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   Title: History of the Christian Church, Volume VIII: Modern
   Christianity. The Swiss Reformation.
   Creator(s): Schaff, Philip (1819-1893)
   Print Basis: Third edition, revised
   CCEL Subjects: All; History;
   LC Call no: BR145.S3
   LC Subjects:

   Christianity

   History
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   This volume constitutes the second part of

   THE HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION

   by Philip Schaff

   It is included as Volume VIII in the 8-volume

   HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH

   Volume VII in this series, on the German

   Reformation, constitutes the first part of

   this 2-volume unit on he The History of the

   Reformation

   HISTORY

   of the

   CHRISTIAN CHURCH [1]

   by

   PHILIP SCHAFF

   professor of church history in the union theological seminary

   new york

   Christianus sum: Christiani nihil a me alienum puto

   VOLUME VIII.

   MODERN CHRISTIANITY

   THE SWISS REFORMATION

   This is a reproduction of the Third Edition, Revised
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   [1] Schaff, Philip, History of the Christian Church, (Oak Harbor, WA:
   Logos Research Systems, Inc.) 1997. This material has been carefully
   compared, corrected, and emended (according to the 1910 edition of
   Charles Scribner's Sons) by The Electronic Bible Society, Dallas, TX,
   1998.
     __________________________________________________________________

   PREFACE.

   This volume concludes the history of the productive period of the
   Reformation, in which Luther, Zwingli, and Calvin were the chief
   actors. It follows the Protestant movement in German, Italian, and
   French Switzerland, to the close of the sixteenth century.

   During the last year, the sixth-centenary of the oldest surviving
   Republic was celebrated with great patriotic enthusiasm. On the first
   day of August, in the year 1291, the freemen of Uri, Schwyz, and
   Unterwalden formed, in the name of the Lord "a perpetual alliance for
   the mutual protection of their persons, property, and liberty, against
   internal and external foes. On the same day, in 1891, the great event
   was commemorated in every village of Switzerland by the ringing of
   bells and the illumination of the mountains, while on the following
   day--a Sunday--thanksgiving services were held in every church,
   Catholic and Protestant. The chief festivities took place, from July 31
   to Aug. 2, in the towns of Schwyz and Brunnen, and were attended by the
   Federal and Cantonal dignitaries, civil and military, and a vast
   assembly of spectators. The most interesting feature was a dramatic
   representation of the leading events in Swiss history--the sacred oaths
   of Schwyz, Brunnen, and Gruetli, the poetic legend of William Tell, the
   heroic battles for liberty and independence against Austria, Burgundy,
   and France, the venerable figure of Nicolas von der Flue appearing as a
   peacemaker in the Diet at Stans, and the chief scenes of the
   Reformation, the Revolution, and the modern reconstruction. The drama,
   enacted in the open field in view of mountains and meadows and the lake
   of Luzern, is said to have equalled in interest and skill of execution
   the famous Passion Play of Oberammergau. Similar celebrations took
   place, not only in every city and village of Switzerland, but also in
   the Swiss colonies in foreign lands, notably in New York, on the 5th,
   6th, and 7th of September. [2]

   Between Switzerland and the United States there has always been a
   natural sympathy and friendship. Both aim to realize the idea of a
   government of freedom without license, and of authority without
   despotism; a government of law and order without a standing army; a
   government of the people, by the people, and for the people, under the
   sole headship of Almighty God.

   At the time of the Reformation, Switzerland numbered as many Cantons
   (13) as our country originally numbered States, and the Swiss Diet was
   then a loose confederation representing only the Cantons and not the
   people, just as was our Continental Congress. But by the revision of
   the Constitution in 1848 and 1874, the Swiss Republic, following the
   example of our Constitution, was consolidated from a loose,
   aristocratic Confederacy of independent Cantons into a centralized
   federal State, [3] with a popular as well as a cantonal representation.
   In one respect the modern Swiss Constitution is even more democratic
   than that of the United States; for, by the Initiative and the
   Referendum, it gives to the people the right of proposing or rejecting
   national legislation.

   But there is a still stronger bond of union between the two countries
   than that which rests on the affinity of political institutions.
   Zwingli and Calvin directed and determined the westward movement of the
   Reformation to France, Holland, England, and Scotland, and exerted,
   indirectly, a moulding influence upon the leading Evangelical Churches
   of America. George Bancroft, the American historian, who himself was
   not a Calvinist, derives the republican institutions of the United
   States from Calvinism through the medium of English Puritanism. A more
   recent writer, Douglas Campbell, of Scotch descent, derives them from
   Holland, which was still more under the influence of the Geneva
   Reformer than England. Calvinism breeds manly, independent, and earnest
   characters who fear God and nothing else, and favors political and
   religious freedom. The earliest and most influential settlers of the
   United States--the Puritans of England, the Presbyterians of Scotland
   and Ireland, the Huguenots of France, the Reformed from Holland and the
   Palatinate,--were Calvinists, and brought with them the Bible and the
   Reformed Confessions of Faith. Calvinism was the ruling theology of New
   England during the whole Colonial Period, and it still rules in great
   measure the theology of the Presbyterian, Congregational, and Baptist
   Churches.

   In the study of the sources I have derived much benefit from the
   libraries of Switzerland, especially the Stadtbibliothek of Zuerich,
   which contains the invaluable Simler collection and every important
   work relating to the Reformation in Switzerland. I take great pleasure
   in expressing my obligation to Dr. G. von Wyss, president, and Dr.
   Escher, librarian, for their courtesy and kindness on repeated visits
   to that library.

   The sources on the Reformation in French Switzerland are now made fully
   accessible by the new critical edition of Calvin's works, by
   Herminjard's collection of the correspondence of the French-speaking
   Reformers (not yet completed), and by the publications of the
   documentary history of Geneva during the period of Calvin's labors,
   including the registers of the Council and of the Consistory.

   I have freely quoted from Calvin's works and letters, which give us the
   best insight into his mind and heart. I have consulted also his chief
   biographers,--French, German, and English: his enthusiastic
   admirers,--Beza, Henry, Staehelin, Bungener, and Merle D'Aubigne; his
   virulent detractors--Bolsec, Galiffe, and Audin; and his impartial
   critics,--Dyer, and Kampschulte. Dr. Henry's work (1844) was the first
   adequate biography of the great Reformer, and is still unsurpassed as a
   rich collection of authentic materials, although not well arranged and
   digested. [4] Dr. Merle D'Aubigne's "History of the Reformation" comes
   down only to 1542. Thomas H. Dyer, LL. D, the author of the "History,
   of Modern Europe," from the fall of Constantinople to 1871, and other
   historical works, has written the first able and readable "Life of
   Calvin" in the English language, which is drawn chiefly from Calvin's
   correspondence, from Ruchat, Henry, and, in the Servetus chapter, from
   Mosheim and Trechsel, and is, on the whole, accurate and fair, but cold
   and unsympathetic. The admirable work of Professor Kampschulte is based
   on a thorough mastery of the sources, but it is unfortunately
   incomplete, and goes only as far as 1542. The materials for a second
   and third volume were placed after his death (December, 1872) into the
   hands of Professor Cornelius of Munich, who, however, has so far only
   written a few sections. His admiration for Calvin's genius and pure
   character (see p. 205) presents an interesting parallel to Doellinger's
   eloquent tribute to Luther (quoted in vol. VI. 741), and is all the
   more valuable as he dissented from Calvin's theology and church polity;
   for he was an Old Catholic and intimate friend of Reusch and
   Doellinger. [5]

   The sole aim of the historian ought to be the truth, the whole truth,
   and nothing but the truth.

   I have dedicated this volume to my countrymen and oldest surviving
   friends in Switzerland, Dr. Georg von Wyss of Zuerich and Dr. Frederic
   Godet of Neuchatel. The one represents German, the other French
   Switzerland. Both are well known; the one for his historical, the other
   for his exegetical works. They have followed the preparation of this
   book with sympathetic interest, and done me the favor of revising the
   proof-sheets. [6]

   I feel much encouraged by the kind reception of my Church History at
   home and abroad. The first three volumes have been freely translated
   into Chinese by the Rev. D. Z. Sheffield (a missionary of the American
   Board), and into Hindostani by the Rev. Robert Stewart (of the
   Presbyterian Mission of Sialkot).

   I have made considerable progress in the fifth volume, which will
   complete the history of the Middle Ages. It was delayed till I could
   make another visit to Rome and Florence, and study more fully the
   Renaissance, which preceded the Reformation. Two or three more volumes
   will be necessary to bring the history down to the present time,
   according to the original plan. But how many works remain unfinished in
   this world! Ars longa, vita brevis.

   June, 1892.
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   [2] The celebration has elicited some valuable contributions to the
   authentic history of Switzerland, which may be added to the literature
   on p. 3. I mention Dr. W. Oechsli: Die Anfaenge der schweizerischen
   Eidgenossenschaft. Zuerich, 1891.--Jos. Ig. von Ah: Die Bundesbriefe
   der alten Eidgenossen von 1201 bis 1513. Einsiedeln, 1891--Pierre
   Vaucher: Les Commencements de la Confederation suisse. Lausanne,
   1891.--Prof. Georg von Wyss: Rede bei der Bundesfeier der
   Eidgenoessischen polytechn. Schule, und der Hochschule Zuerich am 25
   Juli 1891. Zuerich, 1891.--Denkschrift der historischen u.
   antiquarischen Gesellschaft zu Basel. Zur Erinnerung an den Bund der
   Eidgenossen vom 1. Aug. 1291. Basel, 1891.--The second volume of
   Dierauer's Geschichte der Schweizerischen Eidgenossenschaft appeared at
   Gotha, 1892, but goes only to the year 1516, when the history of the
   Reformation began.

   [3] Bundesstaat, as distinct from a Staatenbund.

   [4] The first and second volumes of Dr. Henry's larger biography are
   sometimes quoted from the English translation of Dr. Stebbing; but the
   third volume always from the original, as Dr. Stebbing omits the
   appendices and nearly all the original documents.

   [5] Professor Reusch of Bonn kindly informed me by letter (Sept. 8,
   1891) that Kampschulte first studied for the priesthood and was an
   orthodox and pious Catholic, but opposed the Vatican decree of papal
   infallibility in 1870, and may therefore be considered as having been
   virtually excommunicated. He administered to him the last sacrament
   (which the ultramontane priest was prohibited from doing by the
   Archbishop of Cologne). The first volume of Kampschulte's work was
   fully and favorably reviewed in Reusch's Literatur-blatt for 1869, No.
   662, by Dr. Hefele of Tuebingen, shortly before he became bishop of
   Rottenburg. Hefele, as a member of the Vatican council, was one of the
   most learned opponents of papal infallibility, but afterwards submitted
   for the sake of peace. A biographical notice of Kampschulte by
   Cornelius is to be found in the fifteenth volume of the Allgemeine
   Deutsche Biographie.

   [6] I take the liberty of quoting a few passages from recent letters of
   these Swiss scholars which will interest the reader. Dr. von Wyss
   writes: "Ihr Vaterland in Amerika und die englische Sprache geben dem
   Werke ein Gepraege, welches dasselbe von deutschen aehnlichen Schriften
   eindruecklich unterscheidet--es liegt ein so unmittelbares Auffassen
   und Erfassen der Hauptsache, auf die es ankoemmt, ein so bestimmtes
   Losgehen auf das Leben, das Praktische, darin--dass mich dieser
   charakteristische Zug Ihrer gewaltigen Arbeit ungemein anzieht. Wie
   verschieden sind doch die Anlagen und die Beduerfnisse der Voelker! Wer
   wollte deutsches, franzoesisches, englisches, amerikanisches Blut und
   Wesen (ich nenne sie nach der historischen Reihenfolge)
   zusammenschmelzen koennen! ueberall ein eigenthuemlicher Zug! Jeder
   werthvoll und lieb, wenn er nicht uebertrieben wird! Wer soll die
   Einheit bilden? Darueber sind wir, mein hochverehrter Freund (ich bin
   gluecklich, so sagen zu duerfen), einig. Aber was wird es einst sein,
   wenn wir diese Einigung in ihrer vollen Verwirklichung, ueber dieser
   Erde, erblicken werden!"--"Ich lese die Probebogen allezeit mit dem
   groessten Vergnuegen. Die Klarheit, Bestimmtheit und Genauigkeit Ihrer
   Darstellung (bis in's Einzelnste) und der Geist von dem sie getragen
   ist, gewaehren mir die groesste Befriedigung.... Was Zwingli in seiner
   Expositio Fidei an Koenig Franz I. ueber die Weit jenseits des Grabes
   sagt, ist mir von allen seinen Aeusserungen stets das Liebste, und in
   nichts fuehle ich mich ihm mehr verwandt als gerade darin,--sowie in
   der Liebe, die ihn zu Bullinger zog."--Dr. Godet (Dec. 3, 1891): "Du
   scheinst zu fuerchten, dass die Druckbogen mir eine Last seien. Im
   Gegentheil, sie sind mir eine Freude und Belehrung gewesen. Ich habe
   nie etwas so Befriedigendes ueber den Gegenstand gelesen. Calvin tritt
   hervor mit seinem wahren Gesicht und in seiner hehren Gestalt. Ich
   danke Dir herzlich fuer diese Mittheilung." The same, in a more recent
   letter: ..."Qu'il nous soit donne`atous deux avant de quitter cette vie
   de pouvoir terminer nos travaux commences,--toi, ton Histoire ... moi,
   mon Introduction au Nouveau Testament.... Le premier volume, les
   epitres de Paul, sera, j'espere, termineet imprimeavec la fin de Pannee
   (1892) si ..." The venerable author is now in his eightieth year.
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   POSTSCRIPT.

   The above Preface was ready for the printer, and the book nearly
   finished, when, on the 15th of July last, I was suddenly interrupted by
   a stroke of paralysis at Lake Mohonk (where I spent the summer); but,
   in the good providence of God, my health has been nearly restored. My
   experience is recorded in the 103d Psalm of thanksgiving and praise.

   I regret that I could not elaborate chs. XVII. and XVIII., especially
   the influence of Calvin upon the Reformed Churches of Europe and
   America (S:S: 162 and 163), as fully as I wished. My friend, the Rev.
   Samuel Macauley Jackson, who happened to be with me when I was taken
   sick, aided me in the last chapter, on Beza, for which he was well
   prepared by previous studies. I had at first intended to add a history
   of the French Reformation, but this would make the volume too large and
   delay the publication. I have added, however, in an appendix, a list of
   literature which I prepared some time ago in the Library of the Society
   of the History of French Protestantism at Paris, and brought down to
   date. Most of the books are in my possession.

   I may congratulate myself that, notwithstanding this serious
   interruption, I am enabled to publish the history of the Reformation of
   my native land before the close of the fiftieth anniversary of my
   academic teaching, which I began in December, 1842, in the University
   of Berlin, when my beloved teacher, Neander, was in the prime of his
   usefulness. A year afterwards, I received, at his and Tholuck's
   recommendation, a call to a theological professorship from the Synod of
   the German Reformed Church in the United States, and I have never
   regretted accepting it. For it is a great privilege to labor, however
   humbly, for the kingdom of Christ in America, which celebrates in this
   month, with the whole civilized world, the fourth centennial of its
   discovery.

   Thankful for the past, I look hopefully to the future.

   Philip Schaff.

   Union Theological Seminary

   New York, October 12, 1892.
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   PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION.

   The first edition (of 1500 copies) being exhausted, I have examined the
   volume and corrected a number of typographical errors, mostly in the
   French words of the last chapters. There was no occasion for other
   improvements.

   P. S.

   August 9, 1893.

   ----------------------

   HISTORY

   of

   THE REFORMATION

   SECOND BOOK.

   THE SWISS REFORMATION.
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   CHAPTER I.

   INTRODUCTION.
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   S: 1. Switzerland before the Reformation.

   Switzerland belongs to those countries whose historic significance
   stands in inverse proportion to their size. God often elects small
   things for great purposes. Palestine gave to the world the Christian
   religion. From little Greece proceeded philosophy and art. Switzerland
   is the cradle of the Reformed churches. The land of the snow-capped
   Alps is the source of mighty rivers, and of the Reformed faith, as
   Germany is the home of the Lutheran faith; and the principles of the
   Swiss Reformation, like the waters of the Rhine and the Rhone,
   travelled westward with the course of the sun to France, Holland,
   England, Scotland, and to a new continent, which Zwingli and Calvin
   knew only by name. Compared with intellectual and moral achievements,
   the conquests of the sword dwindle into insignificance. Ideas rule the
   world; ideas are immortal.

   Before the sixteenth century, Switzerland exerted no influence in the
   affairs of Europe except by the bravery of its inhabitants in
   self-defence of their liberty and in foreign wars. But in the sixteenth
   century she stands next to Germany in that great religious renovation
   which has affected all modern history. [7]

   The Republic of Switzerland, which has maintained itself in the midst
   of monarchies down to this day, was founded by "the eternal covenant"
   of the three "forest cantons," Uri, Schwyz, and Unterwalden, August 1,
   1291, and grew from time to time by conquest, purchase, and free
   association. Lucerne (the fourth forest canton) joined the confederacy
   in 1332, Zurich in 1351, Glarus and Zug in 1352, Berne in 1353,
   Freiburg and Solothurn (Soleur) in 1481, Basle and Schaffhausen in
   1501, Appenzell in 1513,--making in all thirteen cantons at the time of
   the Reformation. With them were connected by purchase, or conquest, or
   free consent, as common territories or free bailiwicks, [8] the
   adjoining lands of Aargau, Thurgau, Wallis, Geneva, Graubuendten
   (Grisons, Rhaetia), the princedom of Neuchatel and Valangin, and
   several cities (Biel, Muehlhausen, Rotweil, Locarno, etc.). Since 1798
   the number of cantons has increased to twenty-two, with a population of
   nearly three millions (in 1890). The Republic of the United States
   started with thirteen States, and has grown likewise by purchase or
   conquest and the organization and incorporation of new territories, but
   more rapidly, and on a much larger scale.

   The romantic story of William Tell, so charmingly told by Egidius
   Tschudi, the Swiss Herodotus, [9] and by Johannes von Mueller, the
   Swiss Tacitus, and embellished by the poetic genius of Friedrich
   Schiller, must be abandoned to the realm of popular fiction, like the
   cognate stories of Scandinavian and German mythology, but contains,
   nevertheless, an abiding element of truth as setting forth the spirit
   of those bold mountaineers who loved liberty and independence more than
   their lives, and expelled the foreign invaders from their soil. The
   glory of an individual belongs to the Swiss people. The sacred oath of
   the men of Gruetli on the Lake of Lucerne, at the foot of Seelisberg
   (1306 or 1308?), and the more certain confederation of Dec. 9, 1315, at
   Brunnen, were renewals of the previous covenant of 1291. [10]

   The Swiss successfully vindicated their independence against the
   attacks of the House of Habsburg in the memorable battles of Morgarten
   ("the Marathon of Switzerland" 1315), Sempach (1386), and Naefels
   (1388), against King Louis XI. of France at St. Jacob near Basle (the
   Thermopylae of Switzerland, 1444), and against Duke Charles the Bold of
   Burgundy at Granson, Murten (Morat), and Nancy (1476 and 1477).

   Nature and history made Switzerland a federative republic. This
   republic was originally a loose, aristocratic confederacy of
   independent cantons, ruled by a diet of one house where each canton had
   the same number of deputies and votes, so that a majority of the Diet
   could defeat a majority of the people. This state of things continued
   till 1848, when (after the defeat of the Sonderbund of the Roman
   Catholic cantons) the constitution was remodelled on democratic
   principles, after the American example, and the legislative power
   vested in two houses, one (the Staenderath or Senate) consisting of
   forty-four deputies of the twenty-two sovereign cantons (as in the old
   Diet), the other (the Nationalrath or House of Representatives)
   representing the people in proportion to their number (one to every
   twenty thousand souls); while the executive power was given to a
   council of seven members (the Bundesrath) elected for three years by
   both branches of the legislature. Thus the confederacy of cantons was
   changed into a federal state, with a central government elected by the
   people and acting directly on the people. [11]

   This difference in the constitution of the central authority must be
   kept in mind in order to understand why the Reformation triumphed in
   the most populous cantons, and yet was defeated in the Diet. [12] The
   small forest cantons had each as many votes as the much larger cantons
   of Zurich and Berne, and kept out Protestantism from their borders till
   the year 1848. The loose character of the German Diet and the absence
   of centralization account in like manner for the victory of
   Protestantism in Saxony, Hesse, and other states and imperial cities,
   notwithstanding the hostile resolutions of the majority of the Diet,
   which again and again demanded the execution of the Edict of Worms.

   The Christianization of Switzerland began in the fourth or third
   century under the Roman rule, and proceeded from France and Italy.
   Geneva, on the border of France and Savoy, is the seat of the oldest
   church and bishopric founded by two bishops of Vienne in Southern Gaul.
   The bishopric of Coire, in the south-eastern extremity, appears first
   in the acts of a Synod of Milan, 452. The northern and interior
   sections were Christianized in the seventh century by Irish
   missionaries, Columban and Gallus. The last founded the abbey of St.
   Gall, which became a famous centre of civilization for Alamannia. The
   first, and for a long time the only, university of Switzerland was that
   of Basle (1460), where one of the three reformatory Councils was held
   (1430). During the Middle Ages the whole country, like the rest of
   Europe, was subject to the Roman see, and no religion was tolerated but
   the Roman Catholic. It was divided into six episcopal
   dioceses,--Geneva, Coire, Constance, Basle, Lausanne, and Sion
   (Sitten). The Pope had several legates in Switzerland who acted as
   political and military agents, and treated the little republic like a
   great power. The most influential bishop, Schinner of Sion, who did
   substantial service to the warlike Julius II. and Leo X., attained even
   a cardinal's hat. Zwingli, who knew him well, might have acquired the
   same dignity if he had followed his example.
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   [7] "The affairs of Switzerland," says Hallam (Middle Ages, II. 108,
   Am. ed.), "occupy a very small space in the great chart of European
   history; but in some respects they are more interesting than the
   revolutions of mighty kingdoms. Nowhere besides do we find so many
   titles to our sympathy, or the union of so much virtue with so complete
   success.... Other nations displayed an insuperable resolution in the
   defence of walled towns; but the steadiness of the Swiss in the field
   of battle was without a parallel, unless we recall the memory of
   Lacedaemon."

   [8] They were called gemeine Herrschaften or Vogteien and zugewandte
   Orte.

   [9] Or the father of Swiss historiography, as he is also called. His
   Chronicon Helveticum or Eidgenoessische Chronik (1000-1470) was first
   edited by Professor Iselin, Basle, 1734 and '36, in 2 vols. Aegidius
   Tschudi of Glarus (1505-1572) derived the Tell legend from the Weisse
   Buch of Sarnen, and Etterlin of Lucerne, and adorned it with his fancy,
   and masterly power of narration. He was a pupil of Zwingli, but
   remained in the old church. In a letter to Zwingli, February, 1517, he
   says, "Non cum aliquo docto libentius esse velim, quam tecum." Zw.,
   Opera, VII. 21. The MS. of his Chronik is preserved in the city library
   of Zuerich. It is carefully described, with a facsimile in the
   Neujahrsblatt of the Stadtbibliothek in Zuerich auf das Jahr 1889
   (Zuerich, Orell Fuessli & Co.).

   [10] On the origin of the Swiss Confederation and the Tell and Gruetli
   legends, see the critical researches of Kopp, Urkunden zur Geschichte
   der eidgenoessischen Buende, Luzern, 1835, and Wien, 1851, 2 vols.
   Hisely, Recherches critiques sur Guillaume Tell, Lausanne, 1843. Kopp,
   Zur Tell-Sage, Luzern, 1854 and '56. Karl Hagen, Die Politik der Kaiser
   Rudolf von Habsburg und Albrecht I. und die Entstehung der
   schweizerischen Eidgenossenschaft, Bern, 1857. G. von Wyse, Die Gesch.
   der drei Lander Uri, Schwyz und Unterwalden,1212-1315, Zuerich, 1858;
   Zuerich am Ausgange des dreizehnten Jahrh., Zuerich, 1876. A. Rilliet,
   Les origines de la confederation suisse, histoire et legende, 2d ed.,
   Geneve, 1869. Dierauer, Gesch. der Schweiz. Eidgenossenschaft, Gotha,
   1887, vol. I. 81-151.

   [11] The Staatenbund became a Bundesstaat. The same difference exists
   between the American Confederacy during the Revolutionary War and the
   United States after the war, as also between the old German Bund and
   the new German Empire.

   [12] The numerical strength of Protestantism at the death of Zwingli
   was probably not far from two-thirds of the population. The relation of
   the two confessions has undergone no material change in Switzerland. In
   1888 the Protestants numbered 1,724,257; the Roman Catholics,
   1,190,008; the Jews, 8,386.
     __________________________________________________________________

   S: 2. The Swiss Reformation.

   The Church in Switzerland was corrupt and as much in need of reform as
   in Germany. The inhabitants of the old cantons around the Lake of
   Lucerne were, and are to this day, among the most honest and pious
   Catholics; but the clergy were ignorant, superstitious, and immoral,
   and set a bad example to the laity. The convents were in a state of
   decay, and could not furnish a single champion able to cope with the
   Reformers in learning and moral influence. Celibacy made concubinage a
   common and pardonable offence. The bishop of Constance (Hugo von
   Hohenlandenberg) absolved guilty priests on the payment of a fine of
   four guilders for every child born to them, and is said to have derived
   from this source seventy-five hundred guilders in a single year (1522).
   In a pastoral letter, shortly before the Reformation, he complained of
   the immorality of many priests who openly kept concubines or bad women
   in their houses, who refuse to dismiss them, or bring them back
   secretly, who gamble, sit with laymen in taverns, drink to excess, and
   utter blasphemies. [13]

   The people were corrupted by the foreign military service (called
   Reislaufen), which perpetuated the fame of the Swiss for bravery and
   faithfulness, but at the expense of independence and good morals. [14]
   Kings and popes vied with each other in tempting offers to secure Swiss
   soldiers, who often fought against each other on foreign battle-fields,
   and returned with rich pensions and dissolute habits. Zwingli knew this
   evil from personal experience as chaplain in the Italian campaigns,
   attacked it before he thought of reforming the Church, continued to
   oppose it when called to Zurich, and found his death at the hands of a
   foreign mercenary.

   On the other hand, there were some hopeful signs of progress. The
   reformatory Councils of Constance and Basle were not yet entirely
   forgotten among the educated classes. The revival of letters stimulated
   freedom of thought, and opened the eyes to abuses. The University of
   Basle became a centre of literary activity and illuminating influences.
   There Thomas Wyttenbach of Biel taught theology between 1505 and 1508,
   and attacked indulgences, the mass, and the celibacy of the priesthood.
   He, with seven other priests, married in 1524, and was deposed as
   preacher, but not excommunicated. He combined several high offices, but
   died in great poverty, 1526. Zwingli attended his lectures in 1505, and
   learned much from him. In Basle, Erasmus, the great luminary of liberal
   learning, spent several of the most active years of his life (1514-1516
   and 1521-1529), and published, through the press of his friend
   Frobenius, most of his books, including his editions of the Greek
   Testament. In Basle several works of Luther were reprinted, to be
   scattered through Switzerland. Capito, Hedio, Pellican, and
   Oecolampadius likewise studied, taught, and preached in that city.

   But the Reformation proceeded from Zurich, not from Basle, and was
   guided by Zwingli, who combined the humanistic culture of Erasmus with
   the ability of a popular preacher and the practical energy of an
   ecclesiastical reformer.

   The Swiss Reformation may be divided into three acts and periods, --

   I. The Zwinglian Reformation in the German cantons from 1516 to
   Zwingli's death and the peace of Cappel, 1531.

   II. The Calvinistic Reformation in French Switzerland from 1531 to the
   death of Calvin, 1564.

   III. The labors of Bullinger in Zurich (d. 1575), and Beza in Geneva
   (d. 1605) for the consolidation of the work of their older friends and
   predecessors.

   The Zwinglian movement was nearly simultaneous with the German
   Reformation, and came to an agreement with it at Marburg in fourteen
   out of fifteen articles of faith, the only serious difference being the
   mode of Christ's presence in the eucharist. Although Zwingli died in
   the Prime of life, he already set forth most of the characteristic
   features of the Reformed Churches, at least in rough outline.

   But Calvin is the great theologian, organizer, and discip-linarian of
   the Reformed Church. He brought it nearer the Lutheran Church in the
   doctrine of the Lord's Supper, but he widened the breach in the
   doctrine of predestination.

   Zwingli and Bullinger connect the Swiss Reformation with that of
   Germany, Hungary, and Bohemia; Calvin and Beza, with that of France,
   Holland, England, and Scotland.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [13] Schuler, Huldreich Zwingli, p. 196; Moerikofer, Ulrich Zwingli,
   vol. I. 67. Zwingli was reported to have said, that of a thousand
   priests and monks, scarcely one was chaste. Egli, Actensammlung, p. 62.

   [14] Reislaufen means running to war (from Reis = Kriegszug, war). The
   heroic devotion of Swiss soldiers in defence of foreign masters is
   immortalized by the Thorwaldsen statue of the wounded lion in Luzern.
     __________________________________________________________________

   S: 3. The Genius of the Swiss Reformation compared with the German.

   On the difference between the Lutheran and the Reformed Confessions see
   Goebel, Hundeshagen, Schnekenburger, Schweizer, etc., quoted in Schaff,
   Creeds of Christendom, vol. I. 211.

   Protestantism gives larger scope to individual and national freedom and
   variety of development than Romanism, which demands uniformity in
   doctrine, discipline, and worship. It has no visible centre or
   headship, and consists of a number of separate and independent
   organizations under the invisible headship of Christ. It is one flock,
   but in many folds. Variety in unity and unity in variety are the law of
   God in nature and history. Protestantism so far has fully developed
   variety, but not yet realized unity.

   The two original branches of evangelical Christendom are the Lutheran
   and the Reformed Confessions. They are as much alike and as much
   distinct as the Greek and the Roman branches of Catholicism, which rest
   on the national bases of philosophical Greece and political Rome. They
   are equally evangelical, and admit of an organic union, which has
   actually been effected in Prussia and other parts of Germany since the
   third anniversary of the Reformation in 1817. Their differences are
   theological rather than religious; they affect the intellectual
   conception, but not the heart and soul of piety. The only serious
   doctrinal difference which divided Luther and Zwingli at Marburg was
   the mode of the real presence in the eucharist; as the double
   procession of the Holy Spirit was for centuries the only doctrinal
   difference between the Greek and Roman Churches. But other differences
   of government, discipline, worship, and practice developed themselves
   in the course of time, and overshadowed the theological lines of
   separation.

   The Lutheran family embraces the churches which bear the name of Luther
   and accept the Augsburg Confession; the Reformed family (using the term
   Reformed in its historic and general sense) comprehends the churches
   which trace their origin directly or indirectly to the labors of
   Zwingli and Calvin. [15] In England the second or Puritan Reformation
   gave birth to a number of. new denominations, which, after the
   Toleration Act of 1689, were organized into distinct Churches. In the
   eighteenth century arose the Wesleyan revival movement, which grew into
   one of the largest and most active churches in the English-speaking
   world.

   Thus the Reformation of the sixteenth century is the mother or
   grandmother of at least half a dozen families of evangelical
   denominations, not counting the sub-divisions. Lutheranism has its
   strength in Germany and Scandinavia; the Reformed Church, in Great
   Britain and North America.

   The Reformed Confession has developed different types. Travelling
   westward with the course of Christianity and civilization, it became
   more powerful in Holland, England, and Scotland than in Switzerland;
   but the chief characteristics which distinguish it from the Lutheran
   Confession were already developed by Zwingli and Calvin.

   The Swiss and the German Reformers agreed in opposition to Romanism,
   but the Swiss departed further from it. The former were zealous for the
   sovereign glory of God, and, in strict interpretation of the first and
   second commandments, abolished the heathen elements of creature
   worship; while Luther, in the interest of free grace and the peace of
   conscience, aimed his strongest blows at the Jewish element of monkish
   legalism and self-righteousness. The Swiss theology proceeds from God's
   grace to man's needs; the Lutheran, from man's needs to God's grace.

   Both agree in the three fundamental principles of Protestantism: the
   absolute supremacy of the Divine Scriptures as a rule of faith and
   practice; justification by free grace through faith; the general
   priesthood of the laity. But as regards the first principle, the
   Reformed Church is more radical in carrying it out against human
   traditions, abolishing all those which have no root in the Bible; while
   Luther retained those which are not contrary to the Bible. As regards
   justification by faith, Luther made it the article of the standing or
   falling Church; while Zwingli and Calvin subordinated it to the
   ulterior truth of eternal foreordination by free grace, and laid
   greater stress on good works and strict discipline. Both opposed the
   idea of a special priesthood and hierarchical rule; but the Swiss
   Reformers gave larger scope to the popular lay element, and set in
   motion the principle of congregational and synodical self-government
   and self-support.

   Both brought the new Church into Close contact with the State; but the
   Swiss Reformers controlled the State in the spirit of republican
   independence, which ultimately led to a separation of the secular and
   spiritual powers, or to a free Church in a free State (as in the free
   churches of French Switzerland, and in all the churches of the United
   States); while Luther and Melanchthon, with their native reverence for
   monarchical institutions and the German Empire, taught passive
   obedience in politics, and brought the Church under bondage to the
   civil authority.

   All the evangelical divines and rulers of the sixteenth and seventeenth
   centuries were inconsistently intolerant in theory and practice; but
   the Reformation, which was a revolt against papal tyranny and a mighty
   act of emancipation, led ultimately to the triumph of religious freedom
   as its legitimate fruit.

   The Reformed Church does not bear the name of any man, and is not
   controlled by a towering personality, but assumed different types under
   the moulding influence of Zwingli and Bullinger in Zurich, of
   Oecolampadius in Basle, of Haller in Berne, of Calvin and Beza in
   Geneva, of Ursinus and Olevianus in the Palatinate, of Cranmer,
   Latimer, and Ridley in England, of Knox in Scotland. The Lutheran
   Church, as the very name indicates, has the stamp of Luther indelibly
   impressed upon it; although the milder and more liberal Melanchthonian
   tendency has in it a legitimate place of honor and power, and manifests
   itself in all progressive and unionistic movements as those of
   Calixtus, of Spener, and of the moderate Lutheran schools of our age.

   Calvinism has made a stronger impression on the Latin and Anglo-Saxon
   races than on the German; while Lutheranism is essentially German, and
   undergoes more or less change in other countries.

   Calvin aimed at a reformation of discipline as well as theology, and
   established a model theocracy in Geneva, which lasted for several
   generations. Luther contented himself with a reformation of faith and
   doctrine, leaving the practical consequences to time, but bitterly
   lamented the Antinomian disorder and abuse which for a time threatened
   to neutralize his labors in Saxony.

   The Swiss Reformers reduced worship to the utmost simplicity and naked
   spirituality, and made its effect for kindling or chilling-devotion to
   depend upon the personal piety and intellectual effort of the minister
   and the merits of his sermons and prayers. Luther, who was a poet and a
   musician, left larger scope for the esthetic and artistic element; and
   his Church developed a rich liturgical and hymnological literature.
   Congregational singing, however, flourishes in both denominations; and
   the Anglican Church produced the best liturgy, which has kept its place
   to this day, with increasing popularity.

   The Reformed Church excels in self-discipline, liberality, energy, and
   enterprise; it carries the gospel to all heathen lands and new
   colonies; it builds up a God-fearing, manly, independent, heroic type
   of character, such as we find among the French Huguenots, the English
   Puritans, the Scotch Covenanters, the Waldenses in Piedmont; and sent
   in times of persecution a noble army of martyrs to the prison and the
   stake. The Lutheran Church cultivates a hearty, trustful, inward,
   mystic style of piety, the science of theology, biblical and historical
   research, and wrestles with the deepest problems of philosophy and
   religion.

   God has wisely distributed his gifts, with abundant opportunities for
   their exercise in the building up of his kingdom.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [15] On the Continent and in works of church history the designation
   Reformed includes Presbyterians, Episcopalians, Congregationalists, and
   other non-Lutheran Protestants. Calvinism and Puritanism are not church
   terms, but denote schools and parties within the Reformed churches. The
   Anglican Reformed Church stands by itself as a communion which was
   reformed under Lutheran and Calvinistic influences, but occupies a
   position between Catholicism and Protestantism. In modern English and
   American usage, the term Reformed has assumed a restricted sectional
   sense in connection with other terms, as Reformed Dutch, Reformed
   German, Reformed Presbyterian, Reformed Episcopalian.
     __________________________________________________________________

   S: 4. Literature on the Swiss Reformation.

   Compare the literature on the Reformation in general, vol. VI. 89-93,
   and the German Reformation, pp. 94-97. The literature on the
   Reformation in French Switzerland will be given in a later chapter (pp.
   223 sqq.).

   The largest collection of the Reformation literature of German
   Switzerland is in the Stadtbibliothek (in the Wasserkirche) and in the
   Cantonalbibliothek of Zuerich. The former includes the 200 vols. of the
   valuable MSS. collection of Simler (d. 1788), and the Thesaurus
   Hottingerianus. I examined these libraries in August, 1886, with the
   kind aid of Profs. O. F. Fritsche, Alex. Schweizer, Georg von Wyss, and
   Dr. Escher, and again in July, 1890.

   For lists of books on Swiss history in general consult the following
   works: Gottlieb Emanuel von Haller: Bibliothek der Schweizer-Geschichte
   und aller Theile, so dahin Bezug haben (Bern, 1785-'88, 7 vols.); with
   the continuations of Gerold Meyer Von Knonau (from 1840-'45, Zuer.,
   1850) and Ludwig Von Sinner (from 1786-1861, Bern and Zuerich, 1851).
   The Catalog der Stadtbibliothek in Zuerich (Zuerich, 1864-'67, 4 Bde,
   much enlarged in the written catalogues). E. Fr. von Muelinen:
   Prodromus einer Schweizer. Historiographie (Bern, 1874). The author
   promises a complete Lexicon of Swiss chroniclers, etc., annalists and
   historians in about 4 vols.

   I. Sources: The works Of Zwingli, Oecolampadius, Leo Judae, Bullinger,
   Watt (Vadianus), and other Reformers of the Swiss cantons.

   Herminjard: Correspondance des Reformateurs. Geneve, 1866-'86. 7 vols.

   Bullinger (Heinrich, Zwingli's successor, d. 1575):
   Reformationsgeschichte, nach den Autographen herausgeg. von J. J.
   Hottinger und H. H. Voegeli. Frauenfeld, 1838-'40, 3 vols. 8DEG. From
   1519 to 1532. In the Swiss-German dialect.

   Kessler (Johannes, Reformer of St. Gallen): Sabbata. Chronik der Jahre
   1523-'39. Ed. by E. Goetzinger. St. Gallen, 1866-'68. 2 parts. Kessler
   was the student whom Luther met at Jena on his return to Wittenberg
   (see vol. VI. 385).

   Simler (Joh. Jac.): Sammlung alter und neuer Urkunden zur Beleuchtung
   der Kirchengeschichte, vornehmlich des Schweizerlandes. Zuerich,
   1757-'63. 2 Bde in 6 Theilen. 8DEG. Also the first 30 vols. of his
   above-mentioned collection of MSS., which includes many printed
   pamphlets and documents.

   Die Eidgenoessischen Abschiede. Bd. III. Abth. 2: Abschiede von
   1500-'20, bearbeitet von Segesser (Luzern, 1869); Bd. IV. I a: a.d.
   1521-'28, bearbeitet von Strickler (Brugg, 1873); Bd. IV. 1 b: a.d.
   1529-'32 (Zuerich, 1876); Bd. IV. 1 c: a.d. 1533-'40, bearbeitet von
   Deschwanden (Luzern, 1878); Bd. IV. 1 d: a.d. 1541-'48, bearbeitet von
   Deschwanden (Luzern, 1882). The publication of these official acts of
   the Swiss Diet was begun at the expense of the Confederacy, a.d. 1839,
   and embraces the period from 1245 to 1848.

   Strickler (Joh.): Actensammlung zur Schweizerischen
   Reformationsgeschichte in den Jahren 1521-'32. Zuerich, 1878-'84. 5
   vols. 8DEG. Mostly in Swiss-German, partly in Latin. The fifth vol.
   contains Addenda, Registers, and a list of books on the history of the
   Reformation to 1533.

   Egli (Emil): Actensammlung zur Geschichte der Zuercher Reformation von
   1519-'33. Zuerich, 1879. (Pages vii. and 947.)

   Stuerler (M. v.): Urkunden der Bernischen Kirchenreform. Bern, 1862.
   Goes only to 1528.

   On the Roman Catholic side: Archiv fuer die Schweizer.
   Reformations-Geschichte, herausgeg. auf Veranstaltung des Schweizer.
   Piusvereins. Solothurn, 1868'-76. 3 large vols. This includes in vol.
   I. the Chronik der Schweizerischen Reformation (till 1534), by Hans
   Salat of Luzern (d. after 1543), a historian and poet, whose life and
   writings were edited by Baechtold, Basel, 1876. Vol. II. contains the
   papal addresses to the Swiss Diet, etc. Vol. III. 7-82 gives a very
   full bibliography bearing upon the Reformation and the history of the
   Swiss Cantons down to 1871. This work is overlooked by most Protestant
   historians. Bullinger wrote against Salat a book entitled Salz zum
   Salat.

   II. Later Historical Works:

   Hottinger (Joh. Heinrich, an eminent Orientalist, 1620-'67): Historia
   Ecclesiasticae Novi Test. Tiguri [Turici], 1651-'67. 9 vols. 8DEG. The
   last four volumes of this very learned but very tedious work treat of
   the Reformation. The seventh volume has a chapter of nearly 600 pages
   (24-618) de Indulgentiis in specie!

   Hottinger (Joh. Jacob, 1652-1735, third son of the former): Helvetische
   Kirchengeschichten, etc. Zuer., 1698-1729. 4 vols. 4DEG. Newly ed. by
   Wirz and Kirchhofer. See below.

   Miscellanea Tigurina edita, inedita, vetera, nova, theologica,
   historica, etc., ed. by J. J. Ulrich. Zuer., 1722-'24. 3 vols. 8DEG.
   They contain small biographies of Swiss Reformers and important
   documents of Bullinger, Leo Judae, Breitinger, Simler, etc.

   Fuesslin (or Fuessli, Joh. Conr. F., 1704-1775): Beitraege zur
   Erlaeuterung der Kirchenreformationsgeschichten des Schweizerlands.
   Zuer., 1740-'53. 5 vols. 8DEG. Contains important original documents
   and letters.

   Ruchat (Abrah., 1680-1750): Histoire de la Reformation de la Suisse,
   1516-1556. Geneve, 1727, '28. 6 vols. 8DEG. New edition with Appendixes
   by L. Vulliemin. Paris and Lausanne, 1835-'38. 7 vols. 8DEG. Chiefly
   important for the French cantons. An English abridgment of the first
   four vols. in one vol. by J. Collinson (Canon of Durham), London, 1845,
   goes to the end of a.d. 1536.

   Wirz (Ludw.) and Kirchhofer (Melch.): Helvet. Kirchengeschichte. Aus
   Joh. Jac. Hottinger's aelterem Werke und anderen Quellen neu
   bearbeitet. Zuerich, 1808-'19. 5 vols. The modern history is contained
   in vols. IV. and V. The fifth vol. is by Kirchhofer.

   Merle D'Aubigne (professor of Church history at Geneva, d. 1872):
   Histoire de la Reformation du 16 siecle. Paris, 1838 sqq. Histoire de
   la Reformation au temps du Calvin. Paris, 1863-'78. Both works were
   translated and published in England and America, in various editions.

   Trechsel (Friedr., 1805-1885): Beitraege zur Geschichte der Schweiz.
   Reformirten Kirche, zunaechst derjenigen des Cantons Bern. Bern, 1841,
   '42, 4 Hefte.

   Gieseler (d. 1854): Ch. History. Germ. ed. III. A. 128 sqq.; 277 sqq.
   Am. ed. vol. IV. 75-99, 209-217. His account is very valuable for the
   extracts from the sources.

   Baur (d. at Tuebingen, 1860): Kirchengeschichte. Bd. IV. 80-96.
   Posthumous, Tuebingen, 1863.

   Hagenbach (Karl Rud., professor of Church history at Basel, d. 1874):
   Geschichte der Reformation, 1517-1555. Leipzig, 1834, 4th ed. 1870
   (vol. III. of his general Kirchengeschichte). Fifth ed., with a
   literary and critical appendix, by Dr. F. Nippold, Leipzig, 1887.
   English translation by Miss E. Moore, Edinburgh and New York, 1878,
   '79, 2 vols.

   Chastel (Etienne, professor of Church history in the University of
   Geneva, d. 1885):Histoire du Christianisme, Tom. IV.: Age Moderne (p.
   66 sqq.). Paris, 1882.

   Berner Beitraege zur Geschichte der Schweizerischen
   Reformationskirchen. Von Billeter, Flueckiger, Hubler, Kasser,
   Marthaler, Strasser. Mit weiteren Beitraegen vermehrt und herausgegeben
   von Fr. Nippold. Bern, 1884. (Pages 454.)

   On the Confessions of the Swiss Reformation see Schaff: Creeds of
   Christendom, New York, 4th ed. 1884, vol. I. 354 sqq.

   Biographies of Zwingli, Oecolampadius, Leo Judae, Bullinger, Haller,
   etc., will be noticed in the appropriate sections.

   III. General Histories Of Switzerland.

   Mueller (Joh. von, the classical historian of Switzerland, d. 1809):
   Geschichte der Schweizerischen Eidgenossenschaft, fortgesetzt von
   Glutz-Blotzheim (d. 1818) und Joh. Jac. Hottinger. Vols. V. and VII. of
   the whole work. A masterpiece of genius and learning, but superseded in
   its earlier part, where he follows Tschudi, and accepts the legendary
   tales of Tell and Gruetli. The Reformation history is by Hottinger ( b.
   1783, d. 1860), and was published also under the title Gesch. der
   Eidgenossen waehrend der Zeit der Kirchentrennung. Zuerich, 1825 and
   '29, 2 vols It was continued by Vulliemin in his Histoire de la
   confederation suisse dans les XVIIe et XVIIe siecles. Paris and
   Lausanne, 1841 and '42. 3 vols. The first of these three volumes
   relates to the Reformation in French Switzerland, which was omitted in
   the German work of Hottinger, but was afterwards translated into German
   by others, and incorporated into the German edition (Zuerich,
   1786-1853, 15 vols.; the Reformation period in vols. VI.-X.). There is
   also a complete French edition of the entire History of Switzerland by
   Joh. von Muller, Glutz-Blotzheim, Hottinger, Vulliemin, and Monnard
   (Paris et Geneve, 1837-'51, 18 vols. Three vols. from Vulliemin, five
   from Monnard, and the rest translated).

   Other general Histories of Switzerland by Zschokke (1822, 8th ed. 1849;
   Engl. transl. by Shaw, 1848, new ed. 1875), Meyer von Knonau (2 vols.),
   Voegelin (6 Vols.), Morin, Zellweger, Vulliemin (German ed. 1882),
   Daendliker (Zuerich, 1883 sqq., 3 vols., illustr.), Mrs. Hug and Rich.
   Stead (London, 1890), and Dierauer (Gotha, 1887 sqq.; second vol.,
   1892).

   Bluntschli (J. C., a native of Zuerich, professor of jurisprudence and
   international law at Heidelberg, d. 1881): Geschichte des
   Schweizerischen Bundesrechts von den ersten ewigen Buenden his auf die
   Gegenwart. Stuttgart, 2d ed. 1875. 2 vols. Important for the relation
   of Church and State in the period of the Reformation (vol. I. 292
   sqq.). L. R. von Salis: Schweizerisches Bundesrecht seit dem 29. Mai
   1874. Bern, 1892. 3 vols. (also in French and Italian).

   E. Egli: Kirchengeschichte der Schweiz bis auf Karl d. Gr. Zuerich,
   1892.

   Comp. Rud. Staehelin on the literature of the Swiss Reformation, from
   1875-1882, in Brieger's "Zeitschrift fuer Kirchengeschichte," vols.
   III. and VI.
     __________________________________________________________________
     __________________________________________________________________

   CHAPTER II.

   ZWINGLI'S TRAINING.
     __________________________________________________________________

   S: 5. The Zwingli Literature.

   The general literature in S: 4, especially Bullinger's History and
   Egli's Collection. The public libraries and archives in Zuerich contain
   the various editions of Zwingli's works, and the remains of his own
   library with marginal notes, which were exhibited in connection with
   the Zwingli celebration in 1884. See Zwingli-Ausstellung veranstaltet
   von der Stadtbibliothek in Zuerich in Verbindung mit dem Staatsarchiv
   und der Cantonalbibliothek. Zuerich, 1884. A pamphlet of 24 pages, with
   a descriptive catalogue of Zwingli's books and remains. The annotations
   furnish fragmentary material for a knowledge of his theological growth.
   See Usteri's Initia Zwingli, quoted below.

   I. Sources:

   Huldreich Zwingli: Opera omnia, ed. Melchior Schuler (d. 1859) and Joh.
   Schulthess (d. 1836). Tiguri, 1828-'42. 8 vols. Vols. I. and II., the
   German writings; III.-VI., Scripta Latina; VII. and VIII., Epistolae. A
   supplement of 75 pages was ed. by G. Schulthess (d. 1866) and Marthaler
   in 1861, and contains letters of Zwingli to Rhenanus and others. A new
   critical edition is much needed and contemplated for the "Corpus
   Reformatorum" by a commission of Swiss scholars. Zwingli's Correspond.
   in Herminjard, Vols. I. and II.

   The first edition of Zwingli's Works appeared at Zuerich, 1545, in 4
   vols. Usteri and Voegelin: M. H. Zwingli's Schriften im Auszuge,
   Zuerich, 1819 and '20, 2 vols. (A systematic exhibition of Zwingli's
   teaching in modern German.) Another translation of select works into
   modern German by R. Christoffel, Zuer., 1843, 9 small vols.

   Comp. also Paul Schweizer (Staatsarchivar in Zuerich, son of Dr.
   Alexander Schweizer): Zwingli-Autographen im Staats-Archiv zu Zuerich.
   1885. (23 pages; separately publ. from the "Theol. Zeitschrift aus der
   Schweiz.")

   Joannis Oecolampadii et Huldrichi Zwinglii Epistolarum libri IV. Basil.
   1536.

   Herminjard (A. L.): Correspondance des Reformateurs. Geneve, 1866 sqq.
   Letters of Zwingli in vol. I. Nos. 82 and 146 (and eight letters to
   him, Nos. 17, 19, 32, etc.), and in vol. II. No. 191 (and nine letters
   to him).

   Briefwechsel des Beatus Rhenanus. Gesammelt u. herausgeg. von Dr.
   Adelbert Horawitz und Dr. Karl Hartfelder. Leipzig, 1886. Contains also
   the correspondence between Rhenanus and Zwingli. See Index, p. 700.

   II. Biographies of Zwingli, including Short Sketches:

   Oswald Myconius: De Vita et Obitu Zw., 1536. Republ. in Vitae quatuor
   Reformatortum, with Preface by Neander, 1840. Nuescheler, Zuerich,
   1776. J. Caspar Hess: Vie d'Ulrich Zwingle, Geneva, 1810; German ed.
   more than doubled by a literary appendix of 372 pages, by Leonh.
   Usteri, Zuerich, 1811, 2 vols. (Engl. transl. from the French by Aiken,
   Lond., 1812). Rotermund, Bremen, 1818. J. M. Schuler: H. Zw. Gesch.
   seiner Bildung zum Reformator seines Vaterlandes. Zuer., 1818, 2d ed.
   1819. Horner, Zuer., 1818. L. Usteri, in the Appendix to his ed. of
   Zwingli's German works, Zuer., 1819. Several sketches of Zwingli
   appeared in connection with the celebration of the Zuerich Reformation
   in 1819, especially in the festal oration of J. J. Hess: Emendationis
   sacrorum beneficium, Turici, 1819. J. J. Hottinger, Zuer., 1842
   (translation by Th. C. Porter: Life and Times of U. Z., Harrisburg,
   Penn., 1857, 421 pages). Robbins, in "Bibliotheca Sacra," Andover,
   Mass., 1851. L. Mayer, in his "History of the German Ref. Church," vol.
   I., Philadelphia, 1851. Dan. Wise, Boston, 1850 and 1882. Roeder, St.
   Gallen and Bern, 1855. R. Christoffel, Elberfeld, 1857 (Engl. transl.
   by John Cochran, Edinb., 1858)., Salomon Voegelin: Erinnerungen an Zw.
   Zuer., 1865. W. M. Blackburn, Philad., 1868. *J. C. Moerikofer,
   Leipzig, 1867 and '69, 2 vols. The best biography from the sources. Dr.
   Volkmar: Vortrag, Zuer., 1870 (30 pages). G. Finsler: U. Zw., 3
   Vortraege, Zuer., 1873. G. A. Hoff: Vie d'Ulr. Zw., Paris, 1882 (pp.
   305). Jean Grob, Milwaukee, Wis., 1883, 190 pages (Engl. transl., N.
   York, 1884). Ch. Alphonse Witz: Ulrich Zwingli, Vortraege, Gotha, 1884
   (pp. 144). Gueder, in "Herzog's Encycl.," XVIII. 701-706; revised by R.
   Staehelin in second ed., XVII., 584-635. E. Combe: U. Z.; le
   reformateur suisse. Lausanne, 1884 (pp. 40). H. Roerich: U. Z. Notice
   biographique, Geneve, 1884 (pp. 40). J. G. Hardy: U. Zwingli, or Zurich
   and its Reformer. Edinb., 1888.

   III. On Zwingli's Wife:

   Salomon Hess: Anna Reinhard, Gattin und Wittwe von U. Zwingli. Zuerich,
   2d ed. 1820. (Some truth and much fiction.) Gerold Meyer von Knonau:
   Zuege aus dem Leben der Anna Reinhard. Erlangen, 1835. (Reliable.)

   IV. Commemorative Addresses of 1884 at the Fourth Centennial of
   Zwingli's Birth:

   Comp. the list in the Zuericher Taschenbuch auf das Jahr 1885, pp.
   265-268; and Flaigg, in Theol. Zeitschrift aus der Schweiz, 1885, pp.
   219 sqq. Some of the biographies mentioned sub II. are commemorative
   addresses.

   *Alex. Schweizer (d. 1888): Zwingli's Bedeutung neben Luther. Festrede
   in der Universitaetsaula, Jan. 6, 1884, weiter ausgefuehrt. Zur., 1884
   (pp. 89). Also a series of articles of Schweizer in the "Protestant.
   Kirchenzeitung," Berlin, 1883, Nos. 16, 17, 18, 23, 24, 26, 27, in
   defence of Zwingli against the charges of Janssen. Joh. Martin Usteri
   (pastor at Affoltern, then Prof. at Erlangen, d. 1889 Ulrich Zwingli,
   ein Martin Luther ebenbuertiger [?] Zeuge des evang. Glaubens.
   Festschrift mit Vorrede von H. v. der Goltz. Zuerich, 1883 (144 pp.);
   Zwingli und Erasmus, Zuerich, 1885 (39 pp.); Initia Zwinglii, in the
   "Studien und Kritiken" for 1885 (pp. 607-672), 1886 (pp. 673-737), and
   1889 (pp. 140 and 141). Rud. Staehelin: Huldreich Zwingli und sein
   Reformations-werk. Zum vierhundertjahrigen Geburtstag Z.'s dargestellt.
   Halle, 1883 (pages 81). Ernst Staehelin: H. Z.'s Predigt an unser
   Schweizervolk und unsere Zeit. Basel, 1884. Ernst Mueller: Ulrich Zw.
   Ein Bernischer Beitrag zur Zwinglifeier. Bern, 1884. E. Dietz: Vie d'U.
   Z. `a l'occasion du 400DEG anniversaire de sa naissance. Paris and
   Strasbourg, 1884 (pp. 48). Herm. Spoerri: Durch Gottes Gnade allein.
   Zur Feier des 400 jaehr. Geb. tages Zw.'s. Hamburg, 1884. Joh. (T.
   Dreydorff: U. Zw. Festpredigt. Leipzig, 1884. Sal. Voegelin: U. Z.
   Zuer., 1884. G. Finsler (Zwingli's twenty-second successor as Antistes
   in Zuerich): Ulrich Zw. Festschrift zur Feier seines 400 jaehr.
   Geburtstags. Zuer., 3d ed. 1884 (transl. into Romansch by Darms, Coire,
   1884). Finsler and Meyer von Knonau: Festvortraege bei der Feier des
   400 jaehr. Geburtstags U. Z. Zuer., 1884 (pp. 24). Finsler delivered
   also the chief address at the unveiling of Zwingli's monument, Aug. 25,
   1885. Oechsli: Zur Zwingli-Feier. Zuer., 1884. Die Zwinglifeier in
   Bern, Jan. 6, 1884. Several addresses, 80 pages. Alfred Krauss
   (professor in Strassburg): Zwingli. Strassb., 1884 (pp. 19). Aug.
   Bouvier: Foi, Culture et Patriotisme. Deux discours `a l'occasion Du
   quatrieme centenaire de Ulrich Zwingli. Geneve and Paris, 1884. (In
   "Nouvelles Paroles de Fol et de Liberte," and separately.) W. Gamper
   (Reform. minister at Dresden): U. Z. Festpredigt zur 400 jaehr.
   Gedenkfeier seines Geburtstages. Dresden, 1884. G. K. von Toggenburg
   (pseudonymous R. Cath.): Die wahre Union und die Zwinglifeier. St.
   Gallen and Leipzig, 1884 (pp. 190). Zwingliana, in the "Theol.
   Zeitschrift aus der Schweiz." Zuer., 1884, No. II. Kappeler, Grob und
   Egg: Zur Erinnerung. Drei Reden gehalten in Kappel, Jan. 6, 1884.
   Affoltern a. A. 1884 (pp. 27).--In America also several addresses were
   delivered and published in connection with the Zwingli commemoration in
   1883 and '84. Besides, some books of Zwingli's were republished; e.g.
   the Hirt (Shepherd) by Riggenbach (Basel, 1884); the Lehrbuechlein,
   Latin and German, by E. Egli (Zuer., 1884).

   V. On the Theology of Zwingli:

   Edw. Zeller (professor of philosophy in Berlin): Das theologische
   System Zwingli's. Tuebingen, 1853.

   Ch. Sigwart: Ulrich Zwingli. Der Charakter seiner Theologie mit
   besonderer Ruecksicht auf Picus von Mirandola dargestellt. Stuttg. und
   Hamb., 1855.

   Herm. Spoerri (Ref. pastor in Hamburg): Zwingli-Studien. Leipzig, 1886
   (pp. 131). Discussions on Zwingli's doctrine of the Church, the Bible,
   his relation to humanism and Christian art.

   August Baur (D. D., a Wuertemberg pastor in Weilimdorf near Stuttgart):
   Zwingli's Theologie, ihr Werden und ihr System. Halle, vol. I. 1885
   (pp. 543); Vol. II. P. I., 1888 (pp. 400), P. II., 1889. This work does
   for Zwingli what Jul. Koestlin did for Luther and A. Herrlinger for
   Melanchthon.

   Alex. Schweizer, in his Festrede, treats more briefly, but very ably,
   of Zwingli's theological opinions (pp. 60-88).

   VI. Relation of Zwingli to Luther and Calvin:

   Merle D'Aubigne: Le Lutheranisme et la Reforme. Paris, 1844. Engl.
   translation: Luther and Calvin. N. York, 1845.

   Hundeshagen: Charakteristik U. Zwingli's und seines Reformationswerks
   unter Vergleichung mit Luther und Calvin, in the "Studien und
   Kritiken," 1862. Compare also his Beitraege zur
   Kirchenverfassungsgeschichte und Kirchenpolitik, Bd. I. Wiesbaden,
   1864, pp. 136-297. (Important for Zwingli's church polity.)

   G. Plitt (Lutheran): Gesch. der ev. Kirche bis zum Augsburger
   Reichstage. Erlangen, 1867, pp. 417-488.

   A. F. C. Vilmar (Luth.): Luther, Melanchthon, Zwingli. Frankf. -a. -M.,
   1869.

   G. Uhlhorn (Luth.): Luther and the Swiss, translated by G. F. Krotel,
   Philadelphia, 1876.

   Zwingli Wirth (Reformed): Luther und Zwingli. St. Gallen, 1884 (pp.
   37).

   VII. Special Points in Zwingli's History and Theology:

   Kradolfer: Zwingli in Marburg. Berlin, 1870.

   Emil Egli: Die Schlacht von Cappel 1531. Mit 2 Plaenen und einem Anhang
   ungedruckter Quellen. Zuer., 1873 (pp. 88). By the same: Das
   Religionsgespraech zu Marburg. Zuer., 1884. In the "Theol. Zeitschrift
   aus der Schweiz."

   Martin Lenz: Zwingli und Landgraf Philipp, in Brieger's "Zeitschrift
   fuer Kirchengeschichte" for 1879 (Bd. III.).

   H. Bavinck: De ethick van U. Zwingli. Kampen, 1880.

   Jul. Werder: Zwingli als politischer Reformator, in the "Basler
   Beitraege zur vaterlaend. Geschichte," Basel, 1882, pp. 263-290.

   Herm. Escher: Die Glaubensparteien in der Schweiz. Eidgenossenschaft
   und ihre Beziehungen zum Auslande von 1527-'31. Frauenfeld, 1882. (pp.
   326.) Important for Zwingli's Swiss and foreign policy, and his views
   on the relation of Church and State.

   W. Oechsli: Die Anfaenge des Glaubenskonfliktes zwischen Zuerich und
   den Eidgenossen. Winterthur, 1883 (pp. 42).

   Marthaler: Zw.'s Lehre vom Glauben. Zuer., 1884.

   Aug. Baur: Die erste Zuericher Disputation. Halle, 1883 (pp. 32).

   A. Erichson: Zwingli's Tod und dessen Beurtheilung durch Zeitgenossen,
   Strassb., 1883 (pp. 43); U. Zw. und die elsaessischen Reformatoren,
   Strassb., 1884 (pp. 40).

   Flueckiger: Zwingli's Beziehungen zu Bern, in the "Berner Beitraege."
   Bern, 1884.

   J. Mart. Usteri: Initia Zwinglii, and Zw. and Erasmus. See above, p.
   18.

   H. Fenner: Zw. als Patriot und Politiker. Frauenfeld, 1884 (pp. 38).

   G. Heer: U. Zw. als Pfarrer von Glarus. Zuerich, 1884 (pp. 42).

   Gust. Weber (musical director and organist of the Grossmuenster in
   Zuerich): H. Zwingli. Seine Stellung zur Musik und seine Lieder.
   Zuerich and Leipzig, 1884 (pp. 68).

   A. Zahn: Zwingli's Verdienste um die biblische Abendmahlslehre.
   Stuttgart, 1884.

   G. Wunderli; Zuerich in der Periode 1519-'31. Zuerich, 1888.

   On Zwingli and the Anabaptists, see the literature in S: 24.

   VIII. In part also the biographies of Oecolampadius, Bullinger, Leo
   Judae, Haller, etc.

   The best books on Zwingli are Moerikofer's biography, Usteri on the
   education of Zwingli, Baur on his theology, Escher and Oechsli on his
   state and church polity, and Schweizer and R. Staehelin on his general
   character and position in history.
     __________________________________________________________________

   S: 6. Zwingli's Birth and Education.

   Franz: Zwingli's Geburtsort. Beitrag zur reformator. Jubelfeier 1819.
   (The author was pastor of Wildhaus.) St. Gallen, 1818. Schuler:
   Huldreich Zwingli. Geschichte seiner Bildung zum Reformator des
   Vaterlandes. Zuerich, 1819. (404 pp. Very full, but somewhat too
   partial, and needing correction.)

   Huldreich or Ulrich Zwingli [16] was born January 1, 1484, seven weeks
   after Luther, in a lowly shepherd's cottage at Wildhaus in the county
   of Toggenburg, now belonging to the Canton St. Gall.

   He was descended from the leading family in this retired village. His
   father, like his grandfather, was the chief magistrate (Ammann); his
   mother, the sister of a priest (John Meili, afterwards abbot of
   Fischingen, in Thurgau, 1510-1523); his uncle, on the father's side,
   dean of the chapter at Wesen on the wild lake of Wallenstadt. He had
   seven brothers (he being the third son) and two sisters.

   The village of Wildhaus is the highest in the valley, surrounded by
   Alpine meadows and the lofty mountain scenery of Northeastern
   Switzerland, in full view of the seven Churfirsten and the snow-capped
   Sentis. The principal industry of the inhabitants was raising flocks.
   They are described as a cheerful, fresh and energetic people; and these
   traits we find in Zwingli. [17] The Reformation was introduced there in
   1523. Not very far distant are the places where Zwingli spent his
   public life,--Glarus, Einsiedeln, and Zurich.

   Zwingli was educated in the Catholic religion by his God-fearing
   parents, and by his uncle, the dean of Wesen, who favored the new
   humanistic learning. He grew up a healthy, vigorous boy. He had at a
   very early age a tender sense of veracity as "the mother of all
   virtues," and, like young Washington, he would never tell a lie.

   When ten years of age he was sent from Wesen to a Latin school at
   Basle, and soon excelled in the three chief branches taught
   there,--Latin grammar, music and dialectics.

   In 1498 he entered a college at Berne under the charge of Heinrich
   Woelflin (Lupulus), who was reputed to be the best classical scholar
   and Latin poet in Switzerland, and followed the reform movement in
   1522. [18]

   From 1500 to 1502 he studied in the University of Vienna, which had
   become a centre of classical learning by the labors of distinguished
   humanists, Corvinus, Celtes, and Cuspinian, under the patronage of the
   Emperor Maximilian I. [19] He studied scholastic philosophy, astronomy,
   and physics, but chiefly the ancient classics. He became an enthusiast
   for the humanities. He also cultivated his talent for music. He played
   on several instruments--the lute, harp, violin, flute, dulcimer, and
   hunting-horn--with considerable skill. His papal opponents sneeringly
   called him afterwards "the evangelical lute-player, piper, and
   whistler." He regarded this innocent amusement as a means to refresh
   the mind and to soften the temper. In his poetical and musical taste he
   resembles Luther, without reaching his eminence.

   In 1502 he returned to Basle, taught Latin in the school of St. Martin,
   pursued his classical studies, and acquired the degree of master of
   arts in 1506; hence he was usually called Master Ulrich. He never
   became a doctor of divinity, like Luther. In Basle he made the
   acquaintance of Leo Jud (Judae, also called Master Leu), who was
   graduated with him and became his chief co-laborer in Zurich. Both
   attended with much benefit the lectures of Thomas Wyttenbach, professor
   of theology since 1505. Zwingli calls him his beloved and faithful
   teacher, who opened his eyes to several abuses of the Church,
   especially the indulgences, and taught him "not to rely on the keys of
   the Church, but to seek the remission of sins alone in the death of
   Christ, and to open access to it by the key of faith." [20]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [16] The name is often misspelled Zwingel (by Luther), or Zwingle (by
   English and American writers).

   [17] Moerikofer (I. 4): "Zwingli erinnert in seinem Wesen immer wieder
   an seine helle Heimath; wir haben stets den in frischer Bergluft
   gestaerkten und gestaehlten Alpensohn vor uns."

   [18] Lupulus was deposed from his canonry for marrying in 1524, but
   reinstated after the introduction of the Reformation. "Dass Lupulus
   eine uneheliche Tochter hatte (before his marriage), wurde ihm leicht
   verziehen." Moerikofer, I. 7. He lamented Zwingli's early death in a
   Latin epitaph in verse.

   [19] There in no evidence that he became acquainted in Vienna with Eck
   and Faber, the famous champions of popery, nor with his friends
   Glareanus and Vadianus. See Horawitz, Der Humanismus in Wien, 1883.

   [20] Werke, I. A. 254; Opera, III. 544. Leo Judae, in the preface to
   Zwingli's Annotations to the N. T., reports that Zwingli and he derived
   from Wyttenbach's lectures in 1505 "quidquid nobis fuit solidae
   eruditionis."
     __________________________________________________________________

   S: 7. Zwingli in Glarus.

   G. Heer: Ulrich Zwingli als Pfarrer in Glarus. Zuerich, 1884.

   Zwingli was ordained to the priesthood by the bishop of Constance, and
   appointed pastor of Glarus, the capital of the canton of the same name.
   [21] He had to pay over one hundred guilders to buy off a rival
   candidate (Goeldli of Zurich) who was favored by the Pope, and
   compensated by a papal pension. He preached his first sermon in
   Rapperschwyl, and read his first mass at Wildhaus. He labored at Glarus
   ten years, from 1506 to 1516. His time was occupied by preaching,
   teaching, pastoral duties, and systematic study. He began to learn the
   Greek language "without a teacher," [22] that he might study the New
   Testament in the original. [23] He acquired considerable facility in
   Greek. The Hebrew language he studied at a later period in Zurich, but
   with less zeal and success. He read with great enthusiasm the ancient
   Greek and Roman philosophers, poets, orators, and historians. He speaks
   in terms of admiration of Homer, Pindar, Demosthenes, Cicero, Livy,
   Caesar, Seneca, Pliny, Tacitus, Plutarch. He committed Valerius Maximus
   to memory for the historical examples. He wrote comments on Lucian. He
   perceived, like Justin Martyr, the Alexandrian Fathers, and Erasmus, in
   the lofty ideas of the heathen philosophers and poets, the working of
   the Holy Spirit, which he thought extended beyond Palestine throughout
   the world. He also studied the writings of Picus della Mirandola (d.
   1494), which influenced his views on providence and predestination.

   During his residence in Glarus he was brought into correspondence with
   Erasmus through his friend Loreti of Glarus, called Glareanus, a
   learned humanist and poet-laureate, who at that time resided in Basle,
   and belonged to the court of admirers of the famous scholar. He paid
   him also a visit in the spring of 1515, and found him a man in the
   prime of life, small and delicate, but amiable and very polite. He
   addressed him as "the greatest philosopher and theologian;" he praises
   his "boundless learning," and says that he read his books every night
   before going to sleep. Erasmus returned the compliments with more
   moderation, and speaks of Zwingli's previous letter as being "full of
   wit and learned acumen." In 1522 Zwingli invited him to settle in
   Zurich; but Erasmus declined it, preferring to be a cosmopolite. We
   have only one letter of Zwingli to Erasmus, but six of Erasmus to
   Zwingli. [24] The influence of the great scholar on Zwingli was
   emancipating and illuminating. Zwingli, although not exactly his pupil,
   was no doubt confirmed by him in his high estimate of the heathen
   classics, his opposition to ecclesiastical abuses, his devotion to the
   study of the Scriptures, and may have derived from him his moderate
   view of hereditary sin and guilt, and the first suggestion of the
   figurative interpretation of the words of institution of the Lord's
   Supper. [25] But he dissented from the semi-Pelagianism of Erasmus, and
   was a firm believer in predestination. During the progress of the
   Reformation they were gradually alienated, although they did not get
   into a personal controversy. In a letter of Sept. 3, 1522, Erasmus
   gently warns Zwingli to fight not only bravely, but also prudently, and
   Christ would give him the victory. [26] He did not regret his early
   death. Glareanus also turned from him, and remained in the old Church.
   But Zwingli never lost respect for Erasmus, and treated even Hutten
   with generous kindness after Erasmus had cast him off. [27]

   On his visit to Basle he became acquainted with his biographer, Oswald
   Myconius, the successor of Oecolampadius (not to be confounded with
   Frederick Myconius, Luther's friend).

   Zwingli took a lively interest in public affairs. Three times he
   accompanied, according to Swiss custom, the recruits of his
   congregation as chaplain to Italy, in the service of Popes Julius II.
   and Leo X., against France. He witnessed the storming of Pavia (1512),
   [28] probably also the victory at Novara (1513), and the defeat at
   Marignano (1515). He was filled with admiration for the bravery of his
   countrymen, but with indignation and grief at the demoralizing effect
   of the foreign military service. He openly attacked this custom, and
   made himself many enemies among the French party.

   His first book, "The Labyrinth," is a German poem against the
   corruptions of the times, written about 1510. [29] It represents the
   fight of Theseus with the Minotaur and the wild beasts in the labyrinth
   of the world,--the one-eyed lion (Spain), the crowned eagle (the
   emperor), the winged lion (Venice), the cock (France), the ox
   (Switzerland), the bear (Savoy). The Minotaur, half man, half bull,
   represents, he says, "the sins, the vices, the irreligion, the foreign
   service of the Swiss, which devour the sons of the nation." His Second
   poetic work of that time, "The Fable of the Ox," [30] is likewise a
   figurative attack upon the military service by which Switzerland became
   a slave of foreign powers, especially of France.

   He superintended the education of two of his brothers and several of
   the noblest young men of Glarus, as Aegidius Tschudi (the famous
   historian), Valentine Tschudi, Heer, Nesen, Elmer, Brunner, who were
   devotedly, and gratefully attached to him, and sought his advice and
   comfort, as their letters show.

   Zwingli became one of the most prominent and influential public men in
   Switzerland before he left Glarus; but he was then a humanist and a
   patriot rather than a theologian and a religious teacher. He was
   zealous for intellectual culture and political reform, but shows no
   special interest in the spiritual welfare of the Church. He did not
   pass through a severe struggle and violent crisis, like Luther, but by
   diligent seeking and searching he attained to the knowledge of the
   truth. His conversion was a gradual intellectual process, rather than a
   sudden breach with the world; but, after he once had chosen the
   Scriptures for his guide, he easily shook off the traditions of Rome,
   which never had a very strong hold upon him. That process began at
   Glarus, and was completed at Zurich.

   His moral character at Glarus and at Einsiedeln was, unfortunately, not
   free from blemish. He lacked the grace of continence and fell with
   apparent ease into a sin which was so common among priests, and so
   easily overlooked if only proper caution was observed, according to the
   wretched maxim, "Si non caste, saltem caute." The fact rests on his own
   honest confession, and was known to his friends, but did not injure his
   standing and influence; for he was in high repute as a priest, and even
   enjoyed a papal pension. He resolved to reform in Glarus, but relapsed
   in Einsiedeln under the influence of bad examples, to his deep
   humiliation. After his marriage in Zurich, his life was pure and
   honorable and above the reproach of his enemies.

   NOTES ON ZWINGLI'S MORAL CHARACTER.

   Recent discussions have given undue prominence to the blot which rests
   on Zwingli's earlier life, while yet a priest in the Roman Church.
   Janssen, the ultramontane historian, has not one word of praise for
   Zwingli, and violates truth and charity by charging him with habitual,
   promiscuous, and continuous licentiousness, not reflecting that he
   thereby casts upon the Roman Church the reproach of inexcusable laxity
   in discipline. Zwingli was no doubt guilty of occasional
   transgressions, but probably less guilty than the majority of Swiss
   priests who lived in open or secret concubinage at that time (see S: 2,
   p. 6); yea, he stood so high in public estimation at Einsiedeln and
   Zurich, that Pope Hadrian VI., through his Swiss agent, offered him
   every honor except the papal chair. But we will not excuse him, nor
   compare his case (as some have done) with that of St. Augustin; for
   Augustin, when he lived in concubinage, was not a priest and not even
   baptized, and he confessed his sin before the whole world with deeper
   repentance than Zwingli, who rather made light of it. The facts are
   these: --

   1) Bullinger remarks (Reformationsgesch. I. 8) that Zwingli was
   suspected in Glarus of improper connection with several women ("weil er
   wegen einiger Weiber verargwohnt war"). Bullinger was his friend and
   successor, and would not slander him; but he judged mildly of a vice
   which was so general among priests on account of celibacy. He himself
   was the son of a priest, as was also Leo Judae.

   2) Zwingli, in a confidential letter to Canon Utinger at Zurich, dated
   Einsiedeln, Dec. 3, 1518 (Opera, VII. 54-57), contradicts the rumor
   that he had seduced the daughter of an influential citizen in
   Einsiedeln, but admits his unchastity. This letter is a very strange
   apology, and, as he says himself, a blateratio rather than a
   satisfactio. He protests, on the one hand (what Janssen omits to
   state), that he never dishonored a married woman or a virgin or a nun
   ("ea ratio nobis perpetuo fuit, nec alienum thorum conscendere, nec
   virginem vitiare, nec Deo dicatam profanare"); but, on the other hand,
   he speaks lightly, we may say frivolously, of his intercourse with the
   impure daughter of a barber who was already, dishonored, and apologizes
   for similar offences committed in Glarus. This is the worst feature in
   the letter, and casts a dark shade on his character at that time. He
   also refers (p. 57) to the saying of Aeneas Sylvius (Pope Pius II.):
   "Non est qui vigesimum annum excessit, nec virginem tetigerit." His own
   superiors set him a bad example. Nevertheless he expresses regret, and
   applies to himself the word, 2 Pet. 2:22, and says, "Christus per nos
   blasphematur."

   3) Zwingli, with ten other priests, petitioned the bishop of Constance
   in Latin (Einsiedeln, July 2, 1522), and the Swiss Diet in German
   (Zurich, July 13, 1522), to permit the free preaching of the gospel and
   the marriage of the clergy. He enforces the petition by an incidental
   confession of the scandalous life of the clergy, including himself
   (Werke, I. 39): "Euer ehrsam Wysheit hat bisher gesehen das unehrbar
   schandlich Leben, welches wir leider bisher gefuehrt haben (wir wollen
   allein von uns selbst geredet haben) mit Frauen, damit wir maenniglich
   uebel veraergert und verboesert haben." But this document with eleven
   signatures (Zwingli's is the last) is a general confession of clerical
   immorality in the past, and does not justify Janssen's inference that
   Zwingli continued such life at that time. Janssen (Ein zweites Wort an
   meine Kritiker, p. 47), moreover, mistakes in this petition the Swiss
   word ruew (Ruhe, rest) for ruewen (Reue, repentance), and makes the
   petitioners say that they felt "no repentance," instead of "no rest."
   The document, on the contrary, shows a decided advance of moral
   sentiment as compared with the lame apology in the letter to Utinger,
   and deeply deplores the state of clerical immorality. It is rather
   creditable to the petitioners than otherwise; certainly very honest.

   4) In a letter to his five brothers, Sept. 17, 1522, to whom he
   dedicated a sermon on "the ever pure Virgin Mary, mother of God,"
   Zwingli confesses that he was subject to Hoffahrt, Fressen,
   Unlauterkeit, and other sins of the flesh (Werke, I. 86). This is his
   latest confession; but if we read it in connection with the whole
   letter, it makes the impression that he must have undergone a favorable
   change about that time, and concluded a regular, though secret,
   connection with his wife. As to temperance, Bullinger (I. 305) gives
   him the testimony that he was "very temperate in eating and drinking."

   5) Zwingli was openly married in April, 1524, to Anna Reinhart, a
   respectable widow, and mother of several children, after having lived
   with her about two years before in secret marriage. But this fact,
   which Janssen construes into a charge of "unchaste intercourse," was
   known to his intimate friends; for Myconius, in a letter of July 22,
   1522, sends greetings to Zwingli and his wife ("Vale cum uxore quam
   felicissime et tuis omnibus," Opera, VII. 210; and again: "Vale cum
   uxore in Christo," p. 253). The same is implied in a letter of Bucer,
   April 14, 1524 (p. 335; comp. the note of the editors). "The cases,"
   says Moerikofer (I. 211), "were very frequent at that time, even with
   persons of high position, that secret marriages were not ratified by a
   religious ceremony till weeks and months afterwards." Before the
   Council of Trent secret marriages were legitimate and valid. (Can. et
   Decr. Conc. Trid., Sess. XXIV., Decr. de reform. matrimonii.)

   Zwingli's character was unmercifully attacked by Janssen in his
   Geschichte des deutschen Volkes, III. 83 sq.; An meine Kritiker (1883),
   127-140; Ein zweites Wort an meine Kritiker (1888), 45-48; defended as
   far as truth permits by Ebrard, Janssen und die Reformation (1882);
   Usteri, Ulrich Zwingli (1883), 34-47; Alex. Schweizer, articles in the
   "Protest. Kirchenzeitung," Berlin, 1883, Nos. 23-27. Janssen answered
   Ebrard, but not Usteri and Schweizer. The main facts were correctly
   stated before this controversy by Moerikofer, I. 49-53 and 128), and
   briefly also by Hagenbach, and Merle (bk. VIII. ch. 6).
     __________________________________________________________________

   [21] The church in which he preached is jointly occupied by the Roman
   Catholics and the Protestants, the community being divided. The old
   church burnt down in 1861, but a new and better one was built on the
   same spot.

   [22] "Absque duce," says Myconius, in a letter to Zwingli, Oct. 28,
   1518. Opera, VII. 51, 52.

   [23] Zwingli wrote to Joachim Watt from Glarus, Feb. 23, 1513 (Opera,
   VII. 9): "Ita enim Graecis studere destinavi ut qui me praeter Deum
   amoveat, nesciam, on gloriae (quam nullis in rebus quaerere honeste
   possem), sed sacratissimarum terarum ergo."

   [24] Opera, vol. VII., pp. 10, 12, 221, 222, 251, 307, 310.

   [25] Melanchthon wrote, Oct. 12, 1529: "Cinglius mihi confessus est, se
   ex Erasmi scriptis primum hausisse opinionem suam de coena Domini."
   Corp. Reform. IV. 970.

   [26] "Tu pugna, mi Zwingli, non modo fortiter, verum etiam prudenter.
   Dabit Christus, ut pugnes feliciter." Opera, VII. 221.

   [27] See vol. VI. 202, 427. On Zwingli's relation to Erasmus, see
   Moerikofer, I. 23 sqq., 176 sqq., and the monograph of Usteri quoted
   above, p. 19.

   [28] He gave a lively Latin narrative of the battle of the Swiss
   against the French in Pavia to his friend Vadiantus.

   [29] Opera (Deutsche Schriften), Tom. II. B. pp. 243-247.

   [30] Fabelgedicht vom Ochsen und etlichen Thieren, Op., II. B. 257-269.
   The ox is again the symbol of Switzerland. See the comments of the
   editors, pp. 262 sqq.
     __________________________________________________________________

   S: 8. Zwingli in Einsiedeln.

   In 1516 Zwingli left Glarus on account of the intrigues of the French
   political party, which came into power after the victory of the French
   at Marignano (1515), and accepted a call to Einsiedeln, but kept his
   charge and expected to return; for the congregation was much attached
   to him, and promised to build him a new parsonage. He supplied the
   charge by a vicar, and drew his salary for two years, until he was
   called to Zurich, when he resigned.

   Einsiedeln [31] is a village with a Benedictine convent in the Catholic
   canton Schwyz. It was then, and is to this day, a very famous resort of
   pilgrims to the shrine of a wonder-working black image of the Virgin
   Mary, which is supposed to have fallen from heaven. The number of
   annual pilgrims from Switzerland, Germany, France, and Italy exceeds a
   hundred thousand.

   Here, then, was a large field of usefulness for a preacher. The convent
   library afforded special facilities for study.

   Zwingli made considerable progress in his knowledge of the Scriptures
   and the Fathers. He read the annotations of Erasmus and the
   commentaries of Origen, Ambrose, Jerome, and Chrysostom. He made
   extracts on the margin of his copies of their works which are preserved
   in the libraries at Zurich. He seems to have esteemed Origen, Jerome,
   and Chrysostom more, and Augustin less, than Luther did; but he also
   refers frequently to Augustin in his writings. [32]

   We have an interesting proof of his devotion to the Greek Testament in
   a MS. preserved in the city library at Zurich. In 1517 he copied with
   his own hand very neatly the Epistles of Paul and the Hebrews in a
   little book for constant and convenient use. The text is taken from the
   first edition of Erasmus, which appeared in March, 1516, and corrects
   some typographical errors. It is very legible and uniform, and betrays
   an experienced hand; the marginal notes, in Latin, from Erasmus and
   patristic commentators, are very small and almost illegible. On the
   last page he added the following note in Greek: --

   "These Epistles were written at Einsiedeln of the blessed Mother of God
   by Huldreich Zwingli, a Swiss of Toggenburg, in the year one thousand
   five hundred and seventeen of the Incarnation, in the month of June.
   [33] Happily ended." [34]

   At the same time he began at Einsiedeln to attack from the pulpit
   certain abuses and the sale of indulgences, when Samson crossed the
   Alps in August, 1518. He says that he began to preach the gospel before
   Luther's name was known in Switzerland, adding, however, that at that
   time he depended too much on Jerome and other Fathers instead of the
   Scriptures. He told Cardinal Schinner in 1517 that popery had poor
   foundation in the Scriptures. Myconius, Bullinger, and Capito report,
   in substantial agreement, that Zwingli preached in Einsiedeln against
   abuses, and taught the people to worship Christ, and not the Virgin
   Mary. The inscription on the entrance gate of the convent, promising
   complete remission of sins, was taken down at his instance. [35] Beatus
   Rhenanus, in a letter of Dec. 6, 1518, applauds his attack upon Samson,
   the restorer of indulgences, and says that Zwingli preached to the
   people the purest philosophy of Christ from the fountain. [36]

   On the strength of these testimonies, many historians date the Swiss
   Reformation from 1516, one year before that of Luther, which began Oct.
   31, 1517. But Zwingli's preaching at Einsiedeln had no such
   consequences as Luther's Theses. He was not yet ripe for his task, nor
   placed on the proper field of action. He was at that time simply an
   Erasmian or advanced liberal in the Roman Church, laboring for higher
   education rather than religious renovation, and had no idea of a
   separation. He enjoyed the full confidence of the abbot, the bishop of
   Constance, Cardinal Schinner, and even the Pope. At Schinner's
   recommendation, he was offered an annual pension of fifty guilders from
   Rome as an encouragement in the pursuit of his studies, and he actually
   received it for about five years (from 1515 to 1520). Pucci, the papal
   nuncio at Zurich, in a letter dated Aug. 24, 1518, appointed him papal
   chaplain (Accolitus Capellanus), with all the privileges and honors of
   that position, assigning as the reason "his splendid virtues and
   merits," and promising even higher dignities. [37] He also offered to
   double his pension, and to give him in addition a canonry in Basle or
   Coire, on condition that he should promote the papal cause. Zwingli
   very properly declined the chaplaincy and the increase of salary, and
   declared frankly that he would never sacrifice a syllable of the truth
   for love of money; but he continued to receive the former pension of
   fifty guilders, which was urged upon him without condition, for the
   purchase of books. In 1520 he declined it altogether,--what he ought to
   have done long before. [38] Francis Zink, the papal chaplain at
   Einsiedeln, who paid the pension, was present at Zwingli's interview
   with Pucci, and says, in a letter to the magistracy at Zurich (1521),
   that Zwingli could not well have lived without the pension, but felt
   very badly about it, and thought of returning to Einsiedeln. [39] Even
   as late as Jan. 23, 1523, Pope Adrian VI., unacquainted with the true
   state of things, wrote to Zwingli a kind and respectful letter, hoping
   to secure through him the influence of Zurich for the holy see. [40]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [31] Maria-Einsiedeln, Deiparae Virginia Eremus, Eremitarum Coenobium
   in Helvetiis, Notre-Dame-des-Eremites.

   [32] Usteri has examined the marginal annotations in Zwingli's
   patristic library, and gives the scanty results in his Initia Zwinglii,
   in "Studien und Kritiken," 1886, p. 681 sq. The Zwingli library was on
   exhibition at Zurich, Jan. 4-13, 1884, and a catalogue printed.

   [33] Skirophorion,i.e. the 12th Attic month, answering to the latter
   part of June and the first part of July. Skirophoria was the festival
   of Athena Skiras, celebrated in that month. The year (1517) refutes the
   error of several biographers, who date the MS. back to the period of
   Glarus. Besides, there was no printed copy of the Greek Testament
   before 1516.

   [34]  The subscription (as I copied it, with its slight errors, in the
   Wasserkirche, Aug. 14, 1886) reads as follows:-- Tautai hai Epistolai
   [ai] grapheisai Eremou tes makarias theo- tokou, para to Hulde- rucho
   Zunglio Dog- gio helbetio, chilio- sto pentakosiosto hepta kai dekato
   apo tes theogo- nias , menos skirrhophori- onos Eutichos [eutuchos]

   [35] The inscription was, "Hic est plena remissio omnium peccatorum a
   culpa et a poena." But the sermon against the worship of saints,
   pilgrimages and vows, of which Bullinger speaks (I. 81), was preached
   later, in 1522, at the Feast of Angels, during a visit of Zwingli to
   Einsiedeln. See Pestalozzi, Leo Judae, ,p. 16, and Gieseler, III. i. p.
   138.

   [36] Opera, VII. A. 57: "Risimus abunde veniarum institorem [Bernh.
   Samson], quem in litteris tuis graphice depinxisti... ." Then he
   complains that most of the priests teach heathen and Jewish doctrines,
   but that Zwingli and his like "purissimam Christi philosophiam ex ipsis
   fontibus populo proponere, non Scoticis et Gabrielicis
   interpretationibus depravatam; sed ab Augustino, Ambrosio, Cypriano,
   Hieronymo, germane et sincere expositam." Rhenanus contrasts the
   Fathers with the Scholastics, Duns Scotus, and Gabriel Biel.

   [37] See the letter of Anthonius Puccius to Zwingli in Opera, VII. A.
   48 sq. The document of the appointment, with the signature and seal of
   the papal legate, dated Sept. 1, 1518, is kept in the city library at
   Zurich.

   [38] Zwingli speaks of this pension very frankly and with deep regret
   in a letter to his brothers (1522), and in his Exposition of the
   Conclusions (1523). Werke, I. A. 86 and 354.

   [39] Opera, VII. A. 179: "Ipse arbiter interfui, quum Domino Legato
   Pucci ingenue fassus est, ipsum pecuniae causa rebus Papae agendis non
   inserviturum," etc.

   [40] Opera, VII. A. 266. The Pope addresses Zwingli "Dilecte fili,"
   praises his "egregia virtus," assures him of his special confidence in
   him and his best wishes for him. At the same time the Pope wrote to
   Francis Zink to spare no effort to secure Zwingli for the papal
   interest; and Zink replied to Myconius, when asked what the Pope
   offered in return, "Omnia usque ad thronum papalem." Zwingli despised
   it all. Ibid. p. 266, note.
     __________________________________________________________________

   S: 9. Zwingli and Luther.

   Comp. Vol. VI. 620-651, and the portrait of Luther, p. 107.

   The training of Zwingli for his life-work differs considerably from
   that of Luther. This difference affected their future work, and
   accounts in part for their collision when they met as antagonists in
   writing, and on one occasion (at Marburg) face to face, in a debate on
   the real presence. Comparisons are odious when partisan or sectarian
   feeling is involved, but necessary and useful if impartial.

   Both Reformers were of humble origin, but with this difference: Luther
   descended from the peasantry, and had a hard and rough schooling, which
   left its impress upon his style of polemics, and enhanced his power
   over the common people; while Zwingli was the son of a magistrate, the
   nephew of a dean and an abbot, and educated under the influence of the
   humanists, who favored urbanity of manners. Both were brought up by
   pious parents and teachers in the Catholic faith; but Luther was far
   more deeply rooted in it than Zwingli, and adhered to some of its
   doctrines, especially on the sacraments, with great tenacity to the
   end. He also retained a goodly portion of Romish exclusivism and
   intolerance. He refused to acknowledge Zwingli as a brother, and
   abhorred his view of the salvation of unbaptized children and pious
   heathen.

   Zwingli was trained in the school of Erasmus, and passed from the
   heathen classics directly to the New Testament. He represents more than
   any other Reformer, except Melanchthon, the spirit of the Renaissance
   in harmony with the Reformation. [41]   He was a forerunner of modern
   liberal theology. Luther struggled through the mystic school of Tauler
   and Staupitz, and the severe moral discipline of monasticism, till he
   found peace and comfort in the doctrine of justification by faith. Both
   loved poetry and music next to theology, but Luther made better use of
   them for public worship, and composed hymns and tunes which are sung to
   this day.

   Both were men of providence, and became, innocently, reformers of the
   Church by the irresistible logic of events. Both drew their strength
   and authority from the Word of God. Both labored independently for the
   same cause of evangelical truth, the one on a smaller, the other on a
   much larger field. Luther owed nothing to Zwingli, and Zwingli owed
   little or nothing to Luther. Both were good scholars, great divines,
   popular preachers, heroic characters.

   Zwingli broke easily and rapidly with the papal system, but Luther only
   step by step, and after a severe struggle of conscience. Zwingli was
   more radical than Luther, but always within the limits of law and
   order, and without a taint of fanaticism; Luther was more conservative,
   and yet the chief champion of freedom in Christ. Zwingli leaned to
   rationalism, Luther to mysticism; yet both bowed to the supreme
   authority of the Scriptures. Zwingli had better manners and more
   self-control in controversy; Luther surpassed him in richness and
   congeniality of nature. Zwingli was a republican, and aimed at a
   political and social, as well as an ecclesiastical reformation; Luther
   was a monarchist, kept aloof from politics and war, and concentrated
   his force upon the reformation of faith and doctrine. Zwingli was equal
   to Luther in clearness and acuteness of intellect and courage of
   conviction, superior in courtesy, moderation, and tolerance, but
   inferior in originality, depth, and force. Zwingli's work and fame were
   provincial; Luther's, worldwide. Luther is the creator of the modern
   high-German book language, and gave to his people a vernacular Bible of
   enduring vitality. Zwingli had to use the Latin, or to struggle with an
   uncouth dialect; and the Swiss Version of the Bible by his faithful
   friend Leo Judae remained confined to German Switzerland, but is more
   accurate, and kept pace in subsequent revisions with the progress of
   exegesis. Zwingli can never inspire, even among his own countrymen, the
   same enthusiasm as Luther among the Germans. Luther is the chief hero
   of the Reformation, standing in the front of the battle-field before
   the Church and the world, defying the papal bull and imperial ban, and
   leading the people of God out of the Babylonian captivity under the
   gospel banner of freedom.

   Each was the right man in the right place; neither could have done the
   work of the other. Luther was foreordained for Germany, Zwingli for
   Switzerland. Zwingli was cut down in the prime of life, fifteen years
   before Luther; but, even if he had outlived him, he could not have
   reached the eminence which belongs to Luther alone. The Lutheran Church
   in Germany and the Reformed Church of Switzerland stand to this day the
   best vindication of their distinct, yet equally evangelical Christian
   work and character.

   NOTES.

   I add the comparative estimates of the two Reformers by two eminent and
   equally unbiassed scholars, the one of German Lutheran, the other of
   Swiss Reformed, descent.

   Dr. Baur (the founder of the Tuebingen school of critical historians)
   says: [42] When the two men met, as at Marburg, Zwingli appears more
   free, more unprejudiced, more fresh, and also more mild and
   conciliatory; while Luther shows himself harsh and intolerant, and
   repels Zwingli with the proud word: 'We have another spirit than you.'
   [43] A comparison of their controversial writings can only result to
   the advantage of Zwingli. But there can be no doubt that, judged by the
   merits and effects of their reformatory labors, Luther stands much
   higher than Zwingli. It is true, even in this respect, both stand quite
   independent of each other. Zwingli has by no means received his impulse
   from Luther; but Luther alone stands on the proper field of battle
   where the cause of the Reformation had to be fought out. He is the
   path-breaking Reformer, and without his labors Zwingli could never have
   reached the historic significance which properly belongs to him
   alongside of Luther." [44]

   Dr. Alexander Schweizer (of Zurich), in his commemorative oration of
   1884, does equal justice to both: "Luther and Zwingli founded, each
   according to his individuality, the Reformation in the degenerated
   Church, both strengthening and supplementing each other, but in many
   respects also going different ways. How shall we estimate them,
   elevating the one, lowering the other, as is the case with Goethe and
   Schiller? Let us rather rejoice, according to Goethe's advice, in the
   possession of two such men. May those Lutherans who wish to check the
   growing union with the Reformed, continue to represent Luther as the
   only Reformer, and, in ignorance of Zwingli's deep evangelical piety,
   depreciate him as a mere humanistic illuminator: this shall not hinder
   us from doing homage at the outset to Luther's full greatness,
   contented with the independent position of our Zwingli alongside of
   this first hero of the Reformation; yea, we deem it our noblest task in
   this Zwingli festival at Zurich, which took cheerful part in the
   preceding Luther festival, to acknowledge Luther as the chief hero of
   the battle of the Reformation, and to put his world-historical and
   personal greatness in the front rank; and this all the more since
   Zwingli himself, and afterwards Calvin, have preceded us in this high
   estimate of Luther." [45]

   Phillips Brooks (Bishop of Massachusetts, the greatest preacher of the
   Protestant Episcopal Church in the United States, d. 1893):, Of all the
   Reformers, in this respect [tolerance], Zwingli, who so often in the
   days of darkness is the man of light, is the noblest and clearest. At
   the conference in Marburg he contrasts most favorably with Luther in
   his willingness to be reconciled for the good of the common cause, and
   he was one of the very few who in those days believed that the good and
   earnest heathen could be saved." (Lectures on Tolerance, New York,
   1887, p. 34.)

   Of secular historians, J. Michelet (Histoire de France, X. 310 sq.)
   shows a just appreciation of Zwingli, and his last noble confession
   addressed to the King of France. He says of him: "Grand docteur,
   meilleur patriote, nature forte et simple, il a montre le type meme, le
   vrai genie de la Suisse, dans sa fiere independance de l'Italie, de
   l'Allemagne. ... Son langage `a Franc,ois 1er, digne de la Renaissance,
   etablissait la question de l'Eglise dans sa grandeur." He then quotes
   the passage of the final salvation of all true and noble men, which no
   man with a heart can ever forget.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [41] Martin, in his Histoire de France, VIII. 156, makes a similar
   remark, "On peut considerer l'oeuvre de Zwingli comme le plus puissant
   effort qui ait etefuit pour sanctifier la Renaissance et l'unir `ala
   Reforme en Jesus-Christ." He calls Zwingli (p. 168) the man of the
   largest thought and greatest heart of the Reformation ("qui porte en
   lui la plus large pensee et le plus grand coeur de la Reformation").

   [42] Kirchengeschichte, IV. ST sq.

   [43] Martin, another impartial and dogmatically unbiased writer,
   likewise gives, with reference to the Marburg conference, "the honors
   of the debate, for logic and for moderation and brotherly charity," to
   Zwingli. Hist. de France, VIII. 114, note. So does Dean Stanley

   [44] "Neben Luther." This is the proper expression, which also
   Schweizer has chosen. Usteri places Zwingli too high when he calls him
   "ein Martin Luther ebenbuertiger Zeuge des evangelischen Glaubens." He
   is independent, but not equal.

   [45] Zwingli's Bedeutung neben Luther. Festrede zu Zwingli's 400
   jaehrigem Geburtstag 1 Jan., 1484, gehalten in der Universitaetsaula zu
   Zuerich 7 Jan., 1884 (Zuerich, 1884), p. 3.
     __________________________________________________________________
     __________________________________________________________________

   CHAPTER III.

   THE REFORMATION IN ZURICH. 1519-1526.
     __________________________________________________________________

   S: 10. Zwingli called to Zurich.

   The fame of Zwingli as a preacher and patriot secured him a call to the
   position of chief pastor of the Great Minster (Grossmuenster), the
   principal church in Zurich, which was to become the Wittenberg of
   Switzerland. Many of the Zurichers had heard him preach on their
   pilgrimages to Einsiedeln. His enemies objected to his love of music
   and pleasure, and charged him with impurity, adding slander to truth.
   His friend Myconius, the teacher of the school connected with the
   church, exerted all his influence in his favor. He was elected by
   seventeen votes out of twenty-four, Dec. 10, 1518.

   He arrived in Zurich on the 27th of the month, and received a hearty
   welcome. He promised to fulfil his duties faithfully, and to begin with
   the continuous exposition of the Gospel of Matthew, so as to bring the
   whole life of Christ before the mind of the people. This was a
   departure from the custom of following the prescribed Gospel and
   Epistle lessons, but justified by the example of the ancient Fathers,
   as Chrysostom and Augustin, who preached on whole books. The Reformed
   Churches reasserted the freedom of selecting texts; while Luther
   retained the Catholic system of pericopes.

   Zurich, the most flourishing city in German Switzerland, beautifully
   situated in an amphitheatre of fertile hills, on the lake of the same
   name and the banks of the Limmat, dates its existence from the middle
   of the ninth century when King Louis the German founded there the abbey
   of Frauemuenster (853). The spot was known in old Roman times as a
   custom station (Turicum). It became a free imperial city of
   considerable commerce between Germany and Italy, and was often visited
   by kings and emperors.

   The Great Minster was built in the twelfth century, and passed into the
   Reformed communion, like the minsters of Basle, Berne, and Lausanne,
   which are the finest churches in Switzerland.

   In the year 1315 Zurich joined the Swiss confederacy by an eternal
   covenant with Lucerne, Uri, Schwyz, and Unterwalden. This led to a
   conflict with Austria, which ended favorably for the confederacy. [46]

   In the beginning of the sixteenth century Zurich numbered seven
   thousand inhabitants. It was the centre of the international relations
   of Switzerland, and the residence of the embassadors (sic) of foreign
   powers which rivalled with each other in securing the support of Swiss
   soldiers. This fact brought wealth and luxury, and fostered party
   spirit and the lust of gain and power among the citizens. Bullinger
   says, "Before the preaching of the gospel [the Reformation], Zurich was
   in Switzerland what Corinth was in Greece." [47]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [46] On the early history of Zurich, see Bluntschli, Geschichte der
   Republik Zuerich, 2d ed. 1856; G. v. Wyss, Zuerich am Ausgange des
   13ten Jahrh., 1876; Dierauer, Geschichte der Schweiz.
   Eidgenossenschaft, vol. I. (1887), 171-217.

   [47] Moerikofer (I. 430 sqq.) gives a disgusting example of the
   rudeness and licentiousness of the Zurichers of that time.
     __________________________________________________________________

   S: 11. Zwingli's Public Labors and Private Studies.

   Zwingli began his duties in Zurich on his thirty-sixth birthday (Jan.
   1, 1519) by a sermon on the genealogy of Christ, and announced that on
   the next day (which was a Sunday) he would begin a series of expository
   discourses on the first Gospel. From Matthew he proceeded to the Acts,
   the Pauline and Catholic Epistles; so that in four years he completed
   the homiletical exposition of the whole New Testament except the
   Apocalypse (which he did not regard as an apostolic book). In the
   services during the week he preached on the Psalms. He prepared himself
   carefully from the original text. He probably used for his first course
   Chrysostom's famous Homilies on Matthew. With the Greek he was already
   familiar since his sojourn in Glarus. The Hebrew he learned from a
   pupil of Reuchlin who had come to Zurich. His copy of Reuchlin's
   Rudimenta Hebraica is marked with many notes from his hand. [48]

   His sermons, as far as published, are characterized, as Hagenbach says,
   "by spiritual sobriety and manly solidity." They are plain, practical,
   and impressive, and more ethical than doctrinal.

   He made it his chief object "to preach Christ from the fountain," and
   "to insert the pure Christ into the hearts." [49] He would preach
   nothing but what he could prove from the Scriptures, as the only rule
   of Christian faith and practice. This is a reformatory idea; for the
   aim of the Reformation was to reopen the fountain of the New Testament
   to the whole people, and to renew the life of the Church by the power
   of the primitive gospel. By his method of preaching on entire books he
   could give his congregation a more complete idea of the life of Christ
   and the way of salvation than by confining himself to detached
   sections. He did not at first attack the Roman Church, but only the
   sins of the human heart; he refuted errors by the statement of truth.
   [50] His sermons gained him great popularity in Zurich. The people
   said, "Such preaching was never heard before." Two prominent citizens,
   who were disgusted with the insipid legendary discourses of priests and
   monks, declared after hearing his first sermon, "This is a genuine
   preacher of the truth, a Moses who will deliver the people from
   bondage." They became his constant hearers and devoted friends.

   Zwingli was also a devoted pastor, cheerful, kind, hospitable and
   benevolent. He took great interest in young men, and helped them to an
   education. He was, as Bullinger says, a fine-looking man, of more than
   middle size, with a florid complexion, and an agreeable, melodious
   voice, which, though not strong, went to the heart. We have no portrait
   from his lifetime; he had no Lucas Kranach near him, like Luther; all
   his pictures are copies of the large oil painting of Hans Asper in the
   city library at Zurich, which was made after his death, and is rather
   hard and wooden. [51]

   Zwingli continued his studies in Zurich and enlarged his library, with
   the help of his friends Glareanus and Beatus Rhenanus, who sent him
   books from Basle, the Swiss headquarters of literature. He did not
   neglect his favorite classics, and read, as Bullinger says, Aristotle,
   Plato, Thucydides, Homer, Horace, Sallust, and Seneca. But his chief
   attention was now given to the Scriptures and the patristic
   commentaries.

   In the meantime Luther's reform was shaking the whole Church, and
   strengthened and deepened his evangelical convictions in a general way,
   although he had formed them independently. Some of Luther's books were
   reprinted in Basle in 1519, and sent to Zwingli by Rhenanus. Lutheran
   ideas were in the air, and found attentive ears in Switzerland. He
   could not escape their influence. The eucharistic controversy produced
   an alienation; but he never lost his great respect for Luther and his
   extraordinary services to the Church. [52]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [48] He wrote to Myconius in 1522: "Statui proximis diebus in manus
   resumere literas Hebraicas; nam futuro Decembri ... Psalmos praelegam."
   Opera, VII. 145.

   [49] Christum ex fontibus praedicare, purum Christum animis inserere.
   Comp. his letter to Myconius (1520), Opera, VII. 142 sqq.

   [50] He did not elaborate his discourses on Matthew for publication,
   but we have fragmentary reports from the year 1525. See the extracts in
   Moerikofer I. 57-63.

   [51] See Asper's portrait on p. 16, and the description of the Zwingli
   pictures in Moerikofer, I. 345, and in the pamphlet,
   Zwingli-Ausstellung, Zurich, January, 1884.

   [52] In Zwingli's library are few works of Luther, and they have no
   annotations. (Usteri, l.c., p. 716.) His noble tribute to Luther is
   quoted in this History, vol. VI. 668.
     __________________________________________________________________

   S: 12. Zwingli and the Sale of Indulgences.

   Bernhardin Samson, a Franciscan monk of Milan, crossed the St. Gotthard
   to Switzerland in August, 1518, as apostolic general commissioner for
   the sale of indulgences. He is the Tetzel of Switzerland, and equalled
   him in the audacious profanation of holy things by turning the
   forgiveness of sins and the release from purgatorial punishment into
   merchandise. He gave the preference to the rich who were willing to buy
   letters of indulgence on parchment for a crown. To the poor he sold the
   same article on common paper for a few coppers. In Berne he absolved
   the souls of all the departed Bernese of the pains of purgatory. In
   Bremgarten he excommunicated Dean Bullinger (the father of Henry) for
   opposing his traffic. But in Zurich he was stopped in his career.

   Zwingli had long before been convinced of the error of indulgences by
   Wyttenbach when he studied in Basle. He had warned the people against
   Samson at Einsiedeln. He exerted his influence against him in Zurich;
   and the magistracy, and even the bishop of Constance (who preferred to
   sell indulgences himself) supported the opposition. Samson was obliged
   to return to Italy with his "heavy, three-horse wagon of gold." Rome
   had learned a lesson of wisdom from Luther's Theses, and behaved in the
   case of Samson with more prudence and deference to the sentiment of the
   enlightened class of Catholics. Leo X., in a brief of April, 1519,
   expressed his willingness to recall and to punish him if he had
   transgressed his authority. [53]

   The opposition to the sale of indulgences is the opening chapter in the
   history of the German Reformation, but a mere episode in the Swiss
   Reformation. That battle had been fought out victoriously by Luther.
   Zwingli came in no conflict with Rome on this question, and was even
   approved for his conduct by Dr. Faber, the general vicar of the diocese
   of Constance, who was then his friend, but became afterwards his enemy.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [53] Moerikofer, I. 65 sqq.
     __________________________________________________________________

   S: 13. Zwingli during the Pestilence.

   In the summer of 1519 Zwingli went to the famous bath of Pfaeffers at
   Ragatz to gather strength for his prospectively onerous duties at
   Zurich, in view of the danger of the approach of the plague from Basle.
   As soon as he learned, in August, that the plague had broken out in
   Zurich, he hastened back without stopping to visit his relations on the
   way. For several weeks he devoted himself, like a faithful shepherd,
   day after day, to the care of the sick, until he fell sick himself at
   the end of September. His life was in great danger, as he had worn
   himself out. The papal legate sent his own physician to his aid. The
   pestilence destroyed twenty-five hundred lives; that is, more than
   one-third of the population of Zurich. Zwingli recovered, but felt the
   effects on his brain and memory, and a lassitude in all limbs till the
   end of the year. His friends at home and abroad, including Faber,
   Pirkheimer, and Duerer at Nuernberg, congratulated him on his recovery.

   The experience during this season of public distress and private
   affliction must have exerted a good influence upon his spiritual life.
   [54] We may gather this from the three poems, which he composed and set
   to music soon afterwards, on his sickness and recovery. They consist
   each of twenty-six rhymed iambic verses, and betray great skill in
   versification. They breathe a spirit of pious resignation to the will
   of God, and give us an insight into his religious life at that time.
   [55] He wrote another poem in 1529, and versified the Sixty-ninth
   Psalm. [56]

   Zwingli's Poems during the Pestilence, with a Free Condensed
   Translation.


   I. Im Anfang der Krankheit.


   Hilf, Herr Gott, hilf

   In dieser Noth;

   Ich mein', der Tod

   Syg [57] an der Thuer.

   Stand, Christe, fuer;

   Denn du ihn ueberwunden hast!

   Zu dir ich gilf: [58]

   Ist es din Will,

   Zuch us den Pfyl, [59]

   Din Haf [60] bin ich,

   Mach ganz ald [61] brich.

   Dann nimmst du hin

   Den Geiste min


   Der mich verwundt,

   Nit lass ein Stund

   Mich haben weder Ruew [62] noch Rast!

   Willt du dann glych [63]

   Todt haben mich

   Inmitts der Tagen min,

   So soll es willig syn.

   Thu, wie Du willt,

   Mich nuet befilt. [64]

   Von dieser Erd,

   Thust du's, dass er nit boeser werd,

   Ald andern nit

   Befleck ihr Leben fromm und Sitt.


   II. Mitten in der Krankheit.


   Troest, Herr Gott, troest!

   Die Krankheit wachst, [65]

   Weh und Angst fasst

   Min Seel und Lyb. [66]

   Darum dich schybr [67]

   Gen mir, einiger Trost, mit Gnad!

   Die gwuess erloest

   Bin jeden, der Sin herzlich B'ger

   Und Hoffnung setzt

   In dich, verschaetzt.

   Darzu diss Zyt all Nutz und Schad.

   Nun ist es um;


   Min Zung ist stumm,

   Mag sprechen nit ein Wort;

   Min Sinn' sind all verdorrt,

   Darum ist Zyt, [68] Dass Du min Stryt [69]

   Fuehrist fuerhin;

   So ich nit bin

   So stark, dass ich

   Moeg tapferlich

   Thun Widerstand

   Des Tuefels Facht [70] und frefner Hand.

   Doch wird min Gmueth

   Staet bliben dir, wie er auch wueth.


   III. Zur Genesung.


   G'sund, Herr Gott, g'sund!

   Ich mein', ich kehr

   Schon wiedrum her.

   Ja, wenn dich dunkt,

   Der Suenden Funk'

   Werd nit mehr bherrschen mich uf Erd,

   So muss min Mund

   Din Lob und Lehr

   Ussprechen mehr

   Denn vormals je,

   Wie es auch geh'

   Einfaeltiglich ohn' alle G'faehrd.

   Wiewohl ich muss


   Des Todes buss

   Erliden zwar einmal

   Villicht mit groess'rer Qual,

   Denn jezund waer'

   Geschehen, Herr!

   So ich sunst bin

   Nach [71] gfahren hin,

   So will ich doch

   Den Trutz und Poch [72]

   In dieser Welt

   Tragen froehlich um Widergelt, [73]

   Mit Huelfe din,

   Ohn' den nuet [74] mag vollkommen syn.


   I. In the Beginning of his Sickness.


   Help me, O Lord,

   My strength and rock;

   Lo, at the door

   I hear death's knock.


   Uplift thine arm,

   Once pierced for me,

   That conquered death,

   And set me free.

   Yet, if thy voice,

   In life's mid-day

   Recalls my soul,

   Then I obey.

   In faith and hope,

   Earth I resign,

   Secure of heaven,

   For I am Thine.


   II. In the Midst of his Sickness.


   My pains increase;

   Haste to console;

   For fear and woe

   Seize body and soul.


   Lo! Satan strains

   To snatch his prey;

   I feel his grasp;

   Must I give way?


   Death is at hand,

   My senses fail,

   My tongue is dumb;

   Now, Christ, prevail.


   He harms me not,

   I fear no loss,

   For here lie

   Beneath Thy cross.


   III. On Recovering from his Sickness.


   My God! my Lord!

   Healed by Thy hand,

   Upon the earth

   Once more I stand.


   Though now delayed,

   My hour will come,

   Involved, perchance,

   In deeper gloom.


   Let sin no more

   Rule over me;

   My mouth shall sing

   Alone of Thee.


   But, let it come;

   With joy I'll rise,

   And bear my yoke

   Straight to the skies.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [54] Merle d'Aubigne overrates the influence of this sickness by dating
   from it Zwingli's conversion and entire consecration to God. There was
   no sudden change in his life, as in Paul or Luther: he developed
   gradually.

   [55] The original is given in Werke, II. 269-274, with a good modern
   reproduction by Fulda; also by Moerikofer, I. 72-74; and Hagenbach, 218
   (5th ed. by Nippold). Abridged translations in the English editions of
   Merle d'Aubigne's History of the Reformation, Bk. VIII. ch. 8 ("Lo! at
   my door gaunt death I spy," etc.), and in Miss Moore's translation of
   Hagenbach's History of the Reformation (Edinb., 1878, vol. I. 274). The
   structure of the poems is very artificial and difficult to reproduce.

   [56] These poems passed into the oldest Zurich hymn and tune books of
   1560 and 1570, and are printed together by Wackernagel, Das Deutsche
   Kirchenlied, vol. III. 500-503.

   [57] Sei.

   [58] flehe, schreie.

   [59] Pfeil.

   [60] Ruh.

   [61] doch.

   [62] fehlt.

   [63] Gefaess..

   [64] oder.

   [65] waechst.

   [66] Leib.

   [67] wende.

   [68] Zeit.

   [69] Streit.

   [70] Anfechtung..

   [71] beinahe.

   [72] Ungestuem.

   [73] Vergeltung.

   [74] nichts.
     __________________________________________________________________

   S: 14. The Open Breach. Controversy about Fasts. 1522.

   Zwingli was permitted to labor in Zurich for two years without serious
   opposition, although he had not a few enemies, both religious and
   political. The magistracy of Zurich took at first a neutral position,
   and ordered the priests of the city and country to preach the
   Scriptures, and to be silent about human inventions (1520). This is the
   first instance of an episcopal interference of the civil authority in
   matters of religion. It afterwards became a settled custom in
   Protestant Switzerland with the full consent of Zwingli. He was
   appointed canon of the Grossmuenster, April 29, 1521, with an
   additional salary of seventy guilders, after he had given up the papal
   pension. With this moderate income he was contented for the rest of his
   life.

   During Lent, 1522, Zwingli preached a sermon in which he showed that
   the prohibition of meat in Lent had no foundation in Scripture. Several
   of his friends, including his publisher, Froschauer, made practical use
   of their liberty.

   This brought on an open rupture. The bishop of Constance sent a strong
   deputation to Zurich, and urged the observance of the customary fasts.
   The magistracy prohibited the violation, and threatened to punish the
   offenders (April 9, 1522). [75] Zwingli defended himself in a tract on
   the free use of meats (April 16). [76] It is his first printed book. He
   essentially takes the position of Paul, that, in things indifferent,
   Christians have liberty to use or to abstain, and that the Church
   authorities have no right to forbid this liberty. He appeals to such
   passages as 1 Cor. 8:8; 10:25; Col. 2:16; 1 Tim. 4:1; Rom. 14:1-3;
   15:1, 2.

   The bishop of Constance issued a mandate to the civil authorities (May
   24), exhorting them to protect the ordinances of the Holy Church. [77]
   He admonished the canons, without naming Zwingli, to prevent the spread
   of heretical doctrines. He also sought and obtained the aid of the
   Swiss Diet, then sitting at Lucerne.

   Zwingli was in a dangerous position. He was repeatedly threatened with
   assassination. But he kept his courage, and felt sure of ultimate
   victory. He replied in the Archeteles ("the Beginning and the End"),
   hoping that this first answer would be the last. [78] He protested that
   he had done no wrong, but endeavored to lead men to God and to his Son
   Jesus Christ in plain language, such as the common people could
   understand. He warned the hierarchy of the approaching collapse of the
   Romish ceremonies, and advised them to follow the example of Julius
   Caesar, who folded his garments around him that he might fall with
   dignity. The significance of this book consists in the strong statement
   of the authority of the Scriptures against the authority of the Church.
   Erasmus was much displeased with it.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [75] Egli, Actensammlung, p. 77 (No. 237). Moerikofer (I. 97) gives a
   wrong date (March 19, 1521); but Egli's printer made an error in
   correcting him by quoting vol. II. instead of I.

   [76] Von Erkiesen und Fryheit der Spysen (De delectu et libero ciborum
   usu). Werke, I. B. 1-30 a Latin version by Gwalter in Opera Lat. I.
   324-339.

   [77] Egli, p. 85; Strickler, I. 428. I give it here as a fair specimen
   of the semi-barbarous German of Swiss documents of that period."Dass
   unser vaetterlicher getruewer rat und fruentlich ernstlich pitt ist, ir
   woellen die aergenuss und widerwaertigkeit by uech selbs, den uewern
   und andern fuerkommen und uech obgemeldten der hailigen kirchen
   ordnungen und guoten gewonhaiten in cristenlicher geainter gehorsami
   verglychen, die vollziechen und solichs by den uewern zuo gesche(h)en,
   sovil an uech, verschaffen. Das halten wir dem Evangelio, der leer
   Pauli und dem hailigen unserm cristenlichen glouben glychmaessig. Ir
   tuond ouch daran uech und den uewern wolfart, von uns gnaedigklich und
   fruentlich zuo erkennen und zuo verdienen."

   [78] Opera, III. 26-76.
     __________________________________________________________________

   S: 15. Petition for the Abolition of Clerical Celibacy. Zwingli's
   Marriage.

   In July of the same year (1522), Zwingli, with ten other priests, sent
   a Latin petition to the bishop, and a German petition to the Swiss
   Diet, to permit the free preaching of the gospel and the marriage of
   the clergy as the only remedy against the evils of enforced celibacy.
   He quotes the Scriptures for the divine institution and right of
   marriage, and begs the confederates to permit what God himself has
   sanctioned. He sent both petitions to Myconius in Lucerne for
   signatures. Some priests approved, but were afraid to sign; others said
   the petition was useless, and could only be granted by the pope or a
   council. [79]

   The petition was not granted. Several priests openly disobeyed. One
   married even a nun of the convent of Oetenbach (1523); Reubli of
   Wyticon married, April 28, 1523; Leo Judae, Sept. 19, 1523.

   Zwingli himself entered into the marriage relation in 1522, [80] but
   from prudential reasons he did not make it public till April 5, 1524
   (more than a year before Luther's marriage, which took place June 13,
   1525). Such cases of secret marriage were not unfrequent; but it would
   have been better for his fame if, as a minister and reformer, he had
   exercised self-restraint till public opinion was ripe for the change.

   His wife, Anna Reinhart, [81] was the widow of Hans Meyer von Knonau,
   [82] the mother of three children, and lived near Zwingli. She was two
   years older than he. His enemies spread the report that he married for
   beauty and wealth; but she possessed only four hundred guilders besides
   her wardrobe and jewelry. She ceased to wear her jewelry after marrying
   the Reformer.

   We have only one letter of Zwingli to his wife, written from Berne,
   Jan. 11, 1528, in which he addresses her as his dearest house-wife.
   [83] From occasional expressions of respect and affection for his wife,
   and from salutations of friends to her, we must infer that his family
   life was happy; but it lacked the poetic charm of Luther's home. She
   was a useful helpmate in his work. [84] She contributed her share
   towards the creation of pastoral family life, with its innumerable
   happy homes. [85]

   In Zwingli's beautiful copy of the Greek Bible (from the press of Aldus
   in Venice, 1518), which is still preserved and called "Zwingli's
   Bible," he entered with his own hand a domestic chronicle, which
   records the names, birthdays, and sponsors of his four children, as
   follows: "Regula Zwingli, born July 13, 1524; [86] Wilhelm Zwingli,
   born January 29, 1526; [87] Huldreich Zwingli, born Jan. 6, 1528; [88]
   Anna Zwingli, born May 4, 1530." [89] His last male descendant was his
   grandson, Ulrich, professor of theology, born 1556, died 1601. The last
   female descendant was his great-granddaughter, Anna Zwingli, who
   presented his MS. copy of the Greek Epistles of Paul to the city
   library of Zurich in 1634.

   Zwingli lived in great simplicity, and left no property. His little
   study (the "Zwingli-Stuebli"), in the official dwelling of the deacon
   of the Great Minster, is carefully preserved in its original condition.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [79] . Werke, I. A. 30-51; III. 16-25.

   [80] See the letters of Myconius from 1522, where he sends salutations
   to Zwingli's wife, quoted in S: 7, p. 28.

   [81] His letter to her bears the inscription, "Der Frauen Anna
   Reinhartin in Zuerich, seiner lieben Hausfrau." Opera, VIII. 134.
   Others spell the name Reinhard.

   [82] A soldier of wild habits, who belonged to one of the oldest and
   richest families of Zurich, and died 1517.

   [83] It is as follows (VIII. 134): "Gnad und Fried von Gott. Liebste
   Hausfrau, ich sage Gott Dank, dass er dir eine froehliche Geburt
   verliehen hat; der wolle uns die nach seinem Willen zu erziehen
   verleihen. Schicke meiner Base ein oder zwei Tuechli [Tuechlein],
   solcher Mass und Weise, als du sie traegst. Sie kommt ziemlich
   [sittsam], doch nicht beginlich [i. e., wie eine Nonne, eine Beghine],
   ist eine Frau von 40 Jahren in alle Weis und Mass, wie sie Meister
   Joergen Frau beschrieben hat. Thut mir und uns Allen ueber die Mass
   guetlich. Bis [Sei] hiemit Gott befohlen. Gruesse mir Gevatter
   Schaffnerin, Ulmann Trinkler, Schulthess Effingerin und wer dir lieb
   sei. Bitt Gott fuer mich und uns Alle. Gegeben zu Bern 11. Tag
   Jaenners. Gruesse mir alle deine Kinder. Besonders Margreth troeste in
   meinem Namen. Huldreich Zwingli, dein Hauswirth."

   [84] One of his friends calls her "eine Mitarbeiterin am Wort, welche
   dir, dem Apostel, behuelflich ist." Finsler, U. Zwingli, p. 52 sq.

   [85] Comp. vol. VI. S: 79, p. 473 sqq.

   [86] She married Rudolf Gwalter, Bullinger's adopted son and successor,
   and first editor of Zwingli's collected works.

   [87] He studied at Strassburg with Capito, and died with him of the
   pestilence, 1541.

   [88] He became pastor of the Prediger-Kirche, and married Bullinger's
   oldest daughter, Anna.

   [89] Anna died very young, and her death is recorded in the same book.
     __________________________________________________________________

   S: 16. Zwingli and Lambert of Avignon.

   In July, 1522, there appeared in Zurich a Franciscan monk, Lambert of
   Avignon, in his monastic dress, riding on a donkey. He had left his
   convent in the south of France, and was in search of evangelical
   religion. Haller of Berne recommended him to Zwingli. Lambert preached
   some Latin sermons against the abuses of the Roman Church, but still
   advocated the worship of saints and of the Virgin Mary. Zwingli
   interrupted him with the remark, "You err," and convinced him of his
   error in a disputation.

   The Franciscan thanked God and proceeded to Wittenberg, where Luther
   received him kindly. At the Synod of Homberg (1526) he advocated a
   scheme of Presbyterian church government, and at the conference at
   Marburg he professed to be converted to Zwingli's view of the Lord's
   Supper. [90]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [90] See vol. VI. 582 sqq., 586 sq., 649. Comp. Bullinger, I. 76 sqq.;
   Haller's letter to Zwingli, July 8, 1522 (Opera, VII. 206 sq.).
     __________________________________________________________________

   S: 17. The Sixty-seven Conclusions.

   On the Sixty-seven Conclusions and the Three Disputations see Zwingli:
   Werke, I. A. 105 sqq.; Bullinger: I. 97 sqq.; Egli: 111, 114, 173 sqq.;
   Moerikofer: I. 138 sqq., 191 sqq. The text of the Sixty-seven Articles
   in Swiss-German, Werke, I. A. 153-157; in modern German and Latin, in
   Schaff: Creeds of Christendom, III. 197-207.

   Zwingli's views, in connection with the Lutheran Reformation in
   Germany, created a great commotion, not only in the city and canton of
   Zurich, but in all Switzerland. At his suggestion, the government--that
   is, the burgomaster and the small and large Council (called The Two
   Hundred)--ordered a public disputation which should settle the
   controversy on the sole basis of the Scriptures.

   For this purpose Zwingli published Sixty-seven Articles or Conclusions
   (Schlussreden). They are the first public statement of the Reformed
   faith, but they never attained symbolical authority, and were
   superseded by maturer confessions. They resemble the Ninety-five Theses
   of Luther against indulgences, which six years before had opened the
   drama of the German Reformation; but they mark a great advance in
   Protestant sentiment, and cover a larger number of topics. They are
   full of Christ as the only Saviour and Mediator, and clearly teach the
   supremacy of the Word of God as the only rule of faith; they reject and
   attack the primacy of the Pope, the Mass, the invocation of saints, the
   meritoriousness of human works, the fasts, pilgrimages, celibacy,
   purgatory, etc., as unscriptural commandments of men.

   The following are the most important of these theses: --

   1. All who say that the gospel is nothing without the approbation of
   the Church, err and cast reproach upon God.

   2. The sum of the gospel is that our Lord Jesus Christ, the true Son of
   God, has made known to us the will of his heavenly Father, and redeemed
   us by his innocence from eternal death, and reconciled us to God.

   3. Therefore Christ is the only way to salvation to all who were, who
   are, who shall be.

   4. Whosoever seeks or shows another door, errs--yea, is a murderer of

   souls and a robber.

   7. Christ is the head of all believers who are his body; but without
   him

   the body is dead.

   8. All who live in this Head are his members and children of God. And
   this is the Church, the communion of saints, the bride of Christ, the
   Ecclesia catholica.

   15. Who believes the gospel shall be saved; who believes not, shall be
   damned. For in the gospel the whole truth is clearly contained.

   16. From the gospel we learn that the doctrines and traditions of men
   are of no use to salvation.

   17. Christ is the one eternal high-priest. Those who pretend to be
   highpriests resist, yea, set aside, the honor and dignity of Christ.

   18. Christ, who offered himself once on the cross, is the sufficient
   and perpetual sacrifice for the sins of all believers. Therefore the
   mass is no sacrifice, but a commemoration of the one sacrifice of the
   cross, and a seal of the redemption through Christ.

   19. Christ is the only Mediator between God and us.

   22. Christ is our righteousness. From this it follows that our works
   are good so far as they are Christ's, but not good so far as they are
   our own.

   24. Christians are not bound to any works which Christ has not
   commanded. They may eat at all times all kinds of food.

   26. Nothing is more displeasing to God than hypocrisy.

   27. All Christians are brethren.

   28. Whatsoever God permits and has not forbidden, is right. Therefore
   marriage is becoming to all men.

   34. The spiritual [hierarchical] power, so called, has no foundation in
   the Holy Scriptures and the teaching of Christ. [91]

   35. But the secular power [of the state] is confirmed by the teaching
   and example of Christ. [92]

   37, 38. All Christians owe obedience to the magistracy, provided it
   does not command what is against God. [93]

   49. I know of no greater scandal than the prohibition of lawful
   marriage to priests, while they are permitted for money to have
   concubines. Shame! [94]

   50. God alone forgives sins, through Jesus Christ our Lord alone.

   57. The Holy Scripture knows nothing of a purgatory after this life.

   58, 59. God alone knows the condition of the departed, and the less he
   has made known to us, the less we should pretend to know.

   66. All spiritual superiors should repent without delay, and set up the
   cross of Christ alone, or they will perish. The axe is laid at the
   root.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [91] Zwingli means the worldly power and splendor of the pope and the
   bishops, and quotes against it the lessons of humility, Matt. 18:1; 1
   Pet. 5:1-3: "Die Hoehe nach der die paepst und bishof strytend, hat
   keinen Grund." See his Uslegung or defence of the Articles, Werke, I.
   346 sq.

   [92] For this he quotes Luke 2:5 and Matt. 22:21.

   [93] In the Uslegung (I. 352 sq.) he explains Rom. 13:1: "Let every
   soul be subject unto the higher powers." "Every soul," he says, "means
   every living man, and includes popes, bishops, priests, monks and nuns.
   Every power is from God; consequently, also, a bad magistracy, with
   which God punishes our sins (Isa. 3:4). Then we must also obey the
   pope, even a bad one, because he is set over us by God for punishment.
   This I believe firmly, but I believe also that God will lead us out of
   this captivity, as he led Israel out of Egypt through his servant
   Moses."

   [94] "Pfui der Schande," is added in the German text. In the Swiss
   dialect, "Pfuch der Schand!" (I. A. 156). In the defence of this
   article (I. 378 sq.), Zwingli strongly illustrates the evil effects of
   the lewd life of the unmarried clergy upon the morals of the laity. "It
   is easy," he says, "to command chastity; but no one is able to keep it
   without the grace of God." Concerning his own case, See S: 7, p. 27.
     __________________________________________________________________

   S: 18. The Public Disputations. 1523.

   The first disputation was held in the city hall on Thursday, Jan. 29,
   1523, in the German language, before about six hundred persons,
   including all the clergy and members of the small and large Councils of
   Zurich. St. Gall was represented by Vadian; Berne, by Sebastian Meyer;
   Schaffhausen, by Sebastian Hofmeister. Oecolampadius from Basle
   expected no good from disputations, and declined to come. He agreed
   with Melanchthon's opinion about the Leipzig disputation of Eck with
   Carlstadt and Luther. Nevertheless, he attended, three years
   afterwards, the Disputation at Baden. The bishop of Constance sent his
   general vicar, Dr. Faber, hitherto a friend of Zwingli, and a man of
   respect, able learning and an able debater, with three others as
   counsellors and judges. Faber declined to enter into a detailed
   discussion of theological questions which, he thought, belong to the
   tribunal of Councils or of renowned universities, as Paris, Cologne and
   Louvain. Zwingli answered his objections, and convinced the audience.
   [95]

   On the same day the magistracy passed judgment in favor of Zwingli, and
   directed him "to continue to preach the holy gospel as heretofore, and
   to proclaim the true, divine Scriptures until he was better informed."
   All other preachers and pastors in the city and country were warned
   "not to preach anything which they could not establish by the holy
   Gospel and other divine Scriptures," and to avoid personal controversy
   and bitter names. [96]

   Zwingli prepared a lengthy and able defence of his Articles against the
   charges of Faber, July, 1523. [97]

   The disputation soon produced its natural effects. Ministers took
   regular wives; the nunnery of Oetenbach was emptied; baptism was
   administered in the vernacular, and without exorcism; the mass and
   worship of images were neglected and despised. A band of citizens,
   under the lead of a shoemaker, Klaus Hottinger, overthrew the great
   wooden crucifix in Stadelhofen, near the city, and committed other
   lawless acts. [98]

   Zwingli was radical in his opposition to idolatrous and superstitious
   ceremonies, but disapproved disorderly methods, and wished the
   magistracy to authorize the necessary changes.

   Consequently, a second disputation was arranged for October 26, 1523,
   to settle the question of images and of the mass. All the ministers of
   the city and canton were ordered to attend; the twelve other cantons,
   the bishops of Constance, Coire and Basle, and the University of Basle
   were urgently requested to send learned delegates. The bishop of
   Constance replied (Oct. 16) that he must obey the Pope and the Emperor,
   and advised the magistracy to wait for a general council. The bishop of
   Basle excused himself on account of age and sickness, but likewise
   referred to a council and warned against separation. The bishop of
   Coire made no answer. Most of the cantons declined to send delegates,
   except Schaffhausen and St. Gall. Unterwalden honestly replied that
   they had no learned men among them, but pious priests who faithfully
   adhered to the old faith of Christendom, which they preferred to, all
   innovations.

   The second disputation was held in the city hall, and lasted three
   days. There were present about nine hundred persons, including three
   hundred and fifty clergymen and ten doctors. Dr. Vadian of St. Gall,
   Dr. Hofmeister of Schaffhausen, and Dr. Schappeler of St. Gall
   presided. Zwingli and Leo Judae defended the Protestant cause, and had
   the advantage of superior Scripture learning and argument. The Roman
   party betrayed much ignorance; but Martin Steinli of Schaffhausen ably
   advocated the mass. Konrad Schmid of Kuessnacht took a moderate
   position, and produced great effect upon the audience by his eloquence.
   His judgment was, first to take the idolatry out of the heart before
   abolishing the outward images, and to leave the staff to the weak until
   they are able to walk without it and to rely solely on Christ. [99]

   The Council was not prepared to order the immediate abolition of the
   mass and the images. It punished Hottinger and other "idol-stormers" by
   banishment, and appointed a commission of ministers and laymen,
   including Zwingli, Schmidt and Judae, who should enlighten the people
   on the subject by preaching and writing. . Zwingli prepared his "Short
   and Christian Introduction," which was sent by the Council of Two
   Hundred to all the ministers of the canton, the bishops of Constance,
   Basle, and Coire, the University of Basle, and to the twelve other
   cantons (Nov. 17, 1523). [100] It may be compared to the instruction of
   Melanchthon for the visitation of the churches of Saxony (1528).

   A third disputation, of a more private character, was held Jan. 20,
   1524. The advocates of the mass were refuted and ordered not to resist
   any longer the decisions of the magistracy, though they might adhere to
   their faith.

   During the last disputation, Zwingli preached a sermon on the corrupt
   state of the clergy, which he published by request in March, 1524,
   under the title "The Shepherd." [101] He represents Christ as the good
   Shepherd in contrast with the selfish hirelings, according to the
   parable in the tenth chapter of the Gospel of John. Among the false
   shepherds he counts the bishops who do not preach at all; those priests
   who teach their own dreams instead of the Word of God; those who preach
   the Word but for the glorification of popery; those who deny their
   preaching by their conduct; those who preach for filthy lucre; and,
   finally, all who mislead men away from the Creator to the creature.
   Zwingli treats the papists as refined idolaters, and repeatedly
   denounces idolatry as the root of the errors and abuses of the Church.

   During the summer of 1524 the answers of the bishops and the Diet
   appeared, both in opposition to any innovations. The bishop of
   Constance, in a letter to Zurich, said that he had consulted several
   universities; that the mass and the images were sufficiently warranted
   by the Scriptures, and had always been in use. The canton appointed a
   commission of clergymen and laymen to answer the episcopal document.
   [102] The Swiss Diet, by a deputation, March 21, 1524, expressed regret
   that Zurich sympathized with the new, unchristian Lutheran religion,
   and prayed the canton to remain faithful to old treaties and customs,
   in which case the confederates would cheerfully aid in rooting out real
   abuses, such as the shameful trade in benefices, the selling of
   indulgences, and the scandalous lives of the clergy.

   Thus forsaken by the highest ecclesiastical and civil authorities, the
   canton of Zurich acted on its own responsibility, and carried out the
   contemplated reforms.

   The three disputations mark an advance beyond the usual academic
   disputations in the Latin language. They were held before laymen as
   well as clergymen, and in the vernacular. They brought religious
   questions before the tribunal of the people according to the genius of
   republican institutions. They had, therefore, more practical effect
   than the disputation at Leipzig. The German Reformation was decided by
   the will of the princes; the Swiss Reformation, by the will of the
   people: but in both cases there was a sympathy between the rulers and
   the majority of the population.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [95] An unofficial report of the disputation was published by
   Hegenwald, March 3, 1523 (Werke, I. A. 106-168). Faber issued, March
   10, a counter-report. Seven Zurichers replied to him in, "Das
   Gyrenrupfen" (Geyerrupfen), 1523, and charged him with lying and
   claiming the speeches of others. Salat's Historische Nachricht of the
   deputation is a "parteiische Verstuemmelung und Entstellung" of
   Hegenwald's report, and hence of no historical value (Schuler and
   Schulthess, in their ed. of Zw. I. 109). Comp. Aug. Baur, Die erste
   Zuercher Disputation, Halle, 1883.

   [96] Egli, 114 sq.; Bullinger, I. 103.

   [97] Werke, I. A. 169-425.

   [98] Fuessli, II. 33-39; Egli, 176, 178.

   [99] The only German report of the second disputation, in Werke, I. A.
   459-540 (Comp. Bullinger, I. 131 sqq.), is from the pen of Ludwig
   Hetzer, chaplain at Waedenschweil, then priest at Zurich, an ardent
   friend of the Reformation, who afterwards joined the Anabaptists, and
   was beheaded at Constance. Gwalter made an abridged Latin translation
   in Zw. Opera, II. 623-646. Zwingli took the ground that a truly
   Christian congregation was a better church than all the bishops and
   popes, and had as good a right to settle religious controversies as a
   council, where the Word of God was not allowed to decide."Ja, Hoengg
   und Kuessnacht ist ein gewuessere Kilch denn all zuesammen gerottet
   bishof und paepst." Werke, I. 472.

   [100] Ein kurz christenliche ynleitung, die ein eersamer rat der statt
   Zuerich den soelsorgern und praedicanten ... zugesandt habend, etc.
   Werke, I. A. 541-565. Gwalter gives a Latin version, Op. I. 264-268.

   [101] Der Hirt, wie man die waren christenlichen hirten und widerum die
   falschen erkennen ... soelle. Werke, I. A. 631-668.

   [102] The answer was written by Zwingli, and printed Aug. 18, 1524.
   Werke, I. A. 584-630.
     __________________________________________________________________

   S: 19. The Abolition of the Roman Worship. 1524.

   Bullinger, I. 173 sqq. Fuessli, I. 142 sqq. Egli, 234 sqq.

   By these preparatory measures, public opinion was prepared for the
   practical application of the new ideas. The old order of worship had to
   be abolished before the new order could be introduced. The destruction
   was radical, but orderly. It was effected by the co-operation of the
   preachers and the civil magistracy, with the consent of the people. It
   began at Pentecost, and was completed June 20, 1524.

   In the presence of a deputation from the authorities of Church and
   State, accompanied by architects, masons and carpenters, the churches
   of the city were purged of pictures, relics, crucifixes, altars,
   candles, and all ornaments, the frescoes effaced, and the walls
   whitewashed, so that nothing remained but the bare building to be
   filled by a worshiping congregation. The pictures were broken and
   burnt, some given to those who had a claim, a few preserved as
   antiquities. The bones of the saints were buried. Even the organs were
   removed, and the Latin singing of the choir abolished, but fortunately
   afterwards replaced by congregational singing of psalms and hymns in
   the vernacular (in Basle as early as 1526, in St. Gall 1527, in Zurich
   in 1598). "Within thirteen days," says Bullinger, "all the churches of
   the city were cleared; costly works of painting and sculpture,
   especially a beautiful table in the Waterchurch, were destroyed. The
   superstitious lamented; but the true believers rejoiced in it as a
   great and joyous worship of God." [103]

   In the following year the magistracy melted, sold, or gave away the
   rich treasures of the Great Minster and the Frauenminster,--chalices,
   crucifixes, and crosses of gold and silver, precious relics, clerical
   robes, tapestry, and other ornaments. [104] In 1533 not a copper's
   worth was left in the sacristy of the Great Minster. [105] Zwingli
   justified this vandalism by the practice of a conquering army to spike
   the guns and to destroy the forts and provisions of the enemy, lest he
   might be tempted to return.

   The same work of destruction took place in the village churches in a
   less orderly way. Nothing was left but the bare buildings, empty, cold
   and forbidding.

   The Swiss Reformers proceeded on a strict construction of the second
   commandment as understood by Jews and Moslems. They regarded all kinds
   of worship paid to images and relics as a species of idolatry. They
   opposed chiefly the paganism of popery; while Luther attacked its
   legalistic Judaism, and allowed the pictures to remain as works of art
   and helps to devotion. For the classical literature of Greece and Rome,
   however, Zwingli had more respect than Luther. It should be remarked
   also that he was not opposed to images as such any more than to poetry
   and music, but only to their idolatrous use in churches. In his reply
   to Valentin Compar of Uri (1525), he says, "The controversy is not
   about images which do not offend the faith and the honor of God, but
   about idols to which divine honors are paid. Where there is no danger
   of idolatry, the images may remain; but idols should not be tolerated.
   All the papists tell us that images are the books for the unlearned.
   But where has God commanded us to learn from such books? "He thought
   that the absence of images in churches would tend to increase the
   hunger for the Word of God. [106]

   The Swiss iconoclasm passed into the Reformed Churches of France,
   Holland, Scotland, and North America. In recent times a reaction has
   taken place, not in favor of image worship, which is dead and gone, but
   in favor of Christian art; and more respect is paid to the decency and
   beauty of the house of God and the comfort of worshipers.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [103] I. 175. Bullinger justifies the abolition of church music (which
   took place in the Grossmuenster, Dec. 9, 1527) with St. Paul's
   objection to the unintelligible glossolalia without interpretation (1
   Cor. 14:6-9). He must, of course, mean the chanting of a choir in
   Latin. The Swiss Reformed churches excel in congregational singing.

   [104] Egli, p. 269 (No. 614, Jan. 9, 1525); Moerikofer, I. 315 sq.
   Janssen (III. 84 sq.) dwells with circumstantial minuteness on the
   confiscation and robbery of these church treasures, some of which dated
   from the time of Charlemagne.

   [105] Egli, p. 893 (No. 2004, c. 1533). Uetinger declared that between
   1524 and 1532 all the treasury of the sacristy was squandered, and
   nobody knew what had become of it. "Prorsus nihil supererat."

   [106] Werke, II. A. 17-59. Comp. Moerikofer, I. 269-274.
     __________________________________________________________________

   S: 20. The Reformed Celebration of the Lord's Supper.

   Zwingli, Werke, II. B. 233. Bullinger, I. 263. Fuessli, IV. 64.

   The mass was gone. The preaching of the gospel and the celebration of
   the Lord's Supper by the whole congregation, in connection with a kind
   of Agape, took its place.

   The first celebration of the communion after the Reformed usage was
   held in the Holy Week of April, 1525, in the Great Minster. There were
   three services,--first for the youth on Maundy-Thursday, then for the
   middle-aged on Good Friday, and last for the old people on Easter. The
   celebration was plain, sober, solemn. The communicants were seated
   around long tables, which took the place of the altar, the men on the
   right, the women on the left. They listened reverently to the prayers,
   the words of institution, the Scripture lessons, taken from the 1 Cor.
   11 and the mysterious discourse in the sixth chapter of John on the
   spiritual eating and drinking of Christ's flesh and blood, and to an
   earnest exhortation of the minister. They then received in a kneeling
   posture the sacred emblems in wooden plates and wooden cups. The whole
   service was a commemoration of Christ's atoning death and a spiritual
   communion with him, according to the theory of Zwingli.

   In the liturgical part he retained more from the Catholic service than
   we might expect; namely, the Introit, the Gloria in Excelsis, the
   Creed, and several responses; but all were translated from Latin into
   the Swiss dialect, and with curious modifications. Thus the Gloria in
   Excelsis, the Creed, and the Ps. 103 were said alternately by the men
   and the women, instead of the minister and the deacon, as in the
   Catholic service, or the minister and the congregation, as in the
   Lutheran and Episcopal services. [107] In most of the Reformed churches
   (except the Anglican) the responses passed out of use, and the kneeling
   posture in receiving the communion gave way to the standing or sitting
   posture.

   The communion service was to be held four times in the year,--at
   Easter, Whitsunday, autumn, and Christmas. It was preceded by
   preparatory devotions, and made a season of special solemnity. The mass
   was prohibited at first only in the city, afterwards also in the
   country.

   Zwingli furnished also in 1525 an abridged baptismal service in the
   vernacular language, omitting the formula of exorcism and all those
   elements for which he found no Scripture warrant. [108]

   The Zwinglian and Calvinistic worship depends for its effect too much
   upon the intellectual and spiritual power of the minister, who can make
   it either very solemn and impressive, or very cold and barren. The
   Anglican Church has the advantage of an admirable liturgy.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [107] Werke, II. B. 237 sqq. I give a specimen from the Gloria in
   Excelsis:-- Der Pfarrer: Eer sye gott in den hoehinnen! Die Mann: Und
   frid uf erden! Die Wyber: Den menschen ein recht gmuet! Die Mann: Wir
   lobend dich, wir prysend dich. Die Wyber: Wir betend dich an, wir
   verehrend dich, etc. Shorter responses, however, occur between the
   minister or deacon and the congregation.

   [108] The first German baptismal service by Zwingli and Leo Judae
   appeared in the summer of 1523, the second in May, 1525. Werke, II. B.
   224 sqq.; 230 sq.
     __________________________________________________________________

   S: 21. Other Changes. A Theological School. The Carolinum. A System of
   Theology.

   Other changes completed the Reformation. The Corpus Christi festival
   was abolished, and the Christian year reduced to the observance of
   Christmas, Good Friday, Easter, and Pentecost. Processions and
   pilgrimages ceased. The property of convents was confiscated and
   devoted to schools and hospitals. The matrimonial legislation was
   reconstructed, and the care of the poor organized. In 1528 a synod
   assembled for the first time, to which each congregation sent its
   minister and two lay delegates.

   A theological college, called Carolinum, was established from the funds
   of the Great Minster, and opened June 19, 1525. It consisted of the
   collegium humanitatis, for the study of the ancient languages,
   philosophy and mathematics, and the Carolinum proper, for the study of
   the Holy Scriptures, which were explained in daily lectures, and
   popularized by the pastors for the benefit of the congregation. This
   was called prophesying (1 Cor. 14:1). [109] Zwingli wrote a tract on
   Christian education (1526). [110] He organized this school of the
   prophets, and explained in it several books of the Old Testament,
   according to the Septuagint. He recommended eminent scholars to
   professorships. Among the earliest teachers were Ceporin, Pellican,
   Myconius, Collin, Megander, and Bibliander. To Zwingli Zurich owes its
   theological and literary reputation. The Carolinum secured an educated
   ministry, and occupied an influential position in the development of
   theological science and literature till the nineteenth century, when it
   was superseded by the organization of a full university. [111]

   Zwingli wrote in the course of three months and a half an important
   work on the true, evangelical, as opposed to the false, popish faith,
   and dedicated it to Francis I., king of France, in the vain hope of
   gaining him to the cause of the Reformation. [112] It completes his
   theological opposition to the papacy. It is the first systematic
   exposition of the Reformed faith, as Melanchthon's Loci was the first
   system of Lutheran theology; but it was afterwards eclipsed by Calvin's
   Institutes, which were addressed to the same king with no better
   effect. Francis probably never read either; but the dedication remains
   as a connecting link between the Swiss and the French Reformation. The
   latter is a child of the former.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [109] Comp. Pestalozzi, Leo Judae, p. 76, and Gueder on "Prophezei," in
   Herzog2, XII. 288.

   [110] Republished by Emil Egli, U. Zwingli's Lehrbuchlein, oder wie man
   die Jugend in guten Sitten und christlicher Zucht auferziehen und
   lehren solle. Zurich, 1884. With an appendix of documents relating to
   the school at Zurich in Zwingli's time.

   [111] Prof. Dr. Georg von Wyss, in his festive discourse on the
   University of Zurich (Die Hochschule Zuerich in d. Jahren 1833-1883,
   Zuerich, 1883), gives a brief sketch of the development of the
   Carolinum. The first theological faculty of the university consisted of
   three Zurichers, Hirzel, Schulthess and Salomon Hess, who had been
   professors of the Carolinum, and two Germans, Rettig and Hitzig.
   Besides there were five Privatdocenten, ministers of Zuerich. See also
   Prof. Steiner's Festrede zur 50 jaehrigen Stiftungsfeier der Zuericher
   Universitaet, 1883.

   [112] Commentarius de vera et falsa religione, March, 1525. Opera, III.
   145-325. Leo Judae published a German translation, 1526. When Erasmus
   received the book, he said, "O bone Zwingli, quid scribis, quod ipse
   prius non scripserim?" So Zwingli reports in a letter to Vadian, Opera,
   VII. 399.
     __________________________________________________________________

   S: 22. The Translation of the Bible. Leo Judae.

   Metzger (Antistes in Schaffhausen): Geschichte der deutschen
   Bibeluebersetzung der schweizerischen reformirten Kirche. Basel, 1876.
   Pestalozzi: Leo Judae. Elberfeld, 1860.

   A most important part of the Reformation was a vernacular translation
   of the Bible. Luther's New Testament (1522) was reprinted at Basel with
   a glossary. In Zurich it was adapted to the Swiss dialect in 1524, and
   revised and improved in subsequent editions. The whole Bible was
   published in German by Froschauer at Zurich in 1530, four years before
   Luther completed his version (1534). [113] The translation of the
   Prophets and the Apocrypha was prepared by Conrad Pellican, Leo Judae,
   Theodor Bibliander, and other Zurich divines. The beautiful edition of
   1531 contained also a new version of the Poetical books, with an
   introduction (probably by Zwingli), summaries, and parallel passages.

   The Swiss translation cannot compare with Luther's in force, beauty,
   and popularity; but it is more literal, and in subsequent revisions it
   has kept pace with the progress of exegesis. It brought the Word of God
   nearer to the heart and mind of the Swiss people, and is in use to this
   day alongside of the Lutheran version. [114]

   The chief merit in this important service belongs to Leo Jud or Judae.
   [115] He was born in 1482, the son of a priest in Alsass, studied with
   Zwingli at Basle, and became his successor as priest at Einsiedeln,
   1519, and his colleague and faithful assistant as minister of St.
   Peter's in Zurich since 1523. He married in the first year of his
   pastorate at Zurich. His relation to Zwingli has been compared with the
   relation of Melanchthon to Luther. He aided Zwingli in the second
   disputation, in the controversy with the Anabaptists, and with Luther,
   edited and translated several of his writings, and taught Hebrew in the
   Carolinum. Zwingli called him his "dear brother and faithful co-worker
   in the gospel of Jesus Christ." He was called to succeed the Reformer
   after the catastrophe of Cappel; but he declined on account of his
   unfitness for administrative work, and recommended Bullinger, who was
   twenty years younger. He continued to preach and to teach till his
   death, and declined several calls to Wurtemberg and Basle. He advocated
   strict discipline and a separation of religion from politics. He had a
   melodious voice, and was a singer, musician, and poet, but excelled
   chiefly as a translator into German and Latin. [116] He wrote a Latin
   and two German catechisms, and translated Thomas `a Kempis' Imitatio
   Christi, Augustin's De Spiritu et Litera, the first Helvetic
   Confession, and other useful books into German, besides portions of the
   Bible. He prepared also a much esteemed Latin version of the Old
   Testament, which is considered his best work. He often consulted in it
   his colleagues and Michael Adam, a converted Jew. He did not live to
   see the completion, and left this to Bibliander and Pellican. It
   appeared in a handsome folio edition, 1543, with a preface by Pellican,
   and was several times reprinted. [117] He lived on a miserable salary
   with a large family, and yet helped to support the poor and entertained
   strangers, aided by his industrious and pious wife, known in Zurich as
   "Mutter Leuin." Four days before his death, June 19, 1542, he summoned
   his colleagues to his chamber, spoke of his career with great humility
   and gratitude to God, and recommended to them the care of the church
   and the completion of his Latin Bible. His death was lamented as a
   great loss by Bullinger and Calvin and the people of Zurich. [118]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [113] Five complete editions of the Bible were printed in Zurich before
   1534. Pestalozzi, Leo Judae, p. 77.

   [114] On the different editions see Metzger, l.c. 109 sqq., and
   Fritzsche, in Herzog2, XII. 556 sq. The versicular division was first
   introduced in the edition of 1589. The first thorough revision was
   prepared by Antistes Breitinger, 1629. Other revisions followed in
   1665, 1724, 1755, 1772, 1817, 1860, and 1868. The last is pronounced by
   Fritzsche one of the best translations, based upon a conscientious use
   of the latest exegetical labors.

   [115] He avoided his family name Jud (Jew); and the Zurichers called
   him "Master Leu" (Leo). in all his Latin writings he uses the Latin
   form.

   [116] Pellican says of him, "Utilissima transtulit admodum feliciter."

   [117] On his Latin Bible see Pestalozzi, 76 sqq., 165, and Fritzsche in
   Herzog2 VIII. 463.

   [118] On his works see Pestalozzi, pp. 96-106. His hymns and versified
   Psalms are printed in Wackernagel, Das Deutsche Kirchenlied, vol. III.
   p. 722 sqq. (Nos. 832-837).
     __________________________________________________________________

   S: 23. Church and State.

   The Reformation of Zurich was substantially completed in 1525. It was
   brought about by the co-operation of the secular and spiritual powers.
   Zwingli aimed at a reformation of the whole religious, political, and
   social life of the people, on the basis and by the power of the
   Scriptures. [119]

   The patriot, the good citizen, and the Christian were to him one and
   the same. He occupied the theocratic standpoint of the Old Testament.
   The preacher is a prophet: his duty is to instruct, to exhort, to
   comfort, to rebuke sin in high and low places, and to build up the
   kingdom of God; his weapon is the Word of God. The duty of the
   magistracy is to obey the gospel, to protect religion, to punish
   wickedness. Calvin took the same position in Geneva, and carried it out
   much more fully than Zwingli.

   The bishop of Constance, to whose diocese Zurich belonged, opposed the
   Reformation; and so did the other bishops of Switzerland. Hence the
   civil magistracy assumed the episcopal rights and jurisdiction, under
   the spiritual guidance of the Reformers. It first was impartial, and
   commanded the preachers of the canton to teach the Word of God, and to
   be silent about the traditions of men (1520). Then it prohibited the
   violation of the Church fasts (1522), and punished the image-breakers,
   in the interest of law and order (1523). But soon afterwards it openly
   espoused the cause of reform in the disputation of 1523, and authorized
   the abolition of the old worship and the introduction of the new (1524
   and 1525). It confiscated the property of the churches and convents,
   and took under its control the regulation of marriage, the care of the
   poor, and the education of the clergy. The Church was reduced legally
   to a state of dependence, though she was really the moving and
   inspiring power of the State, and was supported by public sentiment. In
   a republic the majority of the people rule, and the minority must
   submit. The only dissenters in Zurich were a small number of Romanists
   and Anabaptists, who were treated with the same disregard of the rights
   of conscience as the Protestants in Roman Catholic countries, only with
   a lesser degree of severity. The Reformers refused to others the right
   of protest which they claimed and exercised for themselves, and the
   civil magistracy visited the poor Anabaptists with capital punishment.

   The example of Zurich was followed by the other cantons in which the
   Reformation triumphed. Each has its own ecclesiastical establishment,
   which claims spiritual jurisdiction over all the citizens of its
   territory. There is no national Reformed Church of Switzerland, with a
   centre of unity.

   This state of things is the same as that in Protestant Germany, but
   differs from it as a republic differs from a monarchy. In both
   countries the bishops, under the command of the Pope, condemned
   Protestantism, and lost the control over their flock. The Reformers,
   who were mere presbyters, looked to the civil rulers for the
   maintenance of law and order. In Germany, after the Diet of Speier in
   1526, the princes assumed the episcopal supervision, and regulated the
   Church in their own territories for good or evil. The people were
   passive, and could not even elect their own pastors. In Switzerland, we
   have instead a sort of democratic episcopate or republican
   Caesaropapacy, where the people hold the balance of power, and make and
   unmake their government.

   In the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries Church and State, professing
   the same religion, had common interests, and worked in essential
   harmony; but in modern times the mixed character, the religious
   indifferentism, the hostility and the despotism of the State, have
   loosened the connection, and provoked the organization of free churches
   in several cantons (Geneva, Vaud, Neuchatel), on the basis of
   self-support and self-government. The State must first and last be
   just, and either support all the religions of its citizens alike, or
   none. It owes the protection of law to all, within the limits of order
   and peace. But the Church has the right of self-government, and ought
   to be free of the control of politicians. [120]

   Among the ministers of the Reformation period, Zwingli, and, after his
   death, Bullinger, exercised a sort of episcopate in fact, though not in
   form; and their successors in the Great Minster stood at the head of
   the clergy of the canton. A similar position is occupied by the
   Antistes of Basle and the Antistes of Schaffhausen. They correspond to
   the Superintendents of the Lutheran churches in Germany.

   Zwingli was the first among the Reformers who organized a regular
   synodical Church government. He provided for a synod composed of all
   ministers of the city and canton, two lay delegates of every parish,
   four members of the small and four members of the great council. This
   mixed body represented alike Church and State, the clergy and the
   laity. It was to meet twice a year, in spring and fall, in the city
   hall of Zurich, with power to superintend the doctrine and morals of
   the clergy, and to legislate on the internal affairs of the Church. The
   first meeting was held at Easter, 1528. Zwingli presided, and at his
   side was Leo Judae. The second meeting took place May 19, 1528. The
   proceedings show that the synod exercised strict discipline over the
   morals of the clergy and people, and censured intemperance,
   extravagance in dress, neglect of Church ordinances, etc. [121]

   But German Switzerland never went to such rigors of discipline as
   Geneva under the influence of Calvin.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [119] Bluntschli (Geschichte des schweizerischen Bundesrechtes,
   Stuttgart, 1875, 2d ed. I. 293 sq.): "Zwingli wur von Anfang an und
   durch sein ganzes Leben hindurch kaum viel weniger darauf bedacht,
   politisch einzugreifen als die Kirche zu reformiren. Waehrend Luther
   mit ganzer Seele die Wiederbelebung und Reinigung des christlichen
   Glaubens anstrebte und sich ausschliesslich dieser Aufgabe widmete,
   wollte Zwingli nicht bloss Kirchen-, sondern zugleich auch Staatsmann
   sein. Indem sich Zwingli der kirchlichen Reformation in der Schweiz
   bemaechtigte und diese von Zuerich aus ueber die ganze Schweiz zu
   verbreiten trachtete, ging er zugleich mit Planen um, die Schweiz
   politisch umzugestalten."

   [120] The government of the Protestant cantons of Switzerland tolerates
   and supports now, in the pulpit and the chair, all sorts of errors and
   heresies far worse than those for which the Anabaptists were drowned in
   the sixteenth century. In 1839 the magistracy of Zurich called the
   infidel Dr. Strauss to the chair of dogmatic theology in the
   university; but on that occasion the country people asserted their
   sovereignty, upset the rule of the radical party, and defeated its aim.

   [121] Opera, III. B. 19 sqq.; Moerikofer, II. 121 sq.
     __________________________________________________________________

   S: 24. Zwingli's Conflict with Radicalism.

   Comp. Literature in vol. VI., S: 102, p. 606 sq.

   I. Sources:

   In the Staatsarchiv of Zurich there are preserved about two hundred and
   fifty documents under the title, Wiedertaeuferacten,--*Egli:
   Actensammlung zur Gesch. der Zuercher Reformation, Zuerich, 1879 (see
   the Alph. Index, p. 920, sub Wiedertaeufer). The official reports are
   from their opponents. The books of the Anabaptists are scarce. A large
   collection of them is in the Baptist Theological Seminary at Rochester,
   N. Y. The principal ones are the tracts of Dr. Huebmaier (see vol. VI.
   606); a few letters of Grebel, Hut, Reubli, etc., and other documents
   mentioned and used by Cornelius (Gesch. des Muensterschen Aufruhrs);
   the Moravian, Austrian, and other Anabaptist chronicles (see Beck,
   below); and the Anabaptist hymns reprinted in Wackernagel's Deutsche
   Kirchenlied, vols. III. and V. (see below).

   Zwingli: Wer Ursach gebe zu Aufruhr, wer die wahren Aufruehrer seien,
   etc., Dec. 7, 1524. A defence of Christian unity and peace against
   sedition. (Werke, II. A. 376-425.) Vom Touff, vom Wiedertouff, und vom
   Kindertouff, May 27, 1525 (in Werke, II. A. 280-303. Republished in
   modern German by Christoffel, Zuerich, 1843. The book treats in three
   parts of baptism, rebaptism, and infant baptism). Answer to Balthasar
   Huebmaier, Nov. 5, 1525 (Werke, II. A. 337 sqq.). Elenchus contra
   Catabaptistas, 1527 (Opera, III. 357 sqq.). His answer to Schwenkfeld's
   64 Theses concerning baptism (in Op. III. 563-583; Comp. A. Baur, II.
   245-267). Oecolampadius: Ein gesprech etlicher predicanten zu Basel
   gehalten mit etlichen Bekennern des Wiedertouffs, Basel, 1525.
   Bullinger (Heinrich): Der Wiedertaeufferen ursprung, fuergang, Sekten,
   etc. Zuerich, 1560. (A Latin translation by J. Simler.) See also his
   Reformationsgeschichte, vol. I.

   II. Later Discussions:

   Ott (J. H.): Annales Anabaptistici. Basel, 1672.

   Erbkam (H. W.): Geschichte der protestantischen Secten im Zeitalter der
   Reformation. Hamburg und Gotha, 1848. pp. 519-583.

   Heberle: Die Anfaenge des Anabaptismus in der Schweiz, in the
   "Jahrbuecher fur deutsche Theologie," 1858.

   Cornelius (C. A., a liberal Roman Catholic): Geschichte des
   Muensterschen Aufruhrs. Leipzig, 1855. Zweites Buch: Die Wiedertaufe.
   1860. He treats of the Swiss Anabaptists (p. 15 sqq.), and adds
   historical documents from many archives (p. 240 sqq.). A very important
   work.

   Moerikofer: U. Zwingli. Zuerich, 1867. I. 279-313; II. 69-76. Very
   unfavorable to the Anabaptists.

   R. von Lilienkron: Zur Liederdichtung der Wiedertaeufer. Muenchen,
   1877.

   *Egli (Emil): Die Zuericher Wiedertaeufer zur Reformationszeit. Nach
   den Quellen des Staatsarchivs. Zuerich, 1878 (104 pp.). By the same:
   Die St. Galler Taeufer. Zuerich, 1887. Important for the documents and
   the external history.

   *Burrage (Henry S., American Baptist): The Anabaptists in Switzerland.
   Philadelphia, 1882, 231 pp. An account from the Baptist point of view.
   Comp. his Baptist Hymn Writers, Portland, 1888, pp. l-25.

   Usteri (J. M.): Darstellung der Tauflehre Zwingli's, in the "Studien
   und Kritiken" for 1882, pp. 205-284.

   *Beck (JOSEPH): Die Geschichtsbuecher der Wiedertaeufer in
   Oestreich-Ungarn ... von 1526 bis 1785. Wien, 1883. Publ. by the
   Imperial Academy of Sciences in Vienna.

   Strasser (G.): Der schweizerische Anabaptismus zur Zeit der
   Reformation, in the "Berner Beitraege," 1884.

   Nitsche (Richard, Roman Catholic): Geschichte der Wiedertaeufer in der
   Schweiz zur Reformationszeit. Einsiedeln, New York, Cincinnati and St.
   Louis (Benziger), 1885 (107 pp.). He gives a list of literature on pp.
   vi.-viii.

   Keller (Ludwig): Die Reformation und die aeltern Reformparteien.
   Leipzig, 1885, pp. 364-435. He is favorable to the Anabaptists, and
   connects them with the Waldensian Brethren and other mediaeval sects by
   novel, but arbitrary combinations and conjectures. He mistakes
   coincidences for historical connections.

   Baur (Aug.): Zwingli's Theologie, vol. II. (1888), 1-267. An elaborate
   discussion and defence of Zwingli's conduct towards the radicals, with
   full extracts from his writings, but unjust to the Baptists.

   The monographs of Schreiber on Huebmaier (1839 and 1840, unfinished),
   Keim on Ludwig Haetzer (1856), and Keller on Hans Denck (Ein Apostel
   der Wiedertaeufer, 1882), touch also on the Anabaptist movement in
   Switzerland. Kurtz, in the tenth ed. of his Kirchengeschichte (1887),
   II. 150-164, gives a good general survey of the Anabaptist movement in
   Germany, Switzerland, and Holland, including the Mennonites.

   Having considered Zwingli's controversy with Romanism, we must now
   review his conflict with Radicalism, which ran parallel with the
   former, and exhibits the conservative and churchly side of his
   reformation. Radicalism was identical with the Anabaptist movement, but
   the baptismal question was secondary. It involved an entire
   reconstruction of the Church and of the social order. It meant
   revolution. The Romanists pointed triumphantly to revolution as the
   legitimate and inevitable result of the Reformation; but history has
   proved the difference. Liberty is possible without license, and differs
   as widely from it as from despotism.

   The Swiss Reformation, like the German, was disturbed and checked by
   the radical excesses. It was placed between the two fires of Romanism
   and Ultraprotestantism. It was attacked in the front and rear, from
   without and within, by the Romanists on the ground of tradition, by the
   Radicals on the ground of the Bible. In some respects the danger from
   the latter was greater. Liberty has more to fear from the abuses of its
   friends than from the opposition of its foes. The Reformation would
   have failed if it had identified itself with the revolution. Zwingli
   applied to the Radicals the words of St. John to the antichristian
   teachers: "They went out from us, but they were not of us" (1 John
   2:19). He considered the controversy with the Papists as mere child's
   play when compared to that with the Ultraprotestants. [122]

   The Reformers aimed to reform the old Church by the Bible; the Radicals
   attempted to build a new Church from the Bible. The former maintained
   the historic continuity; the latter went directly to the apostolic age,
   and ignored the intervening centuries as an apostasy. The Reformers
   founded a popular state-church, including all citizens with their
   families; the Anabaptists organized on the voluntary principle select
   congregations of baptized believers, separated from the world and from
   the State. Nothing is more characteristic of radicalism and
   sectarianism than an utter want of historical sense and respect for the
   past. In its extreme form it rejects even the Bible as an external
   authority, and relies on inward inspiration. This was the case with the
   Zwickau Prophets who threatened to break up Luther's work at
   Wittenberg.

   The Radicals made use of the right of protest against the Reformation,
   which the Reformers so effectually exercised against popery. They
   raised a protest against Protestantism. They charged the Reformers with
   inconsistency and semipopery; yea, with the worst kind of popery. They
   denounced the state-church as worldly and corrupt, and its ministers as
   mercenaries. They were charged in turn with pharisaical pride, with
   revolutionary and socialistic tendencies. They were cruelly persecuted
   by imprisonment, exile, torture, fire and sword, and almost totally
   suppressed in Protestant as well as in Roman Catholic countries. The
   age was not ripe for unlimited religious liberty and congregational
   self-government. The Anabaptists perished bravely as martyrs of
   conscience. [123]

   Zwingli took essentially, but quite independently, the same position
   towards the Radicals as Luther did in his controversy with Carlstadt,
   Muenzer, and Huebmaier. [124] Luther, on the contrary, radically
   misunderstood Zwingli by confounding him with Carlstadt and the
   Radicals. Zwingli was in his way just as conservative and churchly as
   the Saxon Reformer. He defended and preserved the state-church, or the
   people's church, against a small fraction of sectaries and separatists
   who threatened its dissolution. But his position was more difficult. He
   was much less influenced by tradition, and further removed from
   Romanism. He himself aimed from the start at a thorough, practical
   purification of church life, and so far agreed with the Radicals.
   Moreover, he doubted for a while the expediency (not the right) of
   infant baptism, and deemed it better to put off the sacrament to years
   of discretion. [125] He rejected the Roman doctrine of the necessity of
   baptism for salvation and the damnation of unbaptized infants dying in
   infancy. He understood the passage, Mark 16:16, "He that believeth and
   is baptized shall be saved," as applying only to adults who have heard
   the gospel and can believe, but not to children. On maturer reflection
   he modified his views. He learned from experience that it was
   impossible to realize an ideal church of believers, and stopped with
   what was attainable. As to infant baptism, he became convinced of its
   expediency in Christian families. He defended it with the analogy of
   circumcision in the Old Testament (Col. 2:11), with the
   comprehensiveness of the New Covenant, which embraces whole families
   and nations, and with the command of Christ, "Suffer little children to
   come unto Me," from which he inferred that he who refuses children to
   be baptized prevents them from coming to Christ. He also appealed to 1
   Cor. 7:14, which implies the church-membership of the children of
   Christian parents, and to the examples of family baptisms in Acts
   16:33, 18:8, and 1 Cor. 1:16.

   The Radical movement began in Zurich in 1523, and lasted till 1532. The
   leaders were Conrad Grebel, from one of the first families of Zurich, a
   layman, educated in the universities of Vienna and Paris, whom Zwingli
   calls the corypheus of the Anabaptists; Felix Manz, the illegitimate
   son of a canon of the Great Minster, a good Hebrew scholar; Georg
   Blaurock, a monk of Coire, called on account of his eloquence "the
   mighty Joerg," or "the second Paul;" and Ludwig Haetzer of Thurgau,
   chaplain at Waedenschwyl, who, with Hans Denck, prepared the first
   Protestant translation of the Hebrew Prophets, [126] and acted as
   secretary of the second Zurich disputation, and edited its proceedings.
   With them were associated a number of ex-priests and ex-monks, as
   William Reubli, minister at Wyticon, Johann Broedli (Paniculus) at
   Zollicon, and Simon Stumpf at Hoeng. They took an active part in the
   early stages of the Reformation, prematurely broke the fasts, and stood
   in the front rank of the image-stormers. They went ahead of public
   opinion and the orderly method of Zwingli. They opposed the tithe,
   usury, military service, and the oath. They denied the right of the
   civil magistracy to interfere in matters of religion. They met as
   "brethren" for prayer and Scripture-reading in the house of "Mother
   Manz," and in the neighborhood of Zurich, especially at Zollicon.

   The German Radicals, Carlstadt and Muenzer, were for a short time in
   Switzerland and on the Rhine, but did not re-baptize and had no
   influence upon the Swiss Radicals, who opposed rebellion to the civil
   authority. Carlstadt gradually sobered down; Muenzer stirred up the
   Peasants' War, seized the sword and perished by the sword. Dr.
   Huebmaier of Bavaria, the most learned among the Anabaptists, and their
   chief advocate, took part in the October disputation at Zurich in 1523,
   but afterwards wrote books against Zwingli (on the baptism of
   believers, 1525, and a dialogue with Zwingli, 1526), was expelled from
   Switzerland, and organized flourishing congregations in Moravia.

   The Radical opinions spread with great rapidity, or rose
   simultaneously, in Berne, Basle, St. Gall, Appenzell, all along the
   Upper Rhine, in South Germany, and Austria. The Anabaptists were driven
   from place to place, and travelled as fugitive evangelists. They
   preached repentance and faith, baptized converts, organized
   congregations, and exercised rigid discipline. They called themselves
   simply "brethren" or "Christians." They were earnest and zealous,
   self-denying and heroic, but restless and impatient. They accepted the
   New Testament as their only rule of faith and practice, and so far
   agreed with the Reformers, but utterly broke with the Catholic
   tradition, and rejected Luther's theory of forensic, solifidian
   justification, and the real presence. They emphasized the necessity of
   good works, and deemed it possible to keep the law and to reach
   perfection. They were orthodox in most articles of the common Christian
   faith, except Haetzer and Denck, who doubted the doctrine of the
   Trinity and the divinity of Christ.

   The first and chief aim of the Radicals was not (as is usually stated)
   the opposition to infant baptism, still less to sprinkling or pouring,
   but the establishment of a pure church of converts in opposition to the
   mixed church of the world. The rejection of infant baptism followed as
   a necessary consequence. They were not satisfied with separation from
   popery; they wanted a separation from all the ungodly. They appealed to
   the example of the disciples in Jerusalem, who left the synagogue and
   the world, gathered in an upper room, sold their goods, and held all
   things in common. They hoped at first to carry Zwingli with them, but
   in vain; and then they charged him with treason to the truth, and hated
   him worse than the pope.

   Zwingli could not follow the Anabaptists without bringing the
   Reformation into discredit with the lovers of order, and rousing the
   opposition of the government and the great mass of the people. He
   opposed them, as Augustin opposed the schismatical Donatists. He urged
   moderation and patience. The Apostles, he said, separated only from the
   open enemies of the gospel, and from the works of darkness, but bore
   with the weak brethren. Separation would not cure the evils of the
   Church. There are many honest people who, though weak and sick, belong
   to the sheepfold of Christ, and would be offended at a separation. He
   appealed to the word of Christ, "He that is not against me, is for me,"
   and to the parable of the tares and the wheat. If all the tares were to
   be rooted up now, there would be nothing left for the angels to do on
   the day of final separation.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [122] He wrote to Vadian, May 28, 1525 (Opera, VII. 398): "omnes pugnae
   priores lusus fuerunt pro ista."

   [123] Luther called them martyrs of the devil; but Leonhard Kaeser, to
   whom he wrote a letter of comfort, and whom he held up as a model
   martyr to the heretical martyrs (see Letters, ed. De Wette, III. 179),
   was not a Lutheran, as he thought, but the pastor of an Anabaptist
   congregation at Scherding. He was burnt Aug. 18, 1527, by order of the
   bishop of Passau. See Cornelius, II. 56.

   [124] On Luther and the Radicals see vol. VI. 375 sqq. and 606 sqq.

   [125] Hagenbach (p. 857), on the strength of Hottinger, states that the
   Council of Zurich, at the advice of Zwingli, by a mandate of Jan. 17,
   1525, allowed a delay of eight years for the baptism of children. But
   this must be an error; for on the eighteenth of January, 1525, the
   Council, after a disputation with the Anabaptists, commanded the
   baptism of all unbaptized children within eight days, on pain of the
   banishment of the parents. Egli, Actensammlung, p. 276.

   [126] Their translation of the Prophets appeared at Worms in 1527 (and
   often), and preceded that of the Zurich Bible (in 1529), and that of
   Luther, which was not completed till 1532.
     __________________________________________________________________

   S: 25. The Baptismal Controversy.

   The opposition to the mixed state-church or popular church, which
   embraced all the baptized, legitimately led to the rejection of infant
   baptism. A new church required a new baptism.

   This became now the burning question. The Radicals could find no trace
   of infant baptism in the Bible, and denounced it as an invention of the
   pope [127] and the devil. Baptism, they reasoned, presupposes
   instruction, faith, and conversion, which is impossible in the case of
   infants. [128] Voluntary baptism of adult and responsible converts is,
   therefore, the only valid baptism. They denied that baptism is
   necessary for salvation, and maintained that infants are or may be
   saved by the blood of Christ without water-baptism. [129] But baptism
   is necessary for church membership as a sign and seal of conversion.

   From this conception of baptism followed as a further consequence the
   rebaptism of those converts who wished to unite with the new church.
   Hence the name Anabaptists or Rebaptizers (Wiedertaeufer), which
   originated with the Pedobaptists, but which they themselves rejected,
   because they knew no other kind of baptism except that of converts.

   The demand of rebaptism virtually unbaptized and unchristianized the
   entire Christian world, and completed the rupture with the historic
   Church. It cut the last cord of union of the present with the past.

   The first case was the rebaptism of Blaurock by Grebel in February,
   1525, soon after the disputation with Zwingli. At a private religious
   meeting, Blaurock asked Grebel to give him the true Christian baptism
   on confession of his faith, fell on his knees and was baptized. Then he
   baptized all others who were present, and partook with them of the
   Lord's Supper, or, as they called it, the breaking of bread. [130]
   Reubli introduced rebaptism in Waldshut at Easter, 1525, convinced
   Huebmaier of its necessity, and rebaptized him with about sixty
   persons. Huebmaier himself rebaptized about three hundred. [131]

   Baptism was not bound to any particular form or time or place or
   person; any one could administer the ordinance upon penitent believers
   who desired it. It was first done mostly in houses, by sprinkling or
   pouring, occasionally by partial or total immersion in rivers. [132]

   The mode of baptism was no point of dispute between Anabaptists and
   Pedobaptists in the sixteenth century. The Roman Church provides for
   immersion and pouring as equally valid. Luther preferred immersion, and
   prescribed it in his baptismal service. [133] In England immersion was
   the normal mode down to the middle of the seventeenth century. [134] It
   was adopted by the English and American Baptists as the only mode;
   while the early Anabaptists, on the other hand, baptized by sprinkling
   and pouring as well. We learn this from the reports in the suits
   against them at Zurich. Blaurock baptized by sprinkling, [135] Manz by
   pouring. [136] The first clear case of immersion among the Swiss
   Anabaptists is that of Wolfgang Uliman (an ex-monk of Coire, and for a
   while assistant of Kessler in St. Gall). He was converted by Grebel on
   a journey to Schaffhausen, and, not satisfied with being "sprinkled
   merely out of a dish," was "drawn under and covered over in the Rhine."
   [137] On Palm Sunday, April 9, 1525, Grebel baptized a large number in
   the Sitter, a river a few miles from St. Gall, which descends from the
   Saentis and flows into the Thur, and is deep enough for immersion.
   [138] The Lord's Supper was administered by the Baptists in the
   simplest manner, after a plain supper (in imitation of the original
   institution and the Agape), by the recital of the words of institution,
   and the distribution of bread and wine. They reduced it to a mere
   commemoration.

   The two ideas of a pure church of believers and of the baptism of
   believers were the fundamental articles of the Anabaptist creed. On
   other points there was a great variety and confusion of opinions. Some
   believed in the sleep of the soul between death and resurrection, a
   millennial reign of Christ, and final restoration; some entertained
   communistic and socialistic opinions which led to the catastrophe of
   Muenster (1534). Wild excesses of immorality occurred here and there.
   [139]

   But it is unjust to charge the extravagant dreams and practices of
   individuals upon the whole body. The Swiss Anabaptists had no
   connection with the Peasants' War, which barely touched the border of
   Switzerland, and were upon the whole, like the Moravian Anabaptists,
   distinguished for simple piety and strict morality. Bullinger, who was
   opposed to them, gives the Zurich Radicals the credit that they
   denounced luxury, intemperance in eating and drinking, and all vices,
   and led a serious, spiritual life. Kessler of St. Gall, likewise an
   opponent, reports their cheerful martyrdom, and exclaims, "Alas! what
   shall I say of the people? They move my sincere pity; for many of them
   are zealous for God, but without knowledge." And Salat, a Roman
   Catholic contemporary, writes that with "cheerful, smiling faces, they
   desired and asked death, and went into it singing German psalms and
   other prayers." [140]

   The Anabaptists produced some of the earliest Protestant hymns in the
   German language, which deserve the attention of the historian. Some of
   them passed into orthodox collections in ignorance of the real authors.
   Blaurock, Manz, Hut, Haetzer, Koch, Wagner, Langmantel, Sattler,
   Schiemer, Glait, Steinmetz, Buechel, and many others contributed to
   this interesting branch of the great body of Christian song. The
   Anabaptist psalms and hymns resemble those of Schwenkfeld and his
   followers. They dwell on the inner life of the Christian, the mysteries
   of regeneration, sanctification, and personal union with Christ. They
   breathe throughout a spirit of piety, devotion, and cheerful
   resignation under suffering, and readiness for martyrdom. They are
   hymns of the cross, to comfort and encourage the scattered sheep of
   Christ ready for the slaughter, in imitation of their divine Shepherd.

   NOTES.

   The Anabaptist hymns appeared in a collection under the title "Aussbund
   Etlicher schoener Christlicher Geseng wie die in der Gefengniss zu
   Passau im Schloss von den Schweitzern und auch von anderen
   rechtglaeubigen Christen hin und her gedicht worden," 1583, and often.
   Also in other collections of the sixteenth century. They are reprinted
   in Wackernagel, Das Deutsche Kirchenlied, vol. III. (1870), pp.
   440-491, and vol. V. (1877), pp. 677-887. He embodies them in this
   monumental corpus hymnologicum, as he does the Schwenkfeldian and the
   Roman Catholic hymns of the fifteenth century, but under express
   reservation of his high-Lutheran orthodoxy. He refuses to acknowledge
   the Anabaptists as martyrs any longer (as he had done in his former
   work on German hymnology), because they stand, he says (III. 439),
   "ausserhalb der Wahrheit, ausserhalb der heiligen lutherischen Kirche!"
   Hymnology is the last place for sectarian exclusiveness. It furnishes
   one of the strongest evidences of Christian union in the sanctuary of
   worship, where theological quarrels are forgotten in the adoration of a
   common Lord and Saviour. Luther himself, as Wackernagel informs us,
   received unwittingly in his hymn book of 1545 a hymn of the Anabaptist
   Gruenwald, and another of the Schwenkfeldian Reusner. Wackernagel is
   happily inconsistent when he admits (p. 440) that much may be learned
   from the Anabaptist hymns, and that a noble heart will not easily
   condemn those victims of Rome and of the house of Habsburg. He gives
   first the hymns of Thomas Muenzer, who can hardly be called an
   Anabaptist and was disowned by the better portion.

   Burrage, in Baptist Hymn Writers, Portland, 1888, p. 1 sqq., gives some
   extracts of Anabaptist hymns. The following stanza, from a hymn of
   Schiemer or Schoener, characterizes the condition and spirit of this
   persecuted people:--


   We are, alas, like scattered sheep,

   The shepherd not in sight,

   Each far away from home and hearth,

   And, like the birds of night

   That hide away in rocky clefts,

   We have our rocky hold,

   Yet near at hand, as for the birds,

   There waits the hunter bold."
     __________________________________________________________________

   [127] They derived it from Pope Nicolas II. (A.D. 1059-'61), whose
   pontificate was entirely under the control of Hildebrand, afterwards
   Gregory VII. The reference shows the prevailing ignorance of Church
   history. Pedobaptism is much older than the papacy.

   [128] Huebmaier, when in Waldshut, substituted first a simple
   benediction of children, in place of baptism, but baptized when the
   parents wished it. See Gieseler, III. A. p. 210, note.

   [129] The Augsburg Confession (Art. IX.) condemns the Anabaptists for
   teaching "pueros sine baptismo salvos fieri."

   [130] Fuessli, II. 338. The report of a Moravian Baptist chronicle,
   quoted by Cornelius (II. 26 sq.), is as follows: "Und es hat sich
   begeben, dass sie bei einander gewesen sind, bis die Angst auf sie kam
   und sie in ihren Herzen gedrungen wurden; da haben sie angefangen ihre
   Kniee zu beugen vor dem hoechsten Gott im Himmel, und ihn angerufen,
   dass er ihnen geben wolle, seinen goettlichen Willen zu vollbringen.
   Darauf hat Juerg [Blaurock] sich erhoben und um Gottes willen gebeten,
   dass Conrad [Grebel] ihn taufe mit der rechten wahren christlichen
   Taufe auf seinen Glauben und seine Erkenntniss; ist wieder auf die
   Kniee gefallen und von Conrad getauft worden; und alle uebrigen
   Anwesenden haben sich dann von Juerg taufen lassen. Hiernaechst hat
   derselbe, seinem eigenen Bericht zufolge, damit die Brueder des Todes
   Christi allweg eingedenk waeren und sein vergossen Blut nicht
   vergaessen, ihnen den Brauch Christi angezeigt,den er in seinem
   Nachtmal gehalten hat, und zugleich mit ihnen das Brot gebrochen und
   den Trank getrunken, damit sie sich erinnerten, dass sie alle durch den
   einigen Leib Christi erloest und durch sein einiges Blut abqewaschen
   seien, auf dass sie alle eins und je einer des anderen Bruder und
   Schwester in Christo ihrem Herrn waeren." Cornelius adds to this
   report: "Diese Dinge haben sich wenige Tage nach der Disputation des
   18. Januar zugetragen, und rasch, noch ehe dieVerbannten ihren Abschied
   genommen hatten, ist, zum Theil mit ihrer Huelfe, der Gebrauch der
   Taufe und des Herrn Brodes nach Zollikon und ueber die ganze
   Genossenschaft verbreitet worden."

   [131] So Huebmaier testified before the magistrate at Zurich (Egli,
   Actensammlung, p. 431): "Da kaeme Wilhelm (Reubli) und toufte ihn
   (Huebmaier), und liessend sich uf dasselb mal mit ihm bi 60 personen
   toufen. Darnach habe er die Osterfirtag fuer und fuer und ob 300
   menschen getouft." Nothing is said about the mode. Soon afterwards
   (July 5, 1525), Huebmaier published his book, Von dem Christlichen
   Touff der Glaeubigen against Zwingli, but without naming him. Zwingli
   replied November, 1525. See A. Baur, Zwingli's Theol., II. 137 sq., 141
   sqq.

   [132] Nitsche, p. 30: "Wenn ueber jemand der Geist Gottes kam, beklagte
   und beweinte er seine Suenden und bat den ersten besten, ihn zu taufen;
   dieser bespritzte oder ueberschuettete ihn unter Nennung der drei
   goettlichen Personen mit Wasser. Einem foermlichen Untertauchen, wie es
   spaeter wohl vorkommt, begegnen wir zunaechst nicht ...Meistens wurde
   die Taufe in irgend einem Hause vollzogen; aber auch im Freien wurde
   getauft: so Rudolph Breitinger bei Gelegenheit eines Spazierganges am
   Neppelbach, ein anderer beim Brunnen zu Hirslanden." Egli, p. 23 sq.:,
   Wie es scheint, war Blaurock der eigentlich populaere Taeufer und
   wandte den Gebrauch allgemeiner an auf den ersten Besten, der weinend
   zu ihm kam."

   [133] See vol. VI. 608, note, and my book on the Didache, p. 41 sqq.

   [134] Edward VI. and Queen Elizabeth were immersed, according to the
   rubric of the English Prayer Book. Erasmus says, "With us" (on the
   Continent) infants have the water poured on them; in England they are
   dipped."

   [135] In the trial of fourteen Anabaptists, Feb. 7, 1525, Marx Bosshard
   testified that Hans Bruggbach of Zumikon, after the reading of a
   portion of the New Testament in a meeting, confessed and deplored big
   sins, and requested, as a sign of his conversion, to be sprinkled in
   the name of the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost; whereupon Blaurock
   sprinkled him. "Darauf habe ihn Blaurock bespritzt." Egli,
   Actensammlung, p. 282.

   [136] In the same suit Joerg Schad said, "er habe sich lassen beguessen
   mit Wasser, und syg [sei] Felix Manz toeifer gesin [Taeufer gewesen]."
   Ibid., p. 283.

   [137] Kessler, Sabbata, I. 266 ("in dem Rhin von dem Grebel under
   getrueckt und bedeckt"). Comp. Barrage, 105.

   [138] Burrage, p. 117. I was informed by Mr. Steiger of Herisau
   (Appenzell) that the modern Baptists in St. Gall and Appenzell baptize
   by immersion in the Sitter; but their number has greatly diminished
   since the death of Schlatter.

   [139] As in St. Gall and Appenzell; see Cornelius, II. 64 sq.

   [140] A. Baur, who sides altogether with Zwingli, must nevertheless
   admit (II. 187) that "the majority of the Swiss Anabaptists were quiet
   and honorable people of earnest character and unblemished reputation as
   citizens."
     __________________________________________________________________

   S: 26. Persecution of the Anabaptists.

   We pass now to the measures taken against the separatists. At first
   Zwingli tried to persuade them in private conferences, but in vain.
   Then followed a public disputation, which took place by order of the
   magistracy in the council hall, Jan. 17, 1525. Grebel was opposed to
   it, but appeared, together with Manz and Reubli. They urged the usual
   arguments against infant baptism, that infants cannot understand the
   gospel, cannot repent and exercise faith. Zwingli answered them, and
   appealed chiefly to circumcision and 1 Cor. 7:14, where Paul speaks of
   the children of Christian parents as "holy." He afterwards published
   his views in a book, "On Baptism, Rebaptism, and Infant Baptism" (May
   27, 1525). Bullinger, who was present at the disputation, reports that
   the Anabaptists were unable to refute Zwingli's arguments and to
   maintain their ground. Another disputation was held in March, and a
   third in November, but with no better result. The magistracy decided
   against them, and issued an order that infants should be baptized as
   heretofore, and that parents who refuse to have their children baptized
   should leave the city and canton with their families and goods.

   The Anabaptists refused to obey, and ventured on bold demonstrations.
   They arranged processions, and passed as preachers of repentance, in
   sackcloth and girdled, through the streets of Zurich, singing, praying,
   exhorting, abusing the old dragon (Zwingli) and his horns, and
   exclaiming, "Woe, woe unto Zurich!" [141]

   The leaders were arrested and shut up in a room in the Augustinian
   convent. A commission of ministers and magistrates were sent to them to
   convert them. Twenty-four professed conversion, and were set free.
   Fourteen men and seven women were retained and shut up in the Witch
   Tower, but they made their escape April 5.

   Grebel, Manz, and Blaurock were rearrested, and charged with
   communistic and revolutionary teaching. After some other excesses, the
   magistracy proceeded to threaten those who stubbornly persisted in
   their error, with death by drowning. He who dips, shall be dipped,--a
   cruel irony.

   It is not known whether Zwingli really consented to the death sentence,
   but he certainly did not openly oppose it. [142]

   Six executions in all took place in Zurich between 1527 and 1532. Manz
   was the first victim. He was bound, carried to a boat, and thrown into
   the river Limmat near the lake, Jan. 5, 1527. He praised God that he
   was about to die for the truth, and prayed with a loud voice, "Into thy
   hands, O Lord, I commend my spirit!" Bullinger describes his heroic
   death. Grebel had escaped the same fate by previous death in 1526. The
   last executions took place March 23, 1532, when Heinrich Karpfis and
   Hans Herzog were drowned. The foreigners were punished by exile, and
   met death in Roman Catholic countries. Blaurock was scourged, expelled,
   and burnt, 1529, at Clausen in the Tyrol. Haetzer, who fell into carnal
   sins, was beheaded for adultery and bigamy at Constance, Feb. 24, 1529.
   John Zwick, a Zwinglian, says that "a nobler and more manful death was
   never seen in Constance." Thomas Blaurer bears a similar testimony.
   [143] Huebmaier, who had fled from Waldshut to Zurich, December, 1525,
   was tried before the magistracy, recanted, and was sent out of the
   country to recant his recantation. [144] He labored successfully in
   Moravia, and was burnt at the stake in Vienna, March 10, 1528. Three
   days afterwards his faithful wife, whom he had married in Waldshut, was
   drowned in the Danube.

   Other Swiss cantons took the same measures against the Anabaptists as
   Zurich. In Zug, Lorenz Fuerst was drowned, Aug. 17, 1529. In Appenzell,
   Uliman and others were beheaded, and some women drowned. At Basle,
   Oecolampadius held several disputations with the Anabaptists, but
   without effect; whereupon the Council banished them, with the threat
   that they should be drowned if they returned (Nov. 13, 1530). The
   Council of Berne adopted the same course.

   In Germany and in Austria the Anabaptists fared still worse. The Diet
   of Speier, in April, 1529, decreed that "every Anabaptist and
   rebaptized person of either sex be put to death by sword, or fire, or
   otherwise." The decree was severely carried out, except in Strassburg
   and the domain of Philip of Hesse, where the heretics were treated more
   leniently. The most blood was shed in Roman Catholic countries. In
   Goerz the house in which the Anabaptists were assembled for worship was
   set on fire. "In Tyrol and Goerz," says Cornelius, [145] "the number of
   executions in the year 1531 reached already one thousand; in Ensisheim,
   six hundred. At Linz seventy-three were killed in six weeks. Duke
   William of Bavaria, surpassing all others, issued the fearful decree to
   behead those who recanted, to burn those who refused to recant....
   Throughout the greater part of Upper Germany the persecution raged like
   a wild chase.... The blood of these poor people flowed like water so
   that they cried to the Lord for help.... But hundreds of them of all
   ages and both sexes suffered the pangs of torture without a murmur,
   despised to buy their lives by recantation, and went to the place of
   execution joyfully and singing psalms."

   The blood of martyrs is never shed in vain. The Anabaptist movement was
   defeated, but not destroyed; it revived among the Mennonites, the
   Baptists in England and America, and more recently in isolated
   congregations on the Continent. The questions of the subjects and mode
   of baptism still divide Baptist and Pedobaptist churches, but the
   doctrine of the salvation of unbaptized infants is no longer condemned
   as a heresy; and the principle of religious liberty and separation of
   Church and State, for which the Swiss and German Anabaptists suffered
   and died, is making steady progress. Germany and Switzerland have
   changed their policy, and allow to Baptists, Methodists, and other
   Dissenters from the state-church that liberty of public worship which
   was formerly denied them; and the state-churches reap the benefit of
   being stirred up by them to greater vitality. In England the Baptists
   are one of the leading bodies of Dissenters, and in the United States
   the largest denomination next to the Methodists and Roman Catholics.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [141] Zwingli, Opera, III. 364.

   [142] Egli (Die Zuercher Wiedertaeufer, p. 93) thinks that if he
   consented, he did it with reluctant heart, not, like Calvin in the case
   of Servetus, with a strong sense of duty. Keller (Die Reformation, p.
   407, note) asserts, on the strength of Huebmaier, that Zwingli preached
   in 1525 that Anabaptists should be beheaded "according to the imperial
   laws," but there is no proof of this, and Baur (II. 180) denies it.
   Comp. the correspondence of Capito with Zwingli on the case of Manz,
   Opera, VIII. 16, 30, 44. Capito of Strassburg was disturbed by the
   execution of Manz, who had died so heroically, as reported (mortem
   obiise magnifice, p. 16); but Zwingli assured him that the magistracy
   condemned him to death reluctantly and from necessity (quam coacte
   Senatus judicis partem tandem usurpavit). This is, of course,
   unsatisfactory. Banishment in this case, as in that of Servetus, would
   have been severe enough.

   [143] Burrage defends Haetzer against the charges of immorality (p. 200
   sqq.) but Keim and Cornelius (II. 59) sustain them.

   [144] Baur, II. 173 sq. Zwingli's letter to Capito, Jan. 1, 1526,
   published by Rud. Staehelin, Briefe aus der Reformationszeit (Basel,
   1887), p. 20.

   [145] l.c. II. 67 sq.
     __________________________________________________________________

   S: 27. The Eucharistic Controversy. Zwingli and Luther.

   Zwingli's eucharistic writings: On the Canon of the Mass (1523); On the
   same, against Emser (1524); Letter to Matthew Alber at Reutlingen
   (1524); The 17th ch. of his Com. on the True and False Religion (in
   Latin and German, March 23, 1525); Answer to Bugenhagen (1525); Letter
   to Billicanus and Urbanus Rhegius (1526); Address to Osiander of
   Nuernberg (1527); Friendly Exegesis, addressed to Luther (Feb. 20,
   1527); Reply to Luther on the true sense of the words of institution of
   the Lord's Supper (1527); The report on the Marburg Colloquy (1529). In
   Opera, vol. II. B., III., IV. 173 sqq.

   For an exposition of Zwingli's doctrine on the Lord's Supper and his
   controversy with Luther, see vol. VI. 520-550 and 669-682; and A. Baur,
   Zwingli's Theol. II. 268 sqq. (very full and fair).

   The eucharistic controversy between Zwingli and Luther has been already
   considered in connection with the German Reformation, and requires only
   a brief notice here. It lasted from 1524 to 1529, and culminated in the
   Colloquy at Marburg, where the two views came into closer contact and
   collision than ever before or since, and where every argument for or
   against the literal interpretation of the words of institution and the
   corporal presence was set forth with the clearness and force of the two
   champions.

   Zwingli and Luther agreed in the principle of a state-church or
   people's church (Volks-Kirche), as opposed to individualism,
   separatism, and schism. Both defended the historic continuity of the
   Church, and put down the revolutionary radicalism which constructed a
   new church on the voluntary principle. Both retained infant baptism as
   a part of Christian family religion, against the Anabaptists, who
   introduced a new baptism with their new church of converts. Luther
   never appreciated this agreement in the general standpoint, and made at
   the outset the radical mistake of confounding Zwingli with Carlstadt
   and the Radicals. [146]

   But there was a characteristic difference between the two Reformers in
   the general theory of the sacraments, and especially the Lord's Supper.
   Zwingli stood midway between Luther and the Anabaptists. He regarded
   the sacraments as signs and seals of a grace already received rather
   than as means of a grace to be received. They set forth and confirm,
   but do not create, the thing signified. He rejected the doctrine of
   baptismal regeneration and of the corporal presence; while Luther
   adhered to both with intense earnestness and treated a departure as
   damnable heresy. Zwingli's theory reveals the spiritualizing and
   rationalizing tendency of his mind; while Luther's theory reveals his
   realistic and mystical tendency. Yet both were equally earnest in their
   devotion to the Scriptures as the Word of God and the supreme rule of
   faith and practice.

   When they met face to face at Marburg,--once, and only once, in this
   life,--they came to agree in fourteen out of fifteen articles, and even
   in the fifteenth article they agreed in the principal part, namely, the
   spiritual presence and fruition of Christ's body and blood, differing
   only in regard to the corporal presence and oral manducation, which the
   one denied, the other asserted. Zwingli showed on that occasion marked
   ability as a debater, and superior courtesy and liberality as a
   gentleman. Luther received the impression that Zwingli was a "very good
   man," [147] yet of a "different spirit," and hence refused to accept
   his hand of fellowship offered to him with tears. The two men were
   differently constituted, differently educated, differently situated and
   equipped, each for his own people and country; and yet the results of
   their labors, as history has proved, are substantially the same.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [146] A. Baur (Zw. Theol., II. 811) says on this misunderstanding:
   "Luther warf von Anfang an Zwingli mit Muenzer und Karlstadt zusammen.
   Kein Vorwurf und Vorurtheil gegen Zwingli ist ungerechter, aber auch
   kein Vorwurf glaenzender widerlegt, als dieser, und zwar eben durch die
   Klarheit und Bestimmtheit, mit welcher Zwingli seine Principien gegen
   die Wiedertaeufer entfaltet. Im Gegentheil; die maasslose
   Subjectivitaet die bei Muenzer, Karlstadt, bei den Wiedertaeufern zum
   Ausbruch kommt, und die solche Willkuehr bleibt, auch wenn sie sich auf
   den Buchstaben der Schrift beruft, ist das vollstaendige Gegentheil der
   Principien Zwingli's."

   [147] He called Zwingli "optimus vir," in a letter to Bullinger,
   written nine years later (1538).
     __________________________________________________________________

   S: 28. The Works of Zwingli.

   A list of Zwingli's works in the edition of Schuler and Schulthess,
   vol. VIII. 696-704; of his theological works, in Baur, Zwingli 's
   Theol., II. 834-837.

   During the twelve short years of his public labors as a reformer, from
   1519 to 1531, Zwingli developed an extraordinary literary activity. He
   attacked the Papists and the Radicals, and had to reply in
   self-defence. His advice was sought from the friends of reform in all
   parts of Switzerland, and involved him in a vast correspondence. He
   wrote partly in Latin, partly in the Swiss-German dialect. Several of
   his books were translated by Leo Judae. He handled the German with more
   skill than his countrymen; but it falls far short of the exceptional
   force and beauty of Luther's German, and could make no impression
   outside of Switzerland. The editors of his complete works (Schuler and
   Schulthess) give, in eight large octavo volumes, eighty German and
   fifty-nine Latin books and tracts, besides two volumes of epistles by
   Zwingli and to Zwingli.

   His works may be divided into seven classes, as follows: --

   1. Reformatory and Polemical Works: (a) against popery and the papists
   (on Fasts; on Images; on the Mass; Against Faber; Against Eck; Against
   Compar; Against Emser, etc.); (b) on the controversy with the
   Anabaptists; (c) on the Lord's Supper, against Luther's doctrine of the
   corporal real presence.

   2. Reformatory and Doctrinal: The Exposition of his 67 Conclusions
   (1524); A Commentary on the False and True Religion, addressed to King
   Francis I. of France (1525); A Treatise on Divine Providence (1530); A
   Confession of Faith addressed to the Emperor Charles V. and the
   Augsburg Diet (1530); and his last confession, written shortly before
   his death (1531), and published by Bullinger.

   3. Practical and Liturgical: The Shepherd; Forms of Baptism and the
   Celebration of the Lord's Supper; Sermons, etc.

   4. Exegetical: Extracts from lectures on Genesis, Exodus, Psalms,
   Isaiah, and Jeremiah, the four Gospels, and most of the Epistles,
   edited by Leo Judae, Megander, and others.

   5. Patriotic and Political: Against foreign pensions and military
   service; addresses to the Confederates, and the Council of Zurich; on
   Christian education; on peace and war, etc.

   6. Poetical: The Labyrinth and The Fable (his earliest productions);
   three German poems written during the pestilence; one written in 1529,
   and a versified Psalm (69th).

   7. Epistles. They show the extent of his influence, and include letters
   to Zwingli from Erasmus, Pucci, Pope Adrian VI., Faber, Vadianus,
   Glareanus, Myconius, Oecolampadius, Haller, Megander, Beatus Rhenanus,
   Urbanus Rhegius, Bucer, Hedio, Capito, Blaurer, Farel, Comander,
   Bullinger, Fagius, Pirkheimer, Zasius, Frobenius, Ulrich von Hutten,
   Philip of Hesse, Duke Ulrich of Wuerttemberg, and other distinguished
   persons.
     __________________________________________________________________

   S: 29. The Theology of Zwingli.

   I. Zwingli: Commentarius de Vera et Falsa Religione, 1525 (German
   translation by Leo Judae); Fidei Ratio ad Carolum V., 1530; Christianae
   Fidei brevis et clara Expositio, 1531; De Providentia, 1530 (expansion
   of a sermon preached at Marburg and dedicated to Philip of Hesse).

   II. The theology of Zwingli is discussed by Zeller, Sigwart, Spoerri,
   Schweizer, and most fully and exhaustively by A. Baur. See Lit. S: 5,
   p. 18. Comp. Schaff, Creeds of Christendom, I. 369 sqq, and Church
   History, VI. 721 sqq.

   The dogmatic works of Zwingli contain the germs of the evangelical
   Reformed theology, in distinction from the Roman and the Lutheran, and
   at the same time several original features which separate it from the
   Calvinistic System. He accepted with all the Reformers the ecumenical
   creeds and the orthodox doctrines of the Trinity, and the divine-human
   personality of Christ. He rejected with Luther the scholastic additions
   of the middle ages, but removed further from the traditional theology
   in the doctrine of the sacraments and the real presence. He was less
   logical and severe than Calvin, who surpassed him in constructive
   genius, classical diction and rhetorical finish. He drew his theology
   from the New Testament and the humanistic culture of the Erasmian type.
   His love for the classics accounts for his liberal views on the extent
   of salvation by which he differs from the other Reformers. It might
   have brought him nearer to Melanchthon; but Melanchthon was under the
   overawing influence of Luther, and was strongly prejudiced against
   Zwingli. He was free from traditional bondage, and in several respects
   in advance of his age.

   Zwingli's theology is a system of rational supernaturalism, more clear
   than profound, devoid of mysticism, but simple, sober, and practical.
   It is prevailingly soteriological, that is, a doctrine of the way of
   salvation, and rested on these fundamental principles: The Bible is the
   only sure directory of salvation (which excludes or subordinates human
   traditions); Christ is the only Saviour and Mediator between God and
   men (which excludes human mediators and the worship of saints); Christ
   is the only head of the Church visible and invisible (against the
   claims of the pope); the operation of the Holy Spirit and saving grace
   are not confined to the visible Church (which breaks with the principle
   of exclusiveness).

   1. Zwingli emphasizes the Word of God contained in the Bible,
   especially in the New Testament, as the only rule of Christian faith
   and practice. This is the objective principle of Protestantism which
   controls his whole theology. Zwingli first clearly and strongly
   proclaimed it in his Conclusions (1523), and assigned to it the first
   place in his system; while Luther put his doctrine of justification by
   faith or the subjective principle in the foreground, and made it the
   article of the standing or falling church. But with both Reformers the
   two principles so-called resolve themselves into the one principle of
   Christ, as the only and sufficient source of saving truth and saving
   grace, against the traditions of men and the works of men. Christ is
   before the Bible, and is the beginning and end of the Bible.
   Evangelical Christians believe in the Bible because they believe in
   Christ, and not vice versa. Roman Catholics believe in the Bible
   because they believe in the Church, as the custodian and infallible
   interpreter of the Bible.

   As to the extent of the Bible, or the number of inspired books, Zwingli
   accepted the Catholic Canon, with the exception of the Apocalypse,
   which he did not regard as an apostolic work, and hence never used for
   doctrinal purposes. [148] Calvin doubted the genuineness of the Second
   Epistle of Peter and the Pauline origin of the Epistle to the Hebrews.
   Both accepted the canon on the internal testimony of the Holy Spirit,
   rather than the external authority of the Church. Luther, on the one
   hand, insisted in the eucharistic controversy on the most literal
   interpretation of the words of institution against all arguments of
   grammar and reason; and yet, on the other hand, he exercised the
   boldest subjective criticism on several books of the Old and New
   Testaments, especially the Epistle of James and the Epistle to the
   Hebrews, because he could not harmonize them with his understanding of
   Paul's doctrine of justification. He thus became the forerunner of the
   higher or literary criticism which claims the Protestant right of the
   fullest investigation of all that pertains to the origin, history, and
   value of the Scriptures. The Reformed Churches, especially those of the
   English tongue, while claiming the same right, are more cautious and
   conservative in the exercise of it; they lay greater stress on the
   objective revelation of God than the subjective experience of man, and
   on historic evidence than on critical conjectures.

   2. The doctrine of eternal election and providence. Zwingli gives
   prominence to God's sovereign election as the primary source of
   salvation. He developed his view in a Latin sermon, or theological
   discourse, on Divine Providence, at the Conference of Marburg, in
   October, 1529, and enlarged and published it afterwards at Zurich (Aug.
   20, 1530), at the special request of Philip of Hesse. [149] Luther
   heard the discourse, and had no objection to it, except that he
   disliked the Greek and Hebrew quotations, as being out of place in the
   pulpit. Calvin, in a familiar letter to Bullinger, justly called the
   essay paradoxical and immoderate. It is certainly more paradoxical than
   orthodox, and contains some unguarded expressions and questionable
   illustrations; yet it does not go beyond Luther's book on the "Slavery
   of the Human Will," and the first edition of Melanchthon's Loci, or
   Calvin's more mature and careful statements. All the Reformers were
   originally strong Augustinian predestinarians and denied the liberty of
   the human will. Augustin and Luther proceeded from anthropological
   premises, namely, the total depravity of man, and came to the doctrine
   of predestination as a logical consequence, but laid greater stress on
   sacramental grace. Zwingli, anticipating Calvin, started from the
   theological principle of the absolute sovereignty of God and the
   identity of foreknowledge and foreordination. His Scripture argument is
   chiefly drawn from the ninth chapter of Romans, which, indeed, strongly
   teaches the freedom of election, [150] but should never be divorced
   from the tenth chapter, which teaches with equal clearness human
   responsibility, and from the eleventh chapter, which prophesies the
   future conversion of the Gentile nations and the people of Israel.

   Zwingli does not shrink from the abyss of supralapsarian-ism. God, he
   teaches, is the supreme and only good, and the omnipotent cause of all
   things. He rules and administers the world by his perpetual and
   immutable providence, which leaves no room for accidents. Even the fall
   of Adam, with its consequences, is included in his eternal will as well
   as his eternal knowledge. So far sin is necessary, but only as a means
   to redemption. God's agency in respect to sin is free from sin, since
   he is not bound by law, and has no bad motive or affection. [151]
   Election is free and independent; it is not conditioned by faith, but
   includes faith. [152] Salvation is possible without baptism, but not
   without Christ. We are elected in order that we may believe in Christ
   and bring forth the fruits of holiness. Only those who hear and reject
   the gospel in unbelief are foreordained to eternal punishment. All
   children of Christian parents who die in infancy are included among the
   elect, whether baptized or not, and their early death before they have
   committed any actual sin is a sure proof of their election. [153] Of
   those outside the Church we cannot judge, but may entertain a
   charitable hope, as God's grace is not bound. In this direction Zwingli
   was more liberal than any Reformer and opened a new path. St. Augustin
   moderated the rigor of the doctrine of predestination by the doctrine
   of baptismal regeneration and the hypothesis of future purification.
   Zwingli moderated it by extending the divine revelation and the working
   of the Holy Spirit beyond the boundaries of the visible Church and the
   ordinary means of grace.

   It is very easy to caricature the doctrine of predestination, and to
   dispose of it by the plausible objections that it teaches the necessity
   of sin, that it leads to fatalism and pantheism, that it supersedes the
   necessity of personal effort for growth in grace, and encourages carnal
   security. But every one who knows history at all knows also that the
   strongest predestinarians were among the most earnest and active
   Christians. It will be difficult to find purer and holier men than St.
   Augustin and Calvin, the chief champions of this very system which
   bears their name. The personal assurance of election fortified the
   Reformers, the Huguenots, the Puritans, and the Covenanters against
   doubt and despondency in times of trial and temptation. In this
   personal application the Reformed doctrine of predestination is in
   advance of that of Augustin. Moreover, every one who has some
   perception of the metaphysical difficulties of reconciling the fact of
   sin with the wisdom and holiness of God, and harmonizing the demands of
   logic and of conscience, will judge mildly of any earnest attempt at
   the solution of the apparent conflict of divine sovereignty and human
   responsibility.

   And yet we must say that the Reformers, following the lead of the great
   saint of Hippo, went to a one-sided extreme. Melanchthon felt this, and
   proposed the system of synergism, which is akin to the semi-Pelagian
   and Arminian theories. Oecolampadius kept within the limits of
   Christian experience and expressed it in the sound sentence, "Salus
   nostra ex Deo, perditio nostra ex nobis." We must always keep in mind
   both the divine and the human, the speculative and the practical
   aspects of this problem of ages; in other words, we must combine divine
   sovereignty and human responsibility as complemental truths. There is a
   moral as well as an intellectual logic,--a logic of the heart and
   conscience as well as a logic of the head. The former must keep the
   latter in check and save it from running into supralapsarianism and at
   last into fatalism and pantheism, which is just as bad as Pelagianism.

   3. Original sin and guilt. Here Zwingli departed from the Augustinian
   and Catholic system, and prepared the way for Arminian and Socinian
   opinions. He was far from denying the terrible curse of the fall and
   the fact of original sin; but he regarded original sin as a calamity, a
   disease, a natural defect, which involves no personal guilt, and is not
   punishable until it reveals itself in actual transgression. It is,
   however, the fruitful germ of actual sin, as the inborn rapacity of the
   wolf will in due time prompt him to tear the sheep. [154]

   4. The doctrine of the sacraments, and especially of the Lord's Supper,
   is the most characteristic feature of the Zwinglian, as distinct from
   the Lutheran, theology. Calvin's theory stands between the two, and
   tries to combine the Lutheran realism with the Zwinglian spiritualism.
   This subject has been sufficiently handled in previous chapters. [155]

   5. Eschatology. Here again Zwingli departed further from Augustin and
   the mediaeval theology than any other Reformer, and anticipated modern
   opinions. He believed (with the Anabaptists) in the salvation of
   infants dying in infancy, whether baptized or not. He believed also in
   the salvation of those heathen who loved truth and righteousness in
   this life, and were, so to say, unconscious Christians, or
   pre-Christian Christians. This is closely connected with his humanistic
   liberalism and enthusiasm for the ancient classics. He admired the
   wisdom and the virtue of the Greeks and Romans, and expected to meet in
   heaven, not only the saints of the Old Testament from Adam down to John
   the Baptist, but also such men as Socrates, Plato, Pindar, Aristides,
   Numa, Cato, Scipio, Seneca; yea, even such mythical characters as
   Hercules and Theseus. There is, he says, no good and holy man, no
   faithful soul, from the beginning to the end of the world, that shall
   not see God in his glory. [156]

   Zwingli traced salvation exclusively to the sovereign grace of God, who
   can save whom, where, and how he pleases, and who is not bound to any
   visible means. But he had no idea of teaching salvation without Christ
   and his atonement, as he is often misunderstood and misrepresented.
   "Christ," he says (in the third of his Conclusions) "is the only
   wisdom, righteousness, redemption, and satisfaction for the sins of the
   whole world. Hence it is a denial of Christ when we confess another
   ground of salvation and satisfaction." He does not say (and did not
   know) where, when, and how Christ is revealed to the unbaptized
   subjects of his saving grace: this is hidden from mortal eyes; but we
   have no right to set boundaries to the infinite wisdom and love of God.

   The Roman Catholic Church teaches the necessity of baptism for
   salvation, and assigns all heathen to hell and all unbaptized children
   to the limbus infantum (a border region of hell, alike removed from
   burning pain and heavenly bliss). Lutheran divines, who accept the same
   baptismal theory, must consistently exclude the unbaptized from
   beatitude, or leave them to the uncovenanted mercy of God. Zwingli and
   Calvin made salvation depend on eternal election, which may be
   indefinitely extended beyond the visible Church and sacraments. The
   Scotch Presbyterian Confession condemns the "horrible dogma" of the
   papacy concerning the damnation of unbaptized infants. The Westminster
   Confession teaches that "elect infants dying in infancy," and "all
   other elect persons, who are incapable of being outwardly called by the
   ministry of the word, are saved by Christ through the Spirit, who
   worketh when, and where, and how he pleaseth." [157]

   The old Protestant eschatology is deficient. It rejects the papal dogma
   of purgatory, and gives nothing better in its place. It confounds Hades
   with Hell (in the authorized translations of the Bible [158] ), and
   obliterates the distinction between the middle state before, and the
   final state after, the resurrection. The Roman purgatory gives relief
   in regard to the fate of imperfect Christians, but none in regard to
   the infinitely greater number of unbaptized infants and adults who
   never hear of Christ in this life. Zwingli boldly ventured on a
   solution of the mysterious problem which is more charitable and hopeful
   and more in accordance with the impartial justice and boundless mercy
   of God.

   His charitable hope of the salvation of infants dying in infancy and of
   an indefinite number of heathen is a renewal and enlargement of the
   view held by the ancient Greek Fathers (Justin Martyr, Clement of
   Alexandria, Origen, Gregory of Nyssa). It was adopted by the Baptists,
   Armenians, Quakers, and Methodists, and is now held by the great
   majority of Protestant divines of all denominations.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [148] He missed in it both the style and the genius of St. John."Non
   sapit os et ingenium Joannis." Zwingli and Luther were both wrong in
   their unfavorable judgment of the Revelation of "the Son of Thunder."

   [149] Ad illustrissimum Cattorum Principem Philippum Sermonis de
   Providentia Dei anamnema. In Opera, vol. IV. 79-144. Leo Judae
   published a German translation in 1531.

   [150] P. 114: "Nos cum Paulo in hac sententia sumus, ut praedestinatio
   libera sit, citra omnem respectum bene aut male factorum." He refers
   especially to what Paul says about God hardening Pharaoh's heart, and
   hating Esau and loving Jacob before they were born. But this has
   reference to their position in history, and not to their eternal
   salvation or perdition.

   [151] De Providentia Dei (p. 113): "Impulit Deus [latronem] ut
   occideret; sed aeque impellit judicem, ut percussorem justitiae mactet.
   Et qui impellit, agit sine omni criminis suspicione; non enim est sub
   lege. Qui vero impellitur, tam abest ut sit alienus a crimine, ut
   nullam fere rem gerat sine aliqua labis aspergine, quia sub lege est."
   Zwingli defends this view by the illustration of the magistracy taking
   a man's life. So a soldier may kill an enemy in battle, without
   committing murder. Melanchthon traced (1521) the adultery and murder of
   David and the treason of Judas to the Divine impulse; but he abandoned
   afterwards (1535) this "Stoic figment of fatalism."

   [152] P. 121: "Fides iis datur, qui ad vitam eternam electi et ordinati
   sunt; sic tamen ut electio antecedat, et fides velut symbolum
   electionem sequatur. Sic enim habet Paulus, Rom. 8:29."

   [153] He reasons thus: Nothing separates us from God but sin; children
   have not committed actual sin; Christ has expiated for original sin;
   consequently children of Christian parents, about whom we have an
   express promise, are certainly among the elect if they are taken away
   in infancy. "Defungi in illis electionis signum est perinde ac fides in
   adultis. Et qui reprobi sunt et a Deo repudiati, in hoc statu
   innocentiae non moriuntur, sed divina providentia servantur ut
   repudiatio illorum criminosa vita notetur." (P. 127.)

   [154] He describes original sin in Latin as defectus naturalis and
   conditio misera, in German as a Brest orGebrechen, i.e. disease. He
   compares it to the misfortune of one born in slavery. He explains his
   view more fully in his tract, De peccato originali ad Urbanum Rhegium,
   1526 (Opera, III. 627-645), and in his Confession to Charles V.

   [155] S: 27, p. 85 sq.; vol. VI. 620 sqq., and Creeds of Christendom,
   I. 372-377.

   [156] He often speaks on this subject in his epistles, commentaries,
   the tract on Providence, and most confidently at the close of his
   Exposition of the Christian Faith, addressed to the king of France. See
   the passages in Schaff, Creeds of Christendom, I, 382, and A. Baur,
   l.c. II. 772. Comp. also Zeller, l.c. p. 163; Alex. Schweizer, Die
   Prot. Centraldogmen, I. 94 sqq., and Reform. Glaubenslehre, II. 10 sq.;
   Dorner, Gesch. der protestTheol., p. 284 (who with his usual fairness
   vindicates Zwingli against misrepresentations).

   [157] Chapter X. 3."Elect" infants, however, implies, in the strict
   Calvinistic system, "reprobate" infants who are lost. This negative
   feature has died out. See on this subject Schaff, Creeds of
   Christendom, I. 378-384, and his Creed Revision in the Presbyterian
   Churches, New York, 1890, p. 17 sqq.

   [158] This serious error is corrected in the Revised English Version of
   1881. It is an anachronism when a scholar of the nineteenth century
   denies the distinction between Hades or Sheol (i.e. the spirit-world or
   realm of the dead) and Gehenna (i.e. hell, or the place and state of
   the lost).
     __________________________________________________________________
     __________________________________________________________________

   CHAPTER IV.

   SPREAD OF THE REFORMATION IN SWITZERLAND.
     __________________________________________________________________

   S: 30. The Swiss Diet and the Conference at Baden, 1526.

   Thomas Murner: Die Disputacion vor den XII Orten einer loeblichen
   Eidgenossenschaft ... zu Baden gehalten. Luzern, 1527. This is the
   official Catholic report, which agrees with four other protocols
   preserved in Zurich. (Mueller-Hottinger, VII. 84.) Murner published
   also a Latin edition, Causa Helvetica orthodoxae fidei, etc. Lucernae,
   1528. Bullinger, I. 331 sqq. The writings of Zwingli, occasioned by the
   Disputation in Baden, in his Opera, vol. II. B. 396-522.

   Hottinger: Geschichte der Eidgenossen waehrend der Zeit der
   Kirchentrennung, pp. 77-96. Moerikofer: Zw., II. 34-43. Merle: Reform.,
   bk. XI. ch. 13. Herzog: Oekolampad, vol. II. ch. 1. Hagenbach:
   Oekolampad, pp. 90-98. A. Baur: Zw.'s Theol., I. 501-518.

   The Diet of Switzerland took the same stand against the Zwinglian
   Reformation as the Diet of the German Empire against the Lutheran
   movement. Both Diets consisted only of one house, and this was composed
   of the hereditary nobility and aristocracy. The people were not
   directly represented by delegates of their own choice. The majority of
   voters were conservative, and in favor of the old faith; but the
   majority of the people in the larger and most prosperous cantons and in
   the free imperial cities favored progress and reform, and succeeded in
   the end.

   The question of the Reformation was repeatedly brought before the Swiss
   Diet, and not a few liberal voices were heard in favor of abolishing
   certain crying abuses; but the majority of the cantons, especially the
   old forest-cantons around the lake of Lucerne, resisted every
   innovation. Berne was anxious to retain her political supremacy, and
   vacillated. Zwingli had made many enemies by his opposition to the
   foreign military service and pensions of his countrymen. Dr. Faber, the
   general vicar of the diocese of Constance, after a visit to Rome,
   openly turned against his former friend, and made every effort to unite
   the interests of the aristocracy with those of the hierarchy. "Now," he
   said, "the priests are attacked, the nobles will come next." [159] At
   last the Diet resolved to settle the difficulty by a public
   disputation. Dr. Eck, well known to us from the disputation at Leipzig
   for his learning, ability, vanity and conceit, [160] offered his
   services to the Diet in a flattering letter of Aug. 13, 1524. He had
   then just returned from a third visit to Rome, and felt confident that
   he could crush the Protestant heresy in Switzerland as easily as in
   Germany. He spoke contemptuously of Zwingli, as one who "had no doubt
   milked more cows than he had read books." About the same time the Roman
   counter-reformation had begun to be organized at the convent of
   Regensburg (June, 1524), under the lead of Bavaria and Austria.

   The disputation was opened in the Catholic city of Baden, in Aargau,
   May 21, 1526, and lasted eighteen days, till the 8th of June. The
   cantons and four bishops sent deputies, and many foreign divines were
   present. The Protestants were a mere handful, and despised as "a
   beggarly, miserable rabble." Zwingli, who foresaw the political aim and
   result of the disputation, was prevented by the Council of Zurich from
   leaving home, because his life was threatened; but he influenced the
   proceedings by daily correspondence and secret messengers. No one could
   doubt his courage, which he showed more than once in the face of
   greater danger, as when he went to Marburg through hostile territory,
   and to the battlefield at Cappel. But several of his friends were sadly
   disappointed at his absence. He would have equalled Eck in debate and
   excelled him in biblical learning. Erasmus was invited, but politely
   declined on account of sickness.

   The arrangements for the disputation and the local sympathies were in
   favor of the papal party. Mass was said every morning at five, and a
   sermon preached; the pomp of ritualism was displayed in solemn
   processions. The presiding officers and leading secretaries were
   Romanists; nobody besides them was permitted to take notes. [161] The
   disputation turned on the real presence, the sacrifice of the mass, the
   invocation of the Virgin Mary and of saints, on images, purgatory, and
   original sin. Dr. Eck was the champion of the Roman faith, and behaved
   with the same polemical dexterity and overbearing and insolent manner
   as at Leipzig: robed in damask and silk, decorated with a golden ring,
   chain and cross; surrounded by patristic and scholastic folios,
   abounding in quotations and arguments, treating his opponents with
   proud contempt, and silencing them with his stentorian voice and final
   appeals to the authority of Rome. Occasionally he uttered an oath,
   "Potz Marter." A contemporary poet, Nicolas Manuel, thus described his
   conduct: --


   "Eck stamps with his feet, and claps his hands,

   He raves, he swears, he scolds;

   'I do,' cries he, 'what the Pope commands,

   And teach whatever he holds.' " [162]

   Oecolampadius of Basle and Haller of Berne, both plain and modest, but
   able, learned and earnest men, defended the Reformed opinions.
   Oecolampadius declared at the outset that he recognized no other rule
   of judgment than the Word of God. He was a match for Eck in patristic
   learning, and in solid arguments. His friends said, "Oecolampadius is
   vanquished, not by argument, but by vociferation." [163] Even one of
   the Romanists remarked, "If only this pale man were on our side!" His
   host judged that he must be a very pious heretic, because he saw him
   constantly engaged in study and prayer; while Eck was enjoying rich
   dinners and good wines, which occasioned the remark, "Eck is bathing in
   Baden, but in wine." [164]

   The papal party boasted of a complete victory. All innovations were
   forbidden; Zwingli was excommunicated; and Basle was called upon to
   depose Oecolampadius from the pastoral office. Faber, not satisfied
   with the burning of heretical books, advocated even the burning of the
   Protestant versions of the Bible. Thomas Murner, a Franciscan monk and
   satirical poet, who was present at Baden, heaped upon Zwingli and his
   adherents such epithets as tyrants, liars, adulterers, church robbers,
   fit only for the gallows! He had formerly (1512) chastised the vices of
   priests and monks, but turned violently against the Saxon Reformer, and
   earned the name of "Luther-Scourge "(Lutheromastix). He was now made
   lecturer in the Franciscan convent at Lucerne, and authorized to edit
   the acts of the Baden disputation. [165]

   The result of the Baden disputation was a temporary triumph for Rome,
   but turned out in the end, like the Leipzig disputation of 1519, to the
   furtherance of the Reformation. Impartial judges decided that the
   Protestants had been silenced by vociferation, intrigue and despotic
   measures, rather than refuted by sound and solid arguments from the
   Scriptures. After a temporary reaction, several cantons which had
   hitherto been vacillating between the old and the new faith, came out
   in favor of reform.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [159] "Jetzst geht's ueber die Geistlichen, dann kommt es an die
   Junker."

   [160] Comp. vol. VI. S: 37, p. 178 sqq.

   [161] Nevertheless, two young friends of the Reformation published
   reports from memory.

   [162] In Eck's und Faber's Badenfahrt: "Eck zappelt mit Fuessen und
   Haenden, Fing an zu schelten und schaenden. Er sprach: Ich blib by dem
   Verstand, Den Papst, Cardinal, und Bishof hand."

   [163] "Nicht ueberdisputirt, aber ueberschrieen ist er."

   [164] In another witty poem, quoted by Bullinger (I. 357 sq.), the two
   disputants are thus contrasted:-- "Also fing an die Disputaz: Hans Eck
   empfing da manchen Kratz, Das that ihn uebel schmerzen, Denn alles, was
   er fuerherbracht, That ihm Hans Hussc hyn [Oekolampadius] kuerzen. Herr
   Doctor Husschyn hochgelehrt Hat sich gen Ecken tapfer gwehrt, Oft
   gnommen Schwert und Stangen. Eck floh dann zu dem roem'schen Stuhl Und
   auch all sin Anhangen."

   [165] He also issued, in 1527, an almanac with satirical caricatures of
   heretics, where Zwingli is represented hanging on the gallows, and is
   called "Kirchendieb," "Feigenfresser," "Geiger des heil. Evangeliums
   und Lautenschlaeger des Alten und Neuen Testaments," etc. Kessler's
   Sabbata, Schaffhausen, 1865, and Hagenbach, p. 372.
     __________________________________________________________________

   S: 31. The Reformation in Berne.

   I. The acts of the disputation of Berne were published in 1528 at
   Zurich and Strassburg, afterwards repeatedly at Berne, and are
   contained, together with two sermons of Zwingli, in Zwingli's Werke,
   II. A. 63-229. Valerius Anshelm: Berner Chronik, new ed. by Stierlin
   and Wyss, Bern, 1884, '86, 2 vols. Stuerler: Urkunden der Bernischen
   Kirchenreform. Bern, 1862. Strickler: Aktensammlung, etc. Zurich, 1878
   (I. 1).

   II. Kuhn: Die Reformatoren Berns. Bern, 1828. Sam. Fischer: Geschichte
   der Disputation zu Bern. Zuerich, 1828. Melch. Kirchhofer: Berthold
   Haller oder die Reformation zu Bern. Zuerich, 1828. C. Pestalozzi: B.
   Haller, nach handschriftl. und gleichzeitigen Quellen. Elberfeld, 1861.
   The monographs on Niclaus Manuel by Grueneisen, Stuttgart, 1837, and by
   Baechthold, Frauenfeld, 1878. Hundeshagen: Die Conflicte des
   Zwinglianismus, Lutherthums und Calvinismus in der Bernischen
   Landeskirche von 1532-'58. Bern, 1842. F. Trechsel: articles Berner
   Disputation and Berner Synodus, and Haller, in Herzog2, II. 313-324,
   and V 556-561. Berner Beitraege, etc., 1884, quoted on p. 15. See also
   the Lit. by Nippold in his Append. to Hagenbach's Reform. Gesch., p.
   695 sq.

   III. Karl Ludwig von Haller (a distinguished Bernese and convert to
   Romanism, expelled from the Protestant Council of Berne, 1820; d.
   1854): Geschichte der kirchlichen Revolution oder protestantischen
   Reform des Kantons Bern und umliegender Gegenden. Luzern, 1836 (346
   pages). French translation, Histoire de la revolution religieuse dans
   la Swiss occidentale. Paris, 1839. This is a reactionary account
   professedly drawn from Protestant sources and represents the Swiss
   Reformation as the mother of the Revolution of 1789. To the French
   version of this book Archbishop Spalding of Baltimore (he does not
   mention the original) confesses to be "indebted for most of the facts"
   in his chapter on the Swiss Reformation which he calls a work
   established "by intrigue, chicanery, persecution, and open violence!"
   Hist. of the Prot. Ref. in Germany and Switzerland, I. 181, 186 (8th
   ed., Baltimore, 1875).

   Berne, the largest, most conservative and aristocratic of the Swiss
   cantons, which contains the political capital of the Confederacy, was
   the first to follow Zurich, after considerable hesitation. This was an
   event of decisive importance.

   The Reformation was prepared in the city and throughout the canton by
   three ministers, Sebastian Meyer, Berthold Haller, and Francis Kolb,
   and by a gifted layman, Niclaus Manuel,--all friends of Zwingli. Meyer,
   a Franciscan monk, explained in the convent the Epistles of Paul, and
   in the pulpit, the Apostles' Creed. Haller, a native of Wuertemberg, a
   friend and fellow-student of Melanchthon, an instructive preacher and
   cautious reformer, of a mild and modest disposition, settled in Berne
   as teacher in 1518, was elected chief pastor at the cathedral 1521, and
   labored there faithfully till his death (1536). He was often in danger,
   and wished to retire; but Zwingli encouraged him to remain at the post
   of duty. Without brilliant talents or great learning, he proved
   eminently useful by his gentle piety and faithful devotion to duty.
   Manuel, a poet, painter, warrior and statesman, helped the cause of
   reform by his satirical dramas, which were played in the streets, his
   exposure of Eck and Faber after the Baden disputation, and his
   influence in the council of the city (d. 1530). His services to Zwingli
   resemble the services of Hutten to Luther. The Great Council of the Two
   Hundred protected the ministers in preaching the pure gospel.

   The Peasants' War in Germany and the excesses of the Radicals in
   Switzerland produced a temporary reaction in favor of Romanism. The
   government prohibited religious controversy, banished Meyer, and
   ordered Haller, on his return from the Baden disputation, to read
   Romish mass again; but he declined, and declared that he would rather
   give up his position, as he preferred the Word of God to his daily
   bread. The elections in 1527 turned out in favor of the party of
   progress. The Romish measures were revoked, and a disputation ordered
   to take place Jan. 6, 1528, in Berne.

   The disputation at Berne lasted nineteen days (from Jan. 6 to 26). It
   was the Protestant counterpart of the disputation at Baden in
   composition, arrangements and result. It had the same effect for Berne
   as the disputations of 1523 had for Zurich. The invitations were
   general; but the Roman Catholic cantons and the four bishops who were
   invited refused, with the exception of the bishop of Lausanne, to send
   delegates, deeming the disputation of Baden final. Dr. Eck, afraid to
   lose his fresh laurels, was unwilling, as he said, "to follow the
   heretics into their nooks and corners"; but he severely attacked the
   proceedings. The Reformed party was strongly represented by delegates
   from Zurich, Basel, and St. Gall, and several cities of South Germany.
   Zurich sent about one hundred ministers and laymen, with a strong
   protection. The chief speakers on the Reformed side were Zwingli,
   Haller, Kolb, Oecolampadius, Capito, and Bucer from Strassburg; on the
   Roman side, Grab, Huter, Treger, Christen, and Burgauer. Joachim von
   Watt of St. Gall presided. Popular sermons were preached during the
   disputation by Blaurer of Constance, Zwingli, Bucer, Oecolampadius,
   Megander, and others.

   The Reformers carried an easy and complete victory, and reversed the
   decision of Baden. The ten Theses or Conclusions, drawn up by Haller
   and revised by Zwingli, were fully discussed, and adopted as a sort of
   confession of faith for the Reformed Church of Berne. They are as
   follows: --

   1. The holy Christian Church, whose only Head is Christ, is born of the
   Word of God, and abides in the same, and listens not to the voice of a
   stranger.

   2. The Church of Christ makes no laws and commandments without the Word
   of God. Hence human traditions are no more binding on us than as far as
   they are founded in the Word of God.

   3. Christ is the only wisdom, righteousness, redemption, and
   satisfaction for the sins of the whole world. Hence it is a denial of
   Christ when we confess another ground of salvation and satisfaction.

   4. The essential and corporal presence of the body and blood of Christ
   cannot be demonstrated from the Holy Scripture.

   5. The mass as now in use, in which Christ is offered to God the Father
   for the sins of the living and the dead, is contrary to the Scripture,
   a blasphemy against the most holy sacrifice, passion, and death of
   Christ, and on account of its abuses an abomination before God.

   6. As Christ alone died for us, so he is also to be adored as the only
   Mediator and Advocate between God the Father and the believers.
   Therefore it is contrary to the Word of God to propose and invoke other
   mediators.

   7. Scripture knows nothing of a purgatory after this life. Hence all
   masses and other offices for the dead [166] are useless.

   8. The worship of images is contrary to Scripture. Therefore images
   should be abolished when they are set up as objects of adoration.

   9. Matrimony is not forbidden in the Scripture to any class of men; but
   fornication and unchastity are forbidden to all.

   10. Since, according to the Scripture, an open fornicator must be
   excommunicated, it follows that unchastity and impure celibacy are more
   pernicious to the clergy than to any other class.

   All to the glory of God and his holy Word.

   Zwingli preached twice during the disputation. [167] He was in
   excellent spirits, and at the height of his fame and public usefulness.
   In the first sermon he explained the Apostles' Creed, mixing in some
   Greek and Hebrew words for his theological hearers. In the second, he
   exhorted the Bernese to persevere after the example of Moses and the
   heroes of faith. Perseverance alone can complete the triumph. (Ferendo
   vincitur fortuna.) Behold these idols conquered, mute, and scattered
   before you. The gold you spent upon them must henceforth be devoted to
   the good of the living images of God in their poverty. "Hold fast," he
   said in conclusion, "to the liberty wherewith Christ has set us free
   (Gal. 5:1). You know how much we have suffered in our conscience, how
   we were directed from one false comfort to another, from one
   commandment to another which only burdened our conscience and gave us
   no rest. But now ye have found freedom and peace in the knowledge and
   faith of Jesus Christ. From this freedom let nothing separate you. To
   hold it fast requires great fortitude. You know how our ancestors,
   thanks to God, have fought for our bodily liberty; let us still more
   zealously guard our spiritual liberty; not doubting that God, who has
   enlightened and drawn you, will in due time also draw our dear
   neighbors and fellow-confederates to him, so that we may live together
   in true friendship. May God, who created and redeemed us all, grant
   this to us and to them. Amen."

   By a reformation edict of the Council, dated Feb. 7, 1528, the ten
   Theses were legalized, the jurisdiction of the bishops abolished, and
   the necessary changes in worship and discipline provisionally ordered,
   subject to fuller light from the Word of God. The parishes of the city
   and canton were separately consulted by delegates sent to them Feb. 13
   and afterwards, and the great majority adopted the reformation by
   popular vote, except in the highlands where the movement was delayed.

   After the catastrophe of Cappel the reformation was consolidated by the
   so-called "Berner Synodus," which met Jan. 9-14, 1532. All the
   ministers of the canton, two hundred and twenty in all, were invited to
   attend. Capito, the reformer of Strassburg, exerted a strong influence
   by his addresses. The Synod adopted a book of church polity and
   discipline; the Great Council confirmed it, and ordered annual synods.
   Hundeshagen pronounces this constitution a "true masterpiece even for
   our times," and Trechsel characterizes it as excelling in apostolic
   unction, warmth, simplicity and practical wisdom. [168]

   Since that time Berne has remained faithful to the Reformed Church. In
   1828 the Canton by order of the government celebrated the third
   centenary of the Reformation.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [166] "All todtendienst, als vigil, seelmess, seelgraet, sibend,
   dryssgest, jarzyt, kerzen, und derglychen."

   [167] The sermons are printed in Werke, II. B. 203-229.

   [168] The constitution was printed at Basle in the same year, and
   repeatedly since. Trechsel gives an epitome of it in Herzog2, II. 320
   sqq.
     __________________________________________________________________

   S: 32. The Reformation in Basel. Oecolampadius.

   I. The sources are chiefly in the Bibliotheca Antistitii and the
   University Library of Basel, and in the City Library of Zuerich;
   letters of Oecolampadius to Zwingli, in Bibliander's Epistola Joh.
   Oecolampadii et Huldr. Zwinglii (Basel, 1536, fol.); in Zwingli's
   Opera, vols. VII. and VIII.; and in Herminjard, Correspondance des
   Reformateurs, passim. Several letters of Erasmus, and his Consilium
   Senatui Basiliensi in negotio Lutherano anno 1525 exhibitum.
   Antiquitates Gernlerianae, Tom. I. and II. An important collection of
   letters and documents prepared by direction of Antistes Lukas Gernler
   of Basel (1625-1676), who took part in the Helvetic Consensus Formula.
   The Athenae Rauricae sive Catalogus Professorum Academics Basiliensis,
   by Herzog, Basel, 1778. The Basler Chroniken, publ. by the Hist. Soc.
   of Basel, ed. with comments by W. Vischer (son), Leipz. 1872.

   II. Pet. Ochs: Geschichte der Stadt und Landschaft Basel. Berlin and
   Leipzig, 1786-1822. 8 vols. The Reformation is treated in vols. V. and
   VI., but without sympathy. Jak. Burckhardt: Kurze Geschichte der
   Reformation in Basel. Basel, 1819. R. R. Hagenbach: Kirchliche
   Denkwuerdigkeiten zur Geschichte Basels seit der Reformation. Basel,
   1827 (pp. 268). The first part also under the special title: Kritische
   Geschichte und Schicksale der ersten Basler Confession. By the same:
   Die Theologische Schule Basels und ihrer Lehrer von Stiftung der
   Hochschule 1460 bis zu De Wette's Tod 1849 (pp. 75). Jarke (R. Cath.):
   Studien und Skizzen zur Geschichte der Reformation. Schaffhausen
   (Hurter), 1846 (pp. 576). Fried. Fischer: Der Bildersturm in der
   Schweiz und in Basel insbesondere. In the "Basler Jahrbuch "for 1850.
   W. Vischer: Actenstuecke zur Geschichte der Reformation in Basel. In
   the "Basler Beitraege zur vaterlaendischen Geschichte," for 1854. By
   the same: Geschichte der Universitaet Basel von der Gruendung 1460 bis
   zur Reformation 1529. Basel, 1860. Boos: Geschichte der Stadt Basel.
   Basel, 1877 sqq. The first volume goes to 1501; the second has not yet
   appeared.

   III. Biographical. S. Hess: Lebensgeschichte Joh. Oekolampads. Zuerich,
   1798 (chiefly from Zuerich sources, contained in the Simler
   collection). J. J. Herzog (editor of the well-known "Encyclopaedia" d.
   1882): Das Leben Joh. Oekolampads und die Reformation der Kirche zu
   Basel. Basel, 1843. 2 vols. Comp. his article in Herzog2, Vol. X.
   708-724. K. R. Hagenbach: Johann Oekolampad und Oswald Myconius, die
   Reformatoren Basels. Leben und ausgewaehlte Schriften. Elberfeld, 1859.
   His Reformationsgesch., 5th ed., by Nippold, Leipzig, 1887, p. 386 sqq.
   On Oecolampadius' connection with the Eucharistic Controversy and part
   in the Marburg Colloquy, see Schaff, vol. VI. 620, 637, and 642.

   The example of Berne was followed by Basel, the wealthiest and most
   literary city in Switzerland, an episcopal see since the middle of the
   eighth century, the scene of the reformatory Council of 1430-1448, the
   seat of a University since 1460, the centre of the Swiss book trade,
   favorably situated for commerce on the banks of the Rhine and on the
   borders of Germany and France. The soil was prepared for the
   Reformation by scholars like Wyttenbach and Erasmus, and by evangelical
   preachers like Capito and Hedio. Had Erasmus been as zealous for
   religion as he was for letters, he would have taken the lead, but he
   withdrew more and more from the Reformation, although he continued to
   reside in Basel till 1529 and returned there to die (1536). [169]

   The chief share in the work fell to the lot of Oecolampadius
   (1482-1531). He is the second in rank and importance among the
   Reformers in German Switzerland. His relation to Zwingli is similar to
   that sustained by Melanchthon to Luther, and by Beza to Calvin,--a
   relation in part subordinate, in part supplemental. He was inferior to
   Zwingli in originality, force, and popular talent, but surpassed him in
   scholastic erudition and had a more gentle disposition. He was, like
   Melanchthon, a man of thought rather than of action, but circumstances
   forced him out of his quiet study to the public arena.

   Johann Oecolampadius [170] was born at Weinsberg in the present kingdom
   of Wuertemberg in 1482, studied law in Bologna, philology, scholastic
   philosophy, and theology in Heidelberg and Tuebingen with unusual
   success. He was a precocious genius, like Melanchthon. In his twelfth
   year he composed (according to Capito) Latin poems. In 1501 he became
   Baccalaureus, and soon afterwards Master of Arts. He devoted himself
   chiefly to the study of the Greek and Hebrew Scriptures. Erasmus gave
   him the testimony of being the best Hebraist (after Reuchlin). At
   Tuebingen he formed a friendship with Melanchthon, his junior by
   fifteen years, and continued on good terms with him notwithstanding
   their difference of opinion on the Eucharist. He delivered at Weinsberg
   a series of sermons on the Seven Words of Christ on the Cross, which
   were published by Zasius in 1512, and gained for him the reputation of
   an eminent preacher of the gospel.

   In 1515 he received a call, at Capito's suggestion, from Christoph von
   Utenheim, bishop of Basel (since 1502), to the pulpit of the cathedral
   in that city. In the year following he acquired the degree of
   licentiate, and later that of doctor of divinity. Christoph von
   Utenheim belonged to the better class of prelates, who desired a
   reformation within the Church, but drew back after the Diet of Worms,
   and died at Delsberg in 1522. His motto was: "The cross of Christ is my
   hope; I seek mercy, not works." [171]

   Oecolampadius entered into intimate relations with Erasmus, who at that
   time took up his permanent abode in Basel. He rendered him important
   service in his Annotations to the New Testament, and in the second
   edition of the Greek Testament (concerning the quotations from the
   Septuagint and Hebrew). The friendship afterwards cooled down in
   consequence of their different attitude to the question of reform.

   In 1518 Oecolampadius showed his moral severity and zeal for a reform
   of the pulpit by an attack on the prevailing custom of entertaining the
   people in the Easter season with all kinds of jokes. "What has," he
   asks, "a preacher of repentance to do with fun and laughter? Is it
   necessary for us to yield to the impulse of nature ? If we can crush
   our sins by laughter, what is the use of repenting in sackcloth and
   ashes? What is the use of tears and cries of sorrow? ... No one knows
   that Jesus laughed, but every one knows that he wept. The Apostles
   sowed the seed weeping. Many as are the symbolic acts of the prophets,
   no one of them lowers himself to become an actor. Laughter and song
   were repugnant to them. They lived righteously before the Lord,
   rejoicing and yet trembling, and saw as clear as the sun at noonday
   that all is vanity under the sun. They saw the net being drawn
   everywhere and the near approach of the judge of the world." [172]

   After a short residence at Weinsberg and Augsburg, Oecolampadius
   surprised his friends by entering a convent in 1520, but left it in
   1522 and acted a short time as chaplain for Franz von Sickingen at
   Ebernburg, near Creuznach, where he introduced the use of the German
   language in the mass.

   By the reading of Luther's writings, he became more and more fixed in
   evangelical convictions. He cautiously attacked transubstantiation,
   Mariolatry, and the abuses of the confessional, and thereby attracted
   the favorable attention of Luther, who wrote to Spalatin (June 10,
   1521): "I am surprised at his spirit, not because he fell upon the same
   theme as I, but because he has shown himself so liberal, prudent, and
   Christian. God grant him growth." In June, 1523, Luther expressed to
   Oecolampadius much satisfaction at his lectures on Isaiah,
   notwithstanding the displeasure of Erasmus, who would probably, like
   Moses, die in the land of Moab. "He has done his part," he says, "by
   exposing the bad; to show the good and to lead into the land of
   promise, is beyond his power." Luther and Oecolampadius met personally
   at Marburg in 1529, but as antagonists on the doctrine of the Lord's
   Supper, in which the latter stood on the side of Zwingli.

   In Nov. 17, 1522, Oecolampadius settled permanently in Basel and
   labored there as preacher of the Church of St. Martin and professor of
   theology in the University till his death. Now began his work as
   reformer of the church of Basel, which followed the model of Zuerich.
   He sought the friendship of Zwingli in a letter full of admiration,
   dated Dec. 10, 1522. [173] They continued to co-operate in fraternal
   harmony to the close of their lives.

   Oecolampadius preached on Sundays and week days, explaining whole books
   of the Bible after the example of Zwingli, and attracted crowds of
   people. With the consent of the Council, he gradually abolished crying
   abuses, distributed the Lord's Supper under both kinds, and published
   in 1526 a German liturgy, which retained in the first editions several
   distinctively Catholic features such as priestly absolution and the use
   of lights on the altar.

   In 1525 he began to take an active part in the unfortunate Eucharistic
   controversy by defending the figurative interpretation of the words of
   institution: "This is (the figure of) my body," chiefly from the
   writings of the fathers, with which he was very familiar. [174] He
   agreed in substance with Zwingli, but differed from him by placing the
   metaphor in the predicate rather than the verb, which simply denotes a
   connection of the subject with the predicate whether real or
   figurative, and which was not even used by our Lord in Aramaic. He
   found the key for the interpretation in John 6:63, and held fast to the
   truth that Christ himself is and remains the true bread of the soul to
   be partaken of by faith. At the conference in Marburg (1529) he was,
   next to Zwingli, the chief debater on the Reformed side. By this course
   he alienated his old friends, Brentius, Pirkheimer, Billican, and
   Luther. Even Melanchthon, in a letter to him (1529), regretted that the
   "horribilis dissensio de Coena Domini" interfered with the enjoyment of
   their friendship, though it did not shake his good will towards him
   ("benevolentiam erga te meam"). He concluded to be hereafter, a
   spectator rather than an actor in this tragedy."

   Oecolampadius had also much trouble with the Anabaptists, and took the
   same conservative and intolerant stand against them as Luther at
   Wittenberg, and Zwingli at Zuerich. He made several fruitless attempts
   in public disputations to convince them of their error. [175]

   The civil government of Basel occupied for a while middle ground, but
   the disputation of Baden, at which Oecolampadius was the champion of
   the Reformed doctrines, [176] brought on the crisis. He now took
   stronger ground against Rome and attacked what he regarded as the
   idolatry of the mass. The triumph of the Reformation in Berne in 1528
   gave the final impetus.

   On the 9th of February, 1529, an unbloody revolution broke out. Aroused
   by the intrigues of the Roman party, the Protestant citizens to the
   number of two thousand came together, broke to pieces the images still
   left, and compelled the reactionary Council to introduce everywhere the
   form of religious service practised in Zuerich.

   Erasmus, who had advised moderation and quiet waiting for a general
   Council, was disgusted with these violent, measures, which he describes
   in a letter to Pirkheimer of Nuernberg, May 9, 1529. "The smiths and
   workmen," he says, "removed the pictures from the churches, and heaped
   such insults on the images of the saints and the crucifix itself, that
   it is quite surprising there was no miracle, seeing how many there
   always used to occur whenever the saints were even slightly offended.
   Not a statue was left either in the churches, or the vestibules, or the
   porches, or the monasteries. The frescoes were obliterated by means of
   a coating of lime; whatever would bum was thrown into the fire, and the
   rest pounded into fragments. Nothing was spared for either love or
   money. Before long the mass was totally abolished, so that it was
   forbidden either to celebrate it in one's own house or to attend it in
   the neighboring villages." [177]

   The great scholar who had done so much preparatory work for the
   Reformation, stopped half-way and refused to identify himself with
   either party. He reluctantly left Basel (April 13, 1529) with the best
   wishes for her prosperity, and resided six years at Freiburg in Baden,
   a sickly, sensitive, and discontented old man. He was enrolled among
   the professors of the University, but did not lecture. He returned to
   Basel in August, 1535, and died in his seventieth year, July 12, 1536,
   without priest or sacrament, but invoking the mercy of Christ,
   repeating again and again, "O Lord Jesus, have mercy on me!" He was
   buried in the Minster of Basel.

   Glareanus and Beatus Rhenanus, humanists, and friends of Zwingli and
   Erasmus, likewise withdrew from Basel at this critical moment. Nearly
   all the professors of the University emigrated. They feared that
   science and learning would suffer from theological quarrels and a
   rupture with the hierarchy.

   The abolition of the mass and the breaking of images, the destruction
   of the papal authority and monastic institutions, would have been a
   great calamity had they not been followed by the constructive work of
   the evangelical faith which was the moving power, and which alone could
   build up a new Church on the ruins of the old. The Word of God was
   preached from the fountain. Christ and the Gospel were put in the place
   of the Church and tradition. German service with congregational singing
   and communion was substituted for the Latin mass. The theological
   faculty was renewed by the appointment of Simon Grynaeus, Sebastian
   Muenster, Oswald Myconius, and other able and pious scholars to
   professorships.

   Oecolampadius became the chief preacher of the Minster and Antistes, or
   superintendent, of the clergy of Basel.

   On the 1st of April, 1529, an order of liturgical service and church
   discipline was published by the Council, which gave a solid foundation
   to the Reformed Church of the city of Basel and the surrounding
   villages. [178] This document breathes the spirit of enthusiasm for the
   revival of apostolic Christianity, and aims at a reformation of faith
   and morals. It contains the chief articles which were afterwards
   formulated in the Confession of Basel (1534), and rules for a
   corresponding discipline. It retains a number of Catholic customs such
   as daily morning and evening worship, weekly communion in one of the
   city churches, the observance of the great festivals, including those
   of the Virgin Mary, the Apostles, and the Saints.

   To give force to these institutions, the ban was introduced in 1530,
   and confided to a council of three pious, honest, and brave laymen for
   each of the four parishes of the city; two to be selected by the
   Council, and one by the congregation, who, in connection with the
   clergy, were to watch over the morals, and to discipline the offenders,
   if necessary, by excommunication.--In accordance with the theocratic
   idea of the relation of Church and State, dangerous heresies which
   denied any of the twelve articles of the Apostles' Creed, and blasphemy
   of God and the sacrament, were made punishable with civil penalties
   such as confiscation of property, banishment, and even death. Those, it
   is said, "shall be punished according to the measure of their guilt in
   body, life, and property, who despise, spurn, or contemn the eternal,
   pure, elect queen, the blessed Virgin Mary, or other beloved saints of
   God who now live with Christ in eternal blessedness, so as to say that
   the mother of God is only a woman like other women, that she had more
   children than Christ, the Son of God, that she was not a virgin before
   or after his birth," etc. Such severe measures have long since passed
   away. The mixing of civil and ecclesiastical punishments caused a good
   deal of trouble. Oecolampadius opposed the supremacy of the State over
   the Church. He presided over the first synods.

   After the victory of the Reformation, Oecolampadius continued unto the
   end of his life to be indefatigable in preaching, teaching, and editing
   valuable commentaries (chiefly on the Prophets). He took a lively
   interest in French Protestant refugees, and brought the Waldenses, who
   sent a deputation to him, into closer affinity with the Reformed
   churches. [179] He was a modest and humble man, of a delicate
   constitution and ascetic habits, and looked like a church father. He
   lived with his mother; but after her death, in 1528, he married, at the
   age of forty-five, Wilibrandis Rosenblatt, the widow of Cellarius
   (Keller), who afterwards married in succession two other Reformers
   (Capito and Bucer), and survived four husbands. This tempted Erasmus to
   make the frivolous joke (in a letter of March 21, 1528), that his
   friend had lately married a good-looking girl to crucify his flesh, and
   that the Lutheran Reformation was a comedy rather than a tragedy, since
   the tumult always ended in a wedding. He afterwards apologized to him,
   and disclaimed any motive of unkindness. Oecolam-padius had three
   children, whom he named Eusebius, Alitheia, and Irene (Godliness,
   Truth, Peace), to indicate what were the pillars of his theology and
   his household. His last days were made sad by the news of Zwingli's
   death, and the conclusion of a peace unfavorable to the Reformed
   churches. The call from Zuerich to become Zwingli's successor he
   declined. A few weeks later, on the 24th of November, 1531, he passed
   away in peace and full of faith, after having partaken of the holy
   communion with his family, and admonished his colleagues to continue
   faithful to the cause of the Reformation. He was buried behind the
   Minster. [180]

   His works have never been collected, and have only historical interest.
   They consist of commentaries, sermons, exegetical and polemical tracts,
   letters, and translations from Chrysostom, Theodoret, and Cyril of
   Alexandria. [181]

   Basel became one of the strongholds of the Reformed Church of
   Switzerland, together with Zuerich, Geneva, and Berne. The Church
   passed through the changes of German Protestantism, and the revival of
   the nineteenth century. She educates evangelical ministers, contributes
   liberally from her great wealth to institutions of Christian
   benevolence and the spread of the Gospel, and is (since 1816) the seat
   of the largest Protestant missionary institute on the Continent, which
   at the annual festivals forms a centre for the friends of missions in
   Switzerland, Wuertemberg, and Baden. The neighboring Chrischona is a
   training school of German ministers for emigrants to America.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [169] On Erasmus and his relation to the Reformation, see above, p. 24
   sq., and especially vol. VI. 399-434.

   [170] A Greek name given him for Hausschein or Husschyn (Houselamp);
   but in:he university register of Heidelberg he is entered under the
   family name of Hussgen or Heussgen, i.e. Little House. His mother was
   descended of the old Basel family of Pfister. Hence he says in the
   Preface to his Commentary on Isaiah: "Basilea mihi ab avo patria." See
   Hagenbach, Oekol., p. 3 sq.

   [171] "Spes mea crux Christi; gratiam, non opera quaero." The motto of
   Gerson and many mystics.

   [172] De Risu Paschali, printed by Frobenius at Basel, 1518

   [173] Opera Zwinglii, VII. 251, and Zwingli's reply, p. 261. Hagenbach
   gives a German translation of the letters, p. 26 sq. and 38.

   [174] De genuina verborum Domini, "hoc est corpus meum" juxta
   vetustissimos auctores expositione. (Strassburg), September, 1525.
   Comp. vol. VI. 612 sqq.

   [175] See above, p. 69 sqq., and the extracts of his disputations with
   the Anabaptists in Hagenbach, p. 108 sqq.; Herzog, I. 299 sqq., and II.
   75 sqq.

   [176] See above, p. 100.

   [177] The modern revival of archaeological and artistic taste in
   Switzerland has brought about a restoration of the old frescoes and
   sculptures of the beautiful Minster and Cloister of Basel, and of the
   chamber where the great Council was held.

   [178] In Ochs, l.c. V. 686 sq.; Bullinger, II. 82 sqq.

   [179] See Herzog, II. 239 sqq.; Hagenbach, 150 sqq.

   [180] Malignant enemies spread the rumor that he committed suicide or
   was fetched by the devil. See Hagenbach, p. 181. A similar rumor was
   started about Luther's death, and revived in our days by Majunke in
   Luther's Lebensende, 4th ed. Mainz, 1890, but refuted by Kolde and
   Kawerau.

   [181] Hess (pp. 413-430) gives a chronological list of his works, which
   is supplemented by Herzog (II. 255 sqq.). Hagenbach's biography, p. 191
   sqq., gives extracts from his sermons and catechetical writings.
     __________________________________________________________________

   S: 33. The Reformation in Glarus. Tschudi. Glarean.

   Valentin Tschudi: Chronik der Reformationsjahre 1521-1533. Mit Glossar
   und Commentar von Dr. Joh. Strickler. Glarus, 1888 (pp. 258). Publ. in
   the "Jahrbuch des historischen Vereins des Kantons Glarus," Heft XXIV.,
   also separately issued. The first edition of Tschudi's Chronik
   (Beschryb oder Erzellung, etc.) was published by Dr. J. J. Blumer, in
   vol. IX. of the "Archiv fuer schweizerische Geschichte," 1853, pp.
   332-447, but not in the original spelling and without comments.

   Blumer and Heer: Der Kanton Glarus, historisch, geographisch und
   topographisch beschrieben. St. Gallen, 1846. DR. J. J. Blumer: Die
   Reformation im Lande Glarus. In the "Jahrbuch des historischen Vereins
   des Kantons Glarus." Zuerich and Glarus, 1873 and 1875 (Heft IX. 9-48;
   XI. 3-26). H. G. Sulzberger: Die Reformation des Kant. Glarus und des
   St. Gallischen Bezirks Werdenberg. Heiden, 1875 (pp. 44).

   Heinrich Schreiber: Heinrich Loriti Glareanus, gekroenter Dichter,
   Philolog und Mathematiker aus dem 16ten Jahrhundert. Freiburg, 1837.
   Otto Fridolin Fritzsche (Prof. of Church Hist. in Zuerich): Glarean,
   sein Leben und seine Schriften. Frauenfeld, 1890 (pp. 136). Comp. also
   Geiger: Renaissance und Humanismus (1882), pp. 420-423, for a good
   estimate of Glarean as a humanist.

   The canton Glarus with the capital of the same name occupies the narrow
   Linththal surrounded by high mountains, and borders on the territory of
   Protestant Zuerich and of Catholic Schwyz. It wavered for a good while
   between the two opposing parties and tried to act as peacemaker.
   Landammann Hans Aebli of Glarus, a friend of Zwingli and an enemy of
   the foreign military service, prevented a bloody collision of the
   Confederates in the first war of Cappel. This is characteristic of the
   position of that canton.

   Glarus was the scene of the first public labors of Zwingli from 1506 to
   1516. [182] He gained great influence as a classical scholar, popular
   preacher, and zealous patriot, but made also enemies among the friends
   of the foreign military service, the evils of which he had seen in the
   Italian campaigns. He established a Latin school and educated the sons
   of the best families, including the Tschudis, who traced their ancestry
   back to the ninth century. Three of them are connected with the
   Reformation,--Aegidius and Peter, and their cousin Valentin.

   Aegidius (Gilg) Tschudi, the most famous of this family, the Herodotus
   of Switzerland (1505-1572), studied first with Zwingli, then with
   Glarean at Basel and Paris, and occupied important public positions, as
   delegate to the Diet at Einsiedeln (1529), as governor of Sargans, as
   Landammann of Glarus (1558), and as delegate of Switzerland to the Diet
   of Augsburg (1559). He also served a short time as officer in the
   French army. He remained true to the old faith, but enjoyed the
   confidence of both parties by his moderation. He expressed the highest
   esteem for Zwingli in a letter of February, 1517. [183] His History of
   Switzerland extends from a.d. 1000 to 1470, and is the chief source of
   the period before the Reformation. He did not invent, but he
   embellished the romantic story of Tell and of Gruetli, which has been
   relegated by modern criticism to the realm of innocent poetic fiction.
   [184] He wrote also an impartial account of the Cappeler War of 1531.
   [185]

   His elder brother, Peter, was a faithful follower of Zwingli, but died
   early, at Coire, 1532. [186]

   Valentin Tschudi also joined the Reformation, but showed the same
   moderation to the Catholics as his cousin Egidius showed to the
   Protestants. After studying several years under Zwingli, he went, in
   1516, with his two cousins to the classical school of Glarean at Basel,
   and followed him to Paris. From that city he wrote a Greek letter to
   Zwingli, Nov. 15, 1520, which is still extant and shows his progress in
   learning. [187] On Zwingli's recommendation, he was elected his
   successor as pastor at Glarus, and was installed by him, Oct. 12, 1522.
   Zwingli told the congregation that he had formerly taught them many
   Roman traditions, but begged them now to adhere exclusively to the Word
   of God.

   Valentin Tschudi adopted a middle way, and was supported by his deacon,
   Jacob Heer. He pleased both parties by reading mass early in the
   morning for the old believers, and afterwards preaching an evangelical
   sermon for the Protestants. He is the first example of a latitudinarian
   or comprehensive broad-churchman. In 1530 he married, and ceased to
   read mass, but continued to preach to both parties, and retained the
   respect of Catholics by his culture and conciliatory manner till his
   death, in 1555. He defended his moderation and reserve in a long Latin
   letter to Zwingli, March 15, 1530. [188] He says that the controversy
   arose from external ceremonies, and did not touch the rock of faith,
   which Catholics and Protestants professed alike, and that he deemed it
   his duty to enjoin on his flock the advice of Paul to the Romans 14, to
   exercise mutual forbearance, since each stands or falls to the same
   Lord. The unity of the Spirit is the best guide. He feared that by
   extreme measures, more harm was done than good, and that the liberty
   gained may degenerate into license, impiety, and contempt of authority.
   He begs Zwingli to use his influence for the restoration of order and
   peace, and signs himself, forever yours" (semper futurus tuus). The
   same spirit of moderation characterizes his Chronicle of the
   Reformation period, and it is difficult to find out from this colorless
   and unimportant narrative, to which of the two parties he belonged.

   It is a remarkable fact that the influence of Tschudi's example is felt
   to this day in the peaceful joint occupation of the church at Glarus,
   where the sacrifice of the mass is offered by a priest at the altar,
   and a sermon preached from the pulpit by a Reformed pastor in the same
   morning. [189]

   Another distinguished man of Glarus and friend of Zwingli in the
   earlier part of his career, is Heinrich Loriti, or Loreti, better known
   as Glareanus, after the humanistic fashion of that age. [190] He was
   born at Mollis, a small village of that canton, in 1488, studied at
   Cologne and Basel, sided with Reuchlin in the quarrel with the
   Dominican obscurantists, [191] travelled extensively, was crowned as
   poet-laureate by the Emperor Maximilian (1512), taught school and
   lectured successively at Basel (1514), Paris (1517), again at Basel
   (1522), and Freiburg (since 1529). He acquired great fame as a
   philologist, poet, geographer, mathematician, musician, and successful
   teacher. Erasmus called him, in a letter to Zwingli (1514), [192] the
   prince and champion of the Swiss humanists, and in other letters he
   praised him as a man pure and chaste in morals, amiable in society,
   well versed in history, mathematics, and music, less in Greek, averse
   to the subtleties of the schoolmen, bent upon learning Christ from the
   fountain, and of extraordinary working power. He was full of wit and
   quaint humor, but conceited, sanguine, irritable, suspicious, and
   sarcastic. Glarean became acquainted with Zwingli in 1510, and
   continued to correspond with him till 1523. [193] He bought books for
   him at Basel (e.g. the Aldine editions of Lactantius and Tertullian)
   and sought a place as canon in Zuerich. In his last letter to him he
   called him, the truly Christian theologian, the bishop of the Church of
   Zuerich, his very great friend." [194] He read Luther's book on the
   Babylonian Captivity three times with enthusiasm. But when Erasmus
   broke both with Zwingli and Luther, he withdrew from the Reformation,
   and even bitterly opposed Zwingli and Oecolampadius.

   He left Basel, Feb. 20, 1529, for Catholic Freiburg, and was soon
   followed by Erasmus and Amerbach. Here he labored as an esteemed
   professor of poetry and fruitful author, until his death (1563). He was
   surrounded by Swiss and German students. He corresponded, now, as
   confidentially with Aegidius Tschudi as he had formerly corresponded
   with Zwingli, and co-operated with him in saving a portion of his
   countrymen for the Catholic faith. [195] He gave free vent to his
   disgust with Protestantism, and yet lamented the evils of the Roman
   Church, the veniality and immorality of priests who cared more for
   Venus than for Christ. [196] A fearful charge. He received a Protestant
   Student from Zuerich with the rude words: "You are one of those who
   carry the gospel in the mouth and the devil in the heart;" but when
   reminded that he did not show the graces of the muses, he excused
   himself by his old age, and treated the young man with the greatest
   civility. He became a pessimist, and expected the speedy collapse of
   the world. His friendship with Erasmus was continued with
   interruptions, and at last suffered shipwreck. He charged him once with
   plagiarism, and Erasmus ignored him in his testament. [197] It was a
   misfortune for both that they could not understand the times, which had
   left them behind. The thirty works of Glarean (twenty-two of them
   written in Freiburg) are chiefly philological and musical, and have no
   bearing on theology. [198] They were nevertheless put on the Index by
   Pope Paul IV., in 1559. He bitterly complained of this injustice,
   caused by ignorance or intrigue, and did all he could, with the aid of
   Tschudi, to have his name removed, which was done after the seven
   Catholic cantons had testified that Glarean was a good Christian. [199]

   The Reformation progressed in Glarus at first without much opposition.
   Fridolin Brunner, pastor at Mollis, wrote to Zwingli, Jan. 15, 1527,
   that the Gospel was gaining ground in all the churches of the canton.
   Johann Schindler preached in Schwanden with great effect. The
   congregations decided for the Reformed preachers, except in Naefels.
   The reverses at Cappel in 1531 produced a reaction, and caused some
   losses, but the Reformed Church retained the majority of the population
   to this day, and with it the preponderance of intelligence, enterprise,
   wealth, and prosperity, although the numerical relation has recently
   changed in favor of the Catholics, in consequence of the emigration of
   Protestants to America, and the immigration of Roman-Catholic laborers,
   who are attracted by the busy industries (as is the case also in
   Zuerich, Basel, and Geneva). [200]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [182] See above, p. 23 sqq.

   [183] In Zwingli's Opera, VII. 20 sq. See above, p. 3.

   [184] The full title of his history is: Aegidii Tschudiigewesenen
   Landammanns zu Glarus Chronicon Helveticum oder gruendliche
   Beschreibung der merkwuerdigsten Begegnussen loeblicher
   Eidgenossenschaft, first printed in Basel, 1734, '36, in 2 large fol.
   vols. The continuation from 1470-1564 is preserved in Ms. in the
   monastic library at Engelberg. His graphic narrative of Tell,
   reproduced by John von Mueller and dramatized by Schiller, though
   disproved by modern criticism, will live in story and song. We may
   apply to it Schiller's lines:-- "Alles wiederholt sich nur im Leben,
   Ewig jung ist nur die Phantasie: Was sich nie und nirgends hat begeben,
   Das allein weraltet nie." See Jakob Vogel: Egid. Tschudi als Staatsmann
   und Geschichtschreiber. Mit dessen Bildniss. Zuerich, 1856. Blumer:
   Tschudi als Geschichtschreiber, 1874 ("Jahrbuch des Hist. Vereins des
   Kant. Glarus," pp. 81-100). Georg von Wyss: Die eigenhaendige
   Handschrift der eidgenoess. Chronik des Aeg. Tschudi in der Stadt-Bibl.
   in Zuerich ("Neujahrblatt" of the City Library of Zuerich for 1889).
   Blumer and Von Wyss give the best estimate of Tschudi. Goethe says that
   Tschudi's Swiss History and Aventin's Bavarian History are sufficient
   to educate a useful public man without any other book.

   [185] Published from MS. in the "Helvetica," ed. by Jos. Ant.
   Balthasar, vol. II. Aarau and Berne, 1826 (pp. 165 sqq.).

   [186] See his letters to Zwingli of Dec. 27, 1529, and Dec. 16, 1530,
   from Coire. In Zwingli's Opera, VIII. 386 and 562.

   [187] There are nine of his letters in Zwingli's Opera, VII. and VIII.

   [188] In Strickler's edition of his Chronik, pp. 241-244, and in
   Zwingli's Opera,VIII. 433-436.

   [189] The old church of Glarus in which Zwingli and Tschudi preached,
   burned down in 1861; but the same custom is continued in the new
   Romanesque church, to the satisfaction of both parties. So I was
   informed by the present pastor, Dr. Buss, in 1890.

   [190] From his native canton, Glarus (Glareana, also Glarona or
   Clarona; for the natives: Glareanus or Glaronensis). For another
   derivation see Fritzsche, l.c. p. 8.

   [191] He figures in the Epistolae Virorum Obscurorum as a terrible
   heretic.

   [192] Zwingli's Opera, VII. 10.

   [193] We have from him twenty-eight letters to Zwingli from July 13,
   1510, to Feb. 16, 1623, printed in Zwingli's Opera, VII. and VIII.,
   from the originals in the State Archives of Zuerich. Zwingli's letters
   to Glarean are lost, and were probably destroyed after his rupture with
   the Reformer.

   [194] "Theologo vere Christiano, Ecclesiae Tigurinae episcopo, amico
   nostro summo." Zwingli's Opera, VII. 274.

   [195] There are thirty-eight MS. letters of Glarean to Tschudi, from
   1533 to 1561, in the City Library of Zuerich; another copy in the
   cantonal library of Glarus.

   [196] Nov. 21, 1556: "Omnes clerici ad Venerem magis quam ad Christum
   inclinant."

   [197] But Dr. Bonifacius Amerbach, the chief heir, sent Glarean a
   silver cup of Erasmus. See the Inventarium ueber die Hinterlassenschaft
   des Erasmus vom 22 Juli, 1536, p. 13. This curious document of nineteen
   pages was published in 1889 by Dr. Ludwig Sieber, librarian of the
   University of Basel. He also published Das Testament des Erasmus vom 22
   Jan. 1527, Basel, 1890.

   [198] The most important is his Dodekachordon (Basel, 1547), which
   makes an epoch in the history of music. "His theory of the twelve
   church modes as parallel to the ancient Greek modes, will assure for
   Glareanus a lasting place among writers on the science of music,"
   (Glover's Dictionary of Music and Musicians, 1889, vol. I. 598.) Music
   was to him a sacred art. His editions of Greek and Latin classics with
   critical notes, especially on Livy, are esteemed and used by modern
   philologists. Fritzsche gives a full account of his works, pp. 83-127.

   [199] His name was left out of the Indexes of the sixteenth century
   after that of 1559, but strangely reappears again in the Index Matriti,
   1667, p. 485. Fritzsche, p. 74.

   [200] In 1850 the Protestant population of Glarus numbered 26,281; the
   Catholic, 8,982. In 1888 the proportion was 25,935 to 7,790. See
   Fritzsche, p. 53.
     __________________________________________________________________

   S: 34. The Reformation in St. Gall, Toggenburg, and Appenzell. Watt and
   Kessler.

   The sources and literature in the City Library of St. Gall which bears
   the name of Vadian (Watt) and contains his MSS. and printed works.

   I. The historical works of Vadianus, especially his Chronicle of the
   Abbots of St. Gall from 1200-1540, and his Diary from 1629-'33, edited
   by Dr. E. Goetzinger, St. Gallen, 1875-'79, 3 vols.--Joachimi Vadiani
   Vita per Joannem Kesslerum conscripta. Edited from the MS. by Dr.
   Goetzinger for the Historical Society of St. Gall, 1865.--Johannes
   Kessler's Sabbata. Chronik der Jahre 1523-1539. Herausgegeben von Dr.
   Ernst Goetzinger. St. Gallen, 1866. In "Mittheilungen zur
   vaterlaendischen Geschichte" of the Historical Society of St. Gall,
   vols. V. and VI. The MS. of 532 pages, written in the Swiss dialect by
   Kessler's own hand, is preserved in the Vadian library.

   II. J. V. Arx (Rom. Cath., d. 1833): Geschichte des Kant. St. Gallen.
   St. Gallen, 1810-'13, 3 vols.--J. M. Fels: Denkmal Schweizerischer
   Reformatoren. St. Gallen, 1819.--Joh. Fr. Franz: Die schwarmerischen
   Graeuelscenen der St. Galler Wiedertaeutfer zu Anfang der Reformation.
   Ebnat in Toggenberg, 1824.--Joh. Jakob Bernet: Johann Kessler, genannt
   Ahenarius, Buerger und Reformator zu Sankt Gallen. St. Gallen,
   1826.--K. Wegelin: Geschichte der Grafschaft Toggenburg. St. Gallen,
   1830-'33, 2 Parts.--Fr. Weidmann: Geschichte der Stiftsbibliothek St.
   Gallens. 1841.--A. Naef: Chronik oder Denkwuerdigkeiten der Stadt und
   Landschaft St. Gallen. Zuerich, 1851.--J. K. Buechler: Die Reformation
   im Lande Appenzell. Trogen, 1860. In the "Appenzellische
   Jahrbuecher."--G. Jak. Baumgartner: Geschichte des Schweizerischen
   Freistaates und Kantons St. Gallen. Zuerich, 1868, 2 vols.--H. G.
   Sulzberger: Geschichte der Reformation in Toggenburg; in St. Gallen; im
   Rheinthal; in den eidgenoessischen Herrschaften Sargans und Gaster,
   sowie in Rapperschwil; in Hohensax-Forsteck; in Appenzell. Several
   pamphlets reprinted from the "Appenzeller Sonntagablatt," 1872 sqq.

   III. Theod. Pressel: Joachim Vadian. In the ninth volume of the "Leben
   und ausgewaehlte Schriften der Vaeter und Begruender der reformirten
   Kirche." Elberfeld, 1861 (pp. 103).--Rud. Staehelin: Die
   reformatorische Wirksamkeit des St. Galler Humanisten Vadian, in
   "Beitraege zur vaterlaendischen Geschichte," Basel, 1882, pp. 193-262;
   and his art. "Watt" in Herzog2, XVI. (1885), pp. 663-668. Comp. also
   Meyer von Knonau, "St. Gallen," In Herzog2, IV. 725-735.

   The Reformation in the northeastern parts of Switzerland--St. Gall,
   Toggenburg, Schaffhausen, Appenzell, Thurgau, Aargau--followed the
   course of Zuerich, Berne, and Basel. It is a variation of the same
   theme, on the one hand, in its negative aspects: the destruction of the
   papal and episcopal authority, the abolition of the mass and
   superstitious rites and ceremonies, the breaking of images and relics
   as symbols of idolatry, the dissolution of convents and confiscation of
   Church property, the marriage of priests, monks, and nuns; on the other
   hand, in its positive aspects: the introduction of a simpler and more
   spiritual worship with abundant preaching and instruction from the open
   Bible in the vernacular, the restoration of the holy communion under
   both kinds, as celebrated by the congregation, the direct approach to
   Christ without priestly mediation, the raising of the laity to the
   privileges of the general priesthood of believers, care for lower and
   higher education. These changes were made by the civil magistracy,
   which assumed the episcopal authority and function, but acted on the
   initiative of the clergy and with the consent of the majority of the
   people, which in democratic Switzerland was after all the sovereign
   power. An Antistes was placed at the head of the ministers as a sort of
   bishop or general superintendent. Synods attended to legislation and
   administration. The congregations called and supported their own
   pastors.

   St. Gall--so-called from St. Gallus (Gilian), an Irish missionary and
   pupil of Columban, who with several hermits settled in the wild forest
   on the Steinach about 613--was a centre of Christianization and
   civilization in Alemannia and Eastern Switzerland. A monastery was
   founded about 720 by St. Othmar and became a royal abbey exempt from
   episcopal jurisdiction, and very rich in revenues from landed
   possessions in Switzerland, Swabia, and Lombardy, as well as in
   manuscripts of classical and ecclesiastical learning. Church poetry,
   music, architecture, sculpture, and painting flourished there in the
   ninth and tenth centuries. Notker Balbulus, a monk of St. Gall (d. c.
   912), is the author of the sequences or hymns in rhythmical prose
   (prosae), and credited with the mournful meditation on death ("Media
   vita in morte sumus"), which is still in use, but of later and
   uncertain origin. With the increasing wealth of the abbey the
   discipline declined and worldliness set in. The missionary and literary
   zeal died out. The bishop of Constance was jealous of the independence
   and powers of the abbot. The city of St. Gall grew in prosperity and
   longed for emancipation from monastic control. The clergy needed as
   much reformation as the monks. Many of them lived in open concubinage,
   and few were able to make a sermon. The high festivals were profaned by
   scurrilous popular amusements. The sale of indulgences was carried on
   with impunity.

   The Reformation was introduced in the city and district of St. Gall by
   Joachim von Watt, a layman (1484-1551), and John Kessler, a minister
   (1502-1574). The co-operation of the laity and clergy is congenial to
   the spirit of Protestantism which emancipated the Church from
   hierarchical control.

   Joachim von Watt, better known by his Latin name Vadianus, excelled in
   his day as a humanist, poet, historian, physician, statesman, and
   reformer. He was descended from an old noble family, the son of a
   wealthy merchant, and studied the humanities in the University of
   Vienna (1502), [201] which was then at the height of its prosperity
   under the teaching of Celtes and Cuspinian, two famous humanists and
   Latin poets. He acquired also a good knowledge of philosophy, theology,
   law, and medicine. After travelling through Poland, Hungary, and Italy,
   he returned to Vienna and taught classical literature and rhetoric. He
   was crowned poet and orator by Maximilian (March 12, 1514), and elected
   rector of the University in 1516. He published several classical
   authors and Latin poems, orations, and essays. He stood in friendly
   correspondence with Reuchlin, Hutten, Hesse, Erasmus, and other leaders
   of the new learning, and especially also with Zwingli. [202]

   In 1518 Watt returned to St. Gall and practised as physician till his
   death, but took at the same time an active part in all public affairs
   of Church and State. He was repeatedly elected burgomaster. He was a
   faithful co-worker of Zwingli in the cause of reform. Zwingli called
   him "a physician of body and soul of the city of St. Gall and the whole
   confederacy," and said, "I know no Swiss that equals him." Calvin and
   Beza recognized in him "a man of rare piety and equally rare learning."
   He called evangelical ministers and teachers to St. Gall. He took a
   leading part in the religious disputations at Zuerich (1523-1525), and
   presided over the disputation at Berne (1528).

   St. Gall was the first city to follow the example of Zuerich under his
   lead. The images were removed from the churches and publicly burnt in
   1526 and 1528; only the organ and the bones of St. Othmar (the first
   abbot) and Notker were saved. An evangelical church order was
   introduced in 1527. At the same time the Anabaptists endangered the
   Reformation by strange excesses of fanaticism. Watt had no serious
   objection to their doctrines, and was a friend and brother-in-law of
   Grebel, their leader, but he opposed them in the interest of peace and
   order.

   The death of the abbot, March 21, 1529, furnished the desired
   opportunity, at the advice of Zuerich and Zwingli, to abolish the abbey
   and to confiscate its rich domain, with the consent of the majority of
   the citizens, but in utter disregard of legal rights. This was a great
   mistake, and an act of injustice.

   The disaster of Cappel produced a reaction, and a portion of the canton
   returned to the old church. A new abbot was elected, Diethelm Blaurer;
   he demanded the property of the convent and sixty thousand guilders
   damages for what had been destroyed and sold. The city had to yield. He
   held a solemn entry. He attended the last session of the Council of
   Trent and took a leading part in the counter-Reformation.

   Watt showed, during this critical period, courage and moderation. He
   retained the confidence of his fellow-citizens, who elected him nine
   times to the highest civil office. He did what he could, in
   co-operation with Kessler and Bullinger, to save and consolidate the
   Reformed Church during the remaining years of his life. He was a
   portly, handsome, and dignified man, and wrote a number of
   geographical, historical, and theological works. [203]

   John Kessler (Chessellius or Ahenarius), the son of a day-laborer of
   St. Gall, studied theology at Basel, and Wittenberg. He was one of the
   two students who had an interesting interview with Dr. Luther in the
   hotel of the Black Bear at Jena in March, 1522, on his return as Knight
   George from the Wartburg. [204] It was the only friendly meeting of
   Luther with the Swiss. Had he shown the same kindly feeling to Zwingli
   at Marburg, the cause of the Reformation would have been the gainer.

   Kessler supported himself by the trade of a saddler, and preached in
   the city and surrounding villages. He was also chief teacher of the
   Latin school. In 1571, a year before his death, he was elected Antistes
   or head of the clergy of St. Gall. He had a wife and eleven children,
   nine of whom survived him. He was a pure, amiable, unselfish, and
   useful man and promoter of evangelical religion. His portrait in oil
   adorns the City Library of St. Gall.

   The county of Toggenburg, the home of Zwingli, was subject to the abbot
   of St. Gall since 1468, but gladly received the Reformed preachers
   under the influence of Zwingli, his relatives and friends. In 1524 the
   council of the community enjoined upon the ministers to teach nothing
   but what they could prove from the sacred Scriptures. The people
   resisted the interference of the abbot, the bishop of Constance, and
   the canton Schwyz. In 1528 the Reformation was generally introduced in
   the towns of the district. With the help of Zuerich and Glarus, the
   Toggenburgers bought their freedom from the abbot of St. Gall for
   fifteen hundred guilders, in 1530; but were again subjected to his
   authority in 1536. The county was incorporated in the canton St. Gall
   in 1803. The majority of the people are Protestants.

   The canton Appenzell received its first Protestant preachers--John
   Schurtanner of Teufen, John Dorig of Herisau, and Walter Klarer of
   Hundwil--from the neighboring St. Gall, through the influence of Watt.
   The Reformation was legally ratified by a majority vote of the people,
   Aug. 26, 1523. The congregations emancipated themselves from the
   jurisdiction of the abbot of St. Gall, and elected their own pastors.
   The Anabaptist disturbances promoted the Roman-Catholic reaction. The
   population is nearly equally divided,--Innerrhoden, with the town of
   Appenzell, remained Catholic; Ausserrhoden, with Herisau, Trogen, and
   Gais, is Reformed, and more industrious and prosperous.

   The Reformation in Thurgau and Aargau presents no features of special
   interest. [205]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [201] He arrived at Vienna in the autumn of 1502, shortly after Zwingli
   had left the University. See Staehelin, l.c., who refers for
   confirmation to Egli, Aschbach, and Horawitz. The usual opinion is that
   Vadian and Zwingli (and Glareanus) studied together and formed their
   friendship at Vienna. So also Pressel, l.c., p. 11.

   [202] His published correspondence with Zwingli begins with a letter
   from Vienna, April 9, 1511, and embraces four letters of Vadian, and
   thirty-eight letters of Zwingli, in Zwingli's Opera, vols. VII. and
   VIII.

   [203] Pressel, pp. 100-103, gives the titles of twenty-seven of his
   writings, mostly Latin, published between 1510 and 1548.

   [204] Reported by him in the Swiss dialect with charming naivete in
   Sabbata, pp. 145-151: "Wie mir M. Luther uff der strass [Reise] gen
   Wittenberg begegnet ist." Kessler's companion was John Spengler. See an
   account of the interview, in vol. VI. p. 385.

   [205] Comp. Oelhafen, Chronik der Stadt Aarau, 1840; Sulzberger,
   Reformation im Kanton Aargau, 1881; Pupikofer, Geschichte des
   Thurgau's, 1828-'30, 2 vols.; second ed. 1889-'90; Sulzberger, Die
   Reformation im Kanton Thurgau, 1872.
     __________________________________________________________________

   S: 35. Reformation in Schaffhausen. Hofmeister.

   Melchior Kirchofer: Schaffhauserische Jahrbuecher von 1519-1539, oder
   Geschichte der Reformation der Stadt und Landschaft Schaffhausen.
   Schaffhausen, 1819; 2d ed. Frauenfeld, 1838 (pp. 152). By, the same:
   Sebastian Wagner, genannt Hofmeister. Zuerich, 1808.--Edw. Im-Thurm und
   Hans W. Harder: Chronik der Stadt Schaffhausen (till 1790).
   Schaffhausen, 1844.--H. G. Sulzberger: Geschichte der Reformation des
   Kant. Schaffhausen. Schaffhausen, 1876 (pp. 47).

   Schaffhausen on the Rhine and the borders of Wuerttemberg and Baden
   followed the example of the neighboring canton Zuerich, under the lead
   of Sebastian Hofmeister (1476-1533), a Franciscan monk and doctor and
   professor of theology at Constance, where the bishop resided. He
   addressed Zwingli, in 1520, as "the firm preacher of the truth," and
   wished to become his helper in healing the diseases of the Church of
   Switzerland. [206] He preached in his native city of Schaffhausen
   against the errors and abuses of Rome, and attended as delegate the
   religious disputations at Zuerich (January and October, 1523), which
   resulted in favor of the Reformation.

   He was aided by Sebastian Meyer, a Franciscan brother who came from
   Berne, and by Ritter, a priest who had formerly opposed him.

   The Anabaptists appeared from Zuerich with their radical views. The
   community was thrown into disorder. The magistracy held Hofmeister and
   Myer responsible, and banished them from the canton. A reaction
   followed, but the Reformation triumphed in 1529. The villages followed
   the city. Some noble families remained true to the old faith, and
   emigrated.

   Schaffhausen was favored by a succession of able and devoted ministers,
   and gave birth to some distinguished historians. [207]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [206] Hofmeister's letters in Zwingli's Opera, VII. 146, 289; II. 166,
   348. He subscribes himself Sebastianus Oeconomus seu Hofmeister. His
   last letter is dated from Zofingen (1529), and very severe against
   Luther's writings on the sacramental controversy.

   [207] Johannes von Mueller, called the German Tacitus (1752-1809);
   Melchior Kirchhofer (1775-1853), who wrote valuable biographies of the
   minor Reformers (Hofmeister, Haller, Myconius, and Farel), and the
   fifth volume of Wirz's Helvetische Kirchengeschichte; and Friedrich von
   Hurter (1787-1865), the author of the best history of Pope Innocent
   III. (1834-'42, 4 vols.). Hurter was formerly Antistes of the Reformed
   Church of Schaffhausen, but became (partly by the study of the palmy
   period of the mediaeval hierarchy) a Roman Catholic in 1844, and was
   appointed imperial counsellor and historiographer of Austria, 1845.
     __________________________________________________________________

   S: 36. The Grisons (Graubuenden).

   Colonel Landammann Theofil Sprecher a Bernegg at Maienfeld,
   Graubuenden, has a complete library of the history of the Grisons,
   including some of the manuscripts of Campell and De Porta. I was
   permitted to use it for this and the following two sections under his
   hospitable roof in June, 1890. I have also examined the
   Kantons-Bibliothek of Graubuenden in the "Raetische Museum" at Coire,
   which is rich in the (Romanic) literature of the Grisons.

   I. Ulrici Campelli Raetiae Alpestris Topographica Descriptio, edited by
   Chr. J. Kind, Basel (Schneider), 1884, pp. 448, and Historia Raetica,
   edited by Plac. Plattner, Basel, tom. I., 1877, pp. 724, and tom. II.,
   1890, pp. 781. These two works form vols. VII., VIII., and IX. of
   Quellen zur Schweizer-Geschichte, published by the General Historical
   Society of Switzerland. They are the foundation for the topography and
   history of the Grisons in the sixteenth century. Campell was Reformed
   pastor at Sues in the Lower Engadin, and is called "the father of the
   historians of Raetia." De Porta says that all historians of Raetia have
   ploughed with his team. An abridged German translation from the Latin
   manuscripts was published by Conradin von Mohr: Ulr. Campell's Zwei
   Buecher raetischer Geschichte, Chur (Hitz), 1849 and 1851, 2 vols., pp.
   236 and 566.

   R. Ambrosius Eichhorn (Presbyter Congregationis S. Blasii, in the Black
   Forest): Episcopatus Curiensis in Rhaetia sub metropoli Moguntina
   chronologice et diplomatice illustratus. Typis San-Blasianis, 1797 (pp.
   368, 40). To which is added Codex Probationum ad Episcopatum Curiensem
   ex proecipuis documentis omnibus ferme ineditis collectus, 204 pp. The
   Reformation period is described pp. 139 sqq. Eichhorn was a Roman
   Catholic priest, and gives the documents relating to the episcopal see
   of Coire from a.d. 766-1787. On "Zwinglianisms in Raetia," see pp. 142,
   146, 248. (I examined a copy in the Episcopal Library at Coire.)

   II General works on the history of the Grisons by Joh. Guler (d. 1637),
   Fortunatus Sprecher a Bernegg (d. 1647), Fortunatus Juvalta (d. 1654).
   Th. Von Mohr and Conradin Von Mohr (or Moor): Archiv fuer die
   Geschichte der Republik Graubuenden. Chur, 1848-'86. 9 vols. A
   collection of historical works on Graubuenden, including the Codex
   diplomaticus, Sammlung der Urkunden zur Geschichte Chur-Rhaetiens und
   der Republik Grauebunden. The Codex was continued by Jecklin, 1883-'86.
   Conradin Von Moor: Buendnerische Geschichtschreiber und Chronisten.
   Chur, 1862-277. 10 parts. By the same: Geschichte von Curraetien und
   der Republ. Graubuenden. Chur, 1869.--Joh. Andr. von Sprecher:
   Geschichte der Republik der drei Buende im 18ten Jahrh. Chur,
   1873-'75.2 vols.--A good popular summary: Graubuendnerische Geschichten
   erzaehlt fuer die reformirten Volksschulen (by P. Kaiser). Chur, 1852
   (pp. 281). Also J. K. von Tscharner: Der Kanton Graubuenden,
   historisch, statistisch, geographisch dargestellt. Chur, 1842.

   The Reformation literature see in S: 37.

   III. On the history of Valtellina, Chiavenna, and Bormio, which until
   1797 were under the jurisdiction of the Grisons, the chief writers are:
   --

   Fr. Sav. Quadrio: Dissertazioni critico-storiche intorno alla Rezia di
   qua dalle Alpi, oggi detta Valtellina. Milano, 1755. 2 vols.,
   especially the second vol., which treats la storia
   ecclesiastica.--Ulysses Von Salis: StaatsGesch. des Thals Veltlin und
   der Graftschaften Clefen und Worms. 1792. 4 vols.--Lavizari: Storia
   della Valtellina. Capolago, 1838. 2 vols. Romegialli: Storia della
   Valtellina e delle gi`a contee di Bormio e Chiavenna. Sondrio,
   1834-'39. 4 vols.--Wiezel: Veltliner Krieg, edited by Hartmann.
   Strassburg, 1887.

   The canton of the Grisons or Graubuenden [208] was at the time of the
   Reformation an independent democratic republic in friendly alliance
   with the Swiss Confederacy, and continued independent till 1803, when
   it was incorporated as a canton. Its history had little influence upon
   other countries, but reflects the larger conflicts of Switzerland with
   some original features. Among these are the Romanic and Italian
   conquests of Protestantism, and the early recognition of the principle
   of religious liberty. Each congregation was allowed to choose between
   the two contending churches according to the will of the majority, and
   thus civil and religious war was prevented, at least during the
   sixteenth century. [209]

   Graubuenden is, in nature as well as in history, a Switzerland in
   miniature. It is situated in the extreme south-east of the republic,
   between Austria and Italy, and covers the principal part of the old
   Roman province of Raetia. [210] It forms a wall between the north and
   the south, and yet combines both with a network of mountains and
   valleys from the regions of the eternal snow to the sunny plains of the
   vine, the fig, and the lemon. In territorial extent it is the largest
   canton, and equal to any in variety and beauty of scenery and healthy
   climate. It is the fatherland of the Rhine and the Inn. The Engadin is
   the highest inhabited valley of Switzerland, and unsurpassed for a
   combination of attractions for admirers of nature and seekers of
   health. It boasts of the healthiest climate with nine months of dry,
   bracing cold and three months of delightfully cool weather.

   The inhabitants are descended from three nationalities, speak three
   languages,--German, Italian, and Romansh (Romanic),--and preserve many
   peculiarities of earlier ages. The German language prevails in Coire,
   along the Rhine, and in the Praettigau, and is purer than in the other
   cantons. The Italian is spoken to the south of the Alps in the valleys
   of Poschiavo and Bregaglia (as also in the neighboring canton Ticino).
   The Romansh language is a remarkable relic of prehistoric times, an
   independent sister of the Italian, and is spoken in the Upper and Lower
   Engadin, the Muenster valley, and the Oberland. It has a considerable
   literature, mostly religious, which attracts the attention of
   comparative philologists. [211]

   The Grisonians (Graubuendtner) are a sober, industrious, and heroic
   race, and have maintained their independence against the armies of
   Spain, Austria, and France. They have a natural need and inclination to
   emigrate to richer countries in pursuit of fortune, and to return again
   to their mountain homes. They are found in all the capitals of Europe
   and America as merchants, hotel keepers, confectioners, teachers, and
   soldiers.

   The institutions of the canton are thoroughly democratic and exemplify
   the good and evil effects of popular sovereignty. [212] "Next to God
   and the sun," says an old Engadin proverb, "the poorest inhabitant is
   the chief magistrate." There are indeed to this day in the Grisons many
   noble families, descended in part from mediaeval robber-chiefs and
   despots whose ruined castles still look down from rocks and cliffs, and
   in greater part from distinguished officers and diplomatists in foreign
   service; but they have no more influence than their personal merits and
   prestige warrant. In official relations and transactions the titles of
   nobility are forbidden. [213]

   Let us briefly survey the secular history before we proceed to the
   Reformation.

   The Grisons were formed of three loosely connected confederacies or
   leagues, that is, voluntary associations of freemen, who, during the
   fifteenth century, after the example of their Swiss neighbors,
   associated for mutual protection and defence against domestic and
   foreign tyrants. [214] These three leagues united in 1471 at Vatzerol
   in an eternal covenant, which was renewed in 1524, promising to each
   other by an oath mutual assistance in peace and war. The three
   confederacies sent delegates to the Diet which met alternately at
   Coire, Ilanz, and Davos.

   At the close of the fifteenth century two leagues of the Grisons
   entered into a defensive alliance with the seven old cantons of
   Switzerland. The third league followed the example. [215]

   In the beginning of the sixteenth century the Grisonians acquired by
   conquest from the duchy of Milan several beautiful and fertile
   districts south of the Alps adjoining the Milanese and Venetian
   territories, namely, the Valtellina and the counties of Bormio (Worms)
   and Chiavenna (Cleven), and annexed them as dependencies ruled by
   bailiffs. It would have been wiser to have received them as a fourth
   league with equal rights and privileges. These Italian possessions
   involved the Grisons in the conflict between Austria and Spain on the
   one hand, which desired to keep them an open pass, and between France
   and Venice on the other, which wanted them closed against their
   political rivals. Hence the Valtellina has been called the Helena of a
   new Trojan War. Graubuenden was invaded during the Thirty Years' War by
   Austro-Spanish and French armies. After varied fortunes, the Italian
   provinces were lost to Graubuenden through Napoleon, who, by a stroke
   of the pen, Oct. 10, 1797, annexed the Valtellina, Bormio, and
   Chiavenna to the new Cisalpine Republic. The Congress of Vienna
   transferred them to Austria in 1814, and since 1859 they belong to the
   united Kingdom of Italy.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [208] Respublica Grisonum; I Grigioni; Les Grisons.

   [209] The Grisons are ignored or neglected in general Church histories.
   Even Hagenbach, who was a Swiss, devotes less than two pages to them
   (Geschichte der Reformation, p. 366, 5th ed. by Nippold, 1887). A
   fuller account (the only good one in English) is given by Dr. McCrie, a
   Scotch Presbyterian, in his History of the Reformation in Italy, ch.
   VI. The increasing travel of English and American tourists to that
   country, especially to the Engadin, gives wider interest to its
   history, and may justify the space here given to it.

   [210] Raetia or Rhaetia, a net, is derived from Rhaetus, the mythical
   chief of the oldest immigrants from Etruria, or from the Celtic rhin,
   Rhine, river, and survives in the names Realta, Rhaezuens, and Reambs,
   i.e. Raetia alta, una, and ampla. It was conquered under Augustus by
   Drusus, 14 B.C., and ruled by a governor at Coire or Curia Rhaetorum
   till c. 400. The ivy-clad tower of the episcopal palace of Coire is of
   Roman origin, and is called Marsoel, i.e. Mars in oculis.

   [211] The Romansh language (to distinguish it from other Romanic
   languages) has two dialects, the Ladin of the Engadin, the Albula, and
   Muenster valleys, and the Romansh of the Oberland, Ilanz, Disentis,
   Oberhalbstein, etc. It is spoken by about 37,000 inhabitants. The whole
   population of the canton in 1890 was 94,879,--53,168 Protestants and
   41,711 Roman Catholics. The largest number of Romansh books is in the
   Cantonal Library at Coire, and the Boehmer collection in the University
   Library of Strassburg. Colonel von Sprecher at Maienfeld also has about
   four hundred volumes.

   [212] "In no nation, ancient or modern," says Dr. McCrie (p. 293),
   "have the principles of democracy been carried to such extent as in the
   Grison Republic."

   [213] The best known and most respectable noble families are the Salis
   (one of them a distinguished lyric poet), Planta, Bavier, Sprecher,
   Albertini, Tscharner, Juvalta, Mohr, Buol. See Sammlung rhaetischer
   Geschlechter. Chur, 1847.

   [214] The three confederacies or Buende (whence the canton has its name
   Graubuenden) are:-- 1) The Gotteshausbund (Lia de Ca De), the League of
   the House of God. It dates from 1396, and had its centre since 1419 at
   Coire, the capital of the canton. 2) The Obere Bund or Graue Bund (Lia
   Grischa), the Gray League (hence the term Graue, Grisons, Grays). It
   was founded under an elm tree at Truns in 1424, and gathered around the
   abbey of Disentis. 3) The Zehngerichtenbund (Lia dellas desch
   dretturas), the League of the Ten Jurisdictions. It originated in 1436
   at Davos and in the valley of Praettigau. After the middle of the
   fifteenth century these leagues appear in the documents under the name
   of the Gemeine drei Buende or Freistaat der drei Buende in
   Hohenrhaetien. A modern historian says: "Frei und selbstherrlich sind
   viele Voelker geworden, aber wenige auf so rechtliche und ruhige Weise
   als das Buendner Volk." See the documents in Tschudi, I. 593; II. 153;
   and compare Mueller, Schweizergeschichte, III. 283, 394, and
   Bluntschli, Geschichte des schweizerischen Bundesrechts, I. 196 sqq.
   (2d ed. Stuttgart, 1875).

   [215] The alliance was formed with the two older leagues separately in
   1497 and 1498. The league of the Ten Jurisdictions was not admitted by
   the seven cantons because the house of Austria had possessions there;
   but in 1590 it concluded an eternal agreement with Zuerich and Glarus,
   in 1600 with Wallis, and in 1602 with Bern. See Bluntschli, l.c. I. 198
   sq. and the documents from the Archives of Zuerich in vol. II. 99-107.
     __________________________________________________________________

   S: 37. The Reformation in the Grisons. Comander. Gallicius. Campell.

   The work of CAMPELL quoted in S: 36.

   Bartholomaeus Anhorn: Heilige Wiedergeburt der evang. Kirche in den
   gemeinen drei Buendten der freien hohen Rhaetien, oder Beschreibung
   ihrer Reformation und Religionsverbesserung, etc. Brugg, 1680 (pp.
   246). A new ed. St. Gallen, 1860 (pp. 144, 8DEG). By the same: Puentner
   Aufruhr im Jahr 1607, ed. from MSS. by Conradin von Mohr, Chur, 1862;
   and his Graw-Puentner [Graubuendner]-Krieg, 1603-1629, ed. by Conr. von
   Mohr, Chur, 1873.

   *Petrus Dominicus Rosius De Porta (Reformed minister at Scamff, or
   Scanfs, in the Upper Engadin): Historia Reformationis Ecclesiarum
   Raeticarum, ex genuinis fontibus et adhuc maximam partem numquam
   impressis sine partium studio deducta, etc. Curiae Raetorum. Tom. I.,
   1771 (pp. 658, 4DEG); Tom. II., 1777 (pp. 668); Tom. III., Como, 1786.
   Comes down to 1642. Next to Campell, the standard authority and chief
   source of later works.

   Leonhard Truog (Reformed pastor at Thuais): Reformations-Geschichte von
   Graubuenden aus zuverlaessigen Quellen sorgfaeltig geschoepft. Denkmal
   der dritten Sekular-Jubelfeier der Buendnerischen Reformation. Chur
   (Otto), 1819 (pp. 132).--Reformationsbuechlein. Ein Denkmal des im Jahr
   1819 in der Stadt Chur gefeierten Jubelfestes. Chur (Otto), 1819. (pp.
   304).

   *Christian Immanuel Kind (Pfarrer und Cancellarius der evang.
   rhaetischen Synode, afterward Staats-Archivarius of the Grisons, d. May
   23, 1884): Die Reformation in den Bisthuemern Chur und Como.
   Dargestellt nach den besten aelteren und neueren Huelfsmitteln. Chur,
   1858 (Grubenmann), pp. 310, 8DEG. A popular account based on a careful
   study of the sources. By the same: Die Stadt Chur in ihrer aeltesten
   Geschichte, Chur, 1859; Philipp Gallicius, 1868; Georg Jenatsch, in
   "Allg. Deutsche Biogr.," Bd. XIII. Georg Leonhardi (pastor in Brusio,
   Poschiavo): Philipp Gallicius, Reformator Graubuendens. Bern, 1865 (pp.
   103). The same also in Romansch.--H. G. Sulzberger (in Sevelen, St.
   Gallen, d. 1888): Geschichte der Reformation im Kanton Graubuenden.
   Chur, 1880. pp. 90 (revised by Kind).--Florian Peer: L'eglise de Rhetie
   au XVIme XVIIme siecles. Geneve, 1888.--Herold: J. Komander, in Meili's
   Zeitschrift, Zurich, 1891.

   The Christianization of the Grisons is traced back by tradition to St.
   Lucius, a royal prince of Britain, and Emerita, his sister, in the
   latter part of the second century. [216] A chapel on the mountain above
   Coire perpetuates his memory. A bishop of Coire (Asimo) appears first
   in the year 452, as signing by proxy the creed of Chalcedon. [217] The
   bishops of Coire acquired great possessions and became temporal
   princes. [218] The whole country of the Grisons stood under the
   jurisdiction of the bishops of Coire and Como.

   The state of religion and the need of a reformation were the same as in
   the other cantons of Switzerland. The first impulse to the Reformation
   came from Zuerich with which Coire had close connections. Zwingli sent
   an address to the "three confederacies in Rhaetia," expressing a
   special interest in them as a former subject of the bishop of Coire,
   exhorting them to reform the Church in alliance with Zuerich, and
   recommending to them his friend Comander (Jan. 16, 1525). [219] Several
   of his pupils preached in Flaesch, Malans, Maienfeld, Coire, and other
   places as early as 1524. After his death Bullinger showed the same
   interest in the Grisons. The Reformation passed through the usual
   difficulties first with the Church of Rome, then with Anabaptists,
   Unitarians, and the followers of the mystical Schwenkfeld, all of whom
   found their way into that remote corner of the world. One of the
   leading Anabaptists of Zuerich, Georg Blaurock, was an ex-monk of
   Coire, and on account of his eloquence called "the mighty Joerg," or
   "the second Paul." He was expelled from Zuerich, and burnt by the
   Catholics in the Tyrol (1529).

   The Reformers abolished the indulgences, the sacrifice of the mass, the
   worship of images, sacerdotal celibacy and concubinage, and a number of
   unscriptural and superstitious ceremonies, and introduced instead the
   Bible and Bible preaching in church and school, the holy communion in
   both kinds, clerical family life, and a simple evangelical piety,
   animated by an active faith in Christ as the only Saviour and Mediator.
   Where that faith is wanting the service in the barren churches is
   jejune and chilly.

   The chief Reformers of the Grisons were Comander, Gallicius, Campell,
   and Vergerius, and next to them Alexander Salandronius (Salzmann),
   Blasius, and John Travers. The last was a learned and influential
   layman of the Engadin. Comander labored in the German, Gallicius and
   Campell in the Romansh, Vergerius in the Italian sections of the
   Grisons. They were Zwinglians in theology, [220] and introduced the
   changes of Zuerich and Basel. Though occupying only a second or third
   rank among the Reformers, they were the right men in the right places,
   faithful, self-denying workers in a poor country, among an honest,
   industrious, liberty-loving but parsimonious people. With small means
   they accomplished great and permanent results.

   John Comander (Dorfmann), formerly a Roman priest, of unknown
   antecedents, preached the Reformed doctrines in the church of St.
   Martin at Coire from 1524. He learned Hebrew in later years, to the
   injury of his eyes, that he might read the Old Testament in the
   original. Zwingli sent him Bibles and commentaries. The citizens
   protected him against violence and accompanied him to and from church.
   The bishop of Coire arraigned him for heresy before the Diet of the
   three confederacies in 1525.

   The Diet, in spite of the remonstrance of the bishop, ordered a public
   disputation at Ilanz, the first town on the Rhine. The disputation was
   begun on Sunday after Epiphany, Jan. 7, 1526, under the presidency of
   the civil authorities, and lasted several days. It resembled the
   disputations of Zuerich, and ended in a substantial victory of the
   Reformation. The conservative party was represented by the Episcopal
   Vicar, the abbot of St. Lucius, the deans, and a few priests and monks;
   the progressive party, by several young preachers, Comander, Gallicius,
   Blasius, Pontisella, Fabricius, and Hartmann. Sebastian Hofmeister of
   Schaffhausen was present as a listener, and wrote an account of the
   speeches. [221]

   Comander composed for the occasion eighteen theses,--an abridgment of
   the sixty-seven conclusions of Zwingli. The first thesis was: "The
   Christian Church is born of the Word of God and should abide in it, and
   not listen to the voice of a stranger" (John 10:4, 5). He defended this
   proposition with a wealth of biblical arguments which the champions of
   Rome were not able to refute. There was also some debate about the
   rock-passage in Matt. 16:18, the mass, purgatory, and sacerdotal
   celibacy. The Catholics brought the disputation to an abrupt close.

   In the summer of the same year (June 26, 1526), the Diet of Ilanz
   proclaimed religious freedom, or the right of all persons in the
   Grisons, of both sexes, and of whatever condition or rank, to choose
   between the Catholic and the Reformed religion. Heretics, who after due
   admonition adhered to their error, were excluded and subjected to
   banishment (but not to death). This remarkable statute was in advance
   of the intolerance of the times, and forms the charter of religious
   freedom in the Grisons. [222]

   The Diet of Ilanz ordered the ministers to preach nothing but what they
   could prove from the Scriptures, and to give themselves diligently to
   the study of the same. The political authority of the bishop of Coire
   was curtailed, appeals to him from the civil jurisdiction were
   forbidden, and the parishes were empowered to elect and to dismiss
   their own priests or pastors. [223]

   Thus the episcopal monarchy was abolished and congregational
   independency introduced, but without the distinction made by the
   English and American Congregationalists between the church proper, or
   the body of converted believers, and the congregation of hearers or
   mere nominal Christians.

   This legislation was brought about by the aid of liberal Catholic
   laymen, such as John Travers and John Guler, who at that time had not
   yet joined the Reformed party. The strict Catholics were dissatisfied,
   but had to submit. In 1553 the Pope sent a delegate to Coire and
   demanded the introduction of the Inquisition; but Comander, Bullinger,
   and the French ambassador defeated the attempt.

   Comander, aided by his younger colleague, Blasius, and afterwards by
   Gallicius, continued to maintain the Reformed faith against Papists,
   Anabaptists, and also against foreign pensioners who had their
   headquarters at Coire, and who punished him for his opposition by a
   reduction of his scanty salary of one hundred and twenty guilders. He
   was at times tempted to resign, but Bullinger urged him to hold on.
   [224] He stood at the head of the Reformed synod till his death in
   1557.

   He was succeeded by Fabricius, who died of the pestilence in 1566.

   Philip Gallicius (Saluz) developed a more extensive activity. He is the
   Reformer of the Engadin, but labored also as pastor and evangelist in
   Domleschg, Langwies, and Coire. He was born on the eastern frontier of
   Graubuenden in 1504, and began to preach already in 1520. He had an
   irresistible eloquence and power of persuasion. When he spoke in
   Romansh, the people flocked from every direction to hear him. He was
   the chief speaker at two disputations in Sues, a town of the Lower
   Engadin, against the Papists (1537), and against the Anabaptists
   (1544). [225] He also introduced the Reformation in Zuz in the Lower
   Engadin, 1554, with the aid of John Travers, a distinguished patriot,
   statesman, soldier, and lay-preacher, who was called "the steelclad
   Knight in the service of the Lord."

   Gallicius suffered much persecution and poverty, but remained gentle,
   patient, and faithful to the end. When preaching in the Domleschg he
   had not even bread to feed his large family, and lived for weeks on
   vegetables and salt. And yet he educated a son for the ministry at
   Basel, and dissuaded him from accepting a lucrative offer in another
   calling. He also did as much as he could for the Italian refugees. He
   died of the pestilence with his wife and three sons at Coire, 1566.

   He translated the Lord's Prayer, the Apostles' Creed, and the Ten
   Commandments, and several chapters of the Bible, into the Romansh
   language, and thus laid the foundation of the Romansh literature. He
   also wrote a catechism and a Latin grammar, which were printed at
   Coire. He prepared the Confession of Raetia, in 1552, which was
   afterwards superseded by the Confession of Bullinger in 1566.

   Ulrich Campell (b. c. 1510, d. 1582) was pastor at Coire and at Sues,
   and, next to Gallicius, the chief reformer of the Engadin. He is also
   the first historian of Raetia and one of the founders of the religious
   literature in Romanic Raetia. His history is written in good Latin, and
   based upon personal observation, the accounts of the ancient Romans,
   the researches of Tschudi, and communications of Bullinger and Vadian.
   It begins a.d. 100 and ends about 1582.

   The Romansh literature was first cultivated during the Reformation.
   [226] Gallicius, Campell, and Biveroni (Bifrun) are the founders of it.
   Campell prepared a metrical translation of the Psalter, with original
   hymns and a catechism (1562). Jacob Biveroni, a lawyer of Samaden,
   published a translation of Comander's Catechism, which was printed at
   Poschiavo, 1552, and (with the aid of Gallicius and Campell) the entire
   New Testament, which appeared first in 1560 at Basel, and became the
   chief agency in promoting the evangelical faith in those regions. The
   people, who knew only the Romansh language, says a contemporary, "were
   amazed like the lsraelites of old at the sight of the manna."

   The result of the labors of the Reformers and their successors in
   Graubuenden was the firm establishment of an evangelical church which
   numbered nearly two-thirds of the population; while one-third remained
   Roman Catholic. This numerical relation has substantially remained to
   this day with some change in favor of Rome, though not by conversion,
   but by emigration and immigration. The two churches live peacefully
   together. The question of religion was decided in each community by a
   majority vote, like any political or local question. The principle of
   economy often gave the decision either for the retention of the Roman
   priest, or the choice of a Reformed preacher. [227] Some stingy
   congregations remained vacant to get rid of all obligations, or hired
   now a priest, now a preacher for a short season. Gallicius complained
   to Bullinger about this independence which favored license under the
   name of liberty. Not unfrequently congregations are deceived by foreign
   adventurers who impose themselves upon them as pastors.

   The democratic autonomy explains the curious phenomenon of the mixture
   of religion in the Grisons. The traveller may pass in a few hours
   through a succession of villages and churches of different creeds. At
   Coire the city itself is Reformed, and the Catholics with their bishop
   form a separate town on a hill, called the Court (of the bishop).

   There is in Graubuenden neither a State church nor a free church, but a
   people's church. [228] Every citizen is baptized, confirmed, and a
   church member. Every congregation is sovereign, and elects and supports
   its own pastor. In 1537 a synod was constituted, which meets annually
   in the month of June. It consists of all the ministers and three
   representatives of the government, and attends to the examination and
   ordination of candidates, and the usual business of administration. The
   civil government watches over the preservation of the church property,
   and prevents a collision of ecclesiastical and civil legislation, but
   the administration of church property is in the hands of the local
   congregations or parishes. The Second Helvetic Confession of Bullinger
   was formally accepted as the creed of the Church in 1566, but has
   latterly gone out of use. Ministers are only required to teach the
   doctrines of the Bible in general conformity to the teaching of the
   Reformed Church. Pastors are at liberty to use any catechism they
   please. The cultus is very simple, and the churches are devoid of all
   ornament. Many pious customs prevail among the people. A Protestant
   college was opened at Coire in the year 1542 with Pontisella, a native
   of Bregaglia, as first rector, who had been gratuitously educated at
   Zuerich by the aid of Bullinger. With the college was connected a
   theological seminary for the training of ministers. This was abolished
   in 1843, [229] and its funds were converted into scholarships for
   candidates, who now pursue their studies at Basel and Zuerich or in
   German universities. In 1850 the Reformed college at Coire and the
   Catholic college of St. Lucius have been consolidated into one
   institution (Cantonsschule) located on a hill above Coire, near the
   episcopal palace.

   During the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries the Reformed clergy were
   orthodox in the sense of moderate Calvinism; in the eighteenth century
   Pietism and the Moravian community exerted a wholesome influence on the
   revival of spiritual life. [230] In the present century about one-half
   of the clergy have been brought up under the influence of German
   Rationalism, and preach Christian morality without supernatural dogmas
   and miracles.

   The Protestant movement in the Italian valleys of the Grisons began in
   the middle of the sixteenth century, but may as well be anticipated
   here.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [216] He is identified, in the tradition of Wales, with King Lucius who
   introduced Christianity into Britain and built the first church at
   Llandaff in 180. See Alois Luetolf, Die Glaubensboten der Schweiz vor
   St. Gallus, Luzern, 1871, pp. 95-125. He gives from MSS. the oldest
   Vita S. Lucii Confessoris (pp. 115-121).

   [217] S. Asimo was not himself at Chalcedon, 450, but authorized
   Abundantius, bishop of Como, to give his assent to the Chalcedon
   Christology at a council held at Milan in 452, as appears from the
   following document: "Ego Abundantius episcopus ecclesiae Comensis in
   omnia supra scripta pro me ac pro absente sancto fratre meo, asimone,
   episcopo ecclesiae curiensis primae rhaetiae, subscripsi, anathema
   dicens his qui de incarnationis Dominicae sacramento impie senserunt."
   Quoted by Eichhorn, l.c. pp. 1 and 2.

   [218] Frederick Barbarossa gave to the bishop the title princeps, about
   1170.

   [219] The MS. of this exhortation is in the Archives of Zuerich and was
   first printed in Joh. Jak. Simler's Sammlung alter und neuer Urkunden
   zur Beleuchtung der Kirchengeschichte (1759), vol. I. 108-114.

   [220] With the exception of Vergerius, who vacillated between Calvinism
   and Lutheranism. See below, p. 154 (S: 38).

   [221] His report and Comander's conclusions are printed in Fuesslin's
   Beitraege zur Kirchen- und Reformationsgesch. des Schweitzerlandes,
   1741, vol. I. 337-382. A fuller account is given by Campell in his
   Raetische Geschichte, II. 287-308 (Mohr's German ed.).

   [222] Campell, II. 309: "Die Disputation [of Ilanz] blieb nicht ohne
   alle Frucht. Sie hatte wenigstens dieFolge, dass ein Gesetz erlassen
   wurde, wonach es in den drei Buenden Jedermann, wess Standes oder
   Geschlechts er auch war, freigestellt wurde, nach Gutduenken zu einer
   der beiden Confessionem, der katholischen oder evangelischen, sich zu
   bekennen und an ihr festzuhalten. Hiebei wurde, unter Androhung einer
   angemessenen Strafe, Jedem streng untersagt, irgend Jemanden um seines
   Glaubens willen zu schmaehen oder, sei es oeffentlich oder heimlich, zu
   verfolgen, wie diess von der andern Partei schon oft genug geschehen
   war. Bei dieser Gelegenheit wurde ein altes Landesgesetz den
   Geistlichen aufs Neue eingeschaerft, wonach selbe durchaus keine
   andere, als die in der h. Schrift enthaltene Lehre dem Volke vortragen
   sollten." [Then follows a list of the leading statesmen, John Travers,
   John Guler, etc., who contributed to this result.] "Mit dem naemlichen
   Gesetz ueber freie Ausuebung des evangelischen Glaubens wurde die ganze
   Kezerei der Wiedertaufe streng untersagt und alle ihre Anhaenger mit
   Verbannung bedroht. Die strenge Ueberwachung der erstern dieser zwei
   Verordnungen hatte in Bezug auf oeffentliche Ruhe und Frieden zwischen
   beiden Confessionen aeusserst wohlthaetige Folgen, indem beide Theile
   sich lange Zeit hindurch der groessten Maessigung beflissen, hiserst in
   den letzten Jahren bei den katholischen Geistlichen sich abermals eine
   feindselige Stimmung gegen die evangelischen Prediger in Schmaehungen
   aller Art kund gab, worueber mannigfache Klagen vor dem Beitag laut
   wurden."--Comp. Bullinger, I. 315; De Porta, I. 146.

   [223] Campell, II. 310 sqq., gives the principal of the Twenty Articles
   of the Diet of Ilanz.

   [224] See his letters to Bullinger and Vadian in De Porta, I. 67, 179
   sqq.; II. 278.

   [225] A full account of the first disputation in Campell, II. 842-366.

   [226] "Erst die Reformation," says Leonhardi (Philipp Gallicius, p.
   87), "hat eine rhaeto-romanische Literatur geschaffen. Die Moenche und
   Priester behaupteten, der Engadiner Dialect sei so verdorben, dass er
   keines schriftlichen Ausdruckes faehig sei."

   [227] The same regard for economy inclines at this day some Roman
   Catholic congregations to prefer a Capuchin monk to a secular priest.
   So I was informed by the Archivarius of the bishop of Coire in June,
   1890.

   [228] A Volkskirche or Gemeindekirche, which embraces the whole civil
   community.

   [229] The last professors of theology were Antistes Kind (my pastor),
   and Dr. Schirks, both able and pious men.

   [230] On this movement see Munz, Die Bruedergemeinde in Buenden, in
   "Der Kirclhenfreund," Basel, Nos. 19-21, 1886. Johann Baptist von
   Albertini (d. 1831), one of the bishops and hymnists of the Moravians,
   and a friend of Schleiermacher, descended from a Buenden family.
     __________________________________________________________________

   S: 38. The Reformation in the Italian Valleys of the Grisons. Vergerio.

   I. P. Dom. Rosius De Porta: Dissertatio historico-ecclesiastica qua
   ecclesiarum colloquio Vallis Praegalliae et Comitatiis Clavennae olim
   comprehensarum Reformatio et status ... exponitur. Curiae, 1787 (pp.
   56, 4DEG). His Historia Reformations Eccles. Rhaeticarum, bk. II. ch.
   v. pp. 139-179 (on Vergerio).--Dan. Gerdes (a learned Reformed
   historian, 1698-1765): Specimen Italiae Reformatae. L. Batav.
   1765.--*Thomas McCrie (1772-1835, author of the Life of John Knox,
   etc.): History of the Progress and Suppression of the Reformation in
   Italy. Edinburgh, 1827. 2d ed. 1833. Republished by the Presbyterian
   Board of Publication, Philadelphia, 1842. Ch. VI., pp. 291 sqq., treats
   of the foreign Italian churches and the Reformation in the Grisons.--F.
   Trechsel: Die protest. Antitrinitarier, Heidelberg, 1844, vol. II. 64
   sqq.)--G. Leonhardi: Ritter Johannes Guler von Weineck, Lebensbild
   eines Rhaetiers aus dem 17ten Jahrh. Bern, 1863. By the same:
   Puschlaver Mord. Veltiner Mord. Die Ausrottung des Protestantismus im
   Misoxerthal. In the Zeitschrift "der Wahre Protestant," Basel,
   1852-'54.--B. Reber: Georg Jenatsch, Graubuendens Pfarrer und Held
   waehrend des dreissigjaehrigen Kriegs. In the "Beitaege zur
   vaterlaendischen Geschichte," Basel, 1860.--E. Lechner: Das Thal
   Bergell (Bregaglia) in Graubuenden, Natur, Sagen, Geschichte, Volk,
   Sprache, etc. Leipzig, 1865 (pp. 140).--Y. F. Fetz (Rom. Cath.):
   Geschichte der kirchenpolitischen Wirren im Freistaat der drei Buende
   vom Anfang des 17ten Jahrh. bis auf die Gegenwart. Chur, 1875 (pp.
   367).--*Karl Benrath: Bernardino Ochino von Siena. Leipzig, 1875
   (English translation with preface by William Arthur, London, 1876).
   Comp. his Ueber die Quellen der italienischen Reformationsgeschichte.
   Bonn, 1876.--*Joh. Kaspar Moerikofer: Geschichte der evangelischen
   Fluechtlinge in der Schweiz. Zuerich, 1876.--John Stoughton: Footprints
   of Italian Reformers. London, 1881 (pp. 235, 267 sqq.).--Em. Comba
   (professor of church history in the Waldensian Theological College at
   Florence): Storia della Riforma in Italia. Firenze, 1881 (only l vol.
   so far). Biblioteca della Riforma Italiana Sec. XVI. Firenze, 1883-'86.
   6 vols. Visita ai Grigioni Riformati Italiani. Firenze, 1885. Vera
   Narrazione del Massacro di Valtellina. Zuerich, 1621. Republished in
   Florence, 1886. Comp. literature on p. 131.

   II. The Vergerius literature. The works of Vergerius, Latin and
   Italian, are very rare. Niceron gives a list of fifty-five, Sixt (pp.
   595-601) of eighty-nine. He began a collection of his Opera adversus
   Papatum, of which only the first volume has appeared, at Tuebingen,
   1563. Recently Emil Comba has edited his Trattacelli e sua storia di
   Francesco Spiera in the first two volumes of his "Biblioteca della
   Riforma Italiana," Firenze, 1883, and the Parafrasi sopra l' Epistola
   ai Romani, 1886. Sixt has published, from the Archives of Koenigsberg,
   forty-four letters of Vergerius to Albert, Duke of Prussia (pp. 533
   sqq.), and Kausler and Schott (librarian at Stuttgart), his
   correspondence with Christopher, Duke of Wuertemberg (Briefwechsel
   zwischen Christoph Herzog von Wuert. und P. P. Vergerius, Tuebingen,
   1875).--Walter Friedensburg: Die Nunciaturen des Vergerio, 1533-'36.
   Gotha, 1892 (615 pp.). From the papal archives.

   Chr. H. Sixt: Petrus Paulus Vergerius, paepstlicher Nuntius,
   katholischer Bischof und Vorkaempfer des Evangeliums. Braunschweig,
   1855 (pp. 601). With a picture of Vergerius. 2d (title) ed. 1871. The
   labors in the Grisons are described in ch. III. 181 sqq.--Scattered
   notices of Vergerius are found in Sleidan, Seckendorf, De Porta, Sarpi,
   Pallavicini, Raynaldus, Maimburg, Bayle, Niceron, Schelhorn, Salig, and
   Meyer (in his monograph on Locarno. I. 36, 51; II. 236-255). A good
   article by Schott in Herzog2, XVI. 351-357. (Less eulogistic than
   Sixt.)

   The evangelical Reformation spread in the Italian portions of the
   Grisons; namely, the valleys of Pregell or Bregaglia, [231] and
   Poschiavo (Puschlav), which still belong to the Canton, and in the
   dependencies of the Valtellina (Veltlin), Bormio (Worms), and Chiavenna
   (Cleven), which were ruled by governors (like the Territories of the
   United States), but were lost to the Grisons in 1797. The Valtellina is
   famous for its luxuriant vegetation, fiery wine, and culture of silk. A
   Protestant congregation was also organized at Locarno in the Canton
   Ticino (Tessin), which then was a dependency of the Swiss Confederacy.
   This Italian chapter of the history of Swiss Protestantism is closely
   connected with the rise and suppression of the Reformation in Italy and
   the emigration of many Protestant confessors, who, like the French
   Huguenots of a later period, were driven from their native land, to
   enrich with their industry and virtue foreign countries where they
   found a hospitable home.

   The first impulse to the Reformation in the Italian Grisons came from
   Gallicius and Campell, who labored in the neighboring Engadin, and knew
   Italian as well as Romansh. The chief agents were Protestant refugees
   who fled from the Inquisition to Northern Italy and found protection
   under the government of the Grisons. Many of them settled there
   permanently; others went to Zuerich, Basel, and Geneva. In the year
   1550 the number of Italian refugees was about two hundred. Before 1559
   the number had increased to eight hundred. One fourth or fifth of them
   were educated men. Some inclined to Unitarian and Anabaptist opinions,
   and prepared the way for Socinianism. Among the latter may be mentioned
   Francesco Calabrese (in the Engadin); Tiriano (at Coire); Camillo
   Renato, a forerunner of Socinianism (at Tirano in the Valtellina);
   Ochino, the famous Capuchin pulpit orator (who afterwards went to
   Geneva, England, and Zuerich); Lelio Sozini (who died at Zuerich,
   1562); and his more famous nephew, Fausto Sozini (1539-1604), the
   proper founder of Socinianism, who ended his life in Poland.

   The most distinguished of the Italian evangelists in the Grisons, is
   Petrus Paulus Vergerius (1498-1565). [232] He labored there four years
   (1549-1553), and left some permanent traces of his influence. He ranks
   among the secondary Reformers, and is an interesting but somewhat
   ambiguous and unsatisfactory character, with a changeful career. He
   held one of the highest positions at the papal court, and became one of
   its most decided opponents.

   Vergerio was at first a prominent lawyer at Venice. After the death of
   his wife (Diana Contarini), he entered the service of the Church, and
   soon rose by his talents and attainments to influential positions. He
   was sent by Clement VII., together with Campeggi and Pimpinelli, to the
   Diet of Augsburg, 1530, where he associated with Faber, Eck, and
   Cochlaeus, and displayed great zeal and skill in attempting to suppress
   the Protestant heresy. He was made papal secretary and domestic
   chaplain, 1532. He was again sent by Paul III. to Germany, in 1535, to
   negotiate with the German princes about the proposed General Council at
   Mantua. He had a personal interview with Luther in Wittenberg (Nov. 7),
   and took offence at his bad Latin, blunt speech, and plebeian manner.
   He could not decide, he said in his official report to the papal
   secretary (Nov. 12), whether this German "beast" was possessed by an
   evil demon or not, but he certainly was the embodiment of arrogance,
   malice, and unwisdom. [233] He afterwards spoke of Luther as "a man of
   sacred memory," and "a great instrument of God," and lauded him in
   verses which he composed on a visit to Eisleben in 1559. On his return
   to Italy, he received as reward for his mission the archbishopric of
   Capo d' Istria, his native place (not far from Trieste). He aspired
   even to the cardinal's hat. He attended--we do not know precisely in
   what capacity, whether in the name of the Pope, or of Francis I. of
   France--the Colloquies at Worms and Regensburg, in 1540 and 1541, where
   he met Melanchthon and Calvin. Melanchthon presented him on that
   occasion with a copy of the Augsburg Confession and the Apology. [234]
   At that time he was, according to his confession, still as blind and
   impious as Saul. In the address De Unitate et Pace Ecclesicae, which he
   delivered at Worms, Jan. 1, 1541, and which is diplomatic rather than
   theological, [235] he urged a General Council as a means to restore the
   unity and peace of the Church on the traditional basis.

   His conversion was gradually brought about by a combination of several
   causes,--the reading of Protestant books which he undertook with the
   purpose to refute them, his personal intercourse with Lutheran divines
   and princes in Germany, the intolerance of his Roman opponents, and the
   fearful death of Spiera. He acquired an experimental knowledge of the
   evangelical doctrine of justification by faith, which at that time
   commended itself even to some Roman divines of high standing, as
   Cardinal Contarini and Reginald Pole, and which was advocated by
   Paleario of Siena, and by a pupil of Valdes in an anonymous Italian
   tract on "The Benefit of Christ's Death." [236] He began to preach
   evangelical doctrines and to reform abuses. His brother, bishop of
   Pola, fully sympathized with him. He roused the suspicion of the Curia
   and the Inquisition. He went to Trent in February, 1546, to justify
   himself before the Council, but was refused admittance, and forbidden
   to return to his diocese. He retired to Riva on the Lago di Garda, not
   far from Trent.

   In 1548 he paid a visit to Padua to take some of his nephews to
   college. He found the city excited by the fearful tragedy of Francesco
   Spiera, a lawyer and convert from Romanism, who had abjured the
   evangelical faith from fear of the Inquisition, and fell into a hell of
   tortures of conscience under the conviction that he had committed the
   unpardonable sin by rejecting the truth. He was for several weeks a
   daily witness, with many others, of the agonies of this most
   unfortunate of apostates, and tried in vain to comfort him. He thought
   that we must not despair of any sinner, though he had committed the
   crimes of Cain and Judas. He prepared himself for his visits by prayer
   and the study of the comforting promises of the Scriptures. But Spiera
   had lost all faith, all hope, all comfort; he insisted that he had
   committed the sin against the Holy Spirit which cannot be forgiven in
   this world nor in the world to come; he was tormented by the
   remembrance of the sins of his youth, the guilt of apostasy, the
   prospect of eternal punishment which he felt already, and died in utter
   despair with a heart full of hatred and blasphemy. His death was
   regarded as a signal judgment of God, a warning example, and an
   argument for the truth of the evangelical doctrines. [237]

   Vergerio was overwhelmed by this experience, and brought to a final
   decision. He wrote an apology in which he gives an account of the sad
   story, and renounces his connection with Rome at the risk of
   persecution, torture, and death. He sent it to the suffragan bishop of
   Padua, Dec. 13, 1548.

   He was deposed and excommunicated by the pope, July 3, 1549, and fled
   over Bergamo to the Grisons. He remained there till 1553, with
   occasional journeys to the Valtellina, Chiavenna, Zuerich, Bern, and
   Basel. He was hospitably received, and developed great activity in
   preaching and writing. People of all classes gathered around him, and
   were impressed by his commanding presence and eloquence. He founded a
   printing-press in Poschiavo in 1549, and issued from it his
   thunderbolts against popery. He preached at Pontresina and Samaden in
   the Upper Engadin, and effected the abolition of the mass and the
   images. He labored as pastor three years (1550-53) at Vicosoprano in
   Bregaglia. He travelled through the greater part of Switzerland, and
   made the acquaintance of Bullinger, Calvin, and Beza.

   But the humble condition of the Grisons did not satisfy his ambition.
   He felt isolated, and complained of the inhospitable valleys. He
   disliked the democratic institutions. He quarrelled with the older
   Reformers, Comander and Gallicius. He tried to get the whole Synod of
   the Grisons under his control, and, failing in this, to organize a
   separate synod of the Italian congregations. Then he aspired to a more
   prominent position at Zuerich or Geneva or Bern, but Bullinger and
   Calvin did not trust him.

   In November, 1553, he gladly accepted a call to Wuertemberg as
   counsellor of Duke Christopher, one of the best princes of the
   sixteenth century, and spent his remaining twelve years in the Duke's
   service. He resided in Tuebingen, but had no official connection with
   the University. He continued to write with his rapid pen inflammatory
   tracts against popery, promoted the translation and distribution of the
   Bible in the South Slavonic dialect, maintained an extensive
   correspondence, and was used in various diplomatic and evangelical
   missions to the Emperor Maximilian at Vienna, to the kings of Bohemia,
   and Poland. On his first journey to Poland he made the personal
   acquaintance of Albert, Duke of Prussia, who esteemed him highly and
   supplied him with funds. He entered into correspondence with Queen
   Elizabeth, in the vain hope of an invitation to England. He desired to
   be sent as delegate to the religious conference at Poissy in France,
   1561, but was again disappointed. He paid four visits to the Grisons
   (November, 1561; March, 1562; May, 1563; and April, 1564), to
   counteract the intrigues of the Spanish and papal party, and to promote
   the harmony of the Swiss Church with that of Wuertemberg. On his second
   visit he went as far as the Valtellina. He received an informal
   invitation to attend the Council of Trent in 1561 from Delfino, the
   papal nuncio, in the hope that he might be induced to recant; he was
   willing to go at the risk of meeting the fate of Hus at Constance, but
   on condition of a safe conduct, which was declined. [238] At last he
   wished to unite with the Bohemian Brethren, whom he admired for their
   strict discipline combined with pure doctrine; he translated and
   published their Confession of Faith. He was in constant need of money,
   and his many begging letters to the Dukes of Wuertemberg and of Prussia
   make a painful impression; but we must take into account the printing
   expenses of his many books, his frequent journeys, and the support of
   three nephews and a niece. In his fifty-ninth year he conceived the
   plan of contracting a marriage, and asked the Duke to double his
   allowance of two hundred guilders, but the request was declined and the
   marriage given up. [239]

   He died Oct. 4, 1565, at Tuebingen, and was buried there. Dr. Andreae,
   the chief author of the Lutheran Formula of Concord, preached the
   funeral sermon, which the learned Crusius took down in Greek. Duke
   Christopher erected a monument to his memory with a eulogistic
   inscription. [240]

   The very numerous Latin and Italian books and fugitive tracts of
   Vergerio are chiefly polemical against the Roman hierarchy of which he
   had so long been a conspicuous member. [241] He exposed, with the
   intemperate zeal of a proselyte, the chronique scandaleuse of the
   papacy, including the mythical woman-pope, Johanna (John VIII.), who
   was then generally believed to have really existed. [242] He agreed
   with Luther that the papacy was an invention of the Devil; that the
   pope was the very Antichrist seated in the temple of God as predicted
   by Daniel (11:36) and Paul (2 Thess. 2:3 sq.), and the beast of the
   Apocalypse; and that he would soon be destroyed by a divine judgment.
   He attacked all the contemporary popes, except Adrian VI., to whom he
   gives credit for honesty and earnestness. He is especially severe on
   "Saul IV." (Paul IV.), who as Cardinal Caraffa had made some wise and
   bold utterances on the corruption of the clergy, but since his
   elevation to the "apostate chair, which corrupts every one who ascends
   it," had become the leader of the Counter-Reformation with its measures
   of violence and blood. Such monsters, he says, are the popes. One
   contradicts the other, and yet they are all infallible, and demand
   absolute submission. Rather die a thousand times than have any
   communion with popery and fall away from Christ, the Son of God, who
   was crucified for us and rose from the dead. Popery and the gospel are
   as incompatible as darkness and light, as Belial and Christ. No
   compromise is possible between them. Vergerio was hardly less severe on
   the cardinals and bishops, although he allowed some honorable
   exceptions. He attacked and ridiculed the Council of Trent, then in
   session, and tried to show that it was neither general, nor free, nor
   Christian. He used the same arguments against it as the Old Catholics
   used against the Vatican Council of 1870. He repelled the charge of
   heresy and turned it against his former co-religionists. The
   Protestants who follow the Word of God are orthodox, the Romanists who
   follow the traditions of men are the heretics.

   His anti-popery writings were read with great avidity by his
   contemporaries, but are now forgotten. Bullinger was unfavorably
   impressed, and found in them no solid substance, but only frivolous
   mockery and abuse.

   As regards the differences among Protestants, Vergerio was
   inconsistent. He first held the Calvinistic theory of the Lord's
   Supper, and expressed it in his own Catechism, [243] in a letter to
   Bullinger of Jan. 16, 1554, and even later, in June, 1556, at
   Wittenberg, where he met Melanchthon and Eber. But in Wuertemberg he
   had to subscribe the Augsburg Confession, and in a letter to the Duke
   of Wuertemberg, Oct. 23, 1557, he confessed the ubiquitarian theory of
   Luther. He also translated the Catechism of Brenz and the Wuertemberg
   Confession into Italian, and thereby offended the Swiss Zwinglians, but
   told them that he was merely the translator. He never attributed much
   importance to the difference, and kept aloof from the eucharistic
   controversy. [244] He was not a profound theologian, but an
   ecclesiastical politician and diplomatist, after as well as before his
   conversion.

   Vergerio left the Roman Church rather too late, when the
   Counter-Reformation had already begun to crush Protestantism in Italy.
   He was a man of imposing personality, considerable learning and
   eloquence, wit and irony, polemic dexterity, and diplomatic experience,
   but restless, vain, and ambitious. He had an extravagant idea of his
   own importance. He could not forget his former episcopal authority and
   pretensions, nor his commanding position as the representative of the
   pope. He aspired to the dignity and influence of a sort of Protestant
   internuncio at all the courts of Europe, and of a mediator between the
   Lutheran and Reformed Churches. Pallavicino, the Jesuit historian of
   the Council of Trent, characterizes him as a lively and bold man who
   could not live without business, and imagined that business could not
   get along without him. Calvin found in him much that is laudable, but
   feared that he was a restless busybody. Gallicius wrote to Bullinger:
   "I wish that Vergerio would be more quiet, and persuade himself that
   the heavens will not fall even if he, as another Atlas, should withdraw
   his support." Nevertheless, Vergerio filled an important place in the
   history of his times. He retained the esteem of the Lutheran princes
   and theologians, and he is gratefully remembered for his missionary
   services in the two Italian valleys of the Grisons, which have remained
   faithful to the evangelical faith to this day.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [231] This is the Italian name; in Latin, Praegallia; in German,
   Bergell.

   [232] Pierpaolo Vergerio, also called the younger, to distinguish him
   from an older member of his illustrious family. De Porta thus
   introduces his account, l.c.: "Inter exsules, qui ob Evangelii
   confessionem Italiae profugi in Rhaetia consederunt, haud ullus sive
   generis nobilitatem, sive dignitatem, sive vitae acta rationem spectes,
   majorem meretur attentionem quam P. P. Vergerius."

   [233] Sixt gives (pp. 35-45), from Seckendorf, Sarpi, and Pallavicini,
   a full account of this characteristic interview, which belongs to the
   history of the Lutheran and Roman Catholic churches. The official
   report is published by Friedensburg.

   [234] With a letter printed in his Opera, Corp. Reform. IV. 22, and in
   Sixt, 94.

   [235] Translated from the Latin in Sixt, 75-94. The address was printed
   and distributed immediately after the delivery, but has become very
   rare.

   [236] Trattato utilissimo del beneficio di GiesuChristo crucifisso,
   verso i Christiani. Venet. 1540. It was circulated in more than forty
   thousand copies within six years, translated into several languages,
   and republished from an English version (made from the French), 4th
   ed., London, 1638, by the Religious Tract Society of London, with an
   introduction by John Ayer, and again in Boston, 1860 (Gould & Lincoln,
   pp. 160, with facsimile of the title-page). The Italian original was
   recovered at Cambridge, 1855. Vergerius wrote in 1558 that there
   appeared no book in his age, at least in Italian, "so sweet, so pious,
   so simple, and so well adapted to instruct the weak on the article of
   justification" (Sixt, p. 103). The tract was formerly (by Tiraboschi,
   Gerdes, McCrie, Jules Bonnet, Mrs. Young, and others) ascribed to Aonio
   Paleario, professor of classical literature at Siena; but it was
   written by a pupil of the Spanish nobleman, Juan de Valdes, at Naples,
   and revised by Flaminio. Ranke found in the Acts of the Inquisition the
   notice, "Quel libro del beneficio di Christo fu il suo autore un monaco
   di Sanseverino in Napoli discepolo del Valdes, fu revisore di detto
   libro il Flaminio, fu stampato molte volte," etc. Die Roemischen
   Paepste, vol. I. pp. 90-92 (8th ed. 1883). Benrath found the name of
   the author, Don Benedetto de Mantova, "Zeitschrift fuer Kirchengesch.,"
   I. 575-596 (1877). Comp. his article Paleario, in Herzog2, XI. 165,
   note, and E. Boehmer on Valdes, ibid. XVI. 276 sqq. Boehmer says that
   there are two Italian copies of the tract in the imperial library at
   Vienna.

   [237] I have given a full account of this tragedy in an appendix to my
   (German) book on the Sin against the Holy Ghost (Halle, 1841), pp.
   173-210, from a rare publication of 191 pages (then in possession of
   Dr. Hengstenberg in Berlin): Francisci Spiercae, qui, quod susceptam
   semel evangelicae veritatis professionem abnegasset damnassetque, in
   horrendam incidit desperationem, Historia, a quatuor summis viris summa
   fide conscripta, cum clariss. virorum praefationibus, Coelii S. C. et
   Io. Calvini et Petri Pauli Vergerii Apologia: in quibus multa hoc
   tempore scitu digna gravissime tradantur .... Basil. 1550. It was
   reprinted at Tuebingen, 1568. Vergerio first published an account in
   his Apologia, 1548 (not 1549), which is contained in that book, and
   informed Calvin of it in a letter. Sixt gives large extracts, pp.
   125-160. See Comba,Francesco Spiera, Firenze, 1883.

   [238] See his letters to Duke Albert of Prussia, and the report of
   Pallavicini, XV.10; and Sixt, 485 sqq., 490 sqq.

   [239] Sixt, 510 sqq.

   [240] The epitaphium, in eighteen hexameters, plays ingeniously on his
   name,--Peter, who denied the Lord, and, after his conversion, fed his
   sheep; Paul, who first persecuted and then built up the Church; and
   Vergerius, "vergens ad orcum andvergens ad astra poli." The monument in
   the Georgenkirche was destroyed by the Jesuits in 1636 and restored
   1672, but has disappeared since, according to Schott (Herzog2, XVI.
   357), whose statement (against Sixt, 527) is confirmed by Dr.
   Weizsaecker (in a private letter of Jan. 5, 1891).

   [241] Many of them appeared anonymously or under such false names as
   Athanasius, Fra Giovanni, Lambertus de Nigromonte, Valerius Philarchus,
   etc.

   [242] This mediaeval fiction was probably a Roman satire on the
   monstrous regiment of bad women who controlled the papacy in the tenth
   century. It was first disproved by David Blondel. See vol. IV. 265 sq.

   [243] Fondamento della religione christiana per uso della Valtellina.
   1553.

   [244] His views on the Eucharist are discussed by Sixt, 208, 214, and
   497 sqq.
     __________________________________________________________________

   S: 39. Protestantism in Chiavenna and the Valtellina, and its
   Suppression.

   The Valtellina Massacre. George Jenatsch.

   See literature in S:S: 36 and 38, pp. 131 and 144 sq.

   We pass now to the Italian dependencies of the Grisons, where
   Protestantism has had only a transient existence.

   At Chiavenna the Reformed worship was introduced in 1544 by Agostino
   Mainardi, a former monk of Piedmont, under the protection of Hercules
   von Salis, governor of the province. He was succeeded by Jerome Zanchi
   (1516-1590), an Augustinian monk who had been converted by reading the
   works of the Reformers under the direction of Vermigli at Lucca, and
   became one of the most learned and acute champions of the Calvinistic
   system. He fled to the Grisons in 1551, and preached at Chiavenna. Two
   years later he accepted a call to a Hebrew professorship at Strassburg.
   There he got into a controversy with Marbach on the doctrine of
   predestination, which he defended with logical rigor. In 1563 he
   returned to Chiavenna as [245] pastor. He had much trouble with
   restless Italian refugees and with the incipient heresy of Socinianism.
   In 1568 he left for Heidelberg, as professor of theology on the basis
   of the Palatinate Catechism, which in 1563 had been introduced under
   the pious Elector Frederick III. He prepared the way for Calvinistic
   scholasticism. A complete edition of his works appeared at Geneva,
   1619, in three folio volumes.

   Chiavenna had several other able pastors,--Simone Florillo, Scipione
   Lentulo of Naples, Ottaviano Meio of Lucca,

   Small Protestant congregations were founded in the Valtellina, at
   Caspan (1546), Sondrio (the seat of government), Teglio, Tirano, and
   other towns. Dr. McCrie says: "Upon the whole, the number of Protestant
   churches to the south of the Alps appears to have exceeded twenty,
   which were all served, and continued till the end of the sixteenth
   century to be for the most part served, by exiles from Italy."

   But Protestantism in Chiavenna, Bormio, and the Valtellina was at last
   swept out of existence. We must here anticipate a bloody page of the
   history of the seventeenth century.

   Several causes combined for the destruction of Protestantism in Upper
   Italy. The Catholic natives were never friendly to the heretical
   refugees who settled among them, and called them banditi, which has the
   double meaning of exile and outlaw. They reproached the Grisons for
   receiving them after they had been expelled from other Christian
   countries. They were kept in a state of political vassalage, instead of
   being admitted to equal rights with the three leagues. The provincial
   governors were often oppressive, sold the subordinate offices to
   partisans, and enriched themselves at the expense of the inhabitants.
   The Protestants were distracted by internal feuds. The Roman
   Counter-Reformation was begun with great zeal and energy in Upper Italy
   and Switzerland by the saintly Cardinal Charles Borromeo, archbishop of
   Milan. Jesuits and Capuchins stirred up the hatred of the ignorant and
   superstitious people against the Protestant heretics. In the Grisons
   themselves the Roman Catholic party under the lead of the family of
   Planta, and the Protestants, headed by the family of Salis, strove for
   the mastery. The former aimed at the suppression of the Reformation in
   the leagues as well as the dependencies, and were suspected of
   treasonable conspiracy with Spain and Austria. The Protestant party
   held a court (Strafgericht, a sort of tribunal of inquisition) at
   Thusis in 1618, which included nine preachers, and condemned the
   conspirators. The aged Zambra, who in the torture confessed complicity
   with Spain, was beheaded; Nicolaus Rusca, an esteemed priest, leader of
   the Spanish Catholic interests in the Valtellina, called the hammer of
   the heretics, was cruelly tortured to death; Bishop John Flugi was
   deposed and outlawed; the brothers Rudolf and Pompeius Planta, the
   Knight Jacob Robustelli, and other influential Catholics were banished,
   and the property of the Plantas was confiscated.

   These unrighteous measures created general indignation. The exiles
   fostered revenge, and were assured of Spanish aid. Robustelli returned,
   after his banishment, to the Valtellina, and organized a band of about
   three hundred desperate bandits from the Venetian and Milanese
   territories for the overthrow of the government of the Grisons and the
   extermination of Protestantism.

   This is the infamous "Valtellina Massacre (Veltliner Mord) of July,
   1620. It may be called an imitation of the Sicilian Vespers, and of the
   Massacre of St. Bartholomew. It was the fiendish work of religious
   fanaticism combined with political discontent. The tragedy began in the
   silence of the night, from July 18th to 19th, by the murder of sixty
   defenceless adult Protestants of Tirano; the Podesta Enderlin was shot
   down in the street, mutilated, and thrown into the Adda; Anton von
   Salis took refuge in the house of a Catholic friend, but was sought out
   and killed; the head of the Protestant minister, Anton Bassa of
   Poschiavo, was posted on the pulpit of the church. The murderers
   proceeded to Teglio, and shot down about the same number of persons in
   the church, together with the minister, who was wounded in the pulpit,
   and exhorted the hearers to persevere; a number of women and children,
   who had taken refuge in the tower of the church, were burnt. The priest
   of Teglio took part in the bloody business, carrying the cross in the
   left, and the sword in the right hand. At Sondrio, the massacre raged
   for three days. Seventy-one Protestants, by their determined stand,
   were permitted to escape to the Engadin, but one hundred and forty fell
   victims to the bandits; a butcher boasted of having murdered eighteen
   persons. Not even the dead were spared; their bodies were exhumed,
   burnt, thrown into the water, or exposed to wild beasts. Paula Baretta,
   a noble Venetian lady of eighty years, who had left a nunnery for her
   religious conviction, was shamefully maltreated and delivered to the
   Inquisition at Milan, where a year afterward she suffered death at the
   stake. Anna of Libo fled with a child of two years in her arms; she was
   overtaken and promised release on condition of abjuring her faith. She
   refused, saying, "You may kill the body, but not the soul;" she pressed
   her child to her bosom, and received the death-blow. When the people
   saw the stream of blood on the market-place before the chief church,
   they exclaimed: "This is the revenge for our murdered arch-priest
   Rusca!" He was henceforth revered as a holy martyr. At Morbegno the
   Catholics behaved well, and aided the Protestants in making their
   escape. The fugitives were kindly received in the Grisons and other
   parts of Switzerland. From the Valtellina Robustelli proceeded to
   Poschiavo, burnt the town of Brusio, and continued there the butchery
   of Protestants till he was checked. [246]

   The Valtellina declared itself independent and elected the Knight
   Robustelli military chief. The canons of the Council of Trent were
   proclaimed, papal indulgences introduced, the evangelical churches and
   cemeteries reconsecrated for Catholic use, the corpses of Protestants
   dug up, burnt, and cast into the river. Addresses were sent to the Pope
   and the kings of Spain and France, explaining and excusing the foul
   deeds by which the rebels claimed to have saved the Roman religion and
   achieved political freedom from intolerable tyranny.

   Now began the long and bloody conflicts for the recovery of the lost
   province, in which several foreign powers took part. The question of
   the Valtellina (like the Eastern question in modern times) became a
   European question, and was involved in the Thirty Years' War. Spain, in
   possession of Milan, wished to join hands with Austria across the
   Alpine passes of the Grisons; while France and Venice had a political
   motive to keep them closed. Austrian and Spanish troops conquered and
   occupied the Valtellina and the three leagues, expelled the Protestant
   preachers, and inflicted unspeakable misery upon the people. France, no
   less Catholic under the lead of Cardinal Richelieu, but jealous of the
   house of Habsburg, came to the support of the Protestants in the
   Grisons, as well as the Swedes in the north, and sent an army under the
   command of the noble Huguenot Duke Henri de Rohan, who defeated the
   Austrians and Spaniards, and conquered the Valtellina (1635).

   The Grisons with French aid recovered the Valtellina by the stipulation
   of Chiavenna, 1636, which guaranteed to the three leagues all the
   rights of sovereignty, but on condition of tolerating no other religion
   in that province but the Roman Catholic. Rohan, who had the best
   intentions for the Grisons, desired to save Protestant interests, but
   Catholic France would not agree. He died in 1638, and was buried at
   Geneva.

   The Valtellina continued to be governed by bailiffs till 1797. It is
   now a part of the kingdom of Italy, and enjoys the religious freedom
   guaranteed by the constitution of 1848. [247]

   In this wild episode of the Thirty Years' War, a Protestant preacher,
   Colonel Georg Jenatsch, plays a prominent figure as a romantic hero. He
   was born at Samaden in the Upper Engadin, 1590, studied for the
   Protestant ministry at Zuerich, successively served the congregations
   at Scharans and at Berbenno in the Valtellina, and narrowly escaped the
   massacre at Sondrio by making his flight through dangerous mountain
   passes. He was an eloquent speaker, an ardent patriot, a shrewd
   politician, and a brave soldier, but ambitious, violent, unscrupulous,
   extravagant, and unprincipled. He took part in the cruel decision of
   the court of Thusis (1618), and killed Pompeius Planta with an axe
   (1621). He served as guide and counsellor of the Duke de Rohan, and by
   his knowledge, pluck, and energy, materially aided him in the defeat of
   Austria. Being disappointed in his ambition, he turned traitor to
   France, joined the Austrian party and the Roman Church (1635), but
   educated his children in the Protestant religion. He was murdered at a
   banquet in Coire (1639) by an unknown person in revenge for the murder
   of Pompeius Planta. He is buried in the Catholic church, near the
   bishop's palace. A Capuchin monk delivered the funeral oration. [248]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [245] Schweizer, Centraldogmen der Ref. Kirche, I. 422 sqq.

   [246] Moderate Catholic historians dare not defend this massacre, any
   more than that of St. Bartholomew, but explain it as a terrible Nemesis
   and desperate self-vindication against the oppressions of the
   commissioners of the Grisons. So Fetz, who says (l.c. p. 113): "Die
   besonnenen Katholiken haben diese schauerliche Selbsthuelfe, wodurch
   viele Unschuldige als Opfer der Rache gefallen, niemals gebilligt,
   andererseits konnten und koennen billig denkende Protestanten das arge
   Treiben der Praedicanten und reformirten Machthaber im Veltlin und
   Umgebung ebensowenig gutheissen, denn dieses arge Treiben war die erste
   und letzte Ursache der verzweifelten Selbsthuelfe." But Italian
   Catholic writers (as Cantu) call it sacro macelio, a sacred slaughter!

   [247] The statuto fondamentale of Sardinia, which in 1870 was extended
   over all Italy, declares the Roman Catholic Church to be the state
   religion, but grants toleration to all other forms of worship. The
   Waldenses have recently established preaching stations at Chiavenna and
   other places of Upper Italy.

   [248] He is the hero of a drama by Arnold von Salis, and of a classical
   novel by the Swiss poet, Conrad Ferdinand Meyer (Juerg Jenatsch.
   Leipzig. 3d ed. 1882). A full biography of Jenatsch by Dr. E. Haffter
   is announced.
     __________________________________________________________________

   S: 40. The Congregation of Locarno.

   Ferdinand Meyer: Die evangelische Gemeinde von Locarno, ihre
   Auswanderung nach Zuerich und ihre weiteren Schicksale. Zuerich, 1836.
   2 vols. An exhaustive monograph carefully drawn from MS. sources, and
   bearing more particularly on the Italian congregation at Zuerich, to
   which the leading Protestant families of Locarno emigrated.

   Locarno, a beautiful town on the northern end of the Lago Maggiore, was
   subject to the Swiss Confederacy and ruled by bailiffs. [249] It had in
   the middle of the sixteenth century a Protestant congregation of nearly
   two hundred members. [250] Chief among them were Beccaria, Taddeo Duno,
   Lodovico Ronco, and Martino Muralto. A religious disputation was held
   there in 1549, about the authority of the pope, the merit of good
   works, justification, auricular confession, and purgatory. [251] It
   ended in a tumult. Wirz, the presiding bailiff, who knew neither Latin
   nor Italian, gave a decision in favor of the Roman party. Beccaria
   refused to submit, escaped, and went to Zuerich, where he was kindly
   received by Bullinger. He became afterwards a member of the Synod of
   Graubuenden, and was sent as an evangelist to Misocco, but returned to
   Zuerich.

   The faithful Protestants of Locarno, who preferred emigration to
   submission, wandered with wives and children on foot and on horseback
   over snow and ice to Graubuenden and Zuerich, in 1556. Half of them
   remained in the Grisons, and mingled with the evangelical
   congregations. The rest organized an Italian congregation in Zuerich
   under the fostering care of Bullinger. It was served for a short time
   by Vergerio, who came from Tuebingen for the purpose, and then by
   Bernardino Ochino, who had fled from England to Basel after the
   accession of Queen Mary. Ochino was a brilliant genius and an eloquent
   preacher, then already sixty-eight years old, but gave offence by his
   Arian and other heretical opinions, and was required to leave in 1563.
   He went to Basel, Strassburg, Nuernberg, Krakau; was expelled from
   Poland, Aug. 6, 1564; and died in poverty in Moravia, 1565, a victim of
   his subtle speculations and the intolerance of his times. He wrote an
   Italian catechism for the Locarno congregation in the form of a
   dialogue (1561).

   The most important accession to the exiles was Pietro Martire Vermigli,
   who had likewise fled from England, first to Strassburg (1553), then to
   Zuerich (1555). He was received as a member into the council of the
   Locarno congregation, presented with the citizenship of Zuerich, and
   elected professor of Hebrew in place of Conrad Pellican (who died in
   1556). He labored there till his death, in 1562, in intimate friendship
   and harmony with Bullinger, generally esteemed and beloved. He was one
   of the most distinguished and useful Italian converts, and, like
   Zanchi, an orthodox Calvinist.

   The Italian congregation was enlarged by new fugitives from Locarno and
   continued to the end of the sixteenth century. The principal families
   of Duno, Muralto, Orelli, Pestalozzi, and others were received into
   citizenship, took a prominent position in the history of Zuerich, and
   promoted its industry and prosperity, like the exiled Huguenots in
   Brandenburg, Holland, England, and North America. [252]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [249] It originally belonged to the Duchy of Milan, and was ceded to
   Switzerland in 1512, together with Lugano and Domo d'Ossola. In 1803 it
   became, with Lugano and Bellinzona, one of the three capitals of the
   Italian canton Ticino. In 1878 Bellinzona was declared the only
   capital.

   [250] Meyer gives a complete list of members from the Archives of
   Zuerich, and two lists of those who emigrated to Zuerich, vol. I.
   511-515 and 521-525.

   [251] An account of it by Duno in a letter to Bullinger, and in the
   book De persecutione. See Meyer, I. 190 sqq.

   [252] On the industry of the Italians in Zuerich, see Meyer, II.
   375-391.
     __________________________________________________________________

   S: 41. Zwinglianism in Germany

   The principles of the Helvetic Reformation spread also to some extent
   in Germany, but in a modified form, and prepared the way for the
   mediating (Melanchthonian) character of the German Reformed Church.
   Although Luther overshadowed every other personality in Germany,
   Zwingli had also his friends and admirers, especially the Landgrave,
   Philip of Hesse, who labored very zealously, though unsuccessfully, for
   a union of the Lutherans and the Reformed. Bucer and Capito at
   Strassburg, Cellarius at Augsburg, Blaurer at Constance, Hermann at
   Reutlingen, and Somius at Ulm, strongly sympathized with the genius and
   tendency of the Zuerich Reformer. [253] His influence was especially
   felt in those free cities of Southern Germany where the democratic
   element prevailed.

   Four of these cities, Strassburg, Constance, Memmingen, and Lindau,
   handed to the Diet of Augsburg, 11th July, 1530, a special confession
   (Confessio Tetrapolitana) drawn up by Bucer, with the assistance of
   Hedio, and answered by the Roman divines, Faber, Eck, and Cochlaeus. It
   is the first symbolical book of the German Reformed Church (Zwingli's
   writings having never acquired symbolical authority), but was
   superseded by the Heidelberg Catechism (1563) and the Second Helvetic
   Confession (1566). It strikes a middle course between the Augsburg
   Confession of Melanchthon and the private Confession sent in by Zwingli
   during the same Diet, and anticipates Calvin's view on the Lord's
   Supper by teaching a real fruition of the true body and blood of
   Christ, not through the mouth, but through faith, for the nourishment
   of the soul into eternal life. [254]

   The Zwinglian Reformation was checked and almost destroyed in Germany
   by the combined opposition of Romanism and Lutheranism. The four cities
   could not maintain their isolated position, and signed the Augsburg
   Confession for political reasons, to join the Smalcaldian League. The
   Reformed Church took a new start in the Palatinate under the combined
   influence of Zwingli, Melanchthon, and Calvin (1563), gained strength
   by the accession of the reigning dynasty of Prussia (since 1614), and
   was ultimately admitted to equal rights with the Roman Catholic and
   Lutheran Churches in the German Empire by the Treaty of Westphalia.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [253] See the correspondence of Zwingli, in his Opera, vols. VII. and
   VIII.

   [254] See VI. 718-721.
     __________________________________________________________________
     __________________________________________________________________

   CHAPTER V.

   THE CIVIL WAR BETWEEN THE ROMAN CATHOLIC

   AND REFORMED CANTONS.

   See the works of Escher, Oechsli, and Fenner, quoted on p. 19;
   Moerikofer, Zwingli, II. 346-452; and Bluntschli, Geschichte des
   schweizerischen Bundesrechtes von den ewigen Buenden bis auf die
   Gegenwart. Stuttgart. 2d ed. 1875, 2 vols.
     __________________________________________________________________

   S: 42. The First War of Cappel. 1529.

   The year 1530 marks the height of the Zwinglian Reformation. It was
   firmly established in the leading cities and cantons of Zuerich, Bern,
   and Basel. It had gained a strong majority of the people in Northern
   and Eastern Switzerland, and in the Grisons. It had fair prospects of
   ultimate success in the whole confederacy, when its further progress
   was suddenly arrested by the catastrophe of Cappel and the death of
   Zwingli.

   The two parties had no conception of toleration (except in Glarus and
   the Grisons), but aimed at supremacy and excluded each other wherever
   they had the power. They came into open conflict in the common
   territories or free bailiwicks, by the forcible attempts made there to
   introduce the new religion, or to prevent its introduction. The
   Protestants, under the lead of Zwingli, were the aggressors, especially
   in the confiscation of the rich abbey of St. Gall. They had in their
   favor the right of progress and the majority of the population. But the
   Roman Catholics had on their side the tradition of the past, the letter
   of the law, and a majority of Cantons and of votes in the Diet, in
   which the people were not directly represented. They strictly
   prohibited Protestant preaching within their own jurisdiction, and even
   began bloody persecution. Jacob Kaiser (or Schlosser), a Zuerich
   minister, was seized on a preaching expedition, and publicly burnt at
   the stake in the town of Schwyz (May, 1529). [255] His martyrdom was
   the signal of war. The Protestants feared, not without good reason,
   that this case was the beginning of a general persecution.

   With the religious question was closely connected the political and
   social question of the foreign military service, [256] which Zwingli
   consistently opposed in the interest of patriotism, and which the Roman
   Catholics defended in the interest of wealth and fame. This was a very
   serious matter, as may be estimated from the fact that, according to a
   statement of the French ambassador, his king had sent, from 1512 to
   1531, no less than 1,133,547 gold crowns to Switzerland, a sum equal to
   four times the amount at present valuation. The pensions were the Judas
   price paid by foreign sovereigns to influential Swiss for treason to
   their country. In his opposition to this abuse, Zwingli was undoubtedly
   right, and his view ultimately succeeded, though long after his death.
   [257]

   Both parties organized for war, which broke out in 1529, and ended in a
   disastrous defeat of the Protestants in 1531. Sixteen years later, the
   Lutheran princes suffered a similar defeat in the Smalcaldian War
   against the Emperor (1547). The five Forest Cantons--Uri, Schwyz,
   Unterwalden, Luzern, and Zug--formed a defensive and offensive league
   (November, 1528; the preparations began in 1527), and even entered,
   first secretly, then openly, into an alliance with Ferdinand Duke of
   Austria and King of Bohemia and Hungary (April, 1529). This alliance
   with the old hereditary enemy of Switzerland, whom their ancestors had
   defeated in glorious battles, was treasonable and a step towards the
   split of the confederacy in two hostile camps (which was repeated in
   1846). King Ferdinand had a political and religious interest in the
   division of Switzerland and fostered it. Freiburg, Wallis, and
   Solothurn sided with the Catholic Cantons, and promised aid in case of
   war. The Protestant Cantons, led by Zuerich (which made the first step
   in this direction) formed a Protestant league under the name of the
   Christian co-burghery (Burgrecht) with the cities of Constance (Dec.
   25, 1527), Biel and Muehlhausen (1529), and Strassburg (Jan. 9, 1530).
   [258]

   Zwingli, provoked by the burning of Kaiser, and seeing the war clouds
   gathering all around, favored prompt action, which usually secures a
   great advantage in critical moments. He believed in the necessity of
   war; while Luther put his sole trust in the Word of God, although he
   stirred up the passions of war by his writings, and had himself the
   martyr's courage to go to the stake. Zwingli was a free republican;
   while Luther was a loyal monarchist. He belonged to the Cromwellian
   type of men who "trust in God and keep their powder dry." In him the
   reformer, the statesman, and the patriot were one. He appealed to the
   examples of Joshua and Gideon, forgetting the difference between the
   Old and the New dispensation. "Let us be firm," he wrote to his
   peace-loving friends in Bern (May 30, 1529), "and fear not to take up
   arms. This peace, which some desire so much, is not peace, but war;
   while the war that we call for, is not war, but peace. We thirst for no
   man's blood, but we will cut the nerves of the oligarchy. If we shun
   it, the truth of the gospel and the ministers' lives will never be
   secure among us." [259]

   Zuerich was first ready for the conflict and sent four thousand
   well-equipped soldiers to Cappel, a village with a Cistercian convent,
   in the territory of Zuerich on the frontier of the Canton Zug. [260]
   Smaller detachments were located at Bremgarten, and on the frontier of
   Schwyz, Basel, St. Gall. Muehlhausen furnished auxiliary troops. Bern
   sent five thousand men, but with orders to act only in self-defence.

   Zwingli accompanied the main force to Cappel. "When my brethren expose
   their lives," he said to the burgomaster, who wished to keep him back,
   "I will not remain quiet at home. The army requires a watchful eye." He
   put the halberd which he had worn as chaplain at Marignano, over his
   shoulder, and mounted his horse, ready to conquer or to die for God and
   the fatherland. [261]

   He prepared excellent instructions for the soldiers, and a plan of a
   campaign that should be short, sharp, decisive, and, if possible,
   unbloody.

   Zuerich declared war June 9, 1529. But before the forces crossed the
   frontier of the Forest Cantons, Landammann Aebli of Glarus, where the
   Catholics and Protestants worship in one church, appeared from a visit
   to the hostile army as peacemaker, and prevented a bloody collision. He
   was a friend of Zwingli, an enemy of the mercenary service, and
   generally esteemed as a true patriot. With tears in his eyes, says
   Bullinger, he entreated the Zuerichers to put off the attack even for a
   few hours, in the hope of bringing about an honorable peace. "Dear
   lords of Zuerich, for God's sake, prevent the division and destruction
   of the confederacy." Zwingli opposed him, and said: "My dear friend,
   [262] you will answer to God for this counsel. As long as the enemies
   are in our power, they use good words; but as soon as they are well
   prepared, they will not spare us." He foresaw what actually happened
   after his death. Aebli replied: "I trust in God that all will go well.
   Let each of us do his best." And he departed.

   Zwingli himself was not unwilling to make peace, but only on four
   conditions which he sent a day after Aebli's appeal, in a memorandum to
   the Council of Zuerich (June 11): 1) That the Word of God be preached
   freely in the entire confederacy, but that no one be forced to abolish
   the mass, the images, and other ceremonies which will fall of
   themselves under the influence of scriptural preaching; 2) that all
   foreign military pensions be abolished; 3) that the originators and the
   dispensers of foreign pensions be punished while the armies are still
   in the field; 4) that the Forest Cantons pay the cost of war
   preparations, and that Schwyz pay one thousand guilders for the support
   of the orphans of Kaiser (Schlosser) who had recently been burnt there
   as a heretic.

   An admirable discipline prevailed in the camp of Zuerich, that reminds
   one of the Puritan army of Cromwell. Zwingli or one of his colleagues
   preached daily; prayers were offered before each meal; psalms, hymns,
   and national songs resounded in the tents; no oath was heard; gambling
   and swearing were prohibited, and disreputable women excluded; the only
   exercises were wrestling, casting stones, and military drill. There can
   be little doubt that if the Zuerichers had made a timely attack upon
   the Catholics and carried out the plan of Zwingli, they would have
   gained a complete victory and dictated the terms of peace. How long the
   peace would have lasted is a different question; for behind the Forest
   Cantons stood Austria, which might at any time have changed the
   situation.

   But counsels of peace prevailed. Bern was opposed to the offensive, and
   declared that if the Zuerichers began the attack, they should be left
   to finish it alone. The Zuerichers themselves were divided, and their
   military leaders (Berger and Escher) inclined to peace.

   The Catholics, being assured that they need not fear an attack from
   Bern, mustered courage and were enforced by troops from Wallis and the
   Italian bailiwicks. They now numbered nearly twelve thousand armed men.

   The hostile armies faced each other from Cappel and Baar, but hesitated
   to advance. Catholic guards would cross over the border to be taken
   prisoners by the Zuerichers, who had an abundance of provision, and
   sent them back well fed and clothed. Or they would place a large bucket
   of milk on the border line and asked the Zuerichers for bread, who
   supplied them richly; whereupon both parties peacefully enjoyed a
   common meal, and when one took a morsel on the enemy's side, he was
   reminded not to cross the frontier. The soldiers remembered that they
   were Swiss confederates, and that many of them had fought side by side
   on foreign battlefields. [263] "We shall not fight," they said;, and
   pray God that the storm may pass away without doing us any harm." Jacob
   Sturm, the burgomaster of Strassburg, who was present as a mediator,
   was struck with the manifestation of personal harmony and friendship in
   the midst of organized hostility. "You are a singular people," he said;
   "though disunited, you are united."
     __________________________________________________________________

   [255] For the particulars of this case see Moerikofer, II. 146 sqq.,
   and Christoffel, I. 376 sq.

   [256] The Reislaufen, or running to war; reisig, in old German, means
   ready for war (kriegsruestig).

   [257] Christoffel, I. 382. Comp. S: 7, p. 24.

   [258] The documents of these leagues are given by Bullinger, Hottinger,
   and by Bluntschli, l.c. I. 303-305, 318 sq.; II. 238-255.

   [259] "Quod hactenus ad vos scripsi, iterum atque iterum facio, ut
   constantes sitis, neque bellum metuatis. Nam ista pax, quam quidam
   tantopere urgent, bellum est, non pax; et bellum, cui nos instamus, pax
   est, non bellum. Non enim sitimus cujusquam sanguinem,neque etiam per
   tumultum hauriemus, sed in hoc sumus, ut oligarchiae nervi succidantur.
   Id nisi fiat, neque Evangelii veritas, neque illius ministri apud nos
   in tuto erunt. Nihil crudele cogitamus: sed quicquid agimus, amicum et
   paternum est." Opera, VIII. 294.

   [260] Cappel has become famous by the battle of 1531 and the death of
   Zwingli. It lies six miles from the town of Zug. The battlefield and
   the monument of Zwingli are about ten minutes' walk from Cappel. The
   old church is well preserved, and has recently been repaired. See
   Annales Coenobii Capelloni per H. Bullingerum et P. Simlerum, in
   Simler's (printed) Sammilung alter und neuer Urkunden (Zuerich, 1760),
   II. 397; and Pestalozzi's Bullinger, p. 20.

   [261] It is stated by Bullinger, and usually supposed, that he only
   went in the capacity of chaplain, like Konrad Schmid and Franz Zingg,
   who likewise preached in the army. The armor seems to indicate the
   warrior, as Hagenbach thinks (p. 405), but not necessarily. There is no
   evidence that Zwingli actually fought in any battle. A. Baur (Zwingli's
   Theologie, II. 759) says that he went to war simply as patriot and
   chaplain, not as politician and captain. It is difficult, however, to
   separate these characters in him. The weapons of Zwingli--a harness, a
   helmet, and a sword--were kept in the arsenal at Luzern till 1848 in
   the Sonderbundskrieg, when they were carried to Zuerich.

   [262] They addressed each other "Gevatter," "gossip, " which denotes a
   baptismal relationship. When Zwingli was pastor at Glarus, he stood
   sponsor to Aebli's children in baptism.

   [263] Similar episodes of kindly intercourse occurred between the
   Confederate and Union soldiers during the civil war in the United
   States.
     __________________________________________________________________

   S: 43. The First Peace of Cappel. June, 1529.

   After several negotiations, a treaty of Peace was concluded June 25,
   1529, between Zuerich, Bern, Basel, St. Gall, and the cities of
   Muehlhausen and Biel on the one hand, and the five Catholic Cantons on
   the other. The deputies of Glarus, Solothurn, Schaffhausen, Appenzell,
   Graubuenden, Sargans, Strassburg, and Constanz acted as mediators.

   The treaty was not all that Zwingli desired, especially as regards the
   abolition of the pensions and the punishment of the dispensers of
   pensions (wherein he was not supported by Bern), but upon the whole it
   was favorable to the cause of the Reformation.

   The first and most important of the Eighteen Articles of the treaty
   recognizes, for the first time in Europe, the principle of parity or
   legal equality of the Roman Catholic and Protestant Churches,--a
   principle which twenty-six years afterwards was recognized also in
   Germany (by the Augsburger Religionsfriede of 1555), but which was not
   finally settled there till after the bloody baptism of the Thirty
   Years' War, in the Treaty of Westphalia (1648), against which the Pope
   of Rome still protests in vain. That article guarantees to the Reformed
   and Roman Catholic Cantons religious freedom in the form of mutual
   toleration, and to the common bailiwicks the right to decide by
   majority the question whether they would remain Catholics or become
   Protestants. [264] The treaty also provided for the payment of the
   expenses of the war by the five cantons, and for an indemnity to the
   family of the martyred Kaiser. The abolition of the foreign pensions
   was not demanded, but recommended to the Roman Catholic Cantons. The
   alliance with Austria was broken. The document which contained the
   treasonable treaty was cut to pieces by Aebli in the presence of
   Zwingli and the army of Zuerich. [265]

   The Catholics returned to their homes discontented. The Zuerichers had
   reason to be thankful; still more the Berners, who had triumphed with
   their policy of moderation.

   Zwingli wavered between hopes and fears for the future, but his trust
   was in God. He wrote (June 30) to Conrad Som, minister at Ulm: "We have
   brought peace with us, which for us, I hope, is quite honorable; for we
   did not go forth to shed blood. [266] We have sent back our foes with a
   wet blanket. Their compact with Austria was cut to pieces before mine
   eyes in the camp by the Landammann of Glarus, June 26, at 11 A. M. ...
   God has shown again to the mighty ones that they cannot prevail against
   him, and that we may gain victory without a stroke if we hold to him."
   [267]

   He gave vent to his conflicting feelings in a poem which he composed in
   the camp (during the peace negotiations), together with the music, and
   which became almost as popular in Switzerland as Luther's
   contemporaneous, but more powerful and more famous "Ein feste Burg," is
   to this day in Germany. It breathes the same spirit of trust in God.
   [268]


   "Do thou direct thy chariot,Lord,

   And guide it at thy will;

   Without thy aid our strength is vain,

   And useless all our skill.

   Look down upon thy saints brought low,

   And grant them victory o'er the foe.


   "Beloved Pastor, who hast saved

   Our souls from death and sin,

   Uplift thy voice, awake thy sheep

   That slumbering lie within

   Thy fold, and curb with thy right hand

   The rage of Satan's furious band.


   "Send down thy peace, and banish strife,

   Let bitterness depart;

   Revive the spirit of the past

   In every Switzer's heart:

   Then shalt thy church forever sing

   The praises of her heavenly King." [269]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [264] The Swiss German text of the first Article of the first
   Landsfriede of Cappel is as follows (Bluntschli, II. 257): "Des ersten
   von waegen des Goettlichen worts, diewyl und nieman zum glouben
   bezwungen sol werden, das dann die fuenff ort und die iren, des selben
   ouch nitt genoetiget. Aber die zuegewandten und vogthien, wo man mitt
   einandern zue beherschen hat, belangend, wo die selben die mess
   abgestellt und die bilder verbraent oder abgethan, das die selben an
   lib eer und guet, nitt gestraaft soellind werden. Wo aber die mess and
   ander ceremonien noch vorhanden, die soellend nitt gezwungen, ouch inen
   keine predicanten, so es nitt durch den meertheyl erkendt wirt,
   geschickt, uffgestellt oder gegaeben werden, sunder was under inen den
   kylchgenossen die uff oder abzuethuend, dessglychen mitt der Spys, die
   Gott nitt verbotten zue essen, gemeret wird, daby sol es biss uff der
   kylchgenossen gefallen blyben; und dhein teyl dem andern sinen glouben,
   weder smehen noch straafen." Bluntschli (a great authority in Swiss as
   well as international law) thus explains this article (I. 324): "In ihm
   ist bereits das Princip der Paritaet, d.h. der staatlichen
   Gleichberechtigung, beider christlichen Confessionenenthalten. Es ist
   anerkannt, dass kein Ort [Canton] den andern, dass auch die
   Eidgenossenscha ft nicht einzelne Orte zur Beibehaltung oder zur
   Abaenderung ihres christlichen Glaubens zwingen duerfe. Die
   katholischen Staende verzichteten somit hierin den reformirten
   gegenueber ausdruecklich auf die Festhaltung des alten Rechtes des
   Mittelalters, wornach jede energische Abweichung von dem katholischen
   Glauben als ein Verbrechen behandelt und der Krieg gegen die Ketzer als
   Pflicht angesehen ward. Sie erkannten das Princip der Glaubensfreiheit,
   welches von den Reformirten zuerst verkuendigt worden war, nun den
   Reformirten Orten gegenueber an, nahmen es aber gleichzeitig auch fuer
   sich selber in Anspruch. Und hin wieder gestanden die Reformirten
   Staende dieFolgerichtigkeit dieses Schlusses zu, und verzichteten
   darauf, die Orte zur Annahme der Reformation zu noethigen." Comp. the
   treaty of Ilanz, p. 139.

   [265] The treaty of peace is given by Bullinger, II. 185 sqq. and 212;
   by Escher and Hottinger, in the "Archiv fuer schweizerische Geschichte
   und Landeskunde," Zuerich, 1827, vol. I.; and by Bluntschli, l.c. II.
   255-269 (Comp. I. 323-331).

   [266] "Denn wir uff blutvergiessen nit uszogen."

   [267] Opera, VIII. 310 sq.

   [268] Bullinger reports: "Dieses Lied wurde hernach weit und breit,
   auch an der Fuersten Hoefen und in den Staedten von Musicis gesungen
   und geblasen." On the other poems of Zwingli, see above, p. 44 sq.

   [269] This is a free version of H. White (from Merle D'Aubigne), with
   some necessary changes. The original, in the Swiss German, was sung at
   the Zwingli festivals in 1884, and, with great effect, at the unveiling
   of the Zwingli statue in Zuerich, August, 1885. It is as follows:-
   "Herr, nun heb den Wagen selb'!' Schelb [schief] wird sust [sonst] All
   unser Fahrt. Das braecht Lust Der Widerpart, Die dick Veracht so
   freventlich.
   Gott, erhoch den Namen dyn In der Straf Der boesen Boeck! Dyne Schaaf
   Wiedrum erweck, Die dich Lieb haben inniglich!
   Hilf, dass alle Bitterkeit Scheide feer [fern], Und alte TreuWiederkeer
   Unde werde neu: Dass wir Ewig tobsingen Dir."
     __________________________________________________________________

   S: 44. Between the Wars. Political Plains of Zwingli.

   The effect of the first Peace of Cappel was favorable to the cause of
   the Reformation. It had now full legal recognition, and made progress
   in the Cantons and in the common territories. But the peace did not
   last long. The progress emboldened the Protestants, and embittered the
   Catholics.

   The last two years of Zwingli were full of anxiety, but also full of
   important labors. He contemplated a political reconstruction of
   Switzerland, and a vast European league for the protection and
   promotion of Protestant interests.

   He attended the theological Colloquy at Marburg (Sept. 29 to Oct. 3,
   1529) in the hope of bringing about a union with the German Lutherans
   against the common foe at Rome. But Luther refused his hand of
   fellowship, and would not tolerate a theory of the Lord's Supper which
   he regarded as a dangerous heresy. [270]

   While at Marburg, Zwingli made the personal acquaintance of the
   Landgraf, Philip of Hesse, and the fugitive Duke Ulrich of Wuertemberg,
   who admired him, and sympathized with his theology as far as they
   understood it, but cared still more for their personal and political
   interests. He conceived with them the bold idea of a
   politico-ecclesiastical alliance of Protestant states and cities for
   the protection of religious liberty against the combined forces of the
   papacy and the empire which threatened that liberty. Charles V. had
   made peace with Clement VII., June 29, 1529, and crossed the Alps in
   May, 1530, on his way to the Diet of Augsburg, offering to the
   Protestants bread with one hand, but concealing a stone in the other.
   Zwingli carried on a secret correspondence with Philip of Hesse from
   April 22, 1529, till Sept. 10, 1531. [271] He saw in the Roman empire
   the natural ally of the Roman papacy, and would not have lamented its
   overthrow. [272] Being a republican Swiss, he did not share in the
   loyal reverence of the monarchical Germans for their emperor. But all
   he could reasonably aim at was to curb the dangerous power of the
   emperor by strengthening the Protestant alliance. Further he did not
   go. [273]

   He tried to draw into this alliance the republic of Venice and the
   kingdom of France, but failed. These powers were jealous of the
   grasping ambition of the house of Habsburg, but had no sympathy with
   evangelical reform. Francis I. was persecuting the Protestants at that
   very time in his own country.

   It is dangerous to involve religion in entangling political alliances.
   Christ and the Apostles kept aloof from secular complications, and
   confined themselves to preaching the ethics of politics. Zwingli, with
   the best intentions, overstepped the line of his proper calling, and
   was doomed to bitter disappointment. Even Philip of Hesse, who pushed
   him into this net, grew cool, and joined the Lutheran League of
   Smalcald (1530), which would have nothing to do with the Protestants of
   Switzerland.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [270] See vol. VI. 629-653.

   [271] See vol. VI. 633 sq., and Max Lenz, Zwingli und Landgraf Philipp,
   three articles in Brieger's "Zeitschrift fuer Kirchengeschichte," 1879.

   [272] "Quid Germaniae cum Roma?" he wrote to Conrad Som of Ulm in 1529
   (Opera, VIII. 388). He reminded him of the German verse:-- "Papstthum
   und Kaiserthum Die sind beide von Rom."

   [273] "Von irgend einem Anschlag gegen den Kaiser," says Moerikofer,
   II. 299, "war auch gar nie und von keiner Seite die Rede." Janssen,
   Geschichte des deutschen Volkes, III. 218 sq., unjustly charges Zwingli
   and Zuerich with preaching open rebellion against the emperor, and
   attempting to replace him by the ambitious Landgraf of Hesse.
     __________________________________________________________________

   S: 45. Zwingli's Last Theological Labors. His Confessions of Faith.

   During these fruitless political negotiations Zwingli never lost sight
   of his spiritual vocation. He preached and wrote incessantly; he helped
   the reform movement in every direction; he attended synods at
   Frauenfeld (May, 1530), at St. Gall (December, 1530), and Toggenburg
   (April, 1531); he promoted the organization and discipline of the
   Reformed churches, and developed great activity as an author. Some of
   his most important theological works--a commentary on the prophecies of
   Isaiah and Jeremiah, his treatise on Divine Providence, and two
   Confessions of Faith--belong to the last two years of his life.

   He embraced the opportunity offered by the Diet of Augsburg to send a
   printed Confession of Faith to Charles V., July 8, 1530. [274] But it
   was treated with contempt, and not even laid before the Diet. Dr. Eck
   wrote a hasty reply, and denounced Zwingli as a man who did his best to
   destroy religion in Switzerland, and to incite the people to rebellion.
   [275] The Lutherans were anxious to conciliate the emperor, and
   repudiated all contact with Zwinglians and Anabaptists. [276]

   A few months before his death (July, 1531) he wrote, at the request of
   his friend Maigret, the French ambassador at Zuerich, a similar
   Confession addressed to King Francis I., to whom he had previously
   dedicated his "Commentary on the True and False Religion" (1524). [277]
   In this Confession he discusses some of the chief points of
   controversy,--God and his Worship, the Person of Christ, Purgatory, the
   Real Presence, the Virtue of the Sacraments, the Civil Power, Remission
   of Sin, Faith and Good Works, Eternal Life,--and added an Appendix on
   the Eucharist and the Mass. He explains apologetically and polemically
   his doctrinal position in distinction from the Romanists, Lutherans,
   and Anabaptists. He begins with God as the ultimate ground of faith and
   only object of worship, and closes with an exhortation to the king to
   give the gospel free course in his kingdom. In the section on Eternal
   Life he expresses more strongly than ever his confident hope of meeting
   in heaven not only the saints of the Old and the New Dispensation from
   Adam down to the Apostles, but also the good and true and noble men of
   all nations and generations. [278]

   This liberal extension of Christ's kingdom and Christ's salvation
   beyond the limits of the visible Church, although directly opposed to
   the traditional belief of the necessity of water baptism for salvation,
   was not altogether new. Justin Martyr, Origen, and other Greek fathers
   saw in the scattered truths of the heathen poets and philosophers the
   traces of the pre-Christian revelation of the Logos, and in the
   philosophy of the Greeks a schoolmaster to lead them to Christ. The
   humanists of the school of Erasmus recognized a secondary inspiration
   in the classical writings, and felt tempted to pray: "Sancte Socrates,
   ora pro nobis." Zwingli was a humanist, but he had no sympathy with
   Pelagianism. On the contrary, as we have shown previously, he traced
   salvation to God's sovereign grace, which is independent of ordinary
   means, and he first made a clear distinction between the visible and
   the invisible Church. He did not intend, as he has been often
   misunderstood, to assert the possibility of salvation without Christ.
   "Let no one think," he wrote to Urbanus Rhegius (a preacher at
   Augsburg), "that I lower Christ; for whoever comes to God comes to him
   through Christ .... The word, 'He who believeth not will be condemned,'
   applies only to those who can hear the gospel, but not to children and
   heathen .... I openly confess that all infants are saved by Christ,
   since grace extends as far as sin. Whoever is born is saved by Christ
   from the curse of original sin. If he comes to the knowledge of the law
   and does the works of the law (Rom. 2:14, 26), he gives evidence of his
   election. As Christians we have great advantages by the knowledge of
   the gospel." He refers to the case of Cornelius, who was pious before
   his baptism; and to the teaching of Paul, who made the circumcision of
   the heart, and not the circumcision of the flesh, the criterion of the
   true Israelite (Rom. 2:28, 29). [279]

   The Confession to Francis I. was the last work of Zwingli. It was
   written three months before his death, and published five years later
   (1536) by Bullinger, who calls it his "swan song." The manuscript is
   preserved in the National Library of Paris, but it is doubtful whether
   the king of France ever saw it. Calvin dedicated to him his Institutes,
   with a most eloquent preface, but with no better success. Charles V.
   and Francis I. were as deaf to such appeals as the emperors of heathen
   Rome were to the Apologies of Justin Martyr and Tertullian. Had Francis
   listened to the Swiss Reformers, the history of France might have taken
   a different course.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [274] Ratio Fidei, etc., printed in Opera, vol. IV. 3-18, and in
   Niemeyer's Collectio Confessionum (1840), pp. 16-35. For an analysis
   see Schaff, Ch. Hist., vol. VI. 721-723, and A. Baur, Zwingli's
   Theologie, II. 643 sqq.

   [275] Zwingli sent an answer to the German princes assembled at
   Augsburg, dated Aug. 27, 1530. Opera, IV. 19-41.

   [276] The Anabaptists are condemned (damnant) in Art. IX., the
   Zwinglians are disapproved (improbant) in Art. X., of the Augsburg
   Confession. See Melanchthon's Judicium de Zwinglii doctrina, written at
   Augsburg, July 25, 1530, in "Corpus Reform," II. 222 sq.

   [277] Christianae Fidei brevis et clara Expositio, in Zwingli's Opera,
   vol. IV. 42-78, and in Niemeyer's Collectio, pp. 36-77. For a summary,
   see Schaff, Creeds of Christendom, I. 368 sq., and Baur, l.c. II.
   754-776.

   [278] "Deinde sperandum est fore ut videos sanctorum, prudentium,
   fidelium, constantium, fortium virtuosorum omnium, quicunque a condito
   mundo fuerunt, sodalitatem, coetum et contubernium. Hic duos Adamos,
   redemptum ac redemptorem: hic Abelum, Enochum, Noachum,
   Abrahamum,Isaacum, Judam, Mosen, Iosuam, Gedeonem, Samuelem, Pineam,
   Eliam, Elisaeum, Iesaiam ac deiparam Virginem de qua ille praecinuit,
   Davidem, Ezekiam, Josiam, Baptistam, Petrum, Paulum: hic Herculem,
   Theseum, Socratem, Aristidem, Antigonum, Numam, Camillum, Catones,
   Scipiones: hic Ludovicum pium antecessoresque tuos, Ludovicos,
   Philippos, Pipinos, et quotquot in fide hinc migrarunt maiores tuos
   videbis. Denique non fuit vir bonus, non erit mens sancta, non est
   fidelis anima, ab ipso mundi exordio usque ad eius consummationem, quem
   non sis isthic cum deo visurus. Quo spectaculo quid laetius, quid
   amoenius, quid denique honorificentius vel cogitari poterit? Aut quo
   iustius omnes animi vires intendimus quam ad huiuscemodi vitae lucrum?"
   (Opera, IV. 65.) The selection of examples might have been more
   judicious, or better be omitted altogether. It was this passage that so
   shocked Luther's churchly feelings that he called Zwingli a heathen.
   Werke, XXXII. 399 sq. "Bossuet," says Michelet (X. 311), "cite ce
   passage pour en rire. Mais qui a un coeur le retiendra it jamais."
   There are few Protestant divines who would not agree with Zwingli as
   regards the salvation of unbaptized infants and pious heathen.

   [279] Comp. the remarks on pp. 95 sqq., and Schweizer's Centraldogmen,
   I. 94 sqq. and p. 131 sq.
     __________________________________________________________________

   S: 46. The Second War of Cappel. 1531.

   Egli: Die Schlacht von Cappel, 1531. Zuerich, 1873. Comp. the Lit.
   quoted S: 42.

   The political situation of Switzerland grew more and more critical. The
   treaty of peace was differently understood. The Forest Cantons did not
   mean to tolerate Protestantism in their own territory, and insulted the
   Reformed preachers; nor would they concede to the local communities in
   the bailiwicks (St. Gall, Toggenburg, Thurgau, the Rheinthal) the right
   to introduce the Reformation by a majority vote; while the Zuerichers
   insisted upon both, and yet they probibited the celebration of the mass
   in their own city and district. The Roman Catholic Cantons made new
   disloyal approaches to Austria, and sent a deputation to Charles V. at
   Augsburg which was very honorably received. The fugitive abbot of St.
   Gall also appeared with an appeal for aid to his restoration. The
   Zuerichers were no less to blame for seeking the foreign aid of Hesse,
   Venice, and France. Bitter charges and counter-charges were made at the
   meetings of the Swiss Diet. [280]

   The crisis was aggravated by an international difficulty. Graubuenden
   sent deputies to the Diet with an appeal for aid against the Chatelan
   of Musso and the invasion of the Valtellina by Spanish troops. The
   Reformed Cantons favored co-operation, the Roman Catholic Cantons
   refused it. The expedition succeeded, the castle of Musso was
   demolished, and the Grisons took possession of the Valtellina
   (1530-32).

   Zwingli saw no solution of the problem except in an honest, open war,
   or a division of the bailiwicks among the Cantons according to
   population, claiming two-thirds for Zuerich and Bern. These bailiwicks
   were, as already remarked, the chief bone of contention. But Bern
   advocated, instead of war, a blockade of the Forest Cantons. This was
   apparently a milder though actually a more cruel course. The
   Waldstaetters in their mountain homes were to be cut off from all
   supplies of grain, wine, salt, iron, and steel, for which they depended
   on their richer Protestant neighbors. [281] Zwingli protested. "If you
   have a right," he said in the pulpit, "to starve the Five Cantons to
   death, you have a right to attack them in open war. They will now
   attack you with the courage of desperation." He foresaw the disastrous
   result. But his protest was in vain. Zuerich yielded to the counsel of
   Bern, which was adopted by the Protestant deputies, May 15, 1531.

   The decision of the blockade was communicated to the Forest Cantons,
   and vigorously executed, Zuerich taking the lead. All supplies of
   provision from Zuerich and Bern and even from the bailiwicks of St.
   Gall, Toggenburg, Sargans, and the Rheinthal were withheld. The
   previous year had been a year of famine and of a wasting epidemic (the
   sweating sickness). This year was to become one of actual starvation.
   Old men, innocent women and children were to suffer with the guilty.
   The cattle was deprived of salt. The Waldstaetters were driven to
   desperation. Their own confederates refused them the daily bread,
   forgetful of the Christian precept, "If thine enemy hunger, feed him;
   if he thirst, give him to drink; for in so doing thou shalt heap coals
   of fire upon his head. Be not overcome with evil, but overcome evil
   with good" (Rom. 12:20, 21).

   Zwingli spent the last months before his death in anxiety and fear. His
   counsel had been rejected, and yet he was blamed for all these
   troubles. He had not a few enemies in Zuerich, who undermined his
   influence, and inclined more and more to the passive policy of Bern.
   Under these circumstances, he resolved to withdraw from the public
   service. On the 26th of July he appeared before the Great Council, and
   declared, "Eleven years have I preached to you the gospel, and
   faithfully warned you against the dangers which threaten the
   confederacy if the Five Cantons--that is, those who hate the gospel and
   live on foreign pensions--are allowed to gain the mastery. But you do
   not heed my voice, and continue to elect members who sympathize with
   the enemies of the gospel. And yet ye make me responsible for all this
   misfortune. Well, I herewith resign, and shall elsewhere seek my
   support."

   He left the hall with tears. His resignation was rejected and
   withdrawn. After three days he appeared again before the Great Council,
   and declared that in view of their promise of improvement he would
   stand by them till death, and do his best, with God's help. He tried to
   persuade the Bernese delegates at a meeting in Bremgarten in the house
   of his friend, Henry Bullinger, to energetic action, but in vain. "May
   God protect you, dear Henry; remain faithful to the Lord Jesus Christ
   and his Church."

   These were the last words he spoke to his worthy successor. As he left,
   a mysterious personage, clothed in a snow-white robe, suddenly
   appeared, and after frightening the guards at the gate plunged into the
   water, and vanished. He had a strong foreboding of an approaching
   calamity, and did not expect to survive it. Halley's comet, which
   returns every seventy-six years, appeared in the skies from the middle
   of August to the 3d of September, burning like the fire of a furnace,
   and pointing southward with its immense tail of pale yellow color.
   Zwingli saw in it the sign of war and of his own death. He said to a
   friend in the graveyard of the minster (Aug. 10), as he gazed at the
   ominous star, "It will cost the life of many an honorable man and my
   own. The truth and the Church will suffer, but Christ will never
   forsake us." [282] Vadian of St. Gall likewise regarded the comet as a
   messenger of God's wrath; and the famous Theophrastus, who was at that
   time in St. Gall, declared that it foreboded great bloodshed and the
   death of illustrious men. It was then the universal opinion, shared
   also by Luther and Melanchthon, that comets, meteors, and eclipses were
   fireballs of an angry God. A frantic woman near Zuerich saw blood
   springing from the earth all around her, and rushed into the street
   with the cry, "Murder, murder!" The atmosphere was filled with
   apprehensions of war and bloodshed. The blockade was continued, and all
   attempts at a compromise failed.

   The Forest Cantons had only one course to pursue. The law of
   self-preservation drove them to open war. It was forced upon them as a
   duty. Fired by indignation against the starvation policy of their
   enemies, and inspired by love for their own families, the Waldstaetters
   promptly organized an army of eight thousand men, and marched to the
   frontier of Zuerich between Zug and Cappel, Oct. 9, 1531.

   The news brought consternation and terror to the Zuerichers. The best
   opportunity had passed. Discontent and dissension paralyzed vigorous
   action. Frightful omens demoralized the people. Zuerich, which two
   years before might easily have equipped an army of five thousand, could
   now hardly collect fifteen hundred men against the triple force of the
   enemy, who had the additional advantage of fighting for life and home.

   Zwingli would not forsake his flock in this extreme danger. He mounted
   his horse to accompany the little army to the battlefield with the
   presentiment that he would never return. The horse started back, like
   the horse of Napoleon when he was about to cross the Niemen. Many
   regarded this as a bad omen; but Zwingli mastered the animal, applied
   the spur, and rode to Cappel, determined to live or to die with the
   cause of the Reformation.

   The battle raged several hours in the afternoon of the eleventh of
   October, and was conducted by weapons and stones, after the manner of
   the Swiss, and with much bravery on both sides. After a stubborn
   resistance, the Zuerichers were routed, and lost the flower of their
   citizens, over five hundred men, including seven members of the Small
   Council, nineteen members of the Great Council of the Two Hundred, and
   several pastors who had marched at the head of their flocks. [283]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [280] Bluntschli (who was a Protestant of Zurich) thinks that Zwingli
   and Zuerich were upon the whole more to blame. He says, l.c. I. 334:
   "Zwar hatte darin Zwingli ein richtiges politisches Princip
   ausgesprochen, dass im wirklichen ernsten Conflict zwischen der innern
   Berechtigung und dem aeussern, formellen Recht am Ende dieses jener
   weichen muesse. Aber er hatte dieses Princip weder richtig angewendet;
   denn ein solcher Widerspruch lag in dem eidgenoessischen Bundesrecht
   denn doch nicht oder lange nicht in dem angegebenen Masse vor, noch
   waren die Mittel, welche er vorschlug, um ein vermeintlich besseres,
   weil natuerlicheres Recht herzustellen, zu rechtfertigen. Und musste
   ein gerechter Mann zugeben, dass die Fuenf Orte auch ihre Stellung
   nicht rein erhielten von Missbrauch, so war doch nicht zu laeugnen,
   dass damals auf Seite der Staedte und insbesondere Zuerichs der
   Missbrauch ihrer Stellung in eidgenoessischen Dingen groesser war, dass
   somit die Staedte sich durchaus nicht eigneten, als Vertreter der
   'goettlichen Gerechtigkeit und Strafe' die Fuenf Orte von ihren
   hergebrachten Rechten zu entsetzen. Auch in der auswaertigen Politik
   verliess Zwingli nun die Grundsaetze des eidgenoessischen Rechtes, die
   er selber vorher mit Nachdruck vertheidigt hatte. Er ging in
   reformatorischem Eifer Verbindungen ein und nahm an politischen Planen
   Theil, welche den Frieden und selbst die Existenz der Eidgenossenschaft
   gefaehrden mussten."

   [281] Zuerich was charged by Bern with an excess of passion, Bern by
   Zuerich with an excess of prudence. In the language of Zwingli:-- "Bern
   klagt: Zuerich ist zu hitzig, Zuerich klagt: Bern ist zu witzig ."

   [282] Bullinger, III. 46 (Comp. 137): "Min Joerg (the Abbot Georg
   Mueller of Wettingen], mich und mengen eeren man [manchen Ehrenmann]
   wirt es kosten, und wirt die wahrheit und Kylch [Kirche] nodt lyden;
   doch von Christus werdent wir nit verlassen." Another contemporary
   gives an account of a conversation of Dr. Joachim von Watt with some
   friends about the meaning of the comet's appearance. It was published
   in the "Schweizerische Museum," II. 335.

   [283] Bullinger, III. 130, gives the names. The total number of the
   slain and mortally wounded Zuerichers was five hundred and fourteen,
   while the Five Cantons lost only about eighty. The leaders of the army,
   Georg Goeldli and Lavater, escaped, and were charged, the first with
   treason, the other with incompetency.
     __________________________________________________________________

   S: 47. The Death of Zwingli.

   Moerikofer, II. 414-420.--Egli, quoted on p. 179.--A. Erichson:
   Zwingli's Tod und dessen Beurtheilung durch Zeitgenosen. Strassburg,
   1883.

   Zwingli himself died on the battlefield, in the prime of manhood, aged
   forty-seven years, nine months, and eleven days, and with him his
   brother-in-law, his stepson, his son-in-law, and his best friends. He
   made no use of his weapons, but contented himself with cheering the
   soldiers. [284] "Brave men," he said (according to Bullinger), "fear
   not! Though we must suffer, our cause is good. Commend your souls to
   God: he can take care of us and ours. His will be done."

   Soon after the battle had begun, he stooped down to console a dying
   soldier, when a stone was hurled against his head by one of the
   Waldstaetters and prostrated him to the ground. Rising again, he
   received several other blows, and a thrust from a lance. Once more he
   uplifted his head, and, looking at the blood trickling from his wounds,
   he exclaimed: What matters this misfortune? They may kill the body, but
   they cannot kill the soul." These were his last words. [285]

   He lay for some time on his back under a pear-tree (called the
   Zwingli-Baum) in a meadow, his hands folded as in prayer, and his eyes
   steadfastly turned to heaven. [286]

   The stragglers of the victorious army pounced like hungry vultures upon
   the wounded and dying. Two of them asked Zwingli to confess to a
   priest, or to call upon the dear saints for their intercession. He
   shook his head twice, and kept his eyes still fixed on the heavens
   above. Then Captain Vokinger of Unterwalden, one of the foreign
   mercenaries, against whom the Reformer had so often lifted his voice,
   recognized him by the torch-light, and killed him with the, sword,
   exclaiming, "Die, obstinate heretic." [287]

   There he lay during the night. On the next morning the people gathered
   around the dead, and began to realize the extent of the victory.
   Everybody wanted to see Zwingli. Chaplain Stocker of Zug, who knew him
   well, made the remark that his face had the same fresh and vigorous
   expression as when he kindled his hearers with the fire of eloquence
   from the pulpit. Hans Schoenbrunner, an ex-canon of Fraumuenster in
   Zuerich, as he passed the corpse of the Reformer, with Chaplain
   Stocker, burst into tears, and said, "Whatever may have been thy faith,
   thou hast been an honest patriot. May God forgive thy sins." [288] He
   voiced the sentiment of the better class of Catholics.

   But the fanatics and foreign mercenaries would not even spare the dead.
   They decreed that his body should be quartered for treason and then
   burnt for heresy, according to the Roman and imperial law. The sheriff
   of Luzern executed the barbarous sentence. Zwingli's ashes were mingled
   with the ashes of swine, and scattered to the four winds of heaven.
   [289]

   The news of the disaster at Cappel spread terror among the citizens of
   Zuerich. "Then," says Bullinger, "arose a loud and horrible cry of
   lamentation and tears, bewailing and groaning."

   On no one fell the sudden stroke with heavier weight than on the
   innocent widow of Zwingli: she had lost, on the same day, her husband,
   a son, a brother, a son-in-law, a brother-in-law, and her most intimate
   friends. She remained alone with her weeping little children, and
   submitted in pious resignation to the mysterious will of God. History
   is silent about her grief; but it has been vividly and touchingly
   described in the Zuerich dialect by Martin Usteri in a poem for the
   tercentenary Reformation festival in Zuerich (1819). [290]

   Bullinger, Zwingli's successor, took the afflicted widow into his
   house, and treated her as a member of his family. She survived her
   husband seven years, and died in peace.

   A few steps from the pear-tree where Zwingli breathed his last, on a
   slight elevation, in view of the old church and abbey of Cappel, of the
   Rigi, Pilatus, and the more distant snow-capped Alps, there arises a
   plain granite monument, erected in 1838, mainly by the exertions of
   Pastor Esslinger, with suitable Latin and German inscriptions. [291]

   A few weeks after Zwingli, his friend Oecolampadius died peacefully in
   his home at Basel (Nov. 24, 1531). The enemies spread the rumor that he
   had committed suicide. They deemed it impossible that an arch-heretic
   could die a natural death. [292]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [284] "Zwingli blieb in naechster Naehe bei den Kaempfenden stehen,
   machte aber nach dem Zeugniss von Freund und Feind von seinen Waffen
   keinen Gebrauch." Moerikofer, II. 417.

   [285] According to Osw. Myconius (Vita H. Zwingli, ch. 12), who gives
   the report of an eyewitness: "Prostratum, ajebat, prementium
   multitudine jam tertio, sed in pedes semper restitisse: quarto fixum
   cuspide sub mento et in genua prolapsum dixisse: 'Ecquid hoc
   infortunii? Age, corpus quidem occidere possunt, animam non possunt.'
   Atque his dictis mox obdormivisse in Domino."

   [286] Bullinger, III. 136: "und verharet mitt sinem Gesicht zu stunen
   am hymel." According to Tschudi, he lay on his face. Salat also says
   ("Archiv," etc., I. 310):, Zwingli ward funden ligend uf sim angsicht."
   But this is not necessarily a contradiction, as the dying man may have
   changed his position.

   [287] Salat says that the man who did this cowardly act, was "ein
   redlicher alter Christ," but does not name Vokinger (also spelt
   Fuckinger, or Fugginger).

   [288] Moerikofer, II. 418.

   [289] According to an uncertain and improbable tradition, the heart
   was, as it were, miraculously saved, and brought to Zuerich, but thrown
   into the river to prevent idolatry. Myconius (Vita Zw., c. 12) reports:
   "Hostibus digressis, post diem tertium accedunt amantes Zwinglii, si
   quid reliquiarum eius offenderent, et ecce cor (mirabile dictu) se
   offert e mediis cineribus integrum et illaesum ... Venit non multo
   postea vir mihi notissimus, sed et familiarissimus [Thomas Plater?],
   rogans an portionem cordis cupiam videre Zwingliani, quod secum ferat
   in loculo: quia propter sermonem hunc inopinatum horror quidam totum
   corpus pervaserat, negaram, alioquin et huius rei possem esse testis
   oculatus."

   [290] Der armen Frow Zwinglin Klag, published in the "Alpenrosen,"
   Bern, 1820, p. 273; in Zwingli's Werke, II. B. 281; also in
   Christoffel, I. 413, and Moerikofer, II. 517. After giving vent to her
   woe, Anna Zwingli resorts to the Bible, which was her husband's
   comfort, and was to be hers. I select the first and the last of the
   fourteen stanzas of this poem, which Moerikofer numbers among "the
   imperishable monuments of the great man." 1. "O Herre Gott, wie heftig
   shluog Mich dynes Zornes Ruthen! Du armes Herz, ist's nit genuog,
   Kannst du noch nicht verbluoten? Ich ring die Hand: Kaem' doch myn End!
   Wer nag myn Elendfassen? Wer misst die Not ? Myn Gott, Myn Gott, Hast
   du mich gar verlassen ? 14. "Komm du, o Buoch du warst syn Hort, Syn
   Trost in allem Uebel. Ward er verfolgt mit That und Wort, So griff er
   nach der Bibel, Fand Hilf bei ihr. Herr, zeige mir Die Hilf in Jesu
   Namen! Gib Muoth und Staerk Zum schweren Werk Dem schwachen Wybe! Amen
   ."

   [291] Mrs. Meta Heusser (d. 1876), the most gifted Swiss poetess, who
   lived a few miles from Cappel, wrote two beautiful poems for the
   dedication of the monument, Oct. 11, 1838, which are printed in the
   first series of her Lieder, pp. 189 sqq. I quote the first stanza of
   the second poem:-- "Die Staette, wo ein Heldenauge brach Ist theuer
   nach den spaeten Enkelsoehnen; Es schweigt der Todtenklage banges Ach,
   Verschlungen von des Sieges Jubeltoenen."

   [292] See above, S: 31, pp. 115 sq., and the note on p. 188.
     __________________________________________________________________

   S: 48. Reflections on the Disaster at Cappel.

   We need not wonder that the religious and political enemies of Zwingli
   interpreted the catastrophe at Cappel as a signal judgment of God and a
   punishment for heresy. It is the tendency of superstition in all ages
   to connect misfortune with a particular sin. Such an uncharitable
   interpretation of Providence is condemned by the example of Job, the
   fate of prophets, apostles, and martyrs, and the express rebuke of the
   disciples by our Saviour in the case of the man born blind (John 9:31).
   But it is found only too often among Christians. It is painful to
   record that Luther, the great champion of the liberty of conscience,
   under the influence of his mediaeval training, and unmindful of the
   adage, De mortuis nihil nisi bonum, surpassed even the most virulent
   Catholics in the abuse of Zwingli after his death. It is a sad
   commentary on the narrowness and intolerance of the Reformer. [293]

   The faithful friends of evangelical freedom and progress in Switzerland
   revered Zwingli as a martyr, and regarded the defeat at Cappel as a
   wholesome discipline or a blessing in disguise. Bullinger voiced their
   sentiments. "The victory of truth," he wrote after the death of his
   teacher and friend, "stands alone in God's power and will, and is not
   bound to person or time. Christ was crucified, and his enemies imagined
   they had conquered; but forty years afterwards Christ's victory became
   manifest in the destruction of Jerusalem. The truth conquers through
   tribulation and trial. The strength of the Christians is shown in
   weakness. Therefore, beloved brethren in Germany, take no offence at
   our defeat, but persevere in the Word of God, which has always won the
   victory, though in its defence the holy prophets, apostles, and martyrs
   suffered persecution and death. Blessed are those who die in the Lord.
   Victory will follow in time. A thousand years before the eyes of the
   Lord are but as one day. He, too, is victorious who suffers and dies
   for the sake of truth. [294]

   It is vain to speculate on mere possibilities. But it is more than
   probable that a victory of the Protestants, at that time would have
   been in the end more injurious to their cause than defeat. The
   Zuerichers would have forced the Reformation upon the Forest Cantons
   and all the bailiwicks, and would thereby have provoked a reaction
   which, with the aid of Austria and Spain and the counter-Reformation of
   the papacy, might have ended in the destruction of Protestantism, as it
   actually did in the Italian dependencies of Switzerland and the
   Grisons, in Italy, Spain, and Bohemia.

   It was evidently the will of Providence that in Switzerland, as well as
   in Germany, both Churches, the Roman Catholic and the Evangelical,
   should co-exist, and live in mutual toleration and useful rivalry for a
   long time to come.

   We must judge past events in the light of subsequent events and final
   results. "By their fruits ye shall know them."

   The death of Zwingli is a heroic tragedy. He died for God and his
   country. He was a martyr of religious liberty and of the independence
   of Switzerland. He was right in his aim to secure the freedom of
   preaching in all the Cantons and bailiwicks, and to abolish the
   military pensions which made the Swiss tributary to foreign masters.
   But he had no right to coerce the Catholics and to appeal to the sword.
   He was mistaken in the means, and he anticipated the proper time. It
   took nearly three centuries before these reforms could be executed.

   In 1847 the civil war in Switzerland was renewed in a different shape
   and under different conditions. The same Forest Cantons which had
   combined against the Reformation and for the foreign pensions, and had
   appealed to the aid of Austria, formed a confederacy within the
   confederacy (Sonderbund) against modern political liberalism, and again
   entered into an alliance with Austria; but at this time they were
   defeated by the federal troops under the wise leadership of General
   Dufour of Geneva, with very little bloodshed. [295] In the year 1848
   while the revolution raged in other countries, the Swiss Diet quickly
   remodelled the constitution, and transformed the loose confederacy of
   independent Cantons into a federal union, after the model of the United
   States, with a representation of the people (in the Nationalrath) and a
   central government, acting directly upon the people. The federal
   constitution of 1848 guaranteed "the free exercise of public worship to
   the recognized Confessions" (i.e. the Roman Catholic and Reformed); the
   Revised Constitution of 1874 extended this freedom, within the limits
   of morality and public safety, to all other denominations; only the
   order of the Jesuits was excluded, for political reasons.

   This liberty goes much further than Zwingli's plan, who would have
   excluded heretical sects. There are now, on the one hand, Protestant
   churches at Luzern, Baar, Brunnen, in the very heart of the Five
   Cantons (besides the numerous Anglican Episcopal, Scotch Presbyterian,
   and other services in all the Swiss summer resorts); and on the other
   hand, Roman Catholic churches in Zuerich, Bern, Basel, Geneva, where
   the mass was formerly rigidly prohibited.

   As regards the foreign military service which had a tendency to
   denationalize the Swiss, Zwingli's theory has completely triumphed. The
   only relic of that service is the hundred Swiss guards, who, with their
   picturesque mediaeval uniform, guard the pope and the Vatican. They are
   mostly natives of the Five Forest Cantons.

   Thus history explains and rectifies itself, and fulfils its promises.

   NOTES.

   There is a striking correspondence between the constitution of the old
   Swiss Diet and the constitution of the old American Confederacy, as
   also between the modern Swiss constitution and that of the United
   States. The Swiss Diet seems to have furnished an example to the
   American Confederacy, and the Congress of the United States was a model
   to the Swiss Diet in 1848. The legislative power of Switzerland is
   vested in the Assembly of the Confederacy (Bundesversammlung) or
   Congress, which consists of the National Council (Nationalrath) or
   House of Representatives, elected by the people, one out of twenty
   thousand,--and the Council of Cantons (Staenderath) or Senate, composed
   of forty-four delegates of the twenty-two Cantons (two from each) and
   corresponding to the old Diet. The executive power is exercised by the
   Council of the Confederacy (Bundesrath), which consists of seven
   members, and is elected every three years by the two branches of the
   legislature, one of them acting as President (Bundespraesident) for the
   term of one year (while the President of the United States is chosen by
   the people for four years, and selects his own cabinet. Hence the head
   of the Swiss Confederacy has very little power for good or evil, and is
   scarcely known). To the Supreme Court of the United States corresponds
   the Bundesgericht, which consists of eleven judges elected by the
   legislature for three years, and decides controversies between the
   Cantons. Comp. Bluntschli's Geschichte des Schweizerischen
   Bundesrechts, 1875; Ruettimann, Das nordamerikanisehe
   Bundes-staatsrecht verglichen mit den politischen Einrichtungen der
   Schweiz, Zuerich, 1867-72, 2 vols.; and Sir Francis O. Adams and C. D.
   Cunningham, The Swiss Confederation, French translation with notes and
   additions by Henry G. Loumyer, and preface by L. Ruchonnet, Geneva,
   1890.

   The provisions of the Federal Constitution of Switzerland, May 29,
   1874, in regard to religion, are as follows: --

   Abschnitt I. Art. 49. "Die Glaubens und Gewissensfreiheit ist
   unverletzlich.

   Niemand darf zur Theilnahme an einer Religionsgenossenschaft, oder an
   einem religioesen Unterricht, oder zur Vornahme einer religioesen
   Handlung gezwungen, oder wegen Glaubensansichten mit Strafen irgend
   welcher Art belegt werden....

   Art. 50. Die freie Ausuebung gottesdienstlicher Handlungen ist
   innerhalb der Schranken der Sittlichkeit und der oeffentlichen Ordnung
   gewaehrleistet ....

   Art. 51. Der Orden der Jesuiten und die ihm affiliirten Gesellschaften
   duerfen in keinem Theile der Schweiz Aufnahme finden, und es ist ihren
   Gliedern jede Wirksamkeit in Kirche und Schule untersagt."

   The same Constitution forbids the civil and military officers of the
   Confederation to receive pensions or titles or decorations from any
   foreign government.

   I. Art. 12. "Die Mitglieder der Bundesbehoerden, die eidgenoessischen
   Civilund Militaerbeamten und die eidgenoessischen Repraesentanten oder
   Kommissarienduerfen von auswaertigen Regierungen weder Pensionen oder
   Gehalte, noch Titel, Geschenke oder Orden annehmen."
     __________________________________________________________________

   [293] In his letter to Albrecht of Prussia, April, 1532 (in De Wette,
   IV. 348-355), Luther expresses a doubt about Zwingli's salvation (on
   account of his denial of the corporal presence). He scorns the idea
   that he was a martyr; he regrets that the Catholic Cantons did not
   complete their victory by suppressing the Zwinglian heresy, and he
   warns the Duke of Prussia not to tolerate it in his dominion. In his
   furious polemic tract, Short Confession of the Holy Sacrament, written
   in 1645, a year before his death (Werke, Erlangen ed., vol. XXXII.
   399-401, 410), Luther says that "Zwingel" (he always misspells his
   name) and Oecolampadius "perished in their sins"; that Zwingli died "in
   great and many sins and blasphemy" ( in grossen und vielen Suenden und
   Gotteslaesterung), having expressed a hope for the salvation of such
   "gottlose Heiden" as Socrates, Aristides, and the "greuliche Numa" that
   he became a heathen; and that he perished by the sword because he took
   up the sword. He adds that he, Martin Luther, "would rather a hundred
   times be torn to pieces and burned than make common cause with
   Stenkefeld [Stinkfeld for Schwenkfeld], Zwingel, Carlstadt, and
   Oeclampadius!" O sancta simplicitas! How different is the conduct and
   judgment of Zwingli, who, at Marburg, with tears in his eyes, offered
   the hand of brotherhood to his great antagonist, and who said of him in
   the very heat of the eucharistic controversy: "Luther is so excellent a
   warrior of God, and searches the Scriptures with such great earnestness
   as no one on earth for these thousand years has done; and no one has
   ever equalled him in manly, unshaken spirit with which he has attacked
   the pope of Rome. He was the true David whom the Lord himself appointed
   to slay Goliath. He hurled the stones taken from the heavenly brook so
   skilfully that the giant fell prostrate on the ground. Saul has slain
   thousands, but David tens of thousands. He was the Hercules who rushed
   always to the post of danger in battle ... Therefore we should justly
   thank God for having raised such an instrument for his honor; and this
   we do with pleasure."

   [294] Christoffel, I. 409. Comp. also the beautiful preface of Zwingli
   to the history of the passion, in which he shows his readiness to die
   for Christ, quoted by Moerikofer, II. 415.

   [295] The Swiss Sonderbunds-Krieg was an anticipation, on a small
   scale, of the Civil War in the United States, though the causes were
   different. In both cases the confederates rebelled against the federal
   government, and sought the aid of their hereditary enemy; the Swiss of
   the Catholic Forest Cantons that of Austria, the Americans of the
   slaveholding Southern States that of England. For a clear sketch of the
   Sonderbunds-Krieg, see Vuillemin, Geschichte der Schweizerischen
   Eidgenossenschaft (1882), pp. 517-537.
     __________________________________________________________________

   S: 49. The Second Peace of Cappel. November, 1531.

   Besides the works already quoted, see Werner Biel's account of the
   immediate consequences of the war of Cappel in the "Archiv fuer
   Schweizerische Reformationsgeschichte" (Rom. Cath.), vol. III. 641-680.
   He was at that time the secretary of the city of Zuerich. The articles
   of the Peace in Hottinger, Schweizergeschichte, VII. 497 sqq., and in
   Bluntschli, l.c. II. 269-276 (comp. I. 332 sqq.).

   Few great battles have had so much effect upon the course of history as
   the little battle of Cappel. It arrested forever the progress of the
   Reformation in German Switzerland, and helped to check the progress of
   Protestantism in Germany. It encouraged the Roman Catholic reaction,
   which soon afterwards assumed the character of a formidable
   Counter-Reformation. But, while the march of Protestantism was arrested
   in its original homes, it made new progress in French Switzerland, in
   France, Holland, and the British Isles.

   King Ferdinand of Austria gave the messenger of the Five Cantons who
   brought him the news of their victory at Cappel, fifty guilders, and
   forthwith informed his brother Charles V. at Brussels of the fall of
   "the great heretic Zwingli," which he thought was the first favorable
   event for the faith of the Catholic Church. The Emperor lost no time to
   congratulate the Forest Cantons on their victory, and to promise them
   his own aid and the aid of the pope, of his brother, and the Catholic
   princes, in case the Protestants should persevere in their opposition.
   The pope had already sent men and means for the support of his party.

   The disaster of Cappel was a prelude to the disaster of Muehlberg on
   the Elbe, where Charles V. defeated the Smalcaldian League of the
   Lutheran princes, April 24, 1547. Luther was spared the humiliation.
   The victorious emperor stood on his grave at Wittenberg, but declined
   to make war upon the dead by digging up and burning his bones, as he
   was advised to do by his Spanish generals.

   The war of Cappel was continued for a few weeks. Zuerich rallied her
   forces as best she could. Bern, Basel, and Schaffhausen sent troops,
   but rather reluctantly, and under the demoralizing effect of defeat.
   There was a want of harmony and able leadership in the Protestant camp.
   The Forest Cantons achieved another victory on the Gubel (Oct. 24), and
   plundered and wasted the territory of Zuerich; but as the winter
   approached, and as they did not receive the promised aid from Austria,
   they were inclined to peace. Bern acted as mediator.

   The second religious Peace (the so-called Zweite Landsfriede) was
   signed Nov. 20, 1531, [296] between the Five Forest Cantons and the
   Zuerichers, on the meadows of Teynikon, near Baar, in the territory of
   Zug, and confirmed Nov. 24 at Aarau by the consent of Bern, Glarus,
   Freiburg, and Appenzell. It secured mutual toleration, but with a
   decided advantage to the Roman Catholics.

   The chief provisions of the eight articles as regards religion were
   these: --

   1. The Five Cantons and their associates are to be left undisturbed in
   their "true, undoubted, Christian faith"; the Zuerichers and their
   associates may likewise retain their "faith," but with the exception of
   Bremgarten, Mellingen, Rapperschwil, Toggenburg, Gaster, and Wesen.
   Legal toleration or parity was thus recognized, but in a manner which
   implies a slight reproach of the Reformed creed as a departure from the
   truth. Mutual recrimination was again prohibited, as in 1529. [297]

   2. Both parties retain their rights and liberties in the common
   bailiwicks: those who had accepted the new faith might retain it; but
   those who preferred the old faith should be free to return to it, and
   to restore the mass, and the images. In mixed congregations the church
   property is to be divided according to population.

   Zuerich was required to give up her league with foreign cities, as the
   Five Cantons had been compelled in 1529 to break their alliance with
   Austria. Thus all leagues with foreign powers, whether papal or
   Protestant, were forbidden in Switzerland as unpatriotic. Zuerich had
   to refund the damages of two hundred and fifty crowns for war expenses,
   and one hundred crowns for the family of Kaiser, which had been imposed
   upon the Forest Cantons in 1529. Bern agreed in addition to pay three
   thousand crowns for injury to property in the territory of Zug.

   The two treaties of peace agree in the principle of toleration (as far
   as it was understood in those days, and forced upon the two parties by
   circumstances), but with the opposite application to the neutral
   territory of the bailiwicks, where the Catholic minority was protected
   against further aggression. The treaty of 1529 meant a toleration
   chiefly in the interest and to the advantage of Protestantism; the
   treaty of 1531, a toleration in the interest of Romanism.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [296] It was concluded Nov. 16, but dated Nov. 20.

   [297] The following is the Swiss-German text of the first article
   (Bluntschli, II. 271), which may be compared with the first article of
   the Peace of 1529 (see above, p. 171 sq.): "Zum ersten sollent und
   wollent Wir, die von Zuerich, unsre getruewe liebe Eydgenossen von den
   V Orten [i.e. the Five Forest Cantons of the old confederacy],
   dessglichen auch ihr lieb Mitbuerger und Landluet von Wallis und alle
   ihre Mithaften, si syegent geistlich oder weltlich, by ihrem waaren
   ungezwyffleten, christenlichen Glauben jetzt und hernach in ihren
   eignen Staedten, Landen, Gebieten und Herrlichkeiten gaenzlich
   ungearguirt und ungedisputirt blyben lassen, all boess Fuend, Uszueg,
   Gefaehrd und Arglist vermieden und hintangesetzt.--Hinwiderum so
   woellent Wir, von den V Orten, unser Eydgnossen von Zuerich und ihre
   eigne Mitverwandten by ihrem Glauben auch blyben lassen. Wir von den V
   Orten behaltend uns in diesem Frieden luter vor alle, die uns sampt und
   sonders mit Burg und Landrecht, auch in ander Waeg verwandt sind, auch
   all die, so uns Hilf, Rath, Bystand und Zuzug bewiesen und gethan, also
   dass die harin luter mit uns begriffen und verfaszt syn
   soellent.--Hinwiederum so behaltent Wir von Zuerich uns vor, das die,
   so uns Hilf, Rath, Bystand und Zuzug gethan vor und in disem Krieg es
   sye in Abschlagung der Profiant oder in ander Weg, dass die auch in
   diesem Frieden vergriffen syn soellent.--Wyter so behaltend Wir, von
   den V Orten uns vor und durgent luter us, die us den fryen Aemptern im
   Ergoeuw, Bremgarten, und Mellingen, so sich denen von Bern anhaengig
   gemacht, ihnen zuzogen, und, uns zu ueberziehen, Vorschub gethan,
   dessglychen sie die Berner noch ufenthaltend, desshalben ihnen
   viellichter der Frieden nit annehmlich syn, zudem unsser Nothdurft zu
   Usfuehrung des Kriegs gegen den Berneren will erforderen, dass man
   dosselbst Durchzug haben moecht, desshalb wir sie jetzmalen zu diesem
   Frieden nit begriffen lassent. Dessglychen behaltend Wir auch luter
   vor, die von Rapperschwyl, Toggenburg, Gastern und die von Wesen, so
   unsser Eydgnossen von Zuerich nutzit angahnt noch verwandt sind, dass
   die in disem Frieden auch usgeschlossen und nit begriffen syn soellent,
   doch dass nach Gnaden und in Ziemlichkeit mit ihnen gehandlet werd, mit
   Straf oder mit Recht." Bluntschli (I. 337) thus comments on this
   article: "Auch jetzt wieder musste zunaechst das Princip, dass beide
   Confessionen Geltung haben, das Princip der Paritaet, den verschiedenen
   eidgenoessischen Staenden gegenueber anerkannt werden. Aber die Form,
   wie das geschah, war verletzend fuer die Reformirten. Es lag darin
   offenbar ein Hohn gegen diese, dass sie zu einem Vert?--age ihre
   Zustimmung geben mussten, in welchem der katholische Glaube als der
   'reine, unbezweifelte, christliche Glaube,' die Confession der
   Reformirten dagegen nur als 'ein Glaube,' schlechthin bezeichnet ward;
   ein Spott, der immerhin von ungleicher Wuerdigung der beiden
   Confessionen ausging und insofern dem wahren Geiste des paritaetischen
   Staatsprincips widersprach. Diese Herabsetzung und Demuethigung der
   Reformirten lag zwar nur in dem Ausdruck, nicht in dem Inhalt dieser
   Bestimmung. Aber gerade darum war sie um so weniger zu rechtfertigen.
   Sie reizte und erbitterte bloss den einen Theil, und kitzelte nur den
   Hochmuth des andern Theils. Wollte man ernstlich und auf die Dauer
   Frieden, so durfte man nicht solcher Gehaessigkeitden Lauf lassen."
     __________________________________________________________________

   S: 50. The Roman Catholic Reaction.

   The Romanists reaped now the full benefit of their victory. They were
   no longer disturbed by the aggressive movements of Protestant
   preachers, and they regained much of the lost ground in the bailiwicks.

   Romanism was restored in Rapperschwil and Gaster. The abbot of St. Gall
   regained his convent and heavy damages from the city; Toggenburg had to
   acknowledge his authority, but a portion of the people remained
   Reformed. Thurgau and the Rheinthal had to restore the convents.
   Bremgarten 22 and Mellingen had to pledge themselves to re-introduce
   the mass and the images. In Glarus, the Roman Catholic minority
   acquired several churches and preponderating influence in the public
   affairs of the Canton. In Solothurn, the Reformation was suppressed, in
   spite of the majority of the population, and about seventy families
   were compelled to emigrate. In the Diet, the Roman Cantons retained a
   plurality of votes.

   The inhabitants of the Forest Cantons, full of gratitude, made a devout
   pilgrimage to St. Mary of Einsiedeln, where Zwingli had copied the
   Epistles of St. Paul from the first printed edition of the Greek
   Testament in 1516, and where he, Leo Judae, and Myconius had labored in
   succession for a reformation of abuses, with the consent of Diepold von
   Geroldseck. That convent has remained ever since a stronghold of Roman
   Catholic piety and superstition in Switzerland, and attracts as many
   devout pilgrims as ever to the shrine of the "Black Madonna." It has
   one of the largest printing establishments, which sends prayer-books,
   missals, breviaries, diurnals, rituals, pictures, crosses, and
   crucifixes all over the German-speaking Catholic world. [298]

   Bullinger, who succeeded Zwingli, closes his "History of the
   Reformation" mournfully, yet not without resignation and hope. "All
   manner of tyranny and overbearance," he says, "is restored and
   strengthened, and an insolent regime is working the ruin of the
   confederacy. Wonderful are the counsels of the Lord. But he doeth all
   things well. To him be glory and praise! Amen."

   NOTE ON THE CONVENT OF EINSIEDELN.

   (Comp. S: 8, pp. 29 sqq.)

   On a visit to Einsiedeln, June 12, 1890, I saw in the church a number
   of pilgrims kneeling before the wonder-working statue of the Black
   Madonna. The statue is kept in a special chapel, is coal-black, clothed
   in a silver garment, crowned with a golden crown, surrounded by gilt
   ornaments, and holding the Christ-Child in her arms. The black color is
   derived by some from the smoke of fire which repeatedly consumed the
   church, while the statue is believed to have miraculously escaped; but
   the librarian (Mr. Meier) told me that it was from the smoke of
   candles, and that the face of the Virgin is now painted with oil.

   The library of the abbey numbers 40,000 volumes (including 900
   incunabula), among them several copies of the first print of Zwingli's
   Commentary on the true and false Religion, and other books of his. In
   the picture-gallery are life-size portraits of King Frederick William
   IV. of Prussia, his brother, the Prince of Prussia (afterwards Emperor
   William I. of Germany), of Napoleon III. and Eugenie, of the Emperor
   Francis Joseph of Austria and his wife, and their unfortunate son who
   committed suicide in 1889, and of Pope Pius IX. These portraits were
   presented to the convent on its tenth centenary in 1861. The convent
   was founded by St. Meinhard, a hermit, in the ninth century, or rather
   by St. Benno, who died there in 940. The abbey has now nearly 100
   Benedictine monks, a gymnasium with 260 pupils of twelve to twenty
   years, a theological seminary, and two filial institutions in Indiana
   and Arkansas. The church is an imposing structure, after the model of
   St. Peter's in Rome, surrounded by colonnades. The costly chandelier is
   a present of Napoleon III. (1865).

   The modern revival of Romanism, and the railroad from Waedensweil,
   opened 1877, have greatly increased the number of pilgrims. Goethe says
   of Einsiedeln: "Es muss ernste Betrachtungen erregen, dass ein
   einzelner Funke von Sittlichkeit und Gottesfurcht hier ein
   immerbrennendes und leuchtendes Flaemmchen angezuendet, zu welchem
   glauebige Seelen mit grosser Beschwerlichkeit heranpilgern, um an
   dieser heiligen Flamme auch ihr Kerzlein anzuzuenden. Wie dem auch sei,
   so deutet es auf ein grenzenloses Beduerfniss der Menschheit nach
   gleichem Lichte, gleicher Waerme, wie es jener Erste im tiefsten
   Gefuehle und sicherster Ueberzengung gehegt und genossen."

   For a history of Einsiedeln, see Beschreibung des Klosters und der
   Wallfahrt Maria-Einsiedeln. Einsiedeln. Benziger & Co. 122 pp.

   The wood-cut on p. 197 represents the abbey as it was before and at the
   time of Zwingli, and is a fair specimen of a rich mediaeval abbey, with
   church, dwellings for the brethren, library, school, and gardens.
   Einsiedeln lies in a dreary and sterile district, and derives its sole
   interest from this remarkable abbey.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [298] The firm of "Benziger Brothers, Printers to the Holy Apostolic
   See," Einsiedeln, New York, Cincinnati, and Chicago. The various
   illustrated catalogues of this establishment give an idea of the
   immense extent of its operations.
     __________________________________________________________________

   S: 51. The Relative Strength of the Confessions in Switzerland.

   We may briefly sum up the result of the Reformation in Switzerland as
   follows: --

   Seven Cantons--Luzern, Uri, Schwyz, Unterwalden, Zug, Freiburg, and
   Soluthurn (Soleur)--remained firm to the faith of their ancestors. Four
   Cantons, including the two strongest--Zuerich, Bern, Basel, and
   Schaffhausen--adopted the Reformed faith. Five Cantons--Glarus, St.
   Gall, Appenzell, Thurgau, and Aargau--are nearly equally divided
   between the two Confessions. Of the twenty-three subject towns and
   districts, only Morat and Granson became wholly Protestant, sixteen
   retained their former religion, and five were divided. In the Grisons
   nearly two-thirds of the population adopted the Zwinglian Reformation;
   but the Protestant gains in the Valtellina and Chiavenna were lost in
   the seventeenth century. Ticino and Wallis are Roman Catholic. In the
   French Cantons--Geneva, Canton de Vaud, and Neuchatel--the Reformation
   achieved a complete victory, chiefly through the labors of Calvin.

   Since the middle of the sixteenth century the numerical relation of the
   two Churches has undergone no material change. Protestantism has still
   a majority of about half a million in a population of less than three
   millions. The Roman Catholic Church has considerably increased by
   immigration from Savoy and France, but has suffered some loss by the
   Old Catholic secession in 1870 under the lead of Bishop Herzog. The
   Methodists and Baptists are making progress chiefly in those parts
   where infidelity and indifferentism reign.

   Each Canton still retains its connection with one or the other of the
   two Churches, and has its own church establishment; but the bond of
   union has been gradually relaxed, and religious liberty extended to
   dissenting communions, as Methodists, Baptists, Irvingites, and Old
   Catholics. The former exclusiveness is abolished, and the principle of
   parity or equality before the law is acknowledged in all the Cantons.

   An impartial comparison between the Roman Catholic and the Reformed
   Cantons reveals the same difference as exists between Southern and
   Northern Ireland, Eastern and Western Canada, and other parts of the
   world where the two Churches meet in close proximity. The Roman
   Catholic Cantons have preserved more historical faith and superstition,
   churchly habits and customs; the Protestant Cantons surpass them in
   general education and intelligence, wealth and temporal prosperity;
   while in point of morality both are nearly equal.
     __________________________________________________________________

   S: 52. Zwingli. Redivivus.

   The last words of the dying Zwingli, "They may kill the body, but
   cannot kill the soul," have been verified in his case. His body was
   buried with his errors and defects, but his spirit still lives; and his
   liberal views on infant salvation, and the extent of God's saving grace
   beyond the limits of the visible Church, which gave so much offence in
   his age, even to the Reformers, have become almost articles of faith in
   evangelical Christendom.

   Ulrich Zwingli is, next to Martin Luther and John Knox, the most
   popular among the Reformers. [299] He moved in sympathy with the common
   people; he spoke and wrote their language; he took part in their public
   affairs; he was a faithful pastor of the old and young, and imbedded
   himself in their affections; while Erasmus, Melanchthon, Oecolampadius,
   Calvin, Beza, and Cranmer stood aloof from the masses. He was a man of
   the people and for the people, a typical Swiss; as Luther was a typical
   German. Both fairly represented the virtues and faults of their nation.
   Both were the best hated as well as the best loved men of their age,
   according to the faith which divided, and still divides, their
   countrymen.

   Martin Luther and Ulrich Zwingli have been honored by a fourth
   centennial commemoration of their birth,--the one in 1883, the other in
   1884. Such honor is almost without a precedent, at least in the history
   of theology. [300]

   The Zwingli festival was not merely an echo of the Luther festival, but
   was observed throughout the Reformed churches of Europe and America
   with genuine enthusiasm, and gave rise to an extensive Zwingli
   literature. It is in keeping with the generous Christian spirit which
   the Swiss Reformer showed towards the German Reformer at Marburg, that
   many Reformed churches in Switzerland, as well as elsewhere, heartily
   united in the preceding jubilee of Luther, forgetting the bitter
   controversies of the sixteenth century, and remembering gratefully his
   great services to the cause of truth and liberty. [301]

   In the following year (Aug. 25, 1885), a bronze statue was erected to
   Zwingli at Zuerich in front of the Wasserkirche and City Library,
   beneath the minster where be preached. It represents the Reformer as a
   manly figure, looking trustfully up to heaven, with the Bible in one
   hand and the sword in the other,--a combination true to history. Dr.
   Alexander Schweizer, one of the ablest Swiss divines (d. July 3, 1888),
   whose last public service was the Zwingli oration in the University,
   Jan. 7, 1884, protested against the sword, and left the committee on
   the monument. Dr. Konrad Ferdinand Meyer, the poet of the occasion,
   changed the sword of Zwingli, with poetic ingenuity, into the sword of
   Vokinger, by which he was slain. [302] Antistes Finsler, in his
   oration, gave the sword a double meaning, as in the case of Paul, who
   is likewise represented with the sword, namely, the sword by which he
   was slain, and the sword of the spirit with which he still is fighting;
   while at the same time it distinguishes Zwingli from Luther, and shows
   him as the patriot and statesman.

   The whole celebration--the orderly enthusiasm of the people, the
   festive addresses of representative men of Church and State, the
   illumination of the city and the villages around the beautiful
   lake--bore eloquent witness to the fact that Zwingli has impressed his
   image indelibly upon the memory of German Switzerland. Although his
   descendants are at present about equally divided between orthodox
   conservatives and rationalistic "reformers" (as they call themselves),
   they forgot their quarrels on that day, and cordially united in
   tributes to the abiding merits of him who, whatever were his faults,
   has emancipated the greater part of Switzerland from the tyranny of
   popery, and led them to the fresh fountain of the teaching and example
   of Christ. [303]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [299] The German volksthuemlich expresses the idea better than popular.

   [300] I say "almost." In 1880, five hundred years after the completion
   of Wiclif's English Bible, his memory was celebrated throughout the
   English-speaking Protestant world in five continents. The sixth
   centenary of Dante's birth was celebrated in 1865 in Florence and all
   Italy. The last divine whose centennial birthday was observed is
   Neander, the Church historian. An eloquent commemorative oration was
   delivered on that occasion by Dr. Harnack, his successor, in the Aula
   of the University of Berlin, Jan. 17, 1889.

   [301] See the literature on the Zwingli centennial in S: 5, pp. 17 sq.
   and the literature of the Luther celebration in vol. VI. 104 sq. and
   730.

   [302] "Hier das Schwert in meiner Hand Ist das Schwert, das mich
   erschlug."

   [303] See an account of that memorable celebration (which I witnessed
   myself) in Erinnerungsblaetter zur Einweihung des Zwingli-Denkmals in
   Zuerich. Herausqegeben vom Denkmal-Komite. In 2 parts, Zuerich, 1885.
   The chief address was made by Antistes Finsler, the twenty-second
   successor of Zwingli. A part of the celebration was a dramatic
   representation of Zwingli's death (a historic tragedy by Charlotte
   Birch-Pfeiffer), and a banquet in the Tonhalle-Pavilion, where
   addresses were delivered by delegates from different Cantons. Zwingli's
   poem, "Herr, nun heb den Wagen selbst," was sung with great spirit by
   the Concordia. The Swiss poet, Dr. Meyer, wrote the Festcantate. The
   statue was made by Natter, a Roman Catholic sculptor of Vienna, who
   attended the unveiling. A significant fact.
     __________________________________________________________________
     __________________________________________________________________

   CHAPTER VI.

   THE PERIOD OF CONSOLIDATION.
     __________________________________________________________________

   S: 53. Literature.

   Supplementary to the literature in S: 4, pp. 12 sqq.

   I. Manuscript sources preserved in the City Library of Zuerich, which
   was founded 1629, and contains c. 132,000 printed vols. and 3,500 MSS.
   See Salomon Voegelin: Geschichte der Wasserkirche und der
   Stadtbibliothek in Zuerich. Zuerich, 1848 (pp. 110 and 123). The
   Wasserkirche (capella aquatica) is traced back to Charles the Great. It
   contains also the remains of the lake dwellings. The bronze statue of
   Zwingli stands in front of it. The Thesaurus Hottingerianus, a
   collection of correspondence made by the theologian, J. H. Hottinger,
   55 vols., embraces the whole Bullinger correspondence, which has been
   much used, but never published in full.--The Simler Collection of 196
   vols. fol., with double index of 62 vols. fol., contains
   correspondence, proclamations, pamphlets, official mandates, and other
   documents, chronologically arranged, very legible, on good paper.
   Johann Jacob Simler (1716-1788), professor and inspector of the
   theological college, spent the leisure hours of his whole life in the
   collection of papers and documents relating to the history of
   Switzerland, especially of the Reformation. This unique collection was
   acquired by the government, and presented to the City Library in 1792.
   It has often been used, and, though partly depreciated by more recent
   discoveries, is still a treasure-house of information. The Bullinger
   correspondence is found in the volumes from a.d. 1531-1575.--Acta
   Ecclesiastica intermixtis politicis et politico-ecclesiasticis
   Manuscripta ex ipsis fontibus hausta in variis fol. Tomis chronologice
   pro administratione Antistitii Turicensis in ordinem redacta. 33 vols.
   fol. Beautifully written. Comes down to the administration of Antistes
   Joh. Jak. Hess (1795-1798). Tom I. extends from 1519-1531; tom. II.
   contains a biography of Bullinger, with his likeness, and the acts
   during his administration.--The State Archives of the City and Canton
   Zuerich.

   II. Printed works. Joh. Conr. Fuesslin: Beytraege zur Erlaeuterung der
   KirchenReformationsgeschichten des Schweitzerlandes. Zuerich,
   1741-1753. 5 Parts. Contains important documents relating to the
   Reformation in Zuerich and the Anabaptists, the disputation at Ilanz,
   etc.--Simler's Sammlung alter und neuer Urkunden. Zuerich, 1760. 2
   vols.--Joh. Jak. Hottinger (Prof. of Theol. and Canon of the Great
   Minster): Helvetische Kirchengeschichten vorstellend der Helvetiern
   ehemaliges Heidenthum, und durch die Gnade Gottes gefolgtes
   Christenthum, etc. Zuerich, 1698-1729. 4 Theile 4DEG. 2d ed. 1737. A
   work of immense industry, in opposition to a Roman Catholic work of
   Caspar Lang (Einsiedeln, 1692). The third volume goes from 1616 to
   1700, the fourth to 1728. Superseded by Wirz.--Ludwig Wirz: Helvetische
   Kirchengeschichte. Aus Joh. Jak. Hottingers aelterem Werke und anderen
   Quellen neu bearbeitet. Zuerich, 1808-1819. 6 vols. The fifth volume is
   by Melchior Kirchhofer, who gives the later history of Zwingli from
   1625, and the Reformation in the other Cantons.--Joh. Jak. Hottinger:
   Geschichte der Eidgenossen waehrend der Zeiten der Kirchentrennung.
   Zuerich, 1825 and 1829. 2 vols. This work forms vols. VI. and VII. of
   Joh. von Mueller's and Robert Glutz Blotzheim's Geschichten
   Schweizerischer Eidgenossenschaft. The second volume (p. 446 sqq.)
   treats of the period of Bullinger, and is drawn in part from the Simler
   Collection and the Archives of Zuerich. French translation by L.
   Vulliemin: Histoire des Suisses `a l'epoque de la Reformation. Paris et
   Zurich, 1833. 2 vols. G. R. Zimmermann (Pastor of the Fraumuenster and
   Decan): Die Zuercher Kirche von der Reformation bis zum dritten
   Reformationsjubilueum (1519-1819) nach der Reihenfolge der
   Zuercherischen Antistes. Zuerich, 1878 (pp. 414). On Bullinger, see pp.
   36-73. Based upon the Acta Ecclesiastica quoted above.--Joh.
   Strickler's Actensammlung, previously noticed (p. 13), extends only to
   1532.

   On the Roman Catholic side comp. Archiv fuer die Schweiz.
   Reformationsgesch., noticed above, p. 13. The first volume (1868)
   contains Salat's Chronik down to 1534; the second (1872), 135 papal
   addresses to the Swiss Diet, mostly of the sixteenth century (from
   Martin V. to Clement VIII.), documents referring to 1531, Roman and
   Venetian sources on the Swiss Reformation, etc.; vol. III. (1876), a
   catalogue of books on Swiss history (7-98), and a number of documents
   from the Archives of Luzern and other cities, including three letters
   of King Francis I. to the Catholic Cantons, and an account of the
   immediate consequences of the War of Cappel by Werner Beyel, at that
   time secretary of the city of Zuerich (pp. 641-680).
     __________________________________________________________________

   S: 54. Heinrich Bullinger. 1504-1575.

   I. Sources. Bullinger's printed works (stated to be 150 by Scheuchzer
   in "Bibliotheca Helvetica," Zuerich, 1733). His manuscript letters
   (mostly Latin) in the "Thesaurus Hottingerianus" and the "Simler
   Collection" of the City Library at Zuerich.--The second volume of the
   Acta Ecclesiastica, quoted in S: 53.--The Zuerich Letters or the
   Correspondence of several English Bishops and others with some of the
   Helvetian Reformers, chiefly from the Archives Of Zurich, translated
   and edited for the "Parker Society" by Dr. Robinson, Cambridge
   (University Press), 2d ed. 1846 (pp. 576).

   II. Salomon Hess: Leben Bullinger's. Zuerich, 1828-'29, 2 vols. Not
   very accurate.--*Carl Pestalozzi: Heinrich Bullinger. Leben und
   ausgewaehlte Schriften. Nach handschriftlichen und gleichzeitigen
   Quellen. Elberfeld, 1858. Extracts from his writings, pp. 505-622.
   Pestalozzi has faithfully used the written and printed sources in the
   Stadtbibliothek and Archives of Zuerich.--R. Christoffel: H. Bullinger
   und seine Gattin. 1875.--Justus Heer: Bullinger, in Herzog2, II.
   779-794. A good summary.

   Older biographical sketches by Ludwig Lavater (1576), Josias Simler
   (1575), W. Stucki (1575), etc. Incidental information about Bullinger
   in Hagenbach and other works on the Swiss Reformation, and in Meyer's
   Die Gemeinde von Locarno, 1836, especially I. 198-216.

   After the productive period of the Zwinglian Reformation, which
   embraced fifteen years, from 1516 to 1531, followed the period of
   preservation and consolidation under difficult circumstances. It
   required a man of firm faith, courage, moderation, patience, and
   endurance. Such a man was providentially equipped in the person of
   Heinrich Bullinger, the pupil, friend, and successor of Zwingli, and
   second Antistes of Zuerich. He proved that the Reformation was a work
   of God, and, therefore, survived the apparent defeat at Cappel.

   He was born July 18, 1504, at Bremgarten in Aargau, the youngest of
   five sons of Dean Bullinger, who lived, like many priests of those
   days, in illegitimate, yet tolerated, wedlock. [304] The father
   resisted the sale of indulgences by Samson in 1518, and confessed, in
   his advanced age, from the pulpit, the doctrines of the Reformation
   (1529). In consequence of this act he lost his place. Young Henry was
   educated in the school of the Brethren of the Common Life at Emmerich,
   and in the University of Cologne. He studied scholastic and patristic
   theology. Luther's writings and Melanchthon's Loci led him to the study
   of the Bible and prepared him for a change.

   He returned to Switzerland as Master of Arts, taught a school in the
   Cistercian Convent at Cappel from 1523 to 1529, and reformed the
   convent in agreement with the abbot, Wolfgang Joner. During that time
   he became acquainted with Zwingli, attended the Conference with the
   Anabaptists at Zuerich, 1525, and the disputation at Bern, 1528. He
   married Anna Adlischweiler, a former nun, in 1529, who proved to be an
   excellent wife and helpmate. He accepted a call to Bremgarten as
   successor of his father.

   After the disaster at Cappel, he removed to Zuerich, and was
   unanimously elected by the Council and the citizens preacher of the
   Great Minster, Dec. 9, 1531. It was rumored that Zwingli himself, in
   the presentiment of his death, had designated him as his successor. No
   better man could have been selected. It was of vital importance for the
   Swiss churches that the place of the Reformer should be filled by a man
   of the same spirit, but of greater moderation and self-restraint. [305]

   Bullinger now assumed the task of saving, purifying, and consolidating
   the life-work of Zwingli; and faithfully and successfully did he carry
   out this task. When he ascended the pulpit of the Great Minster in Dec.
   23, 1531, many hearers thought that Zwingli had risen from the grave.
   [306] He took a firm stand for the Reformation, which was in danger of
   being abandoned by timid men in the Council. He kept free from
   interference with politics, which had proved ruinous to Zwingli. He
   established a more independent, though friendly relation between Church
   and State. He confined himself to his proper vocation as preacher and
   teacher.

   In the first years he preached six or seven times a week; after 1542
   only twice, on Sundays and Fridays. He followed the plan of Zwingli in
   explaining whole books of the Scriptures from the pulpit. His sermons
   were simple, clear, and practical, and served as models for young
   preachers.

   He was a most devoted pastor, dispensing counsel and comfort in every
   direction, and exposing even his life during the pestilence which
   several times visited Zuerich. His house was open from morning till
   night to all who desired his help. He freely dispensed food, clothing,
   and money from his scanty income and contributions of friends, to
   widows and orphans, to strangers and exiles, not excluding persons of
   other creeds. He secured a decent pension for the widow of Zwingli, and
   educated two of his children with his own. He entertained persecuted
   brethren for weeks and months in his own house, or procured them places
   and means of travel. [307]

   He paid great attention to education, as superintendent of the schools
   in Zuerich. He filled the professorships in the Carolinum with able
   theologians, as Pellican, Bibliander, Peter Martyr. He secured a
   well-educated ministry. He prepared, in connection with Leo Judae, a
   book of church order, which was adopted by the Synod, Oct. 22, 1532,
   issued by authority of the burgomaster, the Small and the Great
   Council, and continued in force for nearly three hundred years. It
   provides the necessary rules for the examination, election, and duties
   of ministers (Predicanten) and deans (Decani), for semi-annual meetings
   of synods with clerical and lay representatives, and the power of
   discipline. The charges were divided into eight districts or chapters.
   [308]

   Bullinger's activity extended far beyond the limits of Zuerich. He had
   a truly Catholic spirit, and stood in correspondence with all the
   Reformed Churches. Beza calls him "the common shepherd of all Christian
   Churches;" Pellican, "a man of God, endowed with the richest gifts of
   heaven for God's honor and the salvation of souls." He received
   fugitive Protestants from Italy, France, England, and Germany with open
   arms, and made Zuerich an asylum of religious liberty. He thus
   protected Celio Secondo Curione, Bernardino Occhino, and Peter Martyr,
   and the immigrants from Locarno, and aided in the organization of an
   Italian congregation in Zuerich. [309] Following the example of Zwingli
   and Calvin, he appealed twice to the king of France for toleration in
   behalf of the Huguenots. He dedicated to Henry II. his book on
   Christian Perfection (1551), and to Francis II. his Instruction in the
   Christian Religion (1559). He sent deputations to the French court for
   the protection of the Waldenses, and the Reformed congregation in
   Paris.

   The extent of Bullinger's correspondence is astonishing. It embraces
   letters to and from all the distinguished Protestant divines of his
   age, as Calvin, Melanchthon, Bucer, Beza, Laski, Cranmer, Hooper,
   Jewel, and crowned heads who consulted him, as Henry VIII., Edward VI.,
   of England, Queen Elizabeth, Henry II. of France, King Christian of
   Denmark, Philip of Hesse, and the Elector Frederick of the Palatinate.

   Bullinger came into contact with the English Reformation from the time
   of Henry VIII. to the reign of Elizabeth, especially during the bloody
   reign of Mary, when many prominent exiles fled to Zuerich, and found a
   fraternal reception under his hospitable roof. The correspondence of
   Hooper, Jewel, Sandys, Grindal, Parkhurst, Foxe, Cox, and other church
   dignitaries with Bullinger, Gwalter, Gessner, Simler, and Peter Martyr,
   is a noble monument of the spiritual harmony between the Reformed
   Churches of Switzerland and England in the Edwardian and Elizabethan
   era. Archbishop Cranmer invited Bullinger, together with Melanchthon,
   Calvin, and Bucer, to a conference in London, for the purpose of
   framing an evangelical union creed; and Calvin answered that for such a
   cause he would be willing to cross ten seas. Lady Jane Grey, who was
   beheaded in 1554, read Bullinger's works, translated his book on
   marriage into Greek, consulted him about Hebrew, and addressed him with
   filial affection and gratitude. Her three letters to him are still
   preserved in Zuerich. Bishop Hooper of Gloucester, who had enjoyed his
   hospitality in 1547, addressed him shortly before his martyrdom in
   1554, as his "revered father and guide," and the best friend he ever
   had, and recommended his wife and two children to his care. Bishop
   Jewel, in a letter of May 22, 1559, calls him his "father and much
   esteemed master in Christ," thanks him for his "courtesy and kindness,"
   which he and his friends experienced during the whole period of their
   exile, and informs him that the restoration of the Reformed religion
   under Elizabeth was largely due to his own "letters and
   recommendations;" adding that the queen refused to be addressed as the
   head of the Church of England, feeling that such honor belongs to
   Christ alone, and not to any human being. Bullinger's death was
   lamented in England as a public calamity. [310]

   Bullinger faithfully maintained the doctrine and discipline of the
   Reformed Church against the Roman Catholics and Lutherans with
   moderation and dignity. He never returned the abuse of fanatics, and
   when, in 1548, the Interim drove the Lutheran preachers from the
   Swabian cities, he received them hospitably, even those who had
   denounced the Reformed doctrines from the pulpit. He represents the
   German-Swiss type of the Reformed faith in substantial agreement with a
   moderate Calvinism. He gave a full exposition of his theological views
   in the Second Helvetic Confession.

   His theory of the sacrament was higher than that of Zwingli. He laid
   more stress on the objective value of the institution. We recognize, he
   wrote to Faber, a mystery in the Lord's Supper; the bread is not common
   bread, but venerable, sacred, sacramental bread, the pledge of the
   spiritual real presence of Christ to those who believe. As the sun is
   in heaven, and yet virtually present on earth with his light and heat,
   so Christ sits in heaven, and yet efficaciously works in the hearts of
   all believers. When Luther, after Zwingli's death, warned Duke Albert
   of Prussia and the people of Frankfort not to tolerate the Zwinglians,
   Bullinger replied by sending to the duke a translation of Ratramnus'
   tract, De corpore et sanguine Domini, with a preface. He rejected the
   Wittenberg Concordia of 1536, because it concealed the Lutheran
   doctrine. He answered Luther's atrocious attack on the Zwinglians
   (1545) by a clear, strong, and temperate statement; but Luther died
   soon afterwards (1546) without retracting his charges. When Westphal
   renewed the unfortunate controversy (1552), Bullinger supported Calvin
   in defending the Reformed doctrine, but counselled moderation. [311] He
   and Calvin brought about a complete agreement on the sacramental
   question in the Consensus Tigurinus, which was adopted in 1549 at
   Zuerich, in the presence of some members of the Council, and afterwards
   received the approval of the other Swiss Reformed churches. [312]

   On the doctrine of Predestination, Bullinger did not go quite as far as
   Zwingli and Calvin, and kept within the infralapsarian scheme. He
   avoided to speak of the predestination of Adam's fall, because it
   seemed irreconcilable with the justice of the punishment of sin. [313]
   The Consensus Genevensis (1552), which contains Calvin's rigorous view,
   was not signed by the pastors of Zuerich. Theodor Bibliander, the
   father of biblical exegesis in Switzerland, and a forerunner of
   Arminianism, opposed it. He adhered to the semi-Pelagian theory of
   Erasmus, and was involved in a controversy with Peter Martyr, who was a
   strict Calvinist, and taught in Zuerich since 1556. Bibliander was
   finally removed from his theological professorship (Feb. 8, 1560), but
   his salary was continued till his death (Nov. 26, 1564). [314]

   On the subject of toleration and the punishment of heretics, Bullinger
   agreed with the prevailing theory, but favorably differed from the
   prevailing practice. He opposed the Anabaptists in his writings, as
   much as Zwingli, and, like Melanchthon, he approved of the unfortunate
   execution of Servetus, but he himself did not persecute. He tolerated
   Laelio Sozini, who quietly died at Zuerich (1562), and Bernardino
   Occhino, who preached for some time to the Italian congregation in that
   city, but was deposed, without further punishment, for teaching
   Unitarian opinions and defending polygamy. In a book against the Roman
   Catholic Faber, Bullinger expresses the Christian and humane sentiment
   that no violence should be done to dissenters, and that faith is a free
   gift of God, which cannot be commanded or forbidden. He agreed with
   Zwingli's extension of salvation to all infants dying in infancy and to
   elect heathen; at all events, he nowhere dissents from these advanced
   views, and published with approbation Zwingli's last work, where they
   are most strongly expressed. [315]

   Bullinger's house was a happy Christian home. He liked to play with his
   numerous children and grandchildren, and to write little verses for
   them at Christmas, like Luther. [316]

   When his son Henry, in 1553, went to Strassburg, Wittenberg, and Vienna
   to prosecute his theological studies, be wrote down for him wise rules
   of conduct, of which the following are the most important: 1) Fear God
   at all times, and remember that the fear of God is the beginning of
   wisdom. 2) Humble yourself before God, and pray to him alone through
   Christ, our only Mediator and Advocate. 3) Believe firmly that God has
   done all for our salvation through his Son. 4) Pray above all things
   for strong faith active in love. 5) Pray that God may protect your good
   name and keep thee from sin, sickness, and bad company. 6) Pray for the
   fatherland, for your dear parents, benefactors, friends, and all men,
   for the spread of the Word of God; conclude always with the Lord's
   Prayer, and use also the beautiful hymn, Te Deum laudamus [which he
   ascribes to Ambrose and Augustin]. 7) Be reticent, be always more
   willing to hear than to speak, and do not meddle with things which you
   do not understand. 8) Study diligently Hebrew and Greek as well as
   Latin, history, philosophy, and the sciences, but especially the New
   Testament, and read daily three chapters in the Bible, beginning with
   Genesis. 9) Keep your body clean and unspotted, be neat in your dress,
   and avoid above all things intemperance in eating and drinking. 10) Let
   your conversation be decent, cheerful, moderate, and free from all
   uncharitableness. [317] He recommended him to Melanchthon, and followed
   his studies with letters full of fatherly care and affection. [318] He
   kept his parents with him till their death, the widow of Zwingli (d.
   1538), and two of her children, whom he educated with his own.
   Notwithstanding his scanty income, he declined all presents, or sent
   them to the hospitals. The whole people revered the venerable minister
   of noble features and white patriarchal beard.

   His last days were clouded, like those of many faithful servants of
   God. The excess of work and care undermined his health. In 1562 he
   wrote to Fabricius at Coire: "I almost sink under the load of business
   and care, and feel so tired that I would ask the Lord to give me rest
   if it were not against his will." The pestilence of 1564 and 1565
   brought him to the brink of the grave, and deprived him of his wife,
   three daughters, and his brother-in-law. He bore these heavy strokes
   with Christian resignation. In the same two fatal years he lost his
   dearest friends, Calvin, Blaurer, Gessner, Froschauer, Bibliander,
   Fabricius, Farel. He recovered, and was allowed to spend several more
   years in the service of Christ. His youngest daughter, Dorothea, took
   faithful and tender care of his health. He felt lonely and homesick,
   but continued to preach and to write with the aid of pastor Lavater,
   his colleague and son-in-law. He preached his last sermon on Pentecost,
   1575. He assembled, Aug. 26, all the pastors of the city and professors
   of theology around his sick-bed, assured them of his perseverance in
   the true apostolic and orthodox doctrine, recited the Apostles' Creed,
   and exhorted them to purity of life, harmony among themselves, and
   obedience to the magistrates. He warned them against intemperance,
   envy, and hatred, thanked them for their kindness, assured them of his
   love, and closed with a prayer of thanksgiving and some verses of the
   hymns of Prudentius. Then he took each by the hand and took leave of
   them with tears, as Paul did from the elders at Ephesus. A few weeks
   afterwards he died, after reciting several Psalms (51, 16, and 42), the
   Lord's Prayer, and other prayers, peacefully, in the presence of his
   family, Sept. 17, 1575. He was buried in the Great Minster, at the side
   of his beloved wife and his dear friend, Peter Martyr. According to his
   wish, Rudolph Gwalter, Zwingli's son-in-law and his adopted son, was
   unanimously elected his successor. Four of his successors were trained
   under his care and labored in his spirit.

   The writings of Bullinger are very numerous, mostly doctrinal and
   practical, adapted to the times, but of little permanent value.
   Scheuchzer numbers one hundred and fifty printed books of his. The
   Zuerich City Library contains about one hundred, exclusive of
   translations and new editions. Many are extant only in manuscript. He
   wrote Latin commentaries on the New Testament (except the Apocalypse),
   numerous sermons on Isaiah, Jeremiah, Daniel, the Apocalypse. His
   Decades (five series of ten sermons each on the Decalogue, the
   Apostles' Creed, and the Sacraments) were much esteemed and used in
   Holland and England. His work on the justifying grace of God was highly
   prized by Melanchthon. His History of the Swiss Reformation, written by
   his own hand, in two folio volumes, has been published in 1838-'40, in
   three volumes. His most important doctrinal work is the Second Helvetic
   Confession, which acquired symbolical authority. [319]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [304] The bishop of Constance allowed priests to keep concubines for an
   annual tribute of four Rhenish guilders, called the Hurensold. See
   Christoffel, Zwingli, II. 337, and Pestalozzi, p. 5.

   [305] Pestalozzi, p. 25: "Zwingli und Bullinger--welche
   Verschiedenheit! Zwingli's rasches, feuriges Temperament, Bullinger's
   Ruhe und Gelassenheit; Zwingli's schneidender, stechender Witz,
   Bullinger's einlaessliche Gruendlichkeit; daher auch Zwingli's Kuerze,
   Bullinger's Ausfuehrlichkeit in den meisten seiner Arbeiten. Wie
   geeignet zur gegenseitigen Ergaenzung!"

   [306] "Talem concionem detonavit," wrote Myconius to Schenck, "ut multi
   putarent Zwinglium non defunctum, sed ad Phoenicis modum renatum esse."
   Hottinger, Helv. K. Gesch. III. 28.

   [307] See the beautiful description of Pestalozzi, pp. 153 sqq.

   [308] There are copies of several editions of this book in the City
   Library at Zuerich, of 1532, 1535, 1563, etc. It is also printed in
   Simler's Sammlung alter und neuer Urkunden, I. 25-73.

   [309] See above, p. 155, and the works of Meyer and Moerikofer quoted
   there.

   [310] See the letters of Barlow to Simler (Bullinger's son-in-law), and
   Bishop Cox to Gwalter, in Zuerich Letters, pp. 494 and 496.

   [311] Apologetica Defensio, etc., February, 1556.

   [312] Schaff, Creeds of Christendom, I. 471 sqq., and the literature
   there quoted.

   [313] In the Second Helvetic Confession, ch. VIII., he dismisses the
   curious questions,"whether God would have Adam fall, or whether he
   forced him to fall, or why he did not hinder his fall, and such like,"
   and says that it is sufficient to know that God did forbid our first
   parents to eat of the fruit, and punished them for disobedience.

   [314] A fuller statement in Schaff, Creeds, I. 474 sqq., and especially
   Schweizer, Central-dogmen, I. 139, 258-292.

   [315] See above, p. 177 sq.

   [316] Some of these verses are still remembered in Switzerland.
   Specimens in Pestalozzi, 315 sqq.

   [317] Pestalozzi, 588 sqq.

   [318] The letters, pp. 695-617, are quite interesting. Henry became
   pastor at Zollikon, and afterwards of St. Peter at Zuerich. He married
   a daughter of Gwalter, who was a granddaughter of Zwingli.

   [319] Extracts from Bullinger's Works are given by Pestalozzi, 505-622.
     __________________________________________________________________

   S: 55. Antistes Breitinger (1575-1645).

   In the same year in which Bullinger died (1575), Johann Jakob
   Breitinger was born, who became his worthy successor as Antistes of
   Zuerich (1613-1645). [320] He called him a saint, and followed his
   example. He was one of the most eminent Reformed divines of his age.
   Thoroughly trained in the universities of Herborn, Marburg, Franeker,
   Heidelberg, and Basel, he gained the esteem and affection of his
   fellow-citizens as teacher, preacher, and devoted pastor. During the
   fearful pestilence of 1611 he visited the sick from morning till night
   at the risk of his life.

   He attended as one of the Swiss delegates the Synod of Dort (1618 and
   1619). He was deeply impressed with the learning, wisdom, and piety of
   that body, and fully agreed with its unjust and intolerant treatment of
   the Arminians. [321] On his return (May 21, 1619) he was welcomed by
   sixty-four Zuerichers, who rode to the borders of the Rhine to meet
   him. Yet, with all his firmness of conviction, he was opposed to
   confessional polemics in an intensely polemic age, and admired the good
   traits in other churches and sects, even the Jesuits. He combined with
   strict orthodoxy a cheerful temper, a generous heart, and active piety.
   He had an open ear for appeals from the poor and the numerous sufferers
   in the murder of the Valtellina (1620) and during the Thirty Years'
   War. At his request, hospitals and orphan houses were founded and
   collections raised, which in the Minster alone, during eight years
   (1618-1628), exceeded fifty thousand pounds. He was in every way a
   model pastor, model churchman, and model statesman. Although be towered
   high above his colleagues, he disarmed envy and jealousy by his
   kindliness and Christian humility. Altogether he shines next to Zwingli
   and Bullinger as the most influential and useful Antistes of the
   Reformed Church of Zuerich. [322]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [320] The immediate successors of Bullinger were Gwalter, Zwingli's
   son-in-law (1575-1586), Lavater (1585-1586), Stumpf (1582-1592),
   Leemann (1592-1613).

   [321] Comp. Schweizer, Centraldogmen, II. 26, 116 sq., 140 sq., 143.

   [322] J. C. Moerikofer (author of the Life of Zwingli), Johann Jakob
   Breitinger Leipzig, 1873. Karl Meyer, in Herzog2, II. 597.
     __________________________________________________________________

   S: 56. Oswald Myconius, Antistes of Basel.

   I. Correspondence between Myconius and Zwingli in Zwingli's Opera,
   vols. VII. and VIII. (28 letters of the former and 20 of the
   latter).--Correspondence with Bullinger in the Simler
   Collection.--Antiqu. Gernl., I. The Chronicle of Fridolin Ryff, ed. by
   W. Vischer (son), in the Basler Chroniken (vol. 1, Leipzig, 1872),
   extends from 1514 to 1541.

   II. Melchior Kirchofer (of Schaffhausen): Oswald Myconius, Antistes der
   Baslerischen Kirche. Zuerich, 1813 (pp. 387). Still very
   serviceable.--R. Hagenbach: Joh. Oecolampad und Oswald Myronius, die
   Reformatoren Basels. Elberfeld, 1859 (pp. 309-462). Also his Geschichte
   der ersten Basler Confession. Basel, 1828.--B. Riggenbach, in Herzog2,
   X. 403-405.

   Oswald Myconius (1488-1552), [323] a native of Luzern, an intimate
   friend of Zwingli, and successor of Oecolampadius, was to the Church of
   Basel what Bullinger was to the Church of Zuerich,--a faithful
   preserver of the Reformed religion, but in a less difficult position
   and more limited sphere of usefulness. He spent his earlier life as
   classical teacher in Basel, Zuerich, Luzern, Einsiedeln, and again in
   Zuerich. His pupil, Thomas Plater, speaks highly of his teaching
   ability and success. Erasmus honored him with his friendship before he
   fell out with the Reformation. [324]

   After the death of Zwingli and Oecolampadius, he moved to Basel as
   pastor of St. Alban (Dec. 22, 1531), and was elected Antistes or chief
   pastor of the Church of that city, and professor of New Testament
   exegesis in the university (August, 1532). He was not ordained, and had
   no academic degree, and refused to take one because Christ had
   forbidden his disciples to be called Rabbi (Matt. 23:8). [325] He
   carried out the views of Oecolampadius on discipline, and maintained
   the independence of the Church in its relation to the State and the
   university. He had to suffer much opposition from Carlstadt, who, by
   his recommendation, became professor of theology in Basel (1534), and
   ended there his restless life (1541). He took special interest in the
   higher and lower schools. He showed hospitality to the numerous
   Protestants from France who, like Farel and Calvin, sought a temporary
   refuge in Basel. The English martyrologist, John Foxe, fled from the
   Marian persecution to Basel, finished and published there the first
   edition of his Book of Martyrs (1554).

   On the doctrine of the Eucharist, Myconius, like Calvin after him,
   occupied a middle ground between Zwingli and Luther. He aided Bucer in
   his union movement which resulted in the adoption of the Wittenberg
   Concordia and a temporary conciliation of Luther with the Swiss (1536).
   He was suspected by the Zuerichers of leaning too much to the Lutheran
   side, but he never admitted the corporal presence and oral manducation;
   he simply emphasized more than Zwingli the spiritual real presence and
   fruition of the body and blood of Christ. He thought that Luther and
   Zwingli had misunderstood each other. [326]

   Myconius matured, on the basis of a draft of Oecolampadius, the First
   Basel Confession of Faith, which was adopted by the magistracy, Jan.
   21, 1534, and also by the neighboring city of Muehlhausen. [327] It is
   very simple, and consists of twelve Articles, on God (the trinity),
   man, providence, Christ, the Church and sacraments, the Lord's Supper,
   the ban, the civil government, faith and good works, the last judgment,
   feasts, fasts, and celibacy, and the Anabaptists (condemning their
   views on infant baptism, the oath, and civil government). It is written
   in Swiss-German, with marginal Scripture references and notes. It
   claims no infallibility or binding authority, and concludes with the
   words: "We submit this our confession to the judgment of the divine
   Scriptures, and are always ready, if we can be better informed from
   them, very thankfully to obey God and his holy Word."

   This Confession was superseded by maturer statements of the Reformed
   faith, but retained a semi-symbolical authority in the Church of Basel,
   as a venerable historical document.

   Myconius wrote the first biography of Zwingli in twelve, short chapters
   (1532). [328] His other writings are not important. [329]

   One of his most influential successors was Lukas Gernler, who presided
   as Antistes over the Church of Basel from 1656 to 1675. He formulated
   the scholastic system of Calvinism, with many subtle definitions and
   distinctions, in a Syllabus of 588 Theses. In connection with John
   Henry Heidegger of Zuerich and the elder Turretin of Geneva, he
   prepared the Helvetic Consensus Formula, the last and the most rigid of
   Calvinistic symbols (1675). He was the last representative of strict
   Calvinistic orthodoxy in Basel. He combined with an intolerant creed a
   benevolent heart, and induced the magistracy of Basel to found an
   orphan asylum. The famous Hebrew and Talmudic scholars, John Buxtorf
   (1564-1629), his son, John (1599-1664), and his grandson, John Jacob
   (1645-1704), who adorned the university of Basel in the seventeenth
   century, fully agreed with the doctrinal position of Gernler, and
   defended even the rabbinical tradition of the literal inspiration of
   the Masoretic text against Louis Cappel, who attacked it with great
   learning (1650). [330]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [323] His proper name was Geisshuessler. He is to be distinguished from
   Friedrich Myconius (Mecum), who was a friend of Luther and
   superintendent of Gotha (d. 1546).

   [324] ln a letter of Oct. 5, 1532, Erasmus called Myconius a "homo
   ineptus et quondam ludimagister frigidus." Epist. 1233. See Hagenbach.
   Oekol. tend Mycon., p. 329 sq. and 339, where he remarks: "Und doch
   hatte Erasmus diesen Einfaltspinsel von Schulmeister frueher seines
   Umgangs gewuerdigt und ihn vor Vielen ausgezeichnet! Aber der
   graemliche Mann war jetzt gegen alles erbittert, was mit der von ihm
   verkannten und gehassten Reformation in Verbindung stand und glaubte
   sich, vom alten Ruhme seines Namens zehrend, berechtigt, seinem
   Unwillen jeden beliebigen Ausdruck zu geben."

   [325] Hagenbach (341): "Myconius hatte keine kirchliche Ordination
   erhalten, noch viel weniger etwas von dem was man einen akademischen
   Grad nennt. Er war weder Baccalaureus, noch Licentiat, noch Magister,
   noch Doctor geworden." Luther was proud to be a doctor of divinity; but
   Melanchthon and Zwingli were satisfied with their M. A. Calvin, like
   Myconius, was never ordained, as far as we know, although he was
   intended for the priesthood.

   [326] Hagenbach (359): "Was Zwingli verneint hatte, das verneinte auch
   er [Myconius] fortwaehrend. Nie haette er zugegeben, dass Leib und Blut
   Christi ihrer leiblichen Substanz nach in den Elementen des Abendmahls
   vorhanden seien; nie zugegeben, dass sie auch von den Unglaeubigen
   genossen werden. Was dagegen Zwingli mehr zugegeben, als in den
   Vordergrund gestellt hatte, den geistlichen Genuss durch den Glauben,
   das hob er mit Nachdruck hervor. Mit gutem Gewissen glaubte er in den
   Fusstapfen seines Meisters fortzuwandeln, der so redlich und tapfer in
   Marburg die Hand zum Frieden geboten hatte."

   [327] Bekanthnuss unseres heyl. christenlichen Gloubens, wie es die
   Kylch von Basel haldt; also called Confessio Muehlhusana. In Niemeyer's
   Collectio Confess., 78-84; and in Hagenbach's biography at the end, pp.
   465-476. Comp. also his History of that Confession, and Schaff, Creeds,
   I. 387 sq.

   [328] It was reprinted at Berlin, 1841, in VitaeQuatuor Reformatorum,
   with a Preface of Neander.

   [329] See extracts in Hagenbach's biography, pp. 387-462.

   [330] See Schaff, Creeds of Christendom, I. 477 sqq.
     __________________________________________________________________

   S: 57. The Helvetic Confessions of Faith.

   Niemeyer: Collectio Confess. (Hall. 1840), pp. 105-122 (Conf. Helv.
   prior, German and Latin), and 462-536 (Conf. Helv. posterior).--Schaff:
   Creeds of Christendom (New York, 6th ed. 1890), vol. I. 388-420
   (history); III. 211-307 (First and Second Helv. Conf.), 831-909 (Second
   Helv. Conf. in English). Other literature quoted by Schaff, I. 385 and
   399.

   Bullinger and Myconius authoritatively formulated the doctrines of the
   Reformed Churches in Switzerland, and impressed upon them a strongly
   evangelical character, without the scholastic subtleties of a later
   period.

   The Sixty-seven Conclusions and the two private Confessions of Zwingli
   (to Charles V., and Francis I.) were not intended to be used as public
   creeds, and never received the sanction of the Church. The Ten Theses
   of Bern (1528), the First Confession of Basel (1534), the Zuerich
   Consensus (1549), and the Geneva Consensus (1552) were official
   documents, but had only local authority in the cities where they
   originated. But the First and Second Helvetic Confessions were adopted
   by the Swiss and other Churches, and kept their place as symbolical
   books for nearly three hundred years. They represent the Zwinglian type
   of doctrine modified and matured. They approach the Calvinistic system,
   without its logical rigor.

   I. The First Helvetic Confession, 1536. It is also called the Second
   Basel Confession, to distinguish it from the First Basel Confession of
   1534. It was made in Basel, but not for Basel alone. It owes its origin
   partly to the renewed efforts of the Strassburg Reformers, Bucer and
   Capito, to bring about a union between the Lutherans and the
   Zwinglians, and partly to the papal promise of convening a General
   Council. A number of Swiss divines were delegated by the magistrates of
   Zuerich, Bern, Basel, Schaffhausen, St. Gall, Muehlhausen, and Biel, to
   a conference in the Augustinian convent at Basel, Jan. 30, 1536. Bucer
   and Capito also appeared on behalf of Strassburg. Bullinger, Myconius,
   Grynaeus, Leo Judae, and Megander were selected as a commission to draw
   up a Confession of the faith of the Helvetic Churches, which might be
   used at the proposed General Council. It was examined and signed by all
   the clerical and lay delegates, February, 1536, and first published in
   Latin. Leo Judae prepared the German translation, which is fuller than
   the Latin text, and of equal authority.

   Luther, to whom a copy was sent through Bucer, unexpectedly expressed,
   in two remarkable letters, [331] his satisfaction with the earnest
   Christian character of this document, and promised to do all he could
   to promote union and harmony with the Swiss. He was then under the
   hopeful impressions of the "Wittenberg Concordia," which Bucer had
   brought about by his elastic diplomacy, May, 1536, but which proved,
   after all, a hollow peace, and could not be honestly signed by the
   Swiss. Luther himself made a new and most intemperate attack on the
   Zwinglians (1545), a year before his death.

   The First Helvetic Confession is the earliest Reformed Creed that has
   acquired a national authority. It consists of 27 articles, is fuller
   than the First Confession of Basel, but not so full as the Second
   Helvetic Confession, by which it was afterwards superseded. The
   doctrine of the sacraments and of the Lord's Supper is essentially
   Zwinglian, yet emphasizes the significance of the sacramental signs and
   the real spiritual presence of Christ, who gives his body and
   blood--that is, himself--to believers, so that he more and more lives
   in them, and they in him.

   Bullinger and Leo Judae wished to add a caution against the binding
   authority of this or any other confession that might interfere with the
   supreme authority of the Word of God and with Christian liberty. They
   had a correct feeling of a difference between a confession of doctrine
   which may be improved from time to time with the progress of religious
   knowledge, and a rule of faith which remains unchanged. A confession of
   the Church has relative authority as norma normata, and depends upon
   its agreement with the Holy Scriptures, which have absolute authority
   as norma normans.

   II. The Second Helvetic Confession, 1566. This is far more important
   than the first, and obtained authority beyond the limits of
   Switzerland. In the intervening thirty years Calvin had developed his
   theological system, and the Council of Trent had formulated the modern
   Roman creed. Bullinger prepared this Confession in 1562 for his private
   use, as a testimony of the faith in which he had lived and wished to
   die. Two years afterwards, during the raging of the pestilence, he
   elaborated it more fully, in the daily expectation of death, and added
   it to his last will and testament, which was to be delivered to the
   magistracy of Zuerich after his decease.

   But events in Germany gave to this private creed a public character.
   The pious elector of the Palatinate, Frederick III., being threatened
   by the Lutherans with exclusion from the treaty of peace on account of
   his secession to the Reformed Church and the publication of the
   Heidelberg Catechism (1563), requested Bullinger in 1565 to prepare a
   full and clear exposition of the Reformed faith, that he might answer
   the charges of heresy and dissension so constantly brought against the
   same. Bullinger sent him a manuscript copy of his confession. The
   Elector was so much pleased with it that he desired to have it
   translated and published in Latin and German before the Imperial Diet,
   which was to assemble at Augsburg in 1566 and to act on his alleged
   apostasy,

   In the meantime the Swiss felt the need of such a Confession as a
   closer bond of union. The First Helvetic Confession was deemed too
   short, and the Zuerich Consensus of 1549 and the Geneva Consensus of
   1552 treated only two articles, namely, the Lord's Supper and
   predestination. Conferences were held, and Beza came in person to
   Zuerich to take part in the work. Bullinger freely consented to a few
   changes, and prepared also the German version. Geneva, Bern,
   Schaffhausen, Biel, the Grisons, St. Gall, and Muehlhausen expressed
   their agreement. Basel alone, which had its own confession, declined
   for a long time, but ultimately acceded.

   The new Confession was published at Zuerich, March 12, 1566, in both
   languages, at public expense, and was forwarded to the Elector of the
   Palatinate and to Philip of Hesse. A French translation appeared soon
   afterwards in Geneva under the care of Beza.

   In the same year the Elector Frederick made such a manly and noble
   defence of his faith before the Diet at Augsburg, that even his
   Lutheran opponents were filled with admiration for his piety, and
   thought no longer of impeaching him for heresy.

   The Helvetic Confession is the most widely adopted, and hence the most
   authoritative of all the Continental Reformed symbols, with the
   exception of the Heidelberg Catechism. It was sanctioned in Zuerich and
   the Palatinate (1566), Neuchatel (1568), by the Reformed Churches of
   France (at the Synod of La Rochelle, 1571), Hungary (at the Synod of
   Debreczin, 1567), and Poland (1571 and 1578). It was well received also
   in Holland, England, and Scotland as a sound statement of the Reformed
   faith. It was translated not only into German, French, and English, but
   also into Dutch, Magyar, Polish, Italian, Arabic, and Turkish. In
   Austria and Bohemia the Reformed or Calvinists are officially called
   "the Church of the Helvetic Confession," "the Lutherans, the Church of
   the Augsburg Confession."

   THIRD BOOK.

   THE REFORMATION IN FRENCH SWITZERLAND

   or

   THE CALVINISTIC MOVEMENT.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [331] One to Jacob Meyer, burgomaster of Basel, Feb. 17, 1537, one to
   the Swiss Reformed Cantons, Dec. 1, 1537, in De Wette's ed., vol. V. 54
   sqq. and 83 sqq.
     __________________________________________________________________
     __________________________________________________________________

   CHAPTER VII.

   THE PREPARATORY WORK. FROM 1526 TO 1536.
     __________________________________________________________________

   S: 58. Literature on Calvin and the Reformation in French Switzerland.

   Important documents relating to the Reformation in French Switzerland
   are contained in the Archives of Geneva and Bern. Many documents have
   been recently published by learned Genevese archaeologists, as Galiffe,
   father and son, Grenus, Revilliod, E. Mallet, Chaponniere, Fick, and
   the Society of History and Archaeology of Geneva.

   The best Calvin libraries are in the University of Geneva, where his
   MSS. are preserved in excellent order, and in the St. Thomasstift at
   Strassburg. The latter was collected by P