklichung, ueber dieser
   Erde, erblicken werden!"--"Ich lese die Probebogen allezeit mit dem
   groessten Vergnuegen. Die Klarheit, Bestimmtheit und Genauigkeit Ihrer
   Darstellung (bis in's Einzelnste) und der Geist von dem sie getragen
   ist, gewaehren mir die groesste Befriedigung.... Was Zwingli in seiner
   Expositio Fidei an Koenig Franz I. ueber die Weit jenseits des Grabes
   sagt, ist mir von allen seinen Aeusserungen stets das Liebste, und in
   nichts fuehle ich mich ihm mehr verwandt als gerade darin,--sowie in
   der Liebe, die ihn zu Bullinger zog."--Dr. Godet (Dec. 3, 1891): "Du
   scheinst zu fuerchten, dass die Druckbogen mir eine Last seien. Im
   Gegentheil, sie sind mir eine Freude und Belehrung gewesen. Ich habe
   nie etwas so Befriedigendes ueber den Gegenstand gelesen. Calvin tritt
   hervor mit seinem wahren Gesicht und in seiner hehren Gestalt. Ich
   danke Dir herzlich fuer diese Mittheilung." The same, in a more recent
   letter: ..."Qu'il nous soit donne`atous deux avant de quitter cette vie
   de pouvoir terminer nos travaux commences,--toi, ton Histoire ... moi,
   mon Introduction au Nouveau Testament.... Le premier volume, les
   epitres de Paul, sera, j'espere, termineet imprimeavec la fin de Pannee
   (1892) si ..." The venerable author is now in his eightieth year.
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   POSTSCRIPT.

   The above Preface was ready for the printer, and the book nearly
   finished, when, on the 15th of July last, I was suddenly interrupted by
   a stroke of paralysis at Lake Mohonk (where I spent the summer); but,
   in the good providence of God, my health has been nearly restored. My
   experience is recorded in the 103d Psalm of thanksgiving and praise.

   I regret that I could not elaborate chs. XVII. and XVIII., especially
   the influence of Calvin upon the Reformed Churches of Europe and
   America (S:S: 162 and 163), as fully as I wished. My friend, the Rev.
   Samuel Macauley Jackson, who happened to be with me when I was taken
   sick, aided me in the last chapter, on Beza, for which he was well
   prepared by previous studies. I had at first intended to add a history
   of the French Reformation, but this would make the volume too large and
   delay the publication. I have added, however, in an appendix, a list of
   literature which I prepared some time ago in the Library of the Society
   of the History of French Protestantism at Paris, and brought down to
   date. Most of the books are in my possession.

   I may congratulate myself that, notwithstanding this serious
   interruption, I am enabled to publish the history of the Reformation of
   my native land before the close of the fiftieth anniversary of my
   academic teaching, which I began in December, 1842, in the University
   of Berlin, when my beloved teacher, Neander, was in the prime of his
   usefulness. A year afterwards, I received, at his and Tholuck's
   recommendation, a call to a theological professorship from the Synod of
   the German Reformed Church in the United States, and I have never
   regretted accepting it. For it is a great privilege to labor, however
   humbly, for the kingdom of Christ in America, which celebrates in this
   month, with the whole civilized world, the fourth centennial of its
   discovery.

   Thankful for the past, I look hopefully to the future.

   Philip Schaff.

   Union Theological Seminary

   New York, October 12, 1892.
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   PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION.

   The first edition (of 1500 copies) being exhausted, I have examined the
   volume and corrected a number of typographical errors, mostly in the
   French words of the last chapters. There was no occasion for other
   improvements.

   P. S.

   August 9, 1893.

   ----------------------

   HISTORY

   of

   THE REFORMATION

   SECOND BOOK.

   THE SWISS REFORMATION.
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   CHAPTER I.

   INTRODUCTION.
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   S: 1. Switzerland before the Reformation.

   Switzerland belongs to those countries whose historic significance
   stands in inverse proportion to their size. God often elects small
   things for great purposes. Palestine gave to the world the Christian
   religion. From little Greece proceeded philosophy and art. Switzerland
   is the cradle of the Reformed churches. The land of the snow-capped
   Alps is the source of mighty rivers, and of the Reformed faith, as
   Germany is the home of the Lutheran faith; and the principles of the
   Swiss Reformation, like the waters of the Rhine and the Rhone,
   travelled westward with the course of the sun to France, Holland,
   England, Scotland, and to a new continent, which Zwingli and Calvin
   knew only by name. Compared with intellectual and moral achievements,
   the conquests of the sword dwindle into insignificance. Ideas rule the
   world; ideas are immortal.

   Before the sixteenth century, Switzerland exerted no influence in the
   affairs of Europe except by the bravery of its inhabitants in
   self-defence of their liberty and in foreign wars. But in the sixteenth
   century she stands next to Germany in that great religious renovation
   which has affected all modern history. [7]

   The Republic of Switzerland, which has maintained itself in the midst
   of monarchies down to this day, was founded by "the eternal covenant"
   of the three "forest cantons," Uri, Schwyz, and Unterwalden, August 1,
   1291, and grew from time to time by conquest, purchase, and free
   association. Lucerne (the fourth forest canton) joined the confederacy
   in 1332, Zurich in 1351, Glarus and Zug in 1352, Berne in 1353,
   Freiburg and Solothurn (Soleur) in 1481, Basle and Schaffhausen in
   1501, Appenzell in 1513,--making in all thirteen cantons at the time of
   the Reformation. With them were connected by purchase, or conquest, or
   free consent, as common territories or free bailiwicks, [8] the
   adjoining lands of Aargau, Thurgau, Wallis, Geneva, Graubuendten
   (Grisons, Rhaetia), the princedom of Neuchatel and Valangin, and
   several cities (Biel, Muehlhausen, Rotweil, Locarno, etc.). Since 1798
   the number of cantons has increased to twenty-two, with a population of
   nearly three millions (in 1890). The Republic of the United States
   started with thirteen States, and has grown likewise by purchase or
   conquest and the organization and incorporation of new territories, but
   more rapidly, and on a much larger scale.

   The romantic story of William Tell, so charmingly told by Egidius
   Tschudi, the Swiss Herodotus, [9] and by Johannes von Mueller, the
   Swiss Tacitus, and embellished by the poetic genius of Friedrich
   Schiller, must be abandoned to the realm of popular fiction, like the
   cognate stories of Scandinavian and German mythology, but contains,
   nevertheless, an abiding element of truth as setting forth the spirit
   of those bold mountaineers who loved liberty and independence more than
   their lives, and expelled the foreign invaders from their soil. The
   glory of an individual belongs to the Swiss people. The sacred oath of
   the men of Gruetli on the Lake of Lucerne, at the foot of Seelisberg
   (1306 or 1308?), and the more certain confederation of Dec. 9, 1315, at
   Brunnen, were renewals of the previous covenant of 1291. [10]

   The Swiss successfully vindicated their independence against the
   attacks of the House of Habsburg in the memorable battles of Morgarten
   ("the Marathon of Switzerland" 1315), Sempach (1386), and Naefels
   (1388), against King Louis XI. of France at St. Jacob near Basle (the
   Thermopylae of Switzerland, 1444), and against Duke Charles the Bold of
   Burgundy at Granson, Murten (Morat), and Nancy (1476 and 1477).

   Nature and history made Switzerland a federative republic. This
   republic was originally a loose, aristocratic confederacy of
   independent cantons, ruled by a diet of one house where each canton had
   the same number of deputies and votes, so that a majority of the Diet
   could defeat a majority of the people. This state of things continued
   till 1848, when (after the defeat of the Sonderbund of the Roman
   Catholic cantons) the constitution was remodelled on democratic
   principles, after the American example, and the legislative power
   vested in two houses, one (the Staenderath or Senate) consisting of
   forty-four deputies of the twenty-two sovereign cantons (as in the old
   Diet), the other (the Nationalrath or House of Representatives)
   representing the people in proportion to their number (one to every
   twenty thousand souls); while the executive power was given to a
   council of seven members (the Bundesrath) elected for three years by
   both branches of the legislature. Thus the confederacy of cantons was
   changed into a federal state, with a central government elected by the
   people and acting directly on the people. [11]

   This difference in the constitution of the central authority must be
   kept in mind in order to understand why the Reformation triumphed in
   the most populous cantons, and yet was defeated in the Diet. [12] The
   small forest cantons had each as many votes as the much larger cantons
   of Zurich and Berne, and kept out Protestantism from their borders till
   the year 1848. The loose character of the German Diet and the absence
   of centralization account in like manner for the victory of
   Protestantism in Saxony, Hesse, and other states and imperial cities,
   notwithstanding the hostile resolutions of the majority of the Diet,
   which again and again demanded the execution of the Edict of Worms.

   The Christianization of Switzerland began in the fourth or third
   century under the Roman rule, and proceeded from France and Italy.
   Geneva, on the border of France and Savoy, is the seat of the oldest
   church and bishopric founded by two bishops of Vienne in Southern Gaul.
   The bishopric of Coire, in the south-eastern extremity, appears first
   in the acts of a Synod of Milan, 452. The northern and interior
   sections were Christianized in the seventh century by Irish
   missionaries, Columban and Gallus. The last founded the abbey of St.
   Gall, which became a famous centre of civilization for Alamannia. The
   first, and for a long time the only, university of Switzerland was that
   of Basle (1460), where one of the three reformatory Councils was held
   (1430). During the Middle Ages the whole country, like the rest of
   Europe, was subject to the Roman see, and no religion was tolerated but
   the Roman Catholic. It was divided into six episcopal
   dioceses,--Geneva, Coire, Constance, Basle, Lausanne, and Sion
   (Sitten). The Pope had several legates in Switzerland who acted as
   political and military agents, and treated the little republic like a
   great power. The most influential bishop, Schinner of Sion, who did
   substantial service to the warlike Julius II. and Leo X., attained even
   a cardinal's hat. Zwingli, who knew him well, might have acquired the
   same dignity if he had followed his example.
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   [7] "The affairs of Switzerland," says Hallam (Middle Ages, II. 108,
   Am. ed.), "occupy a very small space in the great chart of European
   history; but in some respects they are more interesting than the
   revolutions of mighty kingdoms. Nowhere besides do we find so many
   titles to our sympathy, or the union of so much virtue with so complete
   success.... Other nations displayed an insuperable resolution in the
   defence of walled towns; but the steadiness of the Swiss in the field
   of battle was without a parallel, unless we recall the memory of
   Lacedaemon."

   [8] They were called gemeine Herrschaften or Vogteien and zugewandte
   Orte.

   [9] Or the father of Swiss historiography, as he is also called. His
   Chronicon Helveticum or Eidgenoessische Chronik (1000-1470) was first
   edited by Professor Iselin, Basle, 1734 and '36, in 2 vols. Aegidius
   Tschudi of Glarus (1505-1572) derived the Tell legend from the Weisse
   Buch of Sarnen, and Etterlin of Lucerne, and adorned it with his fancy,
   and masterly power of narration. He was a pupil of Zwingli, but
   remained in the old church. In a letter to Zwingli, February, 1517, he
   says, "Non cum aliquo docto libentius esse velim, quam tecum." Zw.,
   Opera, VII. 21. The MS. of his Chronik is preserved in the city library
   of Zuerich. It is carefully described, with a facsimile in the
   Neujahrsblatt of the Stadtbibliothek in Zuerich auf das Jahr 1889
   (Zuerich, Orell Fuessli & Co.).

   [10] On the origin of the Swiss Confederation and the Tell and Gruetli
   legends, see the critical researches of Kopp, Urkunden zur Geschichte
   der eidgenoessischen Buende, Luzern, 1835, and Wien, 1851, 2 vols.
   Hisely, Recherches critiques sur Guillaume Tell, Lausanne, 1843. Kopp,
   Zur Tell-Sage, Luzern, 1854 and '56. Karl Hagen, Die Politik der Kaiser
   Rudolf von Habsburg und Albrecht I. und die Entstehung der
   schweizerischen Eidgenossenschaft, Bern, 1857. G. von Wyse, Die Gesch.
   der drei Lander Uri, Schwyz und Unterwalden,1212-1315, Zuerich, 1858;
   Zuerich am Ausgange des dreizehnten Jahrh., Zuerich, 1876. A. Rilliet,
   Les origines de la confederation suisse, histoire et legende, 2d ed.,
   Geneve, 1869. Dierauer, Gesch. der Schweiz. Eidgenossenschaft, Gotha,
   1887, vol. I. 81-151.

   [11] The Staatenbund became a Bundesstaat. The same difference exists
   between the American Confederacy during the Revolutionary War and the
   United States after the war, as also between the old German Bund and
   the new German Empire.

   [12] The numerical strength of Protestantism at the death of Zwingli
   was probably not far from two-thirds of the population. The relation of
   the two confessions has undergone no material change in Switzerland. In
   1888 the Protestants numbered 1,724,257; the Roman Catholics,
   1,190,008; the Jews, 8,386.
     __________________________________________________________________

   S: 2. The Swiss Reformation.

   The Church in Switzerland was corrupt and as much in need of reform as
   in Germany. The inhabitants of the old cantons around the Lake of
   Lucerne were, and are to this day, among the most honest and pious
   Catholics; but the clergy were ignorant, superstitious, and immoral,
   and set a bad example to the laity. The convents were in a state of
   decay, and could not furnish a single champion able to cope with the
   Reformers in learning and moral influence. Celibacy made concubinage a
   common and pardonable offence. The bishop of Constance (Hugo von
   Hohenlandenberg) absolved guilty priests on the payment of a fine of
   four guilders for every child born to them, and is said to have derived
   from this source seventy-five hundred guilders in a single year (1522).
   In a pastoral letter, shortly before the Reformation, he complained of
   the immorality of many priests who openly kept concubines or bad women
   in their houses, who refuse to dismiss them, or bring them back
   secretly, who gamble, sit with laymen in taverns, drink to excess, and
   utter blasphemies. [13]

   The people were corrupted by the foreign military service (called
   Reislaufen), which perpetuated the fame of the Swiss for bravery and
   faithfulness, but at the expense of independence and good morals. [14]
   Kings and popes vied with each other in tempting offers to secure Swiss
   soldiers, who often fought against each other on foreign battle-fields,
   and returned with rich pensions and dissolute habits. Zwingli knew this
   evil from personal experience as chaplain in the Italian campaigns,
   attacked it before he thought of reforming the Church, continued to
   oppose it when called to Zurich, and found his death at the hands of a
   foreign mercenary.

   On the other hand, there were some hopeful signs of progress. The
   reformatory Councils of Constance and Basle were not yet entirely
   forgotten among the educated classes. The revival of letters stimulated
   freedom of thought, and opened the eyes to abuses. The University of
   Basle became a centre of literary activity and illuminating influences.
   There Thomas Wyttenbach of Biel taught theology between 1505 and 1508,
   and attacked indulgences, the mass, and the celibacy of the priesthood.
   He, with seven other priests, married in 1524, and was deposed as
   preacher, but not excommunicated. He combined several high offices, but
   died in great poverty, 1526. Zwingli attended his lectures in 1505, and
   learned much from him. In Basle, Erasmus, the great luminary of liberal
   learning, spent several of the most active years of his life (1514-1516
   and 1521-1529), and published, through the press of his friend
   Frobenius, most of his books, including his editions of the Greek
   Testament. In Basle several works of Luther were reprinted, to be
   scattered through Switzerland. Capito, Hedio, Pellican, and
   Oecolampadius likewise studied, taught, and preached in that city.

   But the Reformation proceeded from Zurich, not from Basle, and was
   guided by Zwingli, who combined the humanistic culture of Erasmus with
   the ability of a popular preacher and the practical energy of an
   ecclesiastical reformer.

   The Swiss Reformation may be divided into three acts and periods, --

   I. The Zwinglian Reformation in the German cantons from 1516 to
   Zwingli's death and the peace of Cappel, 1531.

   II. The Calvinistic Reformation in French Switzerland from 1531 to the
   death of Calvin, 1564.

   III. The labors of Bullinger in Zurich (d. 1575), and Beza in Geneva
   (d. 1605) for the consolidation of the work of their older friends and
   predecessors.

   The Zwinglian movement was nearly simultaneous with the German
   Reformation, and came to an agreement with it at Marburg in fourteen
   out of fifteen articles of faith, the only serious difference being the
   mode of Christ's presence in the eucharist. Although Zwingli died in
   the Prime of life, he already set forth most of the characteristic
   features of the Reformed Churches, at least in rough outline.

   But Calvin is the great theologian, organizer, and discip-linarian of
   the Reformed Church. He brought it nearer the Lutheran Church in the
   doctrine of the Lord's Supper, but he widened the breach in the
   doctrine of predestination.

   Zwingli and Bullinger connect the Swiss Reformation with that of
   Germany, Hungary, and Bohemia; Calvin and Beza, with that of France,
   Holland, England, and Scotland.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [13] Schuler, Huldreich Zwingli, p. 196; Moerikofer, Ulrich Zwingli,
   vol. I. 67. Zwingli was reported to have said, that of a thousand
   priests and monks, scarcely one was chaste. Egli, Actensammlung, p. 62.

   [14] Reislaufen means running to war (from Reis = Kriegszug, war). The
   heroic devotion of Swiss soldiers in defence of foreign masters is
   immortalized by the Thorwaldsen statue of the wounded lion in Luzern.
     __________________________________________________________________

   S: 3. The Genius of the Swiss Reformation compared with the German.

   On the difference between the Lutheran and the Reformed Confessions see
   Goebel, Hundeshagen, Schnekenburger, Schweizer, etc., quoted in Schaff,
   Creeds of Christendom, vol. I. 211.

   Protestantism gives larger scope to individual and national freedom and
   variety of development than Romanism, which demands uniformity in
   doctrine, discipline, and worship. It has no visible centre or
   headship, and consists of a number of separate and independent
   organizations under the invisible headship of Christ. It is one flock,
   but in many folds. Variety in unity and unity in variety are the law of
   God in nature and history. Protestantism so far has fully developed
   variety, but not yet realized unity.

   The two original branches of evangelical Christendom are the Lutheran
   and the Reformed Confessions. They are as much alike and as much
   distinct as the Greek and the Roman branches of Catholicism, which rest
   on the national bases of philosophical Greece and political Rome. They
   are equally evangelical, and admit of an organic union, which has
   actually been effected in Prussia and other parts of Germany since the
   third anniversary of the Reformation in 1817. Their differences are
   theological rather than religious; they affect the intellectual
   conception, but not the heart and soul of piety. The only serious
   doctrinal difference which divided Luther and Zwingli at Marburg was
   the mode of the real presence in the eucharist; as the double
   procession of the Holy Spirit was for centuries the only doctrinal
   difference between the Greek and Roman Churches. But other differences
   of government, discipline, worship, and practice developed themselves
   in the course of time, and overshadowed the theological lines of
   separation.

   The Lutheran family embraces the churches which bear the name of Luther
   and accept the Augsburg Confession; the Reformed family (using the term
   Reformed in its historic and general sense) comprehends the churches
   which trace their origin directly or indirectly to the labors of
   Zwingli and Calvin. [15] In England the second or Puritan Reformation
   gave birth to a number of. new denominations, which, after the
   Toleration Act of 1689, were organized into distinct Churches. In the
   eighteenth century arose the Wesleyan revival movement, which grew into
   one of the largest and most active churches in the English-speaking
   world.

   Thus the Reformation of the sixteenth century is the mother or
   grandmother of at least half a dozen families of evangelical
   denominations, not counting the sub-divisions. Lutheranism has its
   strength in Germany and Scandinavia; the Reformed Church, in Great
   Britain and North America.

   The Reformed Confession has developed different types. Travelling
   westward with the course of Christianity and civilization, it became
   more powerful in Holland, England, and Scotland than in Switzerland;
   but the chief characteristics which distinguish it from the Lutheran
   Confession were already developed by Zwingli and Calvin.

   The Swiss and the German Reformers agreed in opposition to Romanism,
   but the Swiss departed further from it. The former were zealous for the
   sovereign glory of God, and, in strict interpretation of the first and
   second commandments, abolished the heathen elements of creature
   worship; while Luther, in the interest of free grace and the peace of
   conscience, aimed his strongest blows at the Jewish element of monkish
   legalism and self-righteousness. The Swiss theology proceeds from God's
   grace to man's needs; the Lutheran, from man's needs to God's grace.

   Both agree in the three fundamental principles of Protestantism: the
   absolute supremacy of the Divine Scriptures as a rule of faith and
   practice; justification by free grace through faith; the general
   priesthood of the laity. But as regards the first principle, the
   Reformed Church is more radical in carrying it out against human
   traditions, abolishing all those which have no root in the Bible; while
   Luther retained those which are not contrary to the Bible. As regards
   justification by faith, Luther made it the article of the standing or
   falling Church; while Zwingli and Calvin subordinated it to the
   ulterior truth of eternal foreordination by free grace, and laid
   greater stress on good works and strict discipline. Both opposed the
   idea of a special priesthood and hierarchical rule; but the Swiss
   Reformers gave larger scope to the popular lay element, and set in
   motion the principle of congregational and synodical self-government
   and self-support.

   Both brought the new Church into Close contact with the State; but the
   Swiss Reformers controlled the State in the spirit of republican
   independence, which ultimately led to a separation of the secular and
   spiritual powers, or to a free Church in a free State (as in the free
   churches of French Switzerland, and in all the churches of the United
   States); while Luther and Melanchthon, with their native reverence for
   monarchical institutions and the German Empire, taught passive
   obedience in politics, and brought the Church under bondage to the
   civil authority.

   All the evangelical divines and rulers of the sixteenth and seventeenth
   centuries were inconsistently intolerant in theory and practice; but
   the Reformation, which was a revolt against papal tyranny and a mighty
   act of emancipation, led ultimately to the triumph of religious freedom
   as its legitimate fruit.

   The Reformed Church does not bear the name of any man, and is not
   controlled by a towering personality, but assumed different types under
   the moulding influence of Zwingli and Bullinger in Zurich, of
   Oecolampadius in Basle, of Haller in Berne, of Calvin and Beza in
   Geneva, of Ursinus and Olevianus in the Palatinate, of Cranmer,
   Latimer, and Ridley in England, of Knox in Scotland. The Lutheran
   Church, as the very name indicates, has the stamp of Luther indelibly
   impressed upon it; although the milder and more liberal Melanchthonian
   tendency has in it a legitimate place of honor and power, and manifests
   itself in all progressive and unionistic movements as those of
   Calixtus, of Spener, and of the moderate Lutheran schools of our age.

   Calvinism has made a stronger impression on the Latin and Anglo-Saxon
   races than on the German; while Lutheranism is essentially German, and
   undergoes more or less change in other countries.

   Calvin aimed at a reformation of discipline as well as theology, and
   established a model theocracy in Geneva, which lasted for several
   generations. Luther contented himself with a reformation of faith and
   doctrine, leaving the practical consequences to time, but bitterly
   lamented the Antinomian disorder and abuse which for a time threatened
   to neutralize his labors in Saxony.

   The Swiss Reformers reduced worship to the utmost simplicity and naked
   spirituality, and made its effect for kindling or chilling-devotion to
   depend upon the personal piety and intellectual effort of the minister
   and the merits of his sermons and prayers. Luther, who was a poet and a
   musician, left larger scope for the esthetic and artistic element; and
   his Church developed a rich liturgical and hymnological literature.
   Congregational singing, however, flourishes in both denominations; and
   the Anglican Church produced the best liturgy, which has kept its place
   to this day, with increasing popularity.

   The Reformed Church excels in self-discipline, liberality, energy, and
   enterprise; it carries the gospel to all heathen lands and new
   colonies; it builds up a God-fearing, manly, independent, heroic type
   of character, such as we find among the French Huguenots, the English
   Puritans, the Scotch Covenanters, the Waldenses in Piedmont; and sent
   in times of persecution a noble army of martyrs to the prison and the
   stake. The Lutheran Church cultivates a hearty, trustful, inward,
   mystic style of piety, the science of theology, biblical and historical
   research, and wrestles with the deepest problems of philosophy and
   religion.

   God has wisely distributed his gifts, with abundant opportunities for
   their exercise in the building up of his kingdom.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [15] On the Continent and in works of church history the designation
   Reformed includes Presbyterians, Episcopalians, Congregationalists, and
   other non-Lutheran Protestants. Calvinism and Puritanism are not church
   terms, but denote schools and parties within the Reformed churches. The
   Anglican Reformed Church stands by itself as a communion which was
   reformed under Lutheran and Calvinistic influences, but occupies a
   position between Catholicism and Protestantism. In modern English and
   American usage, the term Reformed has assumed a restricted sectional
   sense in connection with other terms, as Reformed Dutch, Reformed
   German, Reformed Presbyterian, Reformed Episcopalian.
     __________________________________________________________________

   S: 4. Literature on the Swiss Reformation.

   Compare the literature on the Reformation in general, vol. VI. 89-93,
   and the German Reformation, pp. 94-97. The literature on the
   Reformation in French Switzerland will be given in a later chapter (pp.
   223 sqq.).

   The largest collection of the Reformation literature of German
   Switzerland is in the Stadtbibliothek (in the Wasserkirche) and in the
   Cantonalbibliothek of Zuerich. The former includes the 200 vols. of the
   valuable MSS. collection of Simler (d. 1788), and the Thesaurus
   Hottingerianus. I examined these libraries in August, 1886, with the
   kind aid of Profs. O. F. Fritsche, Alex. Schweizer, Georg von Wyss, and
   Dr. Escher, and again in July, 1890.

   For lists of books on Swiss history in general consult the following
   works: Gottlieb Emanuel von Haller: Bibliothek der Schweizer-Geschichte
   und aller Theile, so dahin Bezug haben (Bern, 1785-'88, 7 vols.); with
   the continuations of Gerold Meyer Von Knonau (from 1840-'45, Zuer.,
   1850) and Ludwig Von Sinner (from 1786-1861, Bern and Zuerich, 1851).
   The Catalog der Stadtbibliothek in Zuerich (Zuerich, 1864-'67, 4 Bde,
   much enlarged in the written catalogues). E. Fr. von Muelinen:
   Prodromus einer Schweizer. Historiographie (Bern, 1874). The author
   promises a complete Lexicon of Swiss chroniclers, etc., annalists and
   historians in about 4 vols.

   I. Sources: The works Of Zwingli, Oecolampadius, Leo Judae, Bullinger,
   Watt (Vadianus), and other Reformers of the Swiss cantons.

   Herminjard: Correspondance des Reformateurs. Geneve, 1866-'86. 7 vols.

   Bullinger (Heinrich, Zwingli's successor, d. 1575):
   Reformationsgeschichte, nach den Autographen herausgeg. von J. J.
   Hottinger und H. H. Voegeli. Frauenfeld, 1838-'40, 3 vols. 8DEG. From
   1519 to 1532. In the Swiss-German dialect.

   Kessler (Johannes, Reformer of St. Gallen): Sabbata. Chronik der Jahre
   1523-'39. Ed. by E. Goetzinger. St. Gallen, 1866-'68. 2 parts. Kessler
   was the student whom Luther met at Jena on his return to Wittenberg
   (see vol. VI. 385).

   Simler (Joh. Jac.): Sammlung alter und neuer Urkunden zur Beleuchtung
   der Kirchengeschichte, vornehmlich des Schweizerlandes. Zuerich,
   1757-'63. 2 Bde in 6 Theilen. 8DEG. Also the first 30 vols. of his
   above-mentioned collection of MSS., which includes many printed
   pamphlets and documents.

   Die Eidgenoessischen Abschiede. Bd. III. Abth. 2: Abschiede von
   1500-'20, bearbeitet von Segesser (Luzern, 1869); Bd. IV. I a: a.d.
   1521-'28, bearbeitet von Strickler (Brugg, 1873); Bd. IV. 1 b: a.d.
   1529-'32 (Zuerich, 1876); Bd. IV. 1 c: a.d. 1533-'40, bearbeitet von
   Deschwanden (Luzern, 1878); Bd. IV. 1 d: a.d. 1541-'48, bearbeitet von
   Deschwanden (Luzern, 1882). The publication of these official acts of
   the Swiss Diet was begun at the expense of the Confederacy, a.d. 1839,
   and embraces the period from 1245 to 1848.

   Strickler (Joh.): Actensammlung zur Schweizerischen
   Reformationsgeschichte in den Jahren 1521-'32. Zuerich, 1878-'84. 5
   vols. 8DEG. Mostly in Swiss-German, partly in Latin. The fifth vol.
   contains Addenda, Registers, and a list of books on the history of the
   Reformation to 1533.

   Egli (Emil): Actensammlung zur Geschichte der Zuercher Reformation von
   1519-'33. Zuerich, 1879. (Pages vii. and 947.)

   Stuerler (M. v.): Urkunden der Bernischen Kirchenreform. Bern, 1862.
   Goes only to 1528.

   On the Roman Catholic side: Archiv fuer die Schweizer.
   Reformations-Geschichte, herausgeg. auf Veranstaltung des Schweizer.
   Piusvereins. Solothurn, 1868'-76. 3 large vols. This includes in vol.
   I. the Chronik der Schweizerischen Reformation (till 1534), by Hans
   Salat of Luzern (d. after 1543), a historian and poet, whose life and
   writings were edited by Baechtold, Basel, 1876. Vol. II. contains the
   papal addresses to the Swiss Diet, etc. Vol. III. 7-82 gives a very
   full bibliography bearing upon the Reformation and the history of the
   Swiss Cantons down to 1871. This work is overlooked by most Protestant
   historians. Bullinger wrote against Salat a book entitled Salz zum
   Salat.

   II. Later Historical Works:

   Hottinger (Joh. Heinrich, an eminent Orientalist, 1620-'67): Historia
   Ecclesiasticae Novi Test. Tiguri [Turici], 1651-'67. 9 vols. 8DEG. The
   last four volumes of this very learned but very tedious work treat of
   the Reformation. The seventh volume has a chapter of nearly 600 pages
   (24-618) de Indulgentiis in specie!

   Hottinger (Joh. Jacob, 1652-1735, third son of the former): Helvetische
   Kirchengeschichten, etc. Zuer., 1698-1729. 4 vols. 4DEG. Newly ed. by
   Wirz and Kirchhofer. See below.

   Miscellanea Tigurina edita, inedita, vetera, nova, theologica,
   historica, etc., ed. by J. J. Ulrich. Zuer., 1722-'24. 3 vols. 8DEG.
   They contain small biographies of Swiss Reformers and important
   documents of Bullinger, Leo Judae, Breitinger, Simler, etc.

   Fuesslin (or Fuessli, Joh. Conr. F., 1704-1775): Beitraege zur
   Erlaeuterung der Kirchenreformationsgeschichten des Schweizerlands.
   Zuer., 1740-'53. 5 vols. 8DEG. Contains important original documents
   and letters.

   Ruchat (Abrah., 1680-1750): Histoire de la Reformation de la Suisse,
   1516-1556. Geneve, 1727, '28. 6 vols. 8DEG. New edition with Appendixes
   by L. Vulliemin. Paris and Lausanne, 1835-'38. 7 vols. 8DEG. Chiefly
   important for the French cantons. An English abridgment of the first
   four vols. in one vol. by J. Collinson (Canon of Durham), London, 1845,
   goes to the end of a.d. 1536.

   Wirz (Ludw.) and Kirchhofer (Melch.): Helvet. Kirchengeschichte. Aus
   Joh. Jac. Hottinger's aelterem Werke und anderen Quellen neu
   bearbeitet. Zuerich, 1808-'19. 5 vols. The modern history is contained
   in vols. IV. and V. The fifth vol. is by Kirchhofer.

   Merle D'Aubigne (professor of Church history at Geneva, d. 1872):
   Histoire de la Reformation du 16 siecle. Paris, 1838 sqq. Histoire de
   la Reformation au temps du Calvin. Paris, 1863-'78. Both works were
   translated and published in England and America, in various editions.

   Trechsel (Friedr., 1805-1885): Beitraege zur Geschichte der Schweiz.
   Reformirten Kirche, zunaechst derjenigen des Cantons Bern. Bern, 1841,
   '42, 4 Hefte.

   Gieseler (d. 1854): Ch. History. Germ. ed. III. A. 128 sqq.; 277 sqq.
   Am. ed. vol. IV. 75-99, 209-217. His account is very valuable for the
   extracts from the sources.

   Baur (d. at Tuebingen, 1860): Kirchengeschichte. Bd. IV. 80-96.
   Posthumous, Tuebingen, 1863.

   Hagenbach (Karl Rud., professor of Church history at Basel, d. 1874):
   Geschichte der Reformation, 1517-1555. Leipzig, 1834, 4th ed. 1870
   (vol. III. of his general Kirchengeschichte). Fifth ed., with a
   literary and critical appendix, by Dr. F. Nippold, Leipzig, 1887.
   English translation by Miss E. Moore, Edinburgh and New York, 1878,
   '79, 2 vols.

   Chastel (Etienne, professor of Church history in the University of
   Geneva, d. 1885):Histoire du Christianisme, Tom. IV.: Age Moderne (p.
   66 sqq.). Paris, 1882.

   Berner Beitraege zur Geschichte der Schweizerischen
   Reformationskirchen. Von Billeter, Flueckiger, Hubler, Kasser,
   Marthaler, Strasser. Mit weiteren Beitraegen vermehrt und herausgegeben
   von Fr. Nippold. Bern, 1884. (Pages 454.)

   On the Confessions of the Swiss Reformation see Schaff: Creeds of
   Christendom, New York, 4th ed. 1884, vol. I. 354 sqq.

   Biographies of Zwingli, Oecolampadius, Leo Judae, Bullinger, Haller,
   etc., will be noticed in the appropriate sections.

   III. General Histories Of Switzerland.

   Mueller (Joh. von, the classical historian of Switzerland, d. 1809):
   Geschichte der Schweizerischen Eidgenossenschaft, fortgesetzt von
   Glutz-Blotzheim (d. 1818) und Joh. Jac. Hottinger. Vols. V. and VII. of
   the whole work. A masterpiece of genius and learning, but superseded in
   its earlier part, where he follows Tschudi, and accepts the legendary
   tales of Tell and Gruetli. The Reformation history is by Hottinger ( b.
   1783, d. 1860), and was published also under the title Gesch. der
   Eidgenossen waehrend der Zeit der Kirchentrennung. Zuerich, 1825 and
   '29, 2 vols It was continued by Vulliemin in his Histoire de la
   confederation suisse dans les XVIIe et XVIIe siecles. Paris and
   Lausanne, 1841 and '42. 3 vols. The first of these three volumes
   relates to the Reformation in French Switzerland, which was omitted in
   the German work of Hottinger, but was afterwards translated into German
   by others, and incorporated into the German edition (Zuerich,
   1786-1853, 15 vols.; the Reformation period in vols. VI.-X.). There is
   also a complete French edition of the entire History of Switzerland by
   Joh. von Muller, Glutz-Blotzheim, Hottinger, Vulliemin, and Monnard
   (Paris et Geneve, 1837-'51, 18 vols. Three vols. from Vulliemin, five
   from Monnard, and the rest translated).

   Other general Histories of Switzerland by Zschokke (1822, 8th ed. 1849;
   Engl. transl. by Shaw, 1848, new ed. 1875), Meyer von Knonau (2 vols.),
   Voegelin (6 Vols.), Morin, Zellweger, Vulliemin (German ed. 1882),
   Daendliker (Zuerich, 1883 sqq., 3 vols., illustr.), Mrs. Hug and Rich.
   Stead (London, 1890), and Dierauer (Gotha, 1887 sqq.; second vol.,
   1892).

   Bluntschli (J. C., a native of Zuerich, professor of jurisprudence and
   international law at Heidelberg, d. 1881): Geschichte des
   Schweizerischen Bundesrechts von den ersten ewigen Buenden his auf die
   Gegenwart. Stuttgart, 2d ed. 1875. 2 vols. Important for the relation
   of Church and State in the period of the Reformation (vol. I. 292
   sqq.). L. R. von Salis: Schweizerisches Bundesrecht seit dem 29. Mai
   1874. Bern, 1892. 3 vols. (also in French and Italian).

   E. Egli: Kirchengeschichte der Schweiz bis auf Karl d. Gr. Zuerich,
   1892.

   Comp. Rud. Staehelin on the literature of the Swiss Reformation, from
   1875-1882, in Brieger's "Zeitschrift fuer Kirchengeschichte," vols.
   III. and VI.
     __________________________________________________________________
     __________________________________________________________________

   CHAPTER II.

   ZWINGLI'S TRAINING.
     __________________________________________________________________

   S: 5. The Zwingli Literature.

   The general literature in S: 4, especially Bullinger's History and
   Egli's Collection. The public libraries and archives in Zuerich contain
   the various editions of Zwingli's works, and the remains of his own
   library with marginal notes, which were exhibited in connection with
   the Zwingli celebration in 1884. See Zwingli-Ausstellung veranstaltet
   von der Stadtbibliothek in Zuerich in Verbindung mit dem Staatsarchiv
   und der Cantonalbibliothek. Zuerich, 1884. A pamphlet of 24 pages, with
   a descriptive catalogue of Zwingli's books and remains. The annotations
   furnish fragmentary material for a knowledge of his theological growth.
   See Usteri's Initia Zwingli, quoted below.

   I. Sources:

   Huldreich Zwingli: Opera omnia, ed. Melchior Schuler (d. 1859) and Joh.
   Schulthess (d. 1836). Tiguri, 1828-'42. 8 vols. Vols. I. and II., the
   German writings; III.-VI., Scripta Latina; VII. and VIII., Epistolae. A
   supplement of 75 pages was ed. by G. Schulthess (d. 1866) and Marthaler
   in 1861, and contains letters of Zwingli to Rhenanus and others. A new
   critical edition is much needed and contemplated for the "Corpus
   Reformatorum" by a commission of Swiss scholars. Zwingli's Correspond.
   in Herminjard, Vols. I. and II.

   The first edition of Zwingli's Works appeared at Zuerich, 1545, in 4
   vols. Usteri and Voegelin: M. H. Zwingli's Schriften im Auszuge,
   Zuerich, 1819 and '20, 2 vols. (A systematic exhibition of Zwingli's
   teaching in modern German.) Another translation of select works into
   modern German by R. Christoffel, Zuer., 1843, 9 small vols.

   Comp. also Paul Schweizer (Staatsarchivar in Zuerich, son of Dr.
   Alexander Schweizer): Zwingli-Autographen im Staats-Archiv zu Zuerich.
   1885. (23 pages; separately publ. from the "Theol. Zeitschrift aus der
   Schweiz.")

   Joannis Oecolampadii et Huldrichi Zwinglii Epistolarum libri IV. Basil.
   1536.

   Herminjard (A. L.): Correspondance des Reformateurs. Geneve, 1866 sqq.
   Letters of Zwingli in vol. I. Nos. 82 and 146 (and eight letters to
   him, Nos. 17, 19, 32, etc.), and in vol. II. No. 191 (and nine letters
   to him).

   Briefwechsel des Beatus Rhenanus. Gesammelt u. herausgeg. von Dr.
   Adelbert Horawitz und Dr. Karl Hartfelder. Leipzig, 1886. Contains also
   the correspondence between Rhenanus and Zwingli. See Index, p. 700.

   II. Biographies of Zwingli, including Short Sketches:

   Oswald Myconius: De Vita et Obitu Zw., 1536. Republ. in Vitae quatuor
   Reformatortum, with Preface by Neander, 1840. Nuescheler, Zuerich,
   1776. J. Caspar Hess: Vie d'Ulrich Zwingle, Geneva, 1810; German ed.
   more than doubled by a literary appendix of 372 pages, by Leonh.
   Usteri, Zuerich, 1811, 2 vols. (Engl. transl. from the French by Aiken,
   Lond., 1812). Rotermund, Bremen, 1818. J. M. Schuler: H. Zw. Gesch.
   seiner Bildung zum Reformator seines Vaterlandes. Zuer., 1818, 2d ed.
   1819. Horner, Zuer., 1818. L. Usteri, in the Appendix to his ed. of
   Zwingli's German works, Zuer., 1819. Several sketches of Zwingli
   appeared in connection with the celebration of the Zuerich Reformation
   in 1819, especially in the festal oration of J. J. Hess: Emendationis
   sacrorum beneficium, Turici, 1819. J. J. Hottinger, Zuer., 1842
   (translation by Th. C. Porter: Life and Times of U. Z., Harrisburg,
   Penn., 1857, 421 pages). Robbins, in "Bibliotheca Sacra," Andover,
   Mass., 1851. L. Mayer, in his "History of the German Ref. Church," vol.
   I., Philadelphia, 1851. Dan. Wise, Boston, 1850 and 1882. Roeder, St.
   Gallen and Bern, 1855. R. Christoffel, Elberfeld, 1857 (Engl. transl.
   by John Cochran, Edinb., 1858)., Salomon Voegelin: Erinnerungen an Zw.
   Zuer., 1865. W. M. Blackburn, Philad., 1868. *J. C. Moerikofer,
   Leipzig, 1867 and '69, 2 vols. The best biography from the sources. Dr.
   Volkmar: Vortrag, Zuer., 1870 (30 pages). G. Finsler: U. Zw., 3
   Vortraege, Zuer., 1873. G. A. Hoff: Vie d'Ulr. Zw., Paris, 1882 (pp.
   305). Jean Grob, Milwaukee, Wis., 1883, 190 pages (Engl. transl., N.
   York, 1884). Ch. Alphonse Witz: Ulrich Zwingli, Vortraege, Gotha, 1884
   (pp. 144). Gueder, in "Herzog's Encycl.," XVIII. 701-706; revised by R.
   Staehelin in second ed., XVII., 584-635. E. Combe: U. Z.; le
   reformateur suisse. Lausanne, 1884 (pp. 40). H. Roerich: U. Z. Notice
   biographique, Geneve, 1884 (pp. 40). J. G. Hardy: U. Zwingli, or Zurich
   and its Reformer. Edinb., 1888.

   III. On Zwingli's Wife:

   Salomon Hess: Anna Reinhard, Gattin und Wittwe von U. Zwingli. Zuerich,
   2d ed. 1820. (Some truth and much fiction.) Gerold Meyer von Knonau:
   Zuege aus dem Leben der Anna Reinhard. Erlangen, 1835. (Reliable.)

   IV. Commemorative Addresses of 1884 at the Fourth Centennial of
   Zwingli's Birth:

   Comp. the list in the Zuericher Taschenbuch auf das Jahr 1885, pp.
   265-268; and Flaigg, in Theol. Zeitschrift aus der Schweiz, 1885, pp.
   219 sqq. Some of the biographies mentioned sub II. are commemorative
   addresses.

   *Alex. Schweizer (d. 1888): Zwingli's Bedeutung neben Luther. Festrede
   in der Universitaetsaula, Jan. 6, 1884, weiter ausgefuehrt. Zur., 1884
   (pp. 89). Also a series of articles of Schweizer in the "Protestant.
   Kirchenzeitung," Berlin, 1883, Nos. 16, 17, 18, 23, 24, 26, 27, in
   defence of Zwingli against the charges of Janssen. Joh. Martin Usteri
   (pastor at Affoltern, then Prof. at Erlangen, d. 1889 Ulrich Zwingli,
   ein Martin Luther ebenbuertiger [?] Zeuge des evang. Glaubens.
   Festschrift mit Vorrede von H. v. der Goltz. Zuerich, 1883 (144 pp.);
   Zwingli und Erasmus, Zuerich, 1885 (39 pp.); Initia Zwinglii, in the
   "Studien und Kritiken" for 1885 (pp. 607-672), 1886 (pp. 673-737), and
   1889 (pp. 140 and 141). Rud. Staehelin: Huldreich Zwingli und sein
   Reformations-werk. Zum vierhundertjahrigen Geburtstag Z.'s dargestellt.
   Halle, 1883 (pages 81). Ernst Staehelin: H. Z.'s Predigt an unser
   Schweizervolk und unsere Zeit. Basel, 1884. Ernst Mueller: Ulrich Zw.
   Ein Bernischer Beitrag zur Zwinglifeier. Bern, 1884. E. Dietz: Vie d'U.
   Z. `a l'occasion du 400DEG anniversaire de sa naissance. Paris and
   Strasbourg, 1884 (pp. 48). Herm. Spoerri: Durch Gottes Gnade allein.
   Zur Feier des 400 jaehr. Geb. tages Zw.'s. Hamburg, 1884. Joh. (T.
   Dreydorff: U. Zw. Festpredigt. Leipzig, 1884. Sal. Voegelin: U. Z.
   Zuer., 1884. G. Finsler (Zwingli's twenty-second successor as Antistes
   in Zuerich): Ulrich Zw. Festschrift zur Feier seines 400 jaehr.
   Geburtstags. Zuer., 3d ed. 1884 (transl. into Romansch by Darms, Coire,
   1884). Finsler and Meyer von Knonau: Festvortraege bei der Feier des
   400 jaehr. Geburtstags U. Z. Zuer., 1884 (pp. 24). Finsler delivered
   also the chief address at the unveiling of Zwingli's monument, Aug. 25,
   1885. Oechsli: Zur Zwingli-Feier. Zuer., 1884. Die Zwinglifeier in
   Bern, Jan. 6, 1884. Several addresses, 80 pages. Alfred Krauss
   (professor in Strassburg): Zwingli. Strassb., 1884 (pp. 19). Aug.
   Bouvier: Foi, Culture et Patriotisme. Deux discours `a l'occasion Du
   quatrieme centenaire de Ulrich Zwingli. Geneve and Paris, 1884. (In
   "Nouvelles Paroles de Fol et de Liberte," and separately.) W. Gamper
   (Reform. minister at Dresden): U. Z. Festpredigt zur 400 jaehr.
   Gedenkfeier seines Geburtstages. Dresden, 1884. G. K. von Toggenburg
   (pseudonymous R. Cath.): Die wahre Union und die Zwinglifeier. St.
   Gallen and Leipzig, 1884 (pp. 190). Zwingliana, in the "Theol.
   Zeitschrift aus der Schweiz." Zuer., 1884, No. II. Kappeler, Grob und
   Egg: Zur Erinnerung. Drei Reden gehalten in Kappel, Jan. 6, 1884.
   Affoltern a. A. 1884 (pp. 27).--In America also several addresses were
   delivered and published in connection with the Zwingli commemoration in
   1883 and '84. Besides, some books of Zwingli's were republished; e.g.
   the Hirt (Shepherd) by Riggenbach (Basel, 1884); the Lehrbuechlein,
   Latin and German, by E. Egli (Zuer., 1884).

   V. On the Theology of Zwingli:

   Edw. Zeller (professor of philosophy in Berlin): Das theologische
   System Zwingli's. Tuebingen, 1853.

   Ch. Sigwart: Ulrich Zwingli. Der Charakter seiner Theologie mit
   besonderer Ruecksicht auf Picus von Mirandola dargestellt. Stuttg. und
   Hamb., 1855.

   Herm. Spoerri (Ref. pastor in Hamburg): Zwingli-Studien. Leipzig, 1886
   (pp. 131). Discussions on Zwingli's doctrine of the Church, the Bible,
   his relation to humanism and Christian art.

   August Baur (D. D., a Wuertemberg pastor in Weilimdorf near Stuttgart):
   Zwingli's Theologie, ihr Werden und ihr System. Halle, vol. I. 1885
   (pp. 543); Vol. II. P. I., 1888 (pp. 400), P. II., 1889. This work does
   for Zwingli what Jul. Koestlin did for Luther and A. Herrlinger for
   Melanchthon.

   Alex. Schweizer, in his Festrede, treats more briefly, but very ably,
   of Zwingli's theological opinions (pp. 60-88).

   VI. Relation of Zwingli to Luther and Calvin:

   Merle D'Aubigne: Le Lutheranisme et la Reforme. Paris, 1844. Engl.
   translation: Luther and Calvin. N. York, 1845.

   Hundeshagen: Charakteristik U. Zwingli's und seines Reformationswerks
   unter Vergleichung mit Luther und Calvin, in the "Studien und
   Kritiken," 1862. Compare also his Beitraege zur
   Kirchenverfassungsgeschichte und Kirchenpolitik, Bd. I. Wiesbaden,
   1864, pp. 136-297. (Important for Zwingli's church polity.)

   G. Plitt (Lutheran): Gesch. der ev. Kirche bis zum Augsburger
   Reichstage. Erlangen, 1867, pp. 417-488.

   A. F. C. Vilmar (Luth.): Luther, Melanchthon, Zwingli. Frankf. -a. -M.,
   1869.

   G. Uhlhorn (Luth.): Luther and the Swiss, translated by G. F. Krotel,
   Philadelphia, 1876.

   Zwingli Wirth (Reformed): Luther und Zwingli. St. Gallen, 1884 (pp.
   37).

   VII. Special Points in Zwingli's History and Theology:

   Kradolfer: Zwingli in Marburg. Berlin, 1870.

   Emil Egli: Die Schlacht von Cappel 1531. Mit 2 Plaenen und einem Anhang
   ungedruckter Quellen. Zuer., 1873 (pp. 88). By the same: Das
   Religionsgespraech zu Marburg. Zuer., 1884. In the "Theol. Zeitschrift
   aus der Schweiz."

   Martin Lenz: Zwingli und Landgraf Philipp, in Brieger's "Zeitschrift
   fuer Kirchengeschichte" for 1879 (Bd. III.).

   H. Bavinck: De ethick van U. Zwingli. Kampen, 1880.

   Jul. Werder: Zwingli als politischer Reformator, in the "Basler
   Beitraege zur vaterlaend. Geschichte," Basel, 1882, pp. 263-290.

   Herm. Escher: Die Glaubensparteien in der Schweiz. Eidgenossenschaft
   und ihre Beziehungen zum Auslande von 1527-'31. Frauenfeld, 1882. (pp.
   326.) Important for Zwingli's Swiss and foreign policy, and his views
   on the relation of Church and State.

   W. Oechsli: Die Anfaenge des Glaubenskonfliktes zwischen Zuerich und
   den Eidgenossen. Winterthur, 1883 (pp. 42).

   Marthaler: Zw.'s Lehre vom Glauben. Zuer., 1884.

   Aug. Baur: Die erste Zuericher Disputation. Halle, 1883 (pp. 32).

   A. Erichson: Zwingli's Tod und dessen Beurtheilung durch Zeitgenossen,
   Strassb., 1883 (pp. 43); U. Zw. und die elsaessischen Reformatoren,
   Strassb., 1884 (pp. 40).

   Flueckiger: Zwingli's Beziehungen zu Bern, in the "Berner Beitraege."
   Bern, 1884.

   J. Mart. Usteri: Initia Zwinglii, and Zw. and Erasmus. See above, p.
   18.

   H. Fenner: Zw. als Patriot und Politiker. Frauenfeld, 1884 (pp. 38).

   G. Heer: U. Zw. als Pfarrer von Glarus. Zuerich, 1884 (pp. 42).

   Gust. Weber (musical director and organist of the Grossmuenster in
   Zuerich): H. Zwingli. Seine Stellung zur Musik und seine Lieder.
   Zuerich and Leipzig, 1884 (pp. 68).

   A. Zahn: Zwingli's Verdienste um die biblische Abendmahlslehre.
   Stuttgart, 1884.

   G. Wunderli; Zuerich in der Periode 1519-'31. Zuerich, 1888.

   On Zwingli and the Anabaptists, see the literature in S: 24.

   VIII. In part also the biographies of Oecolampadius, Bullinger, Leo
   Judae, Haller, etc.

   The best books on Zwingli are Moerikofer's biography, Usteri on the
   education of Zwingli, Baur on his theology, Escher and Oechsli on his
   state and church polity, and Schweizer and R. Staehelin on his general
   character and position in history.
     __________________________________________________________________

   S: 6. Zwingli's Birth and Education.

   Franz: Zwingli's Geburtsort. Beitrag zur reformator. Jubelfeier 1819.
   (The author was pastor of Wildhaus.) St. Gallen, 1818. Schuler:
   Huldreich Zwingli. Geschichte seiner Bildung zum Reformator des
   Vaterlandes. Zuerich, 1819. (404 pp. Very full, but somewhat too
   partial, and needing correction.)

   Huldreich or Ulrich Zwingli [16] was born January 1, 1484, seven weeks
   after Luther, in a lowly shepherd's cottage at Wildhaus in the county
   of Toggenburg, now belonging to the Canton St. Gall.

   He was descended from the leading family in this retired village. His
   father, like his grandfather, was the chief magistrate (Ammann); his
   mother, the sister of a priest (John Meili, afterwards abbot of
   Fischingen, in Thurgau, 1510-1523); his uncle, on the father's side,
   dean of the chapter at Wesen on the wild lake of Wallenstadt. He had
   seven brothers (he being the third son) and two sisters.

   The village of Wildhaus is the highest in the valley, surrounded by
   Alpine meadows and the lofty mountain scenery of Northeastern
   Switzerland, in full view of the seven Churfirsten and the snow-capped
   Sentis. The principal industry of the inhabitants was raising flocks.
   They are described as a cheerful, fresh and energetic people; and these
   traits we find in Zwingli. [17] The Reformation was introduced there in
   1523. Not very far distant are the places where Zwingli spent his
   public life,--Glarus, Einsiedeln, and Zurich.

   Zwingli was educated in the Catholic religion by his God-fearing
   parents, and by his uncle, the dean of Wesen, who favored the new
   humanistic learning. He grew up a healthy, vigorous boy. He had at a
   very early age a tender sense of veracity as "the mother of all
   virtues," and, like young Washington, he would never tell a lie.

   When ten years of age he was sent from Wesen to a Latin school at
   Basle, and soon excelled in the three chief branches taught
   there,--Latin grammar, music and dialectics.

   In 1498 he entered a college at Berne under the charge of Heinrich
   Woelflin (Lupulus), who was reputed to be the best classical scholar
   and Latin poet in Switzerland, and followed the reform movement in
   1522. [18]

   From 1500 to 1502 he studied in the University of Vienna, which had
   become a centre of classical learning by the labors of distinguished
   humanists, Corvinus, Celtes, and Cuspinian, under the patronage of the
   Emperor Maximilian I. [19] He studied scholastic philosophy, astronomy,
   and physics, but chiefly the ancient classics. He became an enthusiast
   for the humanities. He also cultivated his talent for music. He played
   on several instruments--the lute, harp, violin, flute, dulcimer, and
   hunting-horn--with considerable skill. His papal opponents sneeringly
   called him afterwards "the evangelical lute-player, piper, and
   whistler." He regarded this innocent amusement as a means to refresh
   the mind and to soften the temper. In his poetical and musical taste he
   resembles Luther, without reaching his eminence.

   In 1502 he returned to Basle, taught Latin in the school of St. Martin,
   pursued his classical studies, and acquired the degree of master of
   arts in 1506; hence he was usually called Master Ulrich. He never
   became a doctor of divinity, like Luther. In Basle he made the
   acquaintance of Leo Jud (Judae, also called Master Leu), who was
   graduated with him and became his chief co-laborer in Zurich. Both
   attended with much benefit the lectures of Thomas Wyttenbach, professor
   of theology since 1505. Zwingli calls him his beloved and faithful
   teacher, who opened his eyes to several abuses of the Church,
   especially the indulgences, and taught him "not to rely on the keys of
   the Church, but to seek the remission of sins alone in the death of
   Christ, and to open access to it by the key of faith." [20]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [16] The name is often misspelled Zwingel (by Luther), or Zwingle (by
   English and American writers).

   [17] Moerikofer (I. 4): "Zwingli erinnert in seinem Wesen immer wieder
   an seine helle Heimath; wir haben stets den in frischer Bergluft
   gestaerkten und gestaehlten Alpensohn vor uns."

   [18] Lupulus was deposed from his canonry for marrying in 1524, but
   reinstated after the introduction of the Reformation. "Dass Lupulus
   eine uneheliche Tochter hatte (before his marriage), wurde ihm leicht
   verziehen." Moerikofer, I. 7. He lamented Zwingli's early death in a
   Latin epitaph in verse.

   [19] There in no evidence that he became acquainted in Vienna with Eck
   and Faber, the famous champions of popery, nor with his friends
   Glareanus and Vadianus. See Horawitz, Der Humanismus in Wien, 1883.

   [20] Werke, I. A. 254; Opera, III. 544. Leo Judae, in the preface to
   Zwingli's Annotations to the N. T., reports that Zwingli and he derived
   from Wyttenbach's lectures in 1505 "quidquid nobis fuit solidae
   eruditionis."
     __________________________________________________________________

   S: 7. Zwingli in Glarus.

   G. Heer: Ulrich Zwingli als Pfarrer in Glarus. Zuerich, 1884.

   Zwingli was ordained to the priesthood by the bishop of Constance, and
   appointed pastor of Glarus, the capital of the canton of the same name.
   [21] He had to pay over one hundred guilders to buy off a rival
   candidate (Goeldli of Zurich) who was favored by the Pope, and
   compensated by a papal pension. He preached his first sermon in
   Rapperschwyl, and read his first mass at Wildhaus. He labored at Glarus
   ten years, from 1506 to 1516. His time was occupied by preaching,
   teaching, pastoral duties, and systematic study. He began to learn the
   Greek language "without a teacher," [22] that he might study the New
   Testament in the original. [23] He acquired considerable facility in
   Greek. The Hebrew language he studied at a later period in Zurich, but
   with less zeal and success. He read with great enthusiasm the ancient
   Greek and Roman philosophers, poets, orators, and historians. He speaks
   in terms of admiration of Homer, Pindar, Demosthenes, Cicero, Livy,
   Caesar, Seneca, Pliny, Tacitus, Plutarch. He committed Valerius Maximus
   to memory for the historical examples. He wrote comments on Lucian. He
   perceived, like Justin Martyr, the Alexandrian Fathers, and Erasmus, in
   the lofty ideas of the heathen philosophers and poets, the working of
   the Holy Spirit, which he thought extended beyond Palestine throughout
   the world. He also studied the writings of Picus della Mirandola (d.
   1494), which influenced his views on providence and predestination.

   During his residence in Glarus he was brought into correspondence with
   Erasmus through his friend Loreti of Glarus, called Glareanus, a
   learned humanist and poet-laureate, who at that time resided in Basle,
   and belonged to the court of admirers of the famous scholar. He paid
   him also a visit in the spring of 1515, and found him a man in the
   prime of life, small and delicate, but amiable and very polite. He
   addressed him as "the greatest philosopher and theologian;" he praises
   his "boundless learning," and says that he read his books every night
   before going to sleep. Erasmus returned the compliments with more
   moderation, and speaks of Zwingli's previous letter as being "full of
   wit and learned acumen." In 1522 Zwingli invited him to settle in
   Zurich; but Erasmus declined it, preferring to be a cosmopolite. We
   have only one letter of Zwingli to Erasmus, but six of Erasmus to
   Zwingli. [24] The influence of the great scholar on Zwingli was
   emancipating and illuminating. Zwingli, although not exactly his pupil,
   was no doubt confirmed by him in his high estimate of the heathen
   classics, his opposition to ecclesiastical abuses, his devotion to the
   study of the Scriptures, and may have derived from him his moderate
   view of hereditary sin and guilt, and the first suggestion of the
   figurative interpretation of the words of institution of the Lord's
   Supper. [25] But he dissented from the semi-Pelagianism of Erasmus, and
   was a firm believer in predestination. During the progress of the
   Reformation they were gradually alienated, although they did not get
   into a personal controversy. In a letter of Sept. 3, 1522, Erasmus
   gently warns Zwingli to fight not only bravely, but also prudently, and
   Christ would give him the victory. [26] He did not regret his early
   death. Glareanus also turned from him, and remained in the old Church.
   But Zwingli never lost respect for Erasmus, and treated even Hutten
   with generous kindness after Erasmus had cast him off. [27]

   On his visit to Basle he became acquainted with his biographer, Oswald
   Myconius, the successor of Oecolampadius (not to be confounded with
   Frederick Myconius, Luther's friend).

   Zwingli took a lively interest in public affairs. Three times he
   accompanied, according to Swiss custom, the recruits of his
   congregation as chaplain to Italy, in the service of Popes Julius II.
   and Leo X., against France. He witnessed the storming of Pavia (1512),
   [28] probably also the victory at Novara (1513), and the defeat at
   Marignano (1515). He was filled with admiration for the bravery of his
   countrymen, but with indignation and grief at the demoralizing effect
   of the foreign military service. He openly attacked this custom, and
   made himself many enemies among the French party.

   His first book, "The Labyrinth," is a German poem against the
   corruptions of the times, written about 1510. [29] It represents the
   fight of Theseus with the Minotaur and the wild beasts in the labyrinth
   of the world,--the one-eyed lion (Spain), the crowned eagle (the
   emperor), the winged lion (Venice), the cock (France), the ox
   (Switzerland), the bear (Savoy). The Minotaur, half man, half bull,
   represents, he says, "the sins, the vices, the irreligion, the foreign
   service of the Swiss, which devour the sons of the nation." His Second
   poetic work of that time, "The Fable of the Ox," [30] is likewise a
   figurative attack upon the military service by which Switzerland became
   a slave of foreign powers, especially of France.

   He superintended the education of two of his brothers and several of
   the noblest young men of Glarus, as Aegidius Tschudi (the famous
   historian), Valentine Tschudi, Heer, Nesen, Elmer, Brunner, who were
   devotedly, and gratefully attached to him, and sought his advice and
   comfort, as their letters show.

   Zwingli became one of the most prominent and influential public men in
   Switzerland before he left Glarus; but he was then a humanist and a
   patriot rather than a theologian and a religious teacher. He was
   zealous for intellectual culture and political reform, but shows no
   special interest in the spiritual welfare of the Church. He did not
   pass through a severe struggle and violent crisis, like Luther, but by
   diligent seeking and searching he attained to the knowledge of the
   truth. His conversion was a gradual intellectual process, rather than a
   sudden breach with the world; but, after he once had chosen the
   Scriptures for his guide, he easily shook off the traditions of Rome,
   which never had a very strong hold upon him. That process began at
   Glarus, and was completed at Zurich.

   His moral character at Glarus and at Einsiedeln was, unfortunately, not
   free from blemish. He lacked the grace of continence and fell with
   apparent ease into a sin which was so common among priests, and so
   easily overlooked if only proper caution was observed, according to the
   wretched maxim, "Si non caste, saltem caute." The fact rests on his own
   honest confession, and was known to his friends, but did not injure his
   standing and influence; for he was in high repute as a priest, and even
   enjoyed a papal pension. He resolved to reform in Glarus, but relapsed
   in Einsiedeln under the influence of bad examples, to his deep
   humiliation. After his marriage in Zurich, his life was pure and
   honorable and above the reproach of his enemies.

   NOTES ON ZWINGLI'S MORAL CHARACTER.

   Recent discussions have given undue prominence to the blot which rests
   on Zwingli's earlier life, while yet a priest in the Roman Church.
   Janssen, the ultramontane historian, has not one word of praise for
   Zwingli, and violates truth and charity by charging him with habitual,
   promiscuous, and continuous licentiousness, not reflecting that he
   thereby casts upon the Roman Church the reproach of inexcusable laxity
   in discipline. Zwingli was no doubt guilty of occasional
   transgressions, but probably less guilty than the majority of Swiss
   priests who lived in open or secret concubinage at that time (see S: 2,
   p. 6); yea, he stood so high in public estimation at Einsiedeln and
   Zurich, that Pope Hadrian VI., through his Swiss agent, offered him
   every honor except the papal chair. But we will not excuse him, nor
   compare his case (as some have done) with that of St. Augustin; for
   Augustin, when he lived in concubinage, was not a priest and not even
   baptized, and he confessed his sin before the whole world with deeper
   repentance than Zwingli, who rather made light of it. The facts are
   these: --

   1) Bullinger remarks (Reformationsgesch. I. 8) that Zwingli was
   suspected in Glarus of improper connection with several women ("weil er
   wegen einiger Weiber verargwohnt war"). Bullinger was his friend and
   successor, and would not slander him; but he judged mildly of a vice
   which was so general among priests on account of celibacy. He himself
   was the son of a priest, as was also Leo Judae.

   2) Zwingli, in a confidential letter to Canon Utinger at Zurich, dated
   Einsiedeln, Dec. 3, 1518 (Opera, VII. 54-57), contradicts the rumor
   that he had seduced the daughter of an influential citizen in
   Einsiedeln, but admits his unchastity. This letter is a very strange
   apology, and, as he says himself, a blateratio rather than a
   satisfactio. He protests, on the one hand (what Janssen omits to
   state), that he never dishonored a married woman or a virgin or a nun
   ("ea ratio nobis perpetuo fuit, nec alienum thorum conscendere, nec
   virginem vitiare, nec Deo dicatam profanare"); but, on the other hand,
   he speaks lightly, we may say frivolously, of his intercourse with the
   impure daughter of a barber who was already, dishonored, and apologizes
   for similar offences committed in Glarus. This is the worst feature in
   the letter, and casts a dark shade on his character at that time. He
   also refers (p. 57) to the saying of Aeneas Sylvius (Pope Pius II.):
   "Non est qui vigesimum annum excessit, nec virginem tetigerit." His own
   superiors set him a bad example. Nevertheless he expresses regret, and
   applies to himself the word, 2 Pet. 2:22, and says, "Christus per nos
   blasphematur."

   3) Zwingli, with ten other priests, petitioned the bishop of Constance
   in Latin (Einsiedeln, July 2, 1522), and the Swiss Diet in German
   (Zurich, July 13, 1522), to permit the free preaching of the gospel and
   the marriage of the clergy. He enforces the petition by an incidental
   confession of the scandalous life of the clergy, including himself
   (Werke, I. 39): "Euer ehrsam Wysheit hat bisher gesehen das unehrbar
   schandlich Leben, welches wir leider bisher gefuehrt haben (wir wollen
   allein von uns selbst geredet haben) mit Frauen, damit wir maenniglich
   uebel veraergert und verboesert haben." But this document with eleven
   signatures (Zwingli's is the last) is a general confession of clerical
   immorality in the past, and does not justify Janssen's inference that
   Zwingli continued such life at that time. Janssen (Ein zweites Wort an
   meine Kritiker, p. 47), moreover, mistakes in this petition the Swiss
   word ruew (Ruhe, rest) for ruewen (Reue, repentance), and makes the
   petitioners say that they felt "no repentance," instead of "no rest."
   The document, on the contrary, shows a decided advance of moral
   sentiment as compared with the lame apology in the letter to Utinger,
   and deeply deplores the state of clerical immorality. It is rather
   creditable to the petitioners than otherwise; certainly very honest.

   4) In a letter to his five brothers, Sept. 17, 1522, to whom he
   dedicated a sermon on "the ever pure Virgin Mary, mother of God,"
   Zwingli confesses that he was subject to Hoffahrt, Fressen,
   Unlauterkeit, and other sins of the flesh (Werke, I. 86). This is his
   latest confession; but if we read it in connection with the whole
   letter, it makes the impression that he must have undergone a favorable
   change about that time, and concluded a regular, though secret,
   connection with his wife. As to temperance, Bullinger (I. 305) gives
   him the testimony that he was "very temperate in eating and drinking."

   5) Zwingli was openly married in April, 1524, to Anna Reinhart, a
   respectable widow, and mother of several children, after having lived
   with her about two years before in secret marriage. But this fact,
   which Janssen construes into a charge of "unchaste intercourse," was
   known to his intimate friends; for Myconius, in a letter of July 22,
   1522, sends greetings to Zwingli and his wife ("Vale cum uxore quam
   felicissime et tuis omnibus," Opera, VII. 210; and again: "Vale cum
   uxore in Christo," p. 253). The same is implied in a letter of Bucer,
   April 14, 1524 (p. 335; comp. the note of the editors). "The cases,"
   says Moerikofer (I. 211), "were very frequent at that time, even with
   persons of high position, that secret marriages were not ratified by a
   religious ceremony till weeks and months afterwards." Before the
   Council of Trent secret marriages were legitimate and valid. (Can. et
   Decr. Conc. Trid., Sess. XXIV., Decr. de reform. matrimonii.)

   Zwingli's character was unmercifully attacked by Janssen in his
   Geschichte des deutschen Volkes, III. 83 sq.; An meine Kritiker (1883),
   127-140; Ein zweites Wort an meine Kritiker (1888), 45-48; defended as
   far as truth permits by Ebrard, Janssen und die Reformation (1882);
   Usteri, Ulrich Zwingli (1883), 34-47; Alex. Schweizer, articles in the
   "Protest. Kirchenzeitung," Berlin, 1883, Nos. 23-27. Janssen answered
   Ebrard, but not Usteri and Schweizer. The main facts were correctly
   stated before this controversy by Moerikofer, I. 49-53 and 128), and
   briefly also by Hagenbach, and Merle (bk. VIII. ch. 6).
     __________________________________________________________________

   [21] The church in which he preached is jointly occupied by the Roman
   Catholics and the Protestants, the community being divided. The old
   church burnt down in 1861, but a new and better one was built on the
   same spot.

   [22] "Absque duce," says Myconius, in a letter to Zwingli, Oct. 28,
   1518. Opera, VII. 51, 52.

   [23] Zwingli wrote to Joachim Watt from Glarus, Feb. 23, 1513 (Opera,
   VII. 9): "Ita enim Graecis studere destinavi ut qui me praeter Deum
   amoveat, nesciam, on gloriae (quam nullis in rebus quaerere honeste
   possem), sed sacratissimarum terarum ergo."

   [24] Opera, vol. VII., pp. 10, 12, 221, 222, 251, 307, 310.

   [25] Melanchthon wrote, Oct. 12, 1529: "Cinglius mihi confessus est, se
   ex Erasmi scriptis primum hausisse opinionem suam de coena Domini."
   Corp. Reform. IV. 970.

   [26] "Tu pugna, mi Zwingli, non modo fortiter, verum etiam prudenter.
   Dabit Christus, ut pugnes feliciter." Opera, VII. 221.

   [27] See vol. VI. 202, 427. On Zwingli's relation to Erasmus, see
   Moerikofer, I. 23 sqq., 176 sqq., and the monograph of Usteri quoted
   above, p. 19.

   [28] He gave a lively Latin narrative of the battle of the Swiss
   against the French in Pavia to his friend Vadiantus.

   [29] Opera (Deutsche Schriften), Tom. II. B. pp. 243-247.

   [30] Fabelgedicht vom Ochsen und etlichen Thieren, Op., II. B. 257-269.
   The ox is again the symbol of Switzerland. See the comments of the
   editors, pp. 262 sqq.
     __________________________________________________________________

   S: 8. Zwingli in Einsiedeln.

   In 1516 Zwingli left Glarus on account of the intrigues of the French
   political party, which came into power after the victory of the French
   at Marignano (1515), and accepted a call to Einsiedeln, but kept his
   charge and expected to return; for the congregation was much attached
   to him, and promised to build him a new parsonage. He supplied the
   charge by a vicar, and drew his salary for two years, until he was
   called to Zurich, when he resigned.

   Einsiedeln [31] is a village with a Benedictine convent in the Catholic
   canton Schwyz. It was then, and is to this day, a very famous resort of
   pilgrims to the shrine of a wonder-working black image of the Virgin
   Mary, which is supposed to have fallen from heaven. The number of
   annual pilgrims from Switzerland, Germany, France, and Italy exceeds a
   hundred thousand.

   Here, then, was a large field of usefulness for a preacher. The convent
   library afforded special facilities for study.

   Zwingli made considerable progress in his knowledge of the Scriptures
   and the Fathers. He read the annotations of Erasmus and the
   commentaries of Origen, Ambrose, Jerome, and Chrysostom. He made
   extracts on the margin of his copies of their works which are preserved
   in the libraries at Zurich. He seems to have esteemed Origen, Jerome,
   and Chrysostom more, and Augustin less, than Luther did; but he also
   refers frequently to Augustin in his writings. [32]

   We have an interesting proof of his devotion to the Greek Testament in
   a MS. preserved in the city library at Zurich. In 1517 he copied with
   his own hand very neatly the Epistles of Paul and the Hebrews in a
   little book for constant and convenient use. The text is taken from the
   first edition of Erasmus, which appeared in March, 1516, and corrects
   some typographical errors. It is very legible and uniform, and betrays
   an experienced hand; the marginal notes, in Latin, from Erasmus and
   patristic commentators, are very small and almost illegible. On the
   last page he added the following note in Greek: --

   "These Epistles were written at Einsiedeln of the blessed Mother of God
   by Huldreich Zwingli, a Swiss of Toggenburg, in the year one thousand
   five hundred and seventeen of the Incarnation, in the month of June.
   [33] Happily ended." [34]

   At the same time he began at Einsiedeln to attack from the pulpit
   certain abuses and the sale of indulgences, when Samson crossed the
   Alps in August, 1518. He says that he began to preach the gospel before
   Luther's name was known in Switzerland, adding, however, that at that
   time he depended too much on Jerome and other Fathers instead of the
   Scriptures. He told Cardinal Schinner in 1517 that popery had poor
   foundation in the Scriptures. Myconius, Bullinger, and Capito report,
   in substantial agreement, that Zwingli preached in Einsiedeln against
   abuses, and taught the people to worship Christ, and not the Virgin
   Mary. The inscription on the entrance gate of the convent, promising
   complete remission of sins, was taken down at his instance. [35] Beatus
   Rhenanus, in a letter of Dec. 6, 1518, applauds his attack upon Samson,
   the restorer of indulgences, and says that Zwingli preached to the
   people the purest philosophy of Christ from the fountain. [36]

   On the strength of these testimonies, many historians date the Swiss
   Reformation from 1516, one year before that of Luther, which began Oct.
   31, 1517. But Zwingli's preaching at Einsiedeln had no such
   consequences as Luther's Theses. He was not yet ripe for his task, nor
   placed on the proper field of action. He was at that time simply an
   Erasmian or advanced liberal in the Roman Church, laboring for higher
   education rather than religious renovation, and had no idea of a
   separation. He enjoyed the full confidence of the abbot, the bishop of
   Constance, Cardinal Schinner, and even the Pope. At Schinner's
   recommendation, he was offered an annual pension of fifty guilders from
   Rome as an encouragement in the pursuit of his studies, and he actually
   received it for about five years (from 1515 to 1520). Pucci, the papal
   nuncio at Zurich, in a letter dated Aug. 24, 1518, appointed him papal
   chaplain (Accolitus Capellanus), with all the privileges and honors of
   that position, assigning as the reason "his splendid virtues and
   merits," and promising even higher dignities. [37] He also offered to
   double his pension, and to give him in addition a canonry in Basle or
   Coire, on condition that he should promote the papal cause. Zwingli
   very properly declined the chaplaincy and the increase of salary, and
   declared frankly that he would never sacrifice a syllable of the truth
   for love of money; but he continued to receive the former pension of
   fifty guilders, which was urged upon him without condition, for the
   purchase of books. In 1520 he declined it altogether,--what he ought to
   have done long before. [38] Francis Zink, the papal chaplain at
   Einsiedeln, who paid the pension, was present at Zwingli's interview
   with Pucci, and says, in a letter to the magistracy at Zurich (1521),
   that Zwingli could not well have lived without the pension, but felt
   very badly about it, and thought of returning to Einsiedeln. [39] Even
   as late as Jan. 23, 1523, Pope Adrian VI., unacquainted with the true
   state of things, wrote to Zwingli a kind and respectful letter, hoping
   to secure through him the influence of Zurich for the holy see. [40]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [31] Maria-Einsiedeln, Deiparae Virginia Eremus, Eremitarum Coenobium
   in Helvetiis, Notre-Dame-des-Eremites.

   [32] Usteri has examined the marginal annotations in Zwingli's
   patristic library, and gives the scanty results in his Initia Zwinglii,
   in "Studien und Kritiken," 1886, p. 681 sq. The Zwingli library was on
   exhibition at Zurich, Jan. 4-13, 1884, and a catalogue printed.

   [33] Skirophorion,i.e. the 12th Attic month, answering to the latter
   part of June and the first part of July. Skirophoria was the festival
   of Athena Skiras, celebrated in that month. The year (1517) refutes the
   error of several biographers, who date the MS. back to the period of
   Glarus. Besides, there was no printed copy of the Greek Testament
   before 1516.

   [34]  The subscription (as I copied it, with its slight errors, in the
   Wasserkirche, Aug. 14, 1886) reads as follows:-- Tautai hai Epistolai
   [ai] grapheisai Eremou tes makarias theo- tokou, para to Hulde- rucho
   Zunglio Dog- gio helbetio, chilio- sto pentakosiosto hepta kai dekato
   apo tes theogo- nias , menos skirrhophori- onos Eutichos [eutuchos]

   [35] The inscription was, "Hic est plena remissio omnium peccatorum a
   culpa et a poena." But the sermon against the worship of saints,
   pilgrimages and vows, of which Bullinger speaks (I. 81), was preached
   later, in 1522, at the Feast of Angels, during a visit of Zwingli to
   Einsiedeln. See Pestalozzi, Leo Judae, ,p. 16, and Gieseler, III. i. p.
   138.

   [36] Opera, VII. A. 57: "Risimus abunde veniarum institorem [Bernh.
   Samson], quem in litteris tuis graphice depinxisti... ." Then he
   complains that most of the priests teach heathen and Jewish doctrines,
   but that Zwingli and his like "purissimam Christi philosophiam ex ipsis
   fontibus populo proponere, non Scoticis et Gabrielicis
   interpretationibus depravatam; sed ab Augustino, Ambrosio, Cypriano,
   Hieronymo, germane et sincere expositam." Rhenanus contrasts the
   Fathers with the Scholastics, Duns Scotus, and Gabriel Biel.

   [37] See the letter of Anthonius Puccius to Zwingli in Opera, VII. A.
   48 sq. The document of the appointment, with the signature and seal of
   the papal legate, dated Sept. 1, 1518, is kept in the city library at
   Zurich.

   [38] Zwingli speaks of this pension very frankly and with deep regret
   in a letter to his brothers (1522), and in his Exposition of the
   Conclusions (1523). Werke, I. A. 86 and 354.

   [39] Opera, VII. A. 179: "Ipse arbiter interfui, quum Domino Legato
   Pucci ingenue fassus est, ipsum pecuniae causa rebus Papae agendis non
   inserviturum," etc.

   [40] Opera, VII. A. 266. The Pope addresses Zwingli "Dilecte fili,"
   praises his "egregia virtus," assures him of his special confidence in
   him and his best wishes for him. At the same time the Pope wrote to
   Francis Zink to spare no effort to secure Zwingli for the papal
   interest; and Zink replied to Myconius, when asked what the Pope
   offered in return, "Omnia usque ad thronum papalem." Zwingli despised
   it all. Ibid. p. 266, note.
     __________________________________________________________________

   S: 9. Zwingli and Luther.

   Comp. Vol. VI. 620-651, and the portrait of Luther, p. 107.

   The training of Zwingli for his life-work differs considerably from
   that of Luther. This difference affected their future work, and
   accounts in part for their collision when they met as antagonists in
   writing, and on one occasion (at Marburg) face to face, in a debate on
   the real presence. Comparisons are odious when partisan or sectarian
   feeling is involved, but necessary and useful if impartial.

   Both Reformers were of humble origin, but with this difference: Luther
   descended from the peasantry, and had a hard and rough schooling, which
   left its impress upon his style of polemics, and enhanced his power
   over the common people; while Zwingli was the son of a magistrate, the
   nephew of a dean and an abbot, and educated under the influence of the
   humanists, who favored urbanity of manners. Both were brought up by
   pious parents and teachers in the Catholic faith; but Luther was far
   more deeply rooted in it than Zwingli, and adhered to some of its
   doctrines, especially on the sacraments, with great tenacity to the
   end. He also retained a goodly portion of Romish exclusivism and
   intolerance. He refused to acknowledge Zwingli as a brother, and
   abhorred his view of the salvation of unbaptized children and pious
   heathen.

   Zwingli was trained in the school of Erasmus, and passed from the
   heathen classics directly to the New Testament. He represents more than
   any other Reformer, except Melanchthon, the spirit of the Renaissance
   in harmony with the Reformation. [41]   He was a forerunner of modern
   liberal theology. Luther struggled through the mystic school of Tauler
   and Staupitz, and the severe moral discipline of monasticism, till he
   found peace and comfort in the doctrine of justification by faith. Both
   loved poetry and music next to theology, but Luther made better use of
   them for public worship, and composed hymns and tunes which are sung to
   this day.

   Both were men of providence, and became, innocently, reformers of the
   Church by the irresistible logic of events. Both drew their strength
   and authority from the Word of God. Both labored independently for the
   same cause of evangelical truth, the one on a smaller, the other on a
   much larger field. Luther owed nothing to Zwingli, and Zwingli owed
   little or nothing to Luther. Both were good scholars, great divines,
   popular preachers, heroic characters.

   Zwingli broke easily and rapidly with the papal system, but Luther only
   step by step, and after a severe struggle of conscience. Zwingli was
   more radical than Luther, but always within the limits of law and
   order, and without a taint of fanaticism; Luther was more conservative,
   and yet the chief champion of freedom in Christ. Zwingli leaned to
   rationalism, Luther to mysticism; yet both bowed to the supreme
   authority of the Scriptures. Zwingli had better manners and more
   self-control in controversy; Luther surpassed him in richness and
   congeniality of nature. Zwingli was a republican, and aimed at a
   political and social, as well as an ecclesiastical reformation; Luther
   was a monarchist, kept aloof from politics and war, and concentrated
   his force upon the reformation of faith and doctrine. Zwingli was equal
   to Luther in clearness and acuteness of intellect and courage of
   conviction, superior in courtesy, moderation, and tolerance, but
   inferior in originality, depth, and force. Zwingli's work and fame were
   provincial; Luther's, worldwide. Luther is the creator of the modern
   high-German book language, and gave to his people a vernacular Bible of
   enduring vitality. Zwingli had to use the Latin, or to struggle with an
   uncouth dialect; and the Swiss Version of the Bible by his faithful
   friend Leo Judae remained confined to German Switzerland, but is more
   accurate, and kept pace in subsequent revisions with the progress of
   exegesis. Zwingli can never inspire, even among his own countrymen, the
   same enthusiasm as Luther among the Germans. Luther is the chief hero
   of the Reformation, standing in the front of the battle-field before
   the Church and the world, defying the papal bull and imperial ban, and
   leading the people of God out of the Babylonian captivity under the
   gospel banner of freedom.

   Each was the right man in the right place; neither could have done the
   work of the other. Luther was foreordained for Germany, Zwingli for
   Switzerland. Zwingli was cut down in the prime of life, fifteen years
   before Luther; but, even if he had outlived him, he could not have
   reached the eminence which belongs to Luther alone. The Lutheran Church
   in Germany and the Reformed Church of Switzerland stand to this day the
   best vindication of their distinct, yet equally evangelical Christian
   work and character.

   NOTES.

   I add the comparative estimates of the two Reformers by two eminent and
   equally unbiassed scholars, the one of German Lutheran, the other of
   Swiss Reformed, descent.

   Dr. Baur (the founder of the Tuebingen school of critical historians)
   says: [42] When the two men met, as at Marburg, Zwingli appears more
   free, more unprejudiced, more fresh, and also more mild and
   conciliatory; while Luther shows himself harsh and intolerant, and
   repels Zwingli with the proud word: 'We have another spirit than you.'
   [43] A comparison of their controversial writings can only result to
   the advantage of Zwingli. But there can be no doubt that, judged by the
   merits and effects of their reformatory labors, Luther stands much
   higher than Zwingli. It is true, even in this respect, both stand quite
   independent of each other. Zwingli has by no means received his impulse
   from Luther; but Luther alone stands on the proper field of battle
   where the cause of the Reformation had to be fought out. He is the
   path-breaking Reformer, and without his labors Zwingli could never have
   reached the historic significance which properly belongs to him
   alongside of Luther." [44]

   Dr. Alexander Schweizer (of Zurich), in his commemorative oration of
   1884, does equal justice to both: "Luther and Zwingli founded, each
   according to his individuality, the Reformation in the degenerated
   Church, both strengthening and supplementing each other, but in many
   respects also going different ways. How shall we estimate them,
   elevating the one, lowering the other, as is the case with Goethe and
   Schiller? Let us rather rejoice, according to Goethe's advice, in the
   possession of two such men. May those Lutherans who wish to check the
   growing union with the Reformed, continue to represent Luther as the
   only Reformer, and, in ignorance of Zwingli's deep evangelical piety,
   depreciate him as a mere humanistic illuminator: this shall not hinder
   us from doing homage at the outset to Luther's full greatness,
   contented with the independent position of our Zwingli alongside of
   this first hero of the Reformation; yea, we deem it our noblest task in
   this Zwingli festival at Zurich, which took cheerful part in the
   preceding Luther festival, to acknowledge Luther as the chief hero of
   the battle of the Reformation, and to put his world-historical and
   personal greatness in the front rank; and this all the more since
   Zwingli himself, and afterwards Calvin, have preceded us in this high
   estimate of Luther." [45]

   Phillips Brooks (Bishop of Massachusetts, the greatest preacher of the
   Protestant Episcopal Church in the United States, d. 1893):, Of all the
   Reformers, in this respect [tolerance], Zwingli, who so often in the
   days of darkness is the man of light, is the noblest and clearest. At
   the conference in Marburg he contrasts most favorably with Luther in
   his willingness to be reconciled for the good of the common cause, and
   he was one of the very few who in those days believed that the good and
   earnest heathen could be saved." (Lectures on Tolerance, New York,
   1887, p. 34.)

   Of secular historians, J. Michelet (Histoire de France, X. 310 sq.)
   shows a just appreciation of Zwingli, and his last noble confession
   addressed to the King of France. He says of him: "Grand docteur,
   meilleur patriote, nature forte et simple, il a montre le type meme, le
   vrai genie de la Suisse, dans sa fiere independance de l'Italie, de
   l'Allemagne. ... Son langage `a Franc,ois 1er, digne de la Renaissance,
   etablissait la question de l'Eglise dans sa grandeur." He then quotes
   the passage of the final salvation of all true and noble men, which no
   man with a heart can ever forget.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [41] Martin, in his Histoire de France, VIII. 156, makes a similar
   remark, "On peut considerer l'oeuvre de Zwingli comme le plus puissant
   effort qui ait etefuit pour sanctifier la Renaissance et l'unir `ala
   Reforme en Jesus-Christ." He calls Zwingli (p. 168) the man of the
   largest thought and greatest heart of the Reformation ("qui porte en
   lui la plus large pensee et le plus grand coeur de la Reformation").

   [42] Kirchengeschichte, IV. ST sq.

   [43] Martin, another impartial and dogmatically unbiased writer,
   likewise gives, with reference to the Marburg conference, "the honors
   of the debate, for logic and for moderation and brotherly charity," to
   Zwingli. Hist. de France, VIII. 114, note. So does Dean Stanley

   [44] "Neben Luther." This is the proper expression, which also
   Schweizer has chosen. Usteri places Zwingli too high when he calls him
   "ein Martin Luther ebenbuertiger Zeuge des evangelischen Glaubens." He
   is independent, but not equal.

   [45] Zwingli's Bedeutung neben Luther. Festrede zu Zwingli's 400
   jaehrigem Geburtstag 1 Jan., 1484, gehalten in der Universitaetsaula zu
   Zuerich 7 Jan., 1884 (Zuerich, 1884), p. 3.
     __________________________________________________________________
     __________________________________________________________________

   CHAPTER III.

   THE REFORMATION IN ZURICH. 1519-1526.
     __________________________________________________________________

   S: 10. Zwingli called to Zurich.

   The fame of Zwingli as a preacher and patriot secured him a call to the
   position of chief pastor of the Great Minster (Grossmuenster), the
   principal church in Zurich, which was to become the Wittenberg of
   Switzerland. Many of the Zurichers had heard him preach on their
   pilgrimages to Einsiedeln. His enemies objected to his love of music
   and pleasure, and charged him with impurity, adding slander to truth.
   His friend Myconius, the teacher of the school connected with the
   church, exerted all his influence in his favor. He was elected by
   seventeen votes out of twenty-four, Dec. 10, 1518.

   He arrived in Zurich on the 27th of the month, and received a hearty
   welcome. He promised to fulfil his duties faithfully, and to begin with
   the continuous exposition of the Gospel of Matthew, so as to bring the
   whole life of Christ before the mind of the people. This was a
   departure from the custom of following the prescribed Gospel and
   Epistle lessons, but justified by the example of the ancient Fathers,
   as Chrysostom and Augustin, who preached on whole books. The Reformed
   Churches reasserted the freedom of selecting texts; while Luther
   retained the Catholic system of pericopes.

   Zurich, the most flourishing city in German Switzerland, beautifully
   situated in an amphitheatre of fertile hills, on the lake of the same
   name and the banks of the Limmat, dates its existence from the middle
   of the ninth century when King Louis the German founded there the abbey
   of Frauemuenster (853). The spot was known in old Roman times as a
   custom station (Turicum). It became a free imperial city of
   considerable commerce between Germany and Italy, and was often visited
   by kings and emperors.

   The Great Minster was built in the twelfth century, and passed into the
   Reformed communion, like the minsters of Basle, Berne, and Lausanne,
   which are the finest churches in Switzerland.

   In the year 1315 Zurich joined the Swiss confederacy by an eternal
   covenant with Lucerne, Uri, Schwyz, and Unterwalden. This led to a
   conflict with Austria, which ended favorably for the confederacy. [46]

   In the beginning of the sixteenth century Zurich numbered seven
   thousand inhabitants. It was the centre of the international relations
   of Switzerland, and the residence of the embassadors (sic) of foreign
   powers which rivalled with each other in securing the support of Swiss
   soldiers. This fact brought wealth and luxury, and fostered party
   spirit and the lust of gain and power among the citizens. Bullinger
   says, "Before the preaching of the gospel [the Reformation], Zurich was
   in Switzerland what Corinth was in Greece." [47]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [46] On the early history of Zurich, see Bluntschli, Geschichte der
   Republik Zuerich, 2d ed. 1856; G. v. Wyss, Zuerich am Ausgange des
   13ten Jahrh., 1876; Dierauer, Geschichte der Schweiz.
   Eidgenossenschaft, vol. I. (1887), 171-217.

   [47] Moerikofer (I. 430 sqq.) gives a disgusting example of the
   rudeness and licentiousness of the Zurichers of that time.
     __________________________________________________________________

   S: 11. Zwingli's Public Labors and Private Studies.

   Zwingli began his duties in Zurich on his thirty-sixth birthday (Jan.
   1, 1519) by a sermon on the genealogy of Christ, and announced that on
   the next day (which was a Sunday) he would begin a series of expository
   discourses on the first Gospel. From Matthew he proceeded to the Acts,
   the Pauline and Catholic Epistles; so that in four years he completed
   the homiletical exposition of the whole New Testament except the
   Apocalypse (which he did not regard as an apostolic book). In the
   services during the week he preached on the Psalms. He prepared himself
   carefully from the original text. He probably used for his first course
   Chrysostom's famous Homilies on Matthew. With the Greek he was already
   familiar since his sojourn in Glarus. The Hebrew he learned from a
   pupil of Reuchlin who had come to Zurich. His copy of Reuchlin's
   Rudimenta Hebraica is marked with many notes from his hand. [48]

   His sermons, as far as published, are characterized, as Hagenbach says,
   "by spiritual sobriety and manly solidity." They are plain, practical,
   and impressive, and more ethical than doctrinal.

   He made it his chief object "to preach Christ from the fountain," and
   "to insert the pure Christ into the hearts." [49] He would preach
   nothing but what he could prove from the Scriptures, as the only rule
   of Christian faith and practice. This is a reformatory idea; for the
   aim of the Reformation was to reopen the fountain of the New Testament
   to the whole people, and to renew the life of the Church by the power
   of the primitive gospel. By his method of preaching on entire books he
   could give his congregation a more complete idea of the life of Christ
   and the way of salvation than by confining himself to detached
   sections. He did not at first attack the Roman Church, but only the
   sins of the human heart; he refuted errors by the statement of truth.
   [50] His sermons gained him great popularity in Zurich. The people
   said, "Such preaching was never heard before." Two prominent citizens,
   who were disgusted with the insipid legendary discourses of priests and
   monks, declared after hearing his first sermon, "This is a genuine
   preacher of the truth, a Moses who will deliver the people from
   bondage." They became his constant hearers and devoted friends.

   Zwingli was also a devoted pastor, cheerful, kind, hospitable and
   benevolent. He took great interest in young men, and helped them to an
   education. He was, as Bullinger says, a fine-looking man, of more than
   middle size, with a florid complexion, and an agreeable, melodious
   voice, which, though not strong, went to the heart. We have no portrait
   from his lifetime; he had no Lucas Kranach near him, like Luther; all
   his pictures are copies of the large oil painting of Hans Asper in the
   city library at Zurich, which was made after his death, and is rather
   hard and wooden. [51]

   Zwingli continued his studies in Zurich and enlarged his library, with
   the help of his friends Glareanus and Beatus Rhenanus, who sent him
   books from Basle, the Swiss headquarters of literature. He did not
   neglect his favorite classics, and read, as Bullinger says, Aristotle,
   Plato, Thucydides, Homer, Horace, Sallust, and Seneca. But his chief
   attention was now given to the Scriptures and the patristic
   commentaries.

   In the meantime Luther's reform was shaking the whole Church, and
   strengthened and deepened his evangelical convictions in a general way,
   although he had formed them independently. Some of Luther's books were
   reprinted in Basle in 1519, and sent to Zwingli by Rhenanus. Lutheran
   ideas were in the air, and found attentive ears in Switzerland. He
   could not escape their influence. The eucharistic controversy produced
   an alienation; but he never lost his great respect for Luther and his
   extraordinary services to the Church. [52]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [48] He wrote to Myconius in 1522: "Statui proximis diebus in manus
   resumere literas Hebraicas; nam futuro Decembri ... Psalmos praelegam."
   Opera, VII. 145.

   [49] Christum ex fontibus praedicare, purum Christum animis inserere.
   Comp. his letter to Myconius (1520), Opera, VII. 142 sqq.

   [50] He did not elaborate his discourses on Matthew for publication,
   but we have fragmentary reports from the year 1525. See the extracts in
   Moerikofer I. 57-63.

   [51] See Asper's portrait on p. 16, and the description of the Zwingli
   pictures in Moerikofer, I. 345, and in the pamphlet,
   Zwingli-Ausstellung, Zurich, January, 1884.

   [52] In Zwingli's library are few works of Luther, and they have no
   annotations. (Usteri, l.c., p. 716.) His noble tribute to Luther is
   quoted in this History, vol. VI. 668.
     __________________________________________________________________

   S: 12. Zwingli and the Sale of Indulgences.

   Bernhardin Samson, a Franciscan monk of Milan, crossed the St. Gotthard
   to Switzerland in August, 1518, as apostolic general commissioner for
   the sale of indulgences. He is the Tetzel of Switzerland, and equalled
   him in the audacious profanation of holy things by turning the
   forgiveness of sins and the release from purgatorial punishment into
   merchandise. He gave the preference to the rich who were willing to buy
   letters of indulgence on parchment for a crown. To the poor he sold the
   same article on common paper for a few coppers. In Berne he absolved
   the souls of all the departed Bernese of the pains of purgatory. In
   Bremgarten he excommunicated Dean Bullinger (the father of Henry) for
   opposing his traffic. But in Zurich he was stopped in his career.

   Zwingli had long before been convinced of the error of indulgences by
   Wyttenbach when he studied in Basle. He had warned the people against
   Samson at Einsiedeln. He exerted his influence against him in Zurich;
   and the magistracy, and even the bishop of Constance (who preferred to
   sell indulgences himself) supported the opposition. Samson was obliged
   to return to Italy with his "heavy, three-horse wagon of gold." Rome
   had learned a lesson of wisdom from Luther's Theses, and behaved in the
   case of Samson with more prudence and deference to the sentiment of the
   enlightened class of Catholics. Leo X., in a brief of April, 1519,
   expressed his willingness to recall and to punish him if he had
   transgressed his authority. [53]

   The opposition to the sale of indulgences is the opening chapter in the
   history of the German Reformation, but a mere episode in the Swiss
   Reformation. That battle had been fought out victoriously by Luther.
   Zwingli came in no conflict with Rome on this question, and was even
   approved for his conduct by Dr. Faber, the general vicar of the diocese
   of Constance, who was then his friend, but became afterwards his enemy.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [53] Moerikofer, I. 65 sqq.
     __________________________________________________________________

   S: 13. Zwingli during the Pestilence.

   In the summer of 1519 Zwingli went to the famous bath of Pfaeffers at
   Ragatz to gather strength for his prospectively onerous duties at
   Zurich, in view of the danger of the approach of the plague from Basle.
   As soon as he learned, in August, that the plague had broken out in
   Zurich, he hastened back without stopping to visit his relations on the
   way. For several weeks he devoted himself, like a faithful shepherd,
   day after day, to the care of the sick, until he fell sick himself at
   the end of September. His life was in great danger, as he had worn
   himself out. The papal legate sent his own physician to his aid. The
   pestilence destroyed twenty-five hundred lives; that is, more than
   one-third of the population of Zurich. Zwingli recovered, but felt the
   effects on his brain and memory, and a lassitude in all limbs till the
   end of the year. His friends at home and abroad, including Faber,
   Pirkheimer, and Duerer at Nuernberg, congratulated him on his recovery.

   The experience during this season of public distress and private
   affliction must have exerted a good influence upon his spiritual life.
   [54] We may gather this from the three poems, which he composed and set
   to music soon afterwards, on his sickness and recovery. They consist
   each of twenty-six rhymed iambic verses, and betray great skill in
   versification. They breathe a spirit of pious resignation to the will
   of God, and give us an insight into his religious life at that time.
   [55] He wrote another poem in 1529, and versified the Sixty-ninth
   Psalm. [56]

   Zwingli's Poems during the Pestilence, with a Free Condensed
   Translation.


   I. Im Anfang der Krankheit.


   Hilf, Herr Gott, hilf

   In dieser Noth;

   Ich mein', der Tod

   Syg [57] an der Thuer.

   Stand, Christe, fuer;

   Denn du ihn ueberwunden hast!

   Zu dir ich gilf: [58]

   Ist es din Will,

   Zuch us den Pfyl, [59]

   Din Haf [60] bin ich,

   Mach ganz ald [61] brich.

   Dann nimmst du hin

   Den Geiste min


   Der mich verwundt,

   Nit lass ein Stund

   Mich haben weder Ruew [62] noch Rast!

   Willt du dann glych [63]

   Todt haben mich

   Inmitts der Tagen min,

   So soll es willig syn.

   Thu, wie Du willt,

   Mich nuet befilt. [64]

   Von dieser Erd,

   Thust du's, dass er nit boeser werd,

   Ald andern nit

   Befleck ihr Leben fromm und Sitt.


   II. Mitten in der Krankheit.


   Troest, Herr Gott, troest!

   Die Krankheit wachst, [65]

   Weh und Angst fasst

   Min Seel und Lyb. [66]

   Darum dich schybr [67]

   Gen mir, einiger Trost, mit Gnad!

   Die gwuess erloest

   Bin jeden, der Sin herzlich B'ger

   Und Hoffnung setzt

   In dich, verschaetzt.

   Darzu diss Zyt all Nutz und Schad.

   Nun ist es um;


   Min Zung ist stumm,

   Mag sprechen nit ein Wort;

   Min Sinn' sind all verdorrt,

   Darum ist Zyt, [68] Dass Du min Stryt [69]

   Fuehrist fuerhin;

   So ich nit bin

   So stark, dass ich

   Moeg tapferlich

   Thun Widerstand

   Des Tuefels Facht [70] und frefner Hand.

   Doch wird min Gmueth

   Staet bliben dir, wie er auch wueth.


   III. Zur Genesung.


   G'sund, Herr Gott, g'sund!

   Ich mein', ich kehr

   Schon wiedrum her.

   Ja, wenn dich dunkt,

   Der Suenden Funk'

   Werd nit mehr bherrschen mich uf Erd,

   So muss min Mund

   Din Lob und Lehr

   Ussprechen mehr

   Denn vormals je,

   Wie es auch geh'

   Einfaeltiglich ohn' alle G'faehrd.

   Wiewohl ich muss


   Des Todes buss

   Erliden zwar einmal

   Villicht mit groess'rer Qual,

   Denn jezund waer'

   Geschehen, Herr!

   So ich sunst bin

   Nach [71] gfahren hin,

   So will ich doch

   Den Trutz und Poch [72]

   In dieser Welt

   Tragen froehlich um Widergelt, [73]

   Mit Huelfe din,

   Ohn' den nuet [74] mag vollkommen syn.


   I. In the Beginning of his Sickness.


   Help me, O Lord,

   My strength and rock;

   Lo, at the door

   I hear death's knock.


   Uplift thine arm,

   Once pierced for me,

   That conquered death,

   And set me free.

   Yet, if thy voice,

   In life's mid-day

   Recalls my soul,

   Then I obey.

   In faith and hope,

   Earth I resign,

   Secure of heaven,

   For I am Thine.


   II. In the Midst of his Sickness.


   My pains increase;

   Haste to console;

   For fear and woe

   Seize body and soul.


   Lo! Satan strains

   To snatch his prey;

   I feel his grasp;

   Must I give way?


   Death is at hand,

   My senses fail,

   My tongue is dumb;

   Now, Christ, prevail.


   He harms me not,

   I fear no loss,

   For here lie

   Beneath Thy cross.


   III. On Recovering from his Sickness.


   My God! my Lord!

   Healed by Thy hand,

   Upon the earth

   Once more I stand.


   Though now delayed,

   My hour will come,

   Involved, perchance,

   In deeper gloom.


   Let sin no more

   Rule over me;

   My mouth shall sing

   Alone of Thee.


   But, let it come;

   With joy I'll rise,

   And bear my yoke

   Straight to the skies.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [54] Merle d'Aubigne overrates the influence of this sickness by dating
   from it Zwingli's conversion and entire consecration to God. There was
   no sudden change in his life, as in Paul or Luther: he developed
   gradually.

   [55] The original is given in Werke, II. 269-274, with a good modern
   reproduction by Fulda; also by Moerikofer, I. 72-74; and Hagenbach, 218
   (5th ed. by Nippold). Abridged translations in the English editions of
   Merle d'Aubigne's History of the Reformation, Bk. VIII. ch. 8 ("Lo! at
   my door gaunt death I spy," etc.), and in Miss Moore's translation of
   Hagenbach's History of the Reformation (Edinb., 1878, vol. I. 274). The
   structure of the poems is very artificial and difficult to reproduce.

   [56] These poems passed into the oldest Zurich hymn and tune books of
   1560 and 1570, and are printed together by Wackernagel, Das Deutsche
   Kirchenlied, vol. III. 500-503.

   [57] Sei.

   [58] flehe, schreie.

   [59] Pfeil.

   [60] Ruh.

   [61] doch.

   [62] fehlt.

   [63] Gefaess..

   [64] oder.

   [65] waechst.

   [66] Leib.

   [67] wende.

   [68] Zeit.

   [69] Streit.

   [70] Anfechtung..

   [71] beinahe.

   [72] Ungestuem.

   [73] Vergeltung.

   [74] nichts.
     __________________________________________________________________

   S: 14. The Open Breach. Controversy about Fasts. 1522.

   Zwingli was permitted to labor in Zurich for two years without serious
   opposition, although he had not a few enemies, both religious and
   political. The magistracy of Zurich took at first a neutral position,
   and ordered the priests of the city and country to preach the
   Scriptures, and to be silent about human inventions (1520). This is the
   first instance of an episcopal interference of the civil authority in
   matters of religion. It afterwards became a settled custom in
   Protestant Switzerland with the full consent of Zwingli. He was
   appointed canon of the Grossmuenster, April 29, 1521, with an
   additional salary of seventy guilders, after he had given up the papal
   pension. With this moderate income he was contented for the rest of his
   life.

   During Lent, 1522, Zwingli preached a sermon in which he showed that
   the prohibition of meat in Lent had no foundation in Scripture. Several
   of his friends, including his publisher, Froschauer, made practical use
   of their liberty.

   This brought on an open rupture. The bishop of Constance sent a strong
   deputation to Zurich, and urged the observance of the customary fasts.
   The magistracy prohibited the violation, and threatened to punish the
   offenders (April 9, 1522). [75] Zwingli defended himself in a tract on
   the free use of meats (April 16). [76] It is his first printed book. He
   essentially takes the position of Paul, that, in things indifferent,
   Christians have liberty to use or to abstain, and that the Church
   authorities have no right to forbid this liberty. He appeals to such
   passages as 1 Cor. 8:8; 10:25; Col. 2:16; 1 Tim. 4:1; Rom. 14:1-3;
   15:1, 2.

   The bishop of Constance issued a mandate to the civil authorities (May
   24), exhorting them to protect the ordinances of the Holy Church. [77]
   He admonished the canons, without naming Zwingli, to prevent the spread
   of heretical doctrines. He also sought and obtained the aid of the
   Swiss Diet, then sitting at Lucerne.

   Zwingli was in a dangerous position. He was repeatedly threatened with
   assassination. But he kept his courage, and felt sure of ultimate
   victory. He replied in the Archeteles ("the Beginning and the End"),
   hoping that this first answer would be the last. [78] He protested that
   he had done no wrong, but endeavored to lead men to God and to his Son
   Jesus Christ in plain language, such as the common people could
   understand. He warned the hierarchy of the approaching collapse of the
   Romish ceremonies, and advised them to follow the example of Julius
   Caesar, who folded his garments around him that he might fall with
   dignity. The significance of this book consists in the strong statement
   of the authority of the Scriptures against the authority of the Church.
   Erasmus was much displeased with it.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [75] Egli, Actensammlung, p. 77 (No. 237). Moerikofer (I. 97) gives a
   wrong date (March 19, 1521); but Egli's printer made an error in
   correcting him by quoting vol. II. instead of I.

   [76] Von Erkiesen und Fryheit der Spysen (De delectu et libero ciborum
   usu). Werke, I. B. 1-30 a Latin version by Gwalter in Opera Lat. I.
   324-339.

   [77] Egli, p. 85; Strickler, I. 428. I give it here as a fair specimen
   of the semi-barbarous German of Swiss documents of that period."Dass
   unser vaetterlicher getruewer rat und fruentlich ernstlich pitt ist, ir
   woellen die aergenuss und widerwaertigkeit by uech selbs, den uewern
   und andern fuerkommen und uech obgemeldten der hailigen kirchen
   ordnungen und guoten gewonhaiten in cristenlicher geainter gehorsami
   verglychen, die vollziechen und solichs by den uewern zuo gesche(h)en,
   sovil an uech, verschaffen. Das halten wir dem Evangelio, der leer
   Pauli und dem hailigen unserm cristenlichen glouben glychmaessig. Ir
   tuond ouch daran uech und den uewern wolfart, von uns gnaedigklich und
   fruentlich zuo erkennen und zuo verdienen."

   [78] Opera, III. 26-76.
     __________________________________________________________________

   S: 15. Petition for the Abolition of Clerical Celibacy. Zwingli's
   Marriage.

   In July of the same year (1522), Zwingli, with ten other priests, sent
   a Latin petition to the bishop, and a German petition to the Swiss
   Diet, to permit the free preaching of the gospel and the marriage of
   the clergy as the only remedy against the evils of enforced celibacy.
   He quotes the Scriptures for the divine institution and right of
   marriage, and begs the confederates to permit what God himself has
   sanctioned. He sent both petitions to Myconius in Lucerne for
   signatures. Some priests approved, but were afraid to sign; others said
   the petition was useless, and could only be granted by the pope or a
   council. [79]

   The petition was not granted. Several priests openly disobeyed. One
   married even a nun of the convent of Oetenbach (1523); Reubli of
   Wyticon married, April 28, 1523; Leo Judae, Sept. 19, 1523.

   Zwingli himself entered into the marriage relation in 1522, [80] but
   from prudential reasons he did not make it public till April 5, 1524
   (more than a year before Luther's marriage, which took place June 13,
   1525). Such cases of secret marriage were not unfrequent; but it would
   have been better for his fame if, as a minister and reformer, he had
   exercised self-restraint till public opinion was ripe for the change.

   His wife, Anna Reinhart, [81] was the widow of Hans Meyer von Knonau,
   [82] the mother of three children, and lived near Zwingli. She was two
   years older than he. His enemies spread the report that he married for
   beauty and wealth; but she possessed only four hundred guilders besides
   her wardrobe and jewelry. She ceased to wear her jewelry after marrying
   the Reformer.

   We have only one letter of Zwingli to his wife, written from Berne,
   Jan. 11, 1528, in which he addresses her as his dearest house-wife.
   [83] From occasional expressions of respect and affection for his wife,
   and from salutations of friends to her, we must infer that his family
   life was happy; but it lacked the poetic charm of Luther's home. She
   was a useful helpmate in his work. [84] She contributed her share
   towards the creation of pastoral family life, with its innumerable
   happy homes. [85]

   In Zwingli's beautiful copy of the Greek Bible (from the press of Aldus
   in Venice, 1518), which is still preserved and called "Zwingli's
   Bible," he entered with his own hand a domestic chronicle, which
   records the names, birthdays, and sponsors of his four children, as
   follows: "Regula Zwingli, born July 13, 1524; [86] Wilhelm Zwingli,
   born January 29, 1526; [87] Huldreich Zwingli, born Jan. 6, 1528; [88]
   Anna Zwingli, born May 4, 1530." [89] His last male descendant was his
   grandson, Ulrich, professor of theology, born 1556, died 1601. The last
   female descendant was his great-granddaughter, Anna Zwingli, who
   presented his MS. copy of the Greek Epistles of Paul to the city
   library of Zurich in 1634.

   Zwingli lived in great simplicity, and left no property. His little
   study (the "Zwingli-Stuebli"), in the official dwelling of the deacon
   of the Great Minster, is carefully preserved in its original condition.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [79] . Werke, I. A. 30-51; III. 16-25.

   [80] See the letters of Myconius from 1522, where he sends salutations
   to Zwingli's wife, quoted in S: 7, p. 28.

   [81] His letter to her bears the inscription, "Der Frauen Anna
   Reinhartin in Zuerich, seiner lieben Hausfrau." Opera, VIII. 134.
   Others spell the name Reinhard.

   [82] A soldier of wild habits, who belonged to one of the oldest and
   richest families of Zurich, and died 1517.

   [83] It is as follows (VIII. 134): "Gnad und Fried von Gott. Liebste
   Hausfrau, ich sage Gott Dank, dass er dir eine froehliche Geburt
   verliehen hat; der wolle uns die nach seinem Willen zu erziehen
   verleihen. Schicke meiner Base ein oder zwei Tuechli [Tuechlein],
   solcher Mass und Weise, als du sie traegst. Sie kommt ziemlich
   [sittsam], doch nicht beginlich [i. e., wie eine Nonne, eine Beghine],
   ist eine Frau von 40 Jahren in alle Weis und Mass, wie sie Meister
   Joergen Frau beschrieben hat. Thut mir und uns Allen ueber die Mass
   guetlich. Bis [Sei] hiemit Gott befohlen. Gruesse mir Gevatter
   Schaffnerin, Ulmann Trinkler, Schulthess Effingerin und wer dir lieb
   sei. Bitt Gott fuer mich und u