__________________________________________________________________ Title: Paul Gerhardt as a Hymn Writer and his Influence on English Hymnody Creator(s): Hewitt, Theodore Brown Print Basis: Concordia Publishing House, 1976, omitting material still under copyright. Rights: Public Domain LC Call no: BV330.G4H4 1918 LC Subjects: Practical theology Worship (Public and Private) Including the church year, Christian symbols, liturgy, prayer, hymnology Hymnology __________________________________________________________________ Paul Gerhardt as a Hymn Writer and his Influence on English Hymnody By Theodore Brown Hewitt, Ph.D. Assistant Professor of German Williams College New Haven Yale University Press London: Humphrey Milford Oxford University Press Mdccccxviii First Edition Copyright 1918 by Yale University Press Second Edition Copyright (c) Concordia Publishing House, 1976 __________________________________________________________________ Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data Hewitt, Theodore Brown, 1881. Paul Gerhardt as a hymn writer and his influence on English Hymnody. "Second Edition." Originally presented as the author's thesis, Yale, 1917. Reprint of the 1918 ed. published by Yale University Press, New Haven; with new afterward and updated bibliography. Bibliography: p. 171 Includes index. 1. Gerhardt, Paulus, 1607-1676. 2. Hymns, English--History and Criticism. 3. Literature, Comparative--German and English. 4. Literature, Comparative--English and German. 1. Title. BV330.G4H4 1976 245'.31'0924 [B] 76-13913 ISBN 0-570-1313-5 __________________________________________________________________ A portion of the expense of printing this thesis has been borne by the Modern Language Club of Yale University from funds placed at its disposal by the generosity of Mr. George E. Dimock, of Elizabeth, N. J., a graduate of Yale in the class of 1874. TO B. A. F. H. __________________________________________________________________ PREFACE Das deutsche Lied ist einzig, Ein Schatz fuer Geist und Herz, Gehoben aus den Tiefen, Wo Freude wohnt und Schmerz. Kein andres Volk auf Erden Genosz des Schicksals Gunst, Solch einen Schatz zu sammeln, Reich an Natur und Kunst. [1] So far as is known to the writer of this thesis there has appeared hitherto no attempt to treat comprehensively and in detail the subject of the direct and indirect influence of Paul Gerhardt's hymns upon English and American sacred song. That there exists a very real influence is universally known, but how widely it has made itself felt is apparently a matter of little concern on the part of many, because we often find hymnals accrediting a hymn to the English translator with no mention of its original author. The present dissertation has been prompted by a desire to make some contribution to the subject of the relation of English and German hymnody in general, and in particular to show the great debt which the hymnody of England and America owes to the poetry of Paul Gerhardt. It was presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Yale University in candidacy for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in June, 1917. For great assistance rendered to me by way of suggestion of sources I am under obligation to Dr. Bernard C. Steiner of the Enoch Pratt Free Library of Baltimore, Professor Gustav Gruener of Yale University, Professor Waldo S. Pratt of the Hartford Theological Seminary, Professor H. C. G. von Jagemann of Harvard University and to Professor John G. Robertson of the University of London; for help not only in this phase of the work but also in the general treatment of the subject I am deeply indebted to the counsel of my father, Professor Emeritus John H. Hewitt of Williams College and to Professor Arthur H. Palmer of Yale University. New Haven, Connecticut, April 9, 1918. __________________________________________________________________ [1] Stanza 1 of Das Deutsche Lied, a poem of six stanzas by Professor A. H. Palmer, 1915. __________________________________________________________________ CONTENTS PAGE Bibliography [1]xi PART I CHAPTER I Gerhardt's Life and Times [2]1 II Gerhardt's Relation to Earlier Hymnody of Germany [3]6 III Characteristics of Gerhardt as a Hymn Writer [4]13 PART II I History of English Hymnody and the German Influence upon English Hymn writing from the Early XVIth through the XIXth Century [5]27 II English Versions of Gerhardt's Hymns [6]35 APPENDIX 1. Biographical Sketches of Translators [7]144 2. Tabulation of Alliteration, Assonance, etc. [8]149 3. Index by Subjects [9]158 4. Index of English Versions [10]160 5. Index of Gerhardt's Hymns [11]167 6. Afterword 170 7. Bibliography 171 [Appendix 6 and 7 are still under copyright and are not included in the electronic edition.] __________________________________________________________________ BIBLIOGRAPHY [2] Allg. deutsche Biographie, 1875 ff: article by Berthau. Bachmann, D. J. F.: Paul Gerhardt. Vortrag im Evangel. Verein fuer kirchliche Zwecke. Nebst 18 Liedern v. P. Gerhardt. Berlin, Schlawitz, 1863. Bachmann, J. F.: Gerhardts Gedichte: Historisch-kritische Ausgabe. Berlin, 1866, 1886. Benson, L. F.: The English Hymn. New York, 1915. Blaetter fuer Hymnologie: A. F. W. Fischer and J. Linke, 1883-1889. Bode, Wilhelm: Quellennachweis ueber die Lieder des hannoverschen und des lueneburgischen Gesangbuches, samt den dazu gehoerigen Singweisen. Hannover, 1881. Boetticher, G.: Die Literatur d. 17. jh. Angew. u. erlaeutert, 3 verb. Auflage. (Denkmaeler e. aelteren dtsch. Lit. IV, i.) Bunsen, Chr. Karl Josias, Freiherr von: Versuch eines allgemeinen Gesang- u. Gebetbuchs. Hamburg, 1833. Allgemeines evang. Gesang- u. Gebetbuch. Hamburg, 1846. Burdach, A.: A monograph, in Deutsch-Evangelische Blaetter 32. pp. 179-84 (giving reasons for fixing May 27, 1676, as the date of Gerhardt's death). Crueger, Johann: Geistliche Kirchenmelodien, 1649. " ": Praxis Pietatis Melica, 1648 etc. " ": Geistliche Andachten, pub. by Ebeling, 1666-1667. Cunz: Geschichte des Kirchenliedes. Leipzig, 1855. Deutsche Nationallitteratur by J. Kuerschner: Vol. 31,--Das deutsche Kirchenlied des 16. u. 17. Jahrhunderts. Dietz: Tabellarische Nachweisung des Liederbestandes. Marburg, 1904. Ebeling, J. G.: Pauli Gerhardi Geistliche Andachten. Berlin, 1667 etc. Eckart, R.: P. Gerhardt--Bibliographie. " ": Stimmen u. Schriften ueber P. Gerhardt. " ": Ein Nachklang z. Jubilaeumsjahr, 1907. Feustking, Joh. Heinr.: Gerhardts Geistreiche Haus- und Kirchenlieder. Zerbst, 1707. Fischer-Tuempel: Das deutsche evangel. Kirchenlied des 17. jahrh. Guetersloh, 1906. Gerok, Karl: Gedichte von P. Gerhardt, mit Einleitung u. Lebensabrisz. 6. Auflage. Leipzig, 1907. Gervinus, G. G. Geschichte der deutschen Nationalliteratur. ed. 1842, pt. III, p. 366. " ": Geschichte der deutschen Dichtung, 1871, vol. III, p. 460 ff. Geyer, P.: Paul Gerhardts Geistliche Lieder, in Neue Kirchliche Zeitschrift 18, pp. 177-199. 1907. Goedeke, Karl: Gedichte von Paul Gerhardt mit Einleitung und Anmerkungen, in Deutsche Dichter des 17. Jahrhunderts, vol. XII. Leipzig, 1877. " ": Zur Geschichte der deutschen Dichtung III, p. 182. Dresden. " ": Grundrisz zur Geschichte der deutschen Dichtung, vol. II, III. Dresden, 1884, 1887. Guenther, R.: Ueber Deutung und Aenderung einiger Stellen in Paul Gerhardts Liedern, in Monatsschrift fuer Gottesdienst und Kunst 11, pp. 343-348. Hahne, F.: P. Gerhardt u. A. Buchner, in Euphorion 15, pp. 19-34, 1907. (A good article on Gerhardt's metre.) Haupt, E.: Der Konflikt zwischen P. Gerhardt u. d. Groszen Kurfuersten, in Deutsch-Evangelische Blaetter, 32, pp. 80-98. Herford, C. H.: Studies in the literary relations of England and Germany in the sixteenth century. Cambridge, 1886. Herrmann, P.: Deutsche Dichter u. Gedichte auf Island, in Unterhaltungsbeilage der Taeglichen Rundschau. Berlin, 1907, N. 147-8. (Das Lied v. Kaiser Friedrich Rotbart--Paul Gerhardt--F. de la Motte-Fouque.) Jahresberichte fuer neuere deutsche Literaturgeschichte. Stuttgart, Leipzig, Berlin, 1890 ff. Julian, J.: Dictionary of Hymnology. Scribners, New York, 1892. Kaiser, Her. v. P.: Paul Gerhardts saemtl. Lieder. (Hessische Volksbuecherei, vol. 339-345.) Kawerau, G.: Paul Gerhardt: ein Erinnerungsblatt, in Schriften des Vereins fuer Reformationsgeschichte, pp. 92-97. Halle, 1907. [12]Kelly, J.: Paul Gerhardt's Spiritual Songs. London, 1867. Kirchner, J.: Die Lieder P. Gerhardts, in Evangelisches Schulblatt 55, pp. 31 ff. " ": P. Gerhardts Gattin und Sohn: ib. pp. 236-242. (Anna Maria geb. Berthold u. Paul Friedrich Gerhardt.) " ": Gerhardt inmitten seiner Leidensgenossen. In Studierstube 5, pp. 184-193. " ": P. Gerhardt. In Beitraege zur Literaturgeschichte, Heft 51. Leipzig, 1907. Knipfer, P.: Paul Gerhardt. Leipzig, 1906. Koch, E. E.: Geschichte des Kirchenliedes und Kirchengesangs der christlichen insbesondere der deutschen evangelischen Kirche. 1847, 1852, 1866-9. Kraft: an article in Ersch u. Gruber's Allg. Enzyklopaedie. 1855. Krapp, L.: a monograph in Gottesminne 5, pp. 540-560. Krummacher, F. W.: an article in Piper's Evangelische Kalender, pp. 204 ff. Berlin, 1866. Kuebler, Theodore: Historical Notes to the Lyra Germanica. London, 1865. Langbecker, E. Chr. C.: Leben und Lieder von Paulus Gerhardt. Berlin, 1842. Lippelt, W.: Ein eigenhaendiger Brief P. Gerhardts nach Luebben im Autographenhandel. Niederlausitz Mitt. 10, pp. 61-62. [13]Massie, R.: Lyra Domestica. London, 1860, 1864. Monatsschrift fuer Gottesdienst und Kunst. (Paul Gerhardt Heft.) 1907, 12. N. 3. (Monographs on the relation of composers and artists to Gerhardt.) Nelle, W.: Gerhardt, Rist, Tersteegen, Gellert in unseren heutigen Gesangbuechern, in Monatsschrift fuer Gottesdienst und Kunst 10, pp. 141-151; 189-191; 250. Niebeling, F.: Paul Gerhardt u. seine Lieder nach Text u. Melodie, in Deutsch-evangelische Rundschau, 1907. Pachaly, P.: Die Form der Gerhardtschen Lyrik. In Euphorion 14, pp. 502-506. 1907. Pahnke, K. H.: Paul Gerhardt, ein Idealist des Glaubens, in Idealisten u. Idealismus des Christentums, pp. 100-128. Tuebingen, 1903. Petrich, Hermann: Paul Gerhardt, seine Lieder u. seine Zeit. Guetersloh, 1907. " ": Der Dichter u. seine Kunst. Guetersloh, Bertelsmann, pp. 267-304. " ": Paul Gerhardt. Ein Beitrag z. Gesch. d. deutschen Geistes. Guetersloh, Bertelsmann XIV, 360 p. Pick, B.: Lyra Gerhardti; or selection of P. Gerhardt's spiritual songs: a memorial leaf. Burlington, Iowa, German Literary Board, 12DEG, 1907. Reclam, Ph.: Gerhardts Gedichte, in the "Universal-Bibliothek." Ritschl, A.: Geschichte des Pietismus. Bonn, 1880, 1884, 1885. Rogge, B.: P. Gerhardt, der christl. Liederdichter. In Deutsch-evangel. Charakter-bilder. 2. Aufl. Altenburg, 1903, pp. 151-160. Roth, E. G.: P. Gerhardt, nach seinem Leben und Wirken. Leipzig, 1829. Schaff-Gilman: Library of Religious Poetry. 1881. Schaff-Herzog: Encycl. of Religious Knowledge. New York, 1894. Scherer, Wilhelm: Geschichte der deutschen Literatur. Berlin, 1899. Schirks, W.: Paul Gerhardt, ein Lebens- und Charakterbild. In Theol. Stud. u. Kritik, 1855. Schmidt, Friedrich: Paul Gerhardts Geistliche Lieder. Leipzig, Reclam, 1884. Schultze, O.: Paul Gerhardt und der grosze Kurfuerst. Berlin, 1840. " ": Paul Gerhardts Geistliche Andachten. Berlin, 1842. Smend, J.: Paul Gerhardt u. das evangelische Kirchenlied. In Der Protestantismus am Ende des 19. Jahrh. I, p. 301 ff. Spitta, F.: Paul Gerhardt und S. Bach, in Monatsschrift fuer Pastoraltheologie. Steinhausen, H.: P. Gerhardt u. sein Denkmal, in Kunstwart 161, pp. 538-541. Trepte, E. W. H.: Paul Gerhardt: Eine biographische Skizze. Delitzsch, 1829. Wackernagel, Philipp: Paul Gerhardts Geistliche Lieder, herausgegeben von Ph. Wackernagel. Stuttgart, 1843. (9. Aufl. herausg. v. W. Tuempel. Guetersloh, 1907.) Wackernagel, Ph.: Das deutsche Kirchenlied von der aeltesten Zeit bis zu Anfang des XVII Jahrhunderts. Leipzig, 1864-1877. Wackernagel, Wilhelm: Geschichte d. deutschen Litteratur. Basel, 1894. Waldberg, M. F.: Renaissance-Lyrik. Heidelberg, 1888. Wernle, P.: Paulus Gerhardt, in Religionsgeschichtl. Volksbuecher IV, Heft 2. Tuebingen, 1907. Wildenhahn, K. A.: Paul Gerhardt, Kirchengeschichtliches Lebensbild aus der Zeit des groszen Kurfuersten. 1845. (This has been translated by Mrs. Stanley Carr, 1856.) Wimmer, C.: Gerhardts Leben. Altenburg, 1723. [14]Winkworth, Catherine: [15]Lyra Germanica. First Series, 1855. [16]Second Series, 1858. " ": [17]Chorale Book for England, 1863. " ": [18]Christian Singers of Germany. Macmillan, 1869. Zschnarack: Paul Gerhardt, in Religion in Geschichte und Gegenwart 2, pp. 1314-1317. For a complete list of the biographical sketches, monographs, etc., which appeared in 1907 on the occasion of the 300th anniversary of Gerhardt's birth, cf. Jahresberichte fuer neuere deutsche Literaturgeschichte, Vols. XVI-XVII, 1906-1907. MUSICAL SETTINGS [3] Paul Gerhardts Geistliche Lieder in neuen Weisen von Fr. Mergner. 30 ausgewaehlte Lieder von Karl Schmidt. Leipzig, C. Deichert, 1907. __________________________________________________________________ [2] Owing to the European war it has been impossible to extend this bibliography beyond the year 1913. [3] Cf. also p. 21. __________________________________________________________________ CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE 1607 (Mar. 12) Paul Gerhardt born at Graefenhainichen near Wittenberg. 1622-1627 At school at Grimma. 1628-1642 (?) Student at Wittenberg. Teachers: Roeber, Martini. 1637 Graefenhainichen set on fire by Swedish soldiers. 1642-1651 (?) At Berlin; where he wrote Gelegenheitsgedichte, 18 of which Crueger published in his "Praxis pietatis melica." 1651 Proposed as minister at Mittenwalde. 1651 (Nov.) Ordained as Probst at Mittenwalde. 1655 (Feb. 11) Marriage with Anna Maria Barthold. 1656 (Oct.) Called to Berlin to the Nicolalkirche. 1657 (Summer) Entered upon work in Berlin. 1662 Elector issues edict. 1666 (Feb. 6th or 16th) Summoned to Consistory and threatened with deposition. 1668 (Mar. 5) Death of wife. 1668 (Autumn) Called to Luebben. 1676 (May 27?) Death at Luebben. __________________________________________________________________ PART ONE CHAPTER I. GERHARDT'S LIFE AND TIMES. Although Paul Gerhardt's poems have been so great a power in the world, nevertheless facts concerning his own life are few. A fire set by the Swedish soldiers in 1637 [4] destroyed all records which might enlighten us, yet from indirect sources and from his poems, we are certain of some facts of his biography. __________________________________________________________________ He was born in Graefenhainichen a few miles southwest of Wittenberg in the direction of Halle on March 12th in the year 1607 probably. In this small town, of the electorate of Saxony, which was surrounded by a high mediaeval wall, Paul Gerhardt spent the first fifteen years of his life. His father, Christian Gerhardt, was burgomaster of Graefenhainichen where the citizens earned their living by cattle-raising, agriculture and hopgrowing. His mother was Dorothea Starke, granddaughter of Gallas Doebler, a Lutheran pastor. Both of his parents died probably when he was very young; and of his many brothers and sisters little is known. At the age of fifteen having passed the examinations and being especially well prepared in Latin Gerhardt entered the Fuerstenschule at Grimma. The school was noted for its pious atmosphere and stern discipline: its chief aim was to inculcate in the pupils "Gottesfurcht und gute Sitte." __________________________________________________________________ It is natural that Gerhardt on completing his course at Grimma in 1627 should choose Wittenberg as his university, for it was situated almost at the gates of his native town. Furthermore since this was the place where [19]Luther and Melanchthon had worked, the Protestant world looked toward Wittenberg with great hopes. He entered the university in 1628. Two of the teachers in particular had great influence on him, Paul Roeber and Jacob Martini. These men were guardians of Lutheranism, and Roeber besides composing hymns wrote many Latin disputations and polemics against Rome and Calvinism; in his sermons he often took his text, not from the Bible but from some religious poem, preaching for example on "Was mein Gott will, das gescheh allzeit." In this way Gerhardt was taught the full use and purpose of hymn writing. Beside Roeber and Martini another Wittenberg professor was of influence on Gerhardt, the philologist August Buchner, one of the most esteemed members of the faculty. He had intimate friendship with [20]Opitz and had warmly advocated the latter's Von der Deutschen Poeterei and had himself written Anleitung zur deutschen Poeterey. As this book was easily copied [5] by many of the students, it is reasonable to assume that this effort toward spreading Opitz' rules for rhythmic measure had its due influence on Gerhardt. More is not known concerning his university career. A Latin epigram of the year 1642 points to the probability of his being still at Wittenberg, vhile the certainty of his being in Berlin the next year 1643 is proved by a Hochzeitsode. [6] Gerhardt was undoubtedly tutor in the house of Andreas Barthold then "Kammergerichtsadvokat," whose daughter wedded Joachim Fromme, the archdeacon of the Nicolaikirche in Berlin; this wedding was the occasion of the congratulatory Hochzeitsode. During this period in Berlin from his thirty-seventh to his forty-sixth year he wrote a number of "Gelegenheitsgedichte" which show us Gerhardt as quite at home moving in a circle of educators and clergymen. __________________________________________________________________ [5] In 1665 there was published an authentic edition. [6] Cf. Goed. 10: "Der aller Herz und Willen lenkt." __________________________________________________________________ Among his friends was the well known choirmaster of the Nicolaikirche, Johann Crueger, who first introduced Gerhardt's hymns into common worship by publishing eighteen [7] of them with other poems in his Praxis pietatis melica. __________________________________________________________________ [7] Among these 18 were: "Ein Laemmlein geht und traegt die Schuld" Goed. 68. "O du allersueszte Freude" Goed. 76. "O Welt sieh hier dein Leben" Goed. 71. "Wach auf, mein Herz, und singe" Goed. 59. __________________________________________________________________ In these early poems Gerhardt's depth of feeling and natural warmth of character are present. Since his twelfth year the Thirty Years' War, a period of destruction unparalleled in Germany history, had been going on. The horrors of the epoch made deep impression upon his imaginative mind, and the strife, the struggle for freedom of the conscience enlisted his sympathy and strengthened his determined resistance to all religious compulsion. The hope and joy in this life were taken away and confidence in another world was needed. Gerhardt even in these early hymns gave fully that deep assurance in the guidance of God. He himself had suffered individual loss. The Swedes in 1637 determined to punish Johann Georg, the Elector of Saxony, because he, in spite of a signed contract with them, had deserted the Protestant cause, and in their ravages they appeared before Graefenhainichen and demanded a war tax of 3000 Gulden. It was paid, but notwithstanding the payment the Swedish soldiers set fire to the town. The Gerhardt house and the church with its many records were among the four hundred buildings destroyed. __________________________________________________________________ Whether Gerhardt felt the pinch of distress of the war, or hesitated to enter a field already crowded with a superabundance of young clergymen, or for what reason he stayed so long in Berlin as tutor is not known, but he was already forty-five years old when he began his first church work. In a letter of the clerical cabinet ("Geistliches Ministerium") of Berlin to the magistrate of Mittenwalde (Sept. 1651) Gerhardt was proposed as minister and he is characterized as being of "well known diligence and scholarship, of peace loving disposition and blameless life, besides being loved and esteemed by both high and low in Berlin." Upon the successful outcome of this recommendation Gerhardt was ordained "Propst" [8] of Mittenwalde on the 18th of November, 1651, entering his new office in December of that year. At his ordination he pledged his support especially of the Lutheran Book of Concord (Concordienformel). The community of Mittenwalde had suffered severely in 1637 as had Graefenhainichen from the Swedish marauders and attacks of pestilence, and Paul Gerhardt undertook his duties here with full understanding of this universal suffering, and fulfilled them with all his strength. The poems which he wrote at this time give evidence of a tender, yet strong pastoral care. He was a spiritual guide and comforter, yet in spite of his ardent work in Mittenwalde he apparently yearned for Berlin, and often returned thither to visit. On February 11th, 1655, at the age of forty-eight he married Anna Maria Barthold, daughter of Andreas Barthold and sister of Frau Fromme. [9] Their first child, born to them in 1656, died in infancy and a memorial tablet in the church in Mittenwalde shows their grief. __________________________________________________________________ [8] In Mittenwalde, 9 English miles south of Berlin, there were in the church two clerical positions, the first of which was known as the "Propstei," since its occupant was entrusted with the supervision of the clergy of the vicinity. Propst (or Probst) is from the Latin propositus. [9] Cf. p. 2. __________________________________________________________________ That same year Gerhardt accepted the deaconry at the Nicolaikirche in Berlin, and began his work in the summer of 1657. He seems to have had some hesitation about leaving Mittenwalde, because it was only "after fervent prayer and mature deliberation," that he accepted the call to Berlin. However, without doubt he and Frau Gerhardt were glad to be again among such friends as Georg Lilius and Michael Schirmer whose tastes were so similar to their own. When Gerhardt came to Berlin he entered a city full of sharp strife between the Lutheran and the Reformed clergy; the Great Elector was by inheritance and by education in the Netherlands where he spent four years strongly in favor of the Reformed Church. Gerhardt on the other hand held the security of the Lutheran faith very dear. When hostilities between the clergy began to disturb the peace, the Elector issued on the 2d of June, 1662, an edict [10] the purpose of which was to maintain harmony between Reformed and Lutheran clergymen. Its only effect was, however, to fan the flames of the very conflagration he sought so hard to quench. The unconciliatory spirit was encouraged from Wittenberg, too, where Theology of Controversy had reached its highest pitch through Calovius, whose advice and judgment Gerhardt prized. His inclination toward Wittenberg is seen also in various Latin poems for special occasions. Gerhardt did not seek the quarrel, but was drawn forcibly into it; he was concerned throughout the controversy in keeping a clear conscience and preserving the confession of the Lutheran Church. In all the documents that were issued in this period between the Magistrate, the "Stuende" and the Elector it is said of him that he was always pacific and conciliatory. Being a strong adherent of all the symbolic books, including the Book of Concord, he could not conscientiously sign the edict. He was accordingly dismissed. The citizens of Berlin espoused his cause and appealed to the Magistrate who testified that Gerhardt had never "scorned nor rebuked the faith of the Elector." Also his influential patron, Mayor Zarlang, tried to reinstate him, but Gerhardt could not renounce his adherence to the Concordienformel, so in 1666 his position was filled by another. Nor on the other hand can the Elector be blamed for his stand; he wished only to have peace between the adherents of the two beliefs, and was sincere in the thought that the Concordienformel merely fomented strife. __________________________________________________________________ [10] This mandate was a renewal of the edict issued by his grandfather on Feb. 24, 1614, demanding "moderation and modesty in the pulpit." __________________________________________________________________ For some years Gerhardt lived in Berlin without any position, supported by his friends in his congregation. He was, however, the victim of inevitable circumstances, for although within a few months of his resignation the edict was withdrawn, his patroness, Electress Luise Henriette, had died. All of his children had died in infancy except Paul Friedrich who survived him, and in March, 1668, his wife died who had been as strong a follower of the Lutheran Faith as he, and had encouraged him in his stand of not signing the edict. [11] Her death was the fulfillment of a wish that "the dear Lord might soon come and release her." Gerhardt took into his home as housekeeper the widow of his brother-in-law Fromme. [12] His household was reasonably large for one in his condition, a preacher without office; he speaks of three, or even of four servants, and mentions at times some business matters in Berlin that seem to be of moment. Although he must also have had pupils whom he tutored during these years, he evidently wished for some definite occupation, and it came. On the 14th of October, 1668, Paul Gerhardt preached a trial sermon ("Gastpredigt") in Luebben. The city council the following day with the unanimous consent of the citizens offered him the vacant charge and Gerhardt accepted it as a divine gift. The formal call under date of October 29th was sent to him at Berlin. Owing to various circumstances, such as the delay incident to necessary repairs on the parsonage, and also the serious illness of his son, Paul Friedrich, he did not enter his duties till Trinity Sunday, 1669. He was at this time sixty-three years old, and for seven years he worked faithfully in this new field. Gerhardt died the 27th of May, 1676, with the prayer on his lips: Kann uns doch kein Tod nicht toedten, Sondern reiszt unsern Geist Aus viel tausend Noeten; Schleuszt das Thor der bittern Leiden Und macht Balm, Da man kann Gehn zur Himmelsfreuden. [13] He was buried in the vault of the Luebben church. Shortly before his death, in his seventieth year, he composed a sort of testament or will of a moral nature for his own Paul in which he hoped to leave little of this world's goods, but an honorable name of which his son might not be ashamed. He commends to the boy the study of theology at reputable universities and also the avoidance of the Syncretists, [14] on the ground that they aimed at temporal things and were loyal to neither God nor man. In a memorial service to Gerhardt in 1876, a tablet was put up on the north wall of the chancel of the church at Luebben; and his portrait hung there bears this inscription: Theologus in cribro Satanae versatus. [15] The Nicolaikirche in Berlin and the other churches where he held charge have portraits of Gerhardt on their walls. Also among the many memorials to him are charitable foundations in Mittenwalde, Wittenberg and Berlin bearing his name. To these tributes the present generation, now, three centuries later, adds its praise and gratitude. __________________________________________________________________ [11] The attitude of the women in this time of religious strife who urged their husbands to sign the edict is satirized in the following lines: Schreibt, liebe Herre, schreibt, dasz Ihr in der Pfarre bleibt. [12] Cf. pp. 2 and 3. [13] This is stanza VIII of his poem: "Warum sollt ich mich denn graemen" (cf. Goed. 122). [14] The Syncretists sought to effect an agreement between the Reformed and Lutheran doctrines. [15] "A divine sifted in Satan's sieve." Cf. St. Luke XXII, 31. __________________________________________________________________ [4] Cf. pp. 2 and 3. __________________________________________________________________ CHAPTER II. GERHARDT'S RELATION TO EARLIER HYMNODY OF GERMANY. __________________________________________________________________ THE MEDIAEVAL PERIOD. The history of hymnody in Germany up to the time of Gerhardt falls naturally into two periods which might be called the Mediaeval Period, extending from the beginning of the eighth century to the end of the fifteenth century, and the Reformation Period covering the sixteenth and the first half of the seventeenth centuries. The Hymns used in the services of the early church in Germany were, for obvious reasons, Latin hymns, for St. Boniface, the Apostle of Germany, though of English birth, entered Germany by the way of Rome. It was a Latin Christianity which he preached and the church services were, of course, those of the Mother Church. While the general use of the Latin language was favorable to preserving the unity of the Church and facilitated literary intercourse among scholars, this circumstance prevented for a long time the free and full development of a hymnody in the vernacular. The innate love of poetry, however, produced many sacred lyrics for private devotion and caused to be made metrical translations of Latin hymns and portions of the Psalter. In the consideration of the earlier period of hymnody reference will be made to a few Latin hymns, which though not of German authorship were yet used in the religious services of the Germans and had some influence in the development of the German vernacular hymnody. And in this consideration of hymns and hymn writers it will be convenient in the main to follow the chronological order. Probably it cannot be known what and when Latin hymns were first translated into modern languages. If the statement made by Dean Milman in a footnote of his Latin Christianity, that the hymns of Ambrose were translated into German in the ninth century, is well founded, then probably the "Deus Creator omnium" and "Aeterne rerum Conditor," which are undoubtedly by Ambrose, were among the earliest of Latin poems to be so translated. The oldest German poet is the Benedictine monk, Otfrid of Weissenburg, who was born about the beginning of the ninth century, according to some authorities in Franconia, according to others near the Lake of Constance. He settled as a monk and priest at Weissenburg, where he wrote and completed (about 865) his Evangelienbuch, a versified gospel history, and a most interesting work from a philological as well as a hymnological point of view. This is the earliest example of a long German poem in rhyme. Of the rhymed prayers which some on doubtful authority have ascribed to him two have been translated by [21]Miss Winkworth, "Du himlisco trohtin" ("[22]Thou Heavenly Lord of Light") and "Got thir eigenhaf ist" ("[23]God, it is thy property"). [16] A celebrated Latin hymn of early date, which is known to have been used as early as 898, is the "Veni Creator Spiritus"; it has been constantly sung throughout Christendom at the consecration of kings and at great ecclesiastical solemnities. It has been ascribed to Charlemagne, Charles the Bald, Gregory the Great and various others. [17] To this early period belongs Notker of St. Gall, called Balbulus, the "Stammerer," who was born in Switzerland about 840 and died in 912. He wrote in Latin and was the originator of a form of Latin hymnody called "sequentia" or "prosa," which, when translated into German, gave rise to the earliest German hymns with which we are acquainted. Whenever in the eucharistic service a "Hallelujah" was introduced it had been customary to prolong the last syllable and to sing on the vowel "ah" a series of elaborate passages to represent an outburst of jubilant feeling. These were termed "sequences" because they followed the "Hallelujah" and repeated its notes. They were of course without words and what Notker did was to write words for them. Notker was characterized as a man of gentle, contemplative nature and "accustomed to find spiritual and poetical suggestions in common sights and sounds." One of the most remarkable of his sequences, "Media vita in morte sumus," is said to have been suggested to him while observing some workmen constructing a bridge in a precipitous and most dangerous place. This sequence was long used as a battle-song; one of Luther's funeral hymns, "Mitten wir im Leben sind," is a translation of it and portions of the Burial Service of the Church of England are taken from it. St. Gall, which was for a long time the especial seat of German religious literature, produced besides Notker several distinguished sequence-writers, presumably his pupils, Hartmann, Hermann, and Gottschalk. To Gottschalk has been ascribed the "Alleluiatic Sequence ("Cantemus cuncti") well known in England by the translation, "The strain upraise of joy and praise." An early example of the change of sequences from a rhythmical to a metrical form is seen in the so-called "Golden Sequence," "[24]Veni Sancte Spiritus," called by Archbishop Trench "the loveliest of all the hymns in the whole circle of Latin sacred poetry." Tradition assigns its authorship to Robert II, King of France (997-1031). Its merit is attested by the many translations made of it into German, English and other Ianguages. __________________________________________________________________ [16] This latter is regarded by some authorities as from the pen of St. Gregory the Great. [17] For a scholarly discussion of the authorship of this famous hymn cf. Julian: Dictionary of Hymnology, p. 1206 ff. __________________________________________________________________ By the beginning of the tenth century the impulse given to the arts by Charlemagne had gradually died out and the state of society had become so disorganized that for two centuries after the time of Notker the field of literature was comparatively barren. The twelfth and thirteenth centuries, however, mark a great change and form an era of rapid growth. Germany was now ruled by the Hohenstauffens, whose dream it was to prove themselves true heirs of Charlemagne by re-establishing the Empire of the West. As a result of their participation in the common life of Christendom, very largely through the influence of the crusades, came the development of chivalry and a national literature, the first great outburst of German poetry and song. A large class (more than two hundred) of minnesingers sprang up who glorified earthly and heavenly love and the Virgin Mary as the type of pure womanhood. In the church too the voice of native song now made itself heard. The "Kyrie eleison" and "Christe eleison" which passed from the Greek church into the Latin, as a response of the people, to be repeated over and over again, especially on the high festivals, were popularly enlarged, and these brief poems were called from the refrain "Kirleison" or "Leisen," also "Leichen." [18] These sequences, for such they were, were the first specimens of German hymns which were sung by the people. The oldest dates from the end of the ninth century and is called the "[25]Leich vom heiligen Petrus." It has three stanzas, of which the first reads: Unser trohtin hat farsalt sancte Petre giwalt Daz er mag ginerjan zeimo dingenten man. Kyrie eleyson! Christe eleison. [19] The twelfth century produced the "Salve Caput cruentatum" of Bernard of Clairvaux,--a hymn which has come to us by Paul Gerhardt, [20] whose own hymn writing is wonderfully affected by Bernard. In the following century appeared two widely celebrated compositions, the "Dies irae" and the "Stabat Mater dolorosa." These, as well as many others of the best Latin hymns, such as the "Te Deum" and the "Gloria in excelsis," were repeatedly translated. Occasionally words of the original Latin were introduced into the vernacular as in the Christmas hymn: In dulci jubilo Nu singet und seyt fro! Unsres Herzens Wonne Leyt in presipio Und leuchtet in gremio. Alpha es et O. The mystic school of [26]Tauler, in the fourteenth century produced a number of hymns full of glowing love to God. Tauler is the author of the Christmas poem, "[27]Uns kommt ein Schiff geladen" and the hymn of Self Renunciation, "[28]Ich musz die Creaturen fliehen," both of which have passed into English, the best versions being those of [29]Miss Winkworth. [21] Of unusual sweetness and abiding worth are the hymns of [30]Heinrich von Laufenburg, the most important and prolific hymn writer of the fifteenth century. Many are in intricate metres, while others are transformations of secular songs into religious songs. His cradle hymn, "Ach lieber Herre Jesu Christ," is a beautiful prayer of a mother for her infant child, and has become well known in England through [31]Miss Winkworth's translation. German hymnody of the Middle Ages is, like the Latin, overflowing with the worship of the saints and the Virgin who is even clothed with divine attributes and is virtually accorded the place of Christ as the fountain of grace. In characterizing the period Wackernagel says [22] "Through all the centuries from Otfrid to Luther we meet with the idolatrous worship of the Virgin Mary. There are hymns which teach that she pre-existed with God at the creation, that all things are created in her and for her and that God rested in her on the seventh day." One of the favorite hymns to the Virgin, "Dich Frau von Himmel, ruf ich an," [32]Hans Sachs subsequently changed into "Christum vom Himmel ruf ich an," a change strikingly characteristic of the effect which the Reformation exerted upon the worship of the Virgin Mary. It substituted for it the worship of Christ as the sole Mediator through whom men attain eternal life. __________________________________________________________________ [18] It is possible that instead of being a corruption of the Greek phrase the word may have denoted at first a certain dance measure. Cf. Grimm: Deutsches Woerterbuch, Vol. VI. [19] "Our Lord hath given St. Peter power that he may preserve the man who hopes in him." [20] Cf. p. 86 and note. [21] Cf. [33]Christian Singers of Germany. [22] Das deutsche Kirchenlied, II, p. 13. __________________________________________________________________ THE REFORMATION PERIOD, 1500-1648. __________________________________________________________________ Guizot in his History of European Civilization calls the Reformation an insurrection of the human mind against the absolute power of spiritual order. In the changes that then occurred few things are more noteworthy than the new privileges granted to the individual worshipper. There was revived the primitive idea of the priesthood of all believers. Instead of the Latin Mass, the Reformation introduced a sermon in the vernacular, and for the chanting of priests and choirs it substituted congregational singing. Among the means which contributed to the large benefits which then came to the church the writing of hymns was not the least important. It is interesting to note that the leader of the Reformation was also the first evangelical hymnist. [23] To [34]Luther belongs the extraordinary merit of having given to his people in their own language not only the Bible and the Catechism, but also the hymn book, so that they might directly answer the word of God in their songs. No sooner had there been felt the want of German psalms and hymns to take the place of the Latin hymns and sequences than Luther set about to supply the want. He was intensely fond of poetry and song and was himself a poet by nature. His estimate of the value of music is revealed in his words: "He who despises music, as all fanatics do, will never be my friend." He wished that all children might be taught to sing; "for," he says, "I would fain see all arts, especially music, in the service of Him who has bestowed and created them." [24] He began to write hymns soon after he had completed his New Testament translation and from this time on he was an active reformer of church music and hymns, enlisting in the same work the large circle of friends whom he gathered about him. Luther had recourse to the Latin hymns, adapting and translating many of those which would lend themselves best to his purposes. Altogether he wrote thirty-seven hymns, most of them dating from the year 1524; more are frequently ascribed to him though on doubtful authority. Luther's hymns which are characterized by simplicity and strength, had a popular churchly tone; his style is plain and often rugged and quaint but he throws into his poems all his own fervent faith and deep devotion. His most famous hymn "[35]Ein' feste Burg ist unser Gott," written in 1529 when the German princes made their formal Protest against the revocation of their liberties, thus gaining the name of Protestants, has passed into English hymnody in no less than sixty-three versions. [25] __________________________________________________________________ [23] But cf. L. F. Benson: The English Hymn, N. Y. 1915, p. 20 ff. [24] Cf. Tischreden: "Von der Musica" and "Die Musicam sol man nicht verachten." [25] Cf. Julian: Dictionary of Hymnology, pp. 324-5. __________________________________________________________________ Of the many hymnists inspired by Luther's example the more eminent were [36]Justus Jonas, Luther's friend and colleague in the preparation of metrical German versions of the Psalms, [37]Paul Eber, the faithful assistant of Melanchthon, [38]Markgraf Albrecht of Brandenburg, [39]Hans Sachs, the shoemaker, and later Gerhardt. The German hymnody of the Reformation period was enriched by the hymns of the [40]Bohemian and Moravian Brethren, who as followers of John Huss, had in 1467 formed themselves into a separate and organized church; their archbishop Lucas in 1501 collected hymns and published the first hymn book in the vernacular to be found in Bohemia or Germany. The adherents of this cult are commonly called Moravians, because the first founders of the settlement in Saxony immigrated from Moravia. They assumed this name in England and America and it is very largely through their hymn book [26] that German hymns have found their way into English hymnody. The Lutheran hymnody which followed closely upon the Moravian contributions concluded its productive period with the Formula of Concord [27] in 1577 which gave final shape to the Lutheran creed. In this period there were over a hundred poets whose verses have expressed the highest Christian praises. It is an era which, for its productiveness, may be compared with the time of [41]Watts and Doddridge and their immediate successors in England. __________________________________________________________________ [26] Cf. the frequent references to the Moravian Hymn Book, p. 38 ff. [27] Cf. p. 4. __________________________________________________________________ The hymns from this time to the close of the Thirty Years' War are of a more subjective [28] experimental type of sacred poetry, that is, writers made their songs more and more expressive of personal feelings. In point of refinement and grace of style the hymn writers of the period of the Thirty Years' War, whose taste was chiefly formed by the influence of [42]Martin Opitz [29] the founder of the First Silesian School of German poetry, excelled their predecessors. His finest hymn, "O Licht, geboren aus dem Lichte" is a special favorite in Silesia where he was born, and has passed into English in several translations, notably that of [43]Miss Winkworth, "O Light, who out of Light wast born." [30] Near the close of the war, when the hope of peace had begun to dawn, [44]Martin Rinckart (1586-1649) composed that noble expression of trust and praise, "[45]Nun danket alle Gott." It has been translated many times and is included in nearly all American and English hymnals. The hymn of trust in Providence by Neumarck (1621-1681), "[46]Wer nur den lieben Gott laeszt walten," is hardly inferior to that of Gerhardt on the same theme. [31] The two most famous and most copious hymn writers of this time were however [47]Rist and [48]Heermann; the former wrote between 600 and 700 hymns, such as were intended to supply every possible requirement of public worship or private experience. In so great a mass of writings it is inevitable that there should be much that is poor, but over 200 may be said to be in common use in Germany and at least fifteen have appeared in the hymn books of English-speaking countries. Not so prolific as Heermann and Rist but superior to them in poetical genius was [49]Simon Dach (1605-1659), who was Professor of Poetry at Koenigsberg and the most important poet of the Koenigsberg School. [32] While the Lutheran churches were superior to the Reformed churches of Germany and Switzerland in original hymnody, they were inferior to them in the matter of psalmody. Zwingli and Calvin held firmly to the principle that in public worship the word God should have supreme dominion, a principle which raised the Psalter to new dignity and power. Versified versions of the Psalms became the first hymn books of the Reformed Churches. [34] The first German Reformed hymn book appeared at Zuerich, 1540. It contained not only versified psalms but also hymns, with a preface in defense of congregational singing. The most popular collection however was the versified Psalter of [50]Lobwasser of Koenigsberg. While its poetry is but a poor translation of the French Psalter of Marot and Beza, [35] its pious contents made it a rich source of devotion for a hundred years. It is a parallel to the Scottish Psalter of 1641 by Francis Rous. [36] [51]Simon Dach was the last poet of any note to write in the Reformation period of German hymnody. After him a new era of poetry, the Confessional (1648-1680), opens and it is at this time that Paul Gerhardt appears. He, however, although living in the midst of this churchly atmosphere, profound in Lutheran orthodoxy, feels the tendencies of a still later period, that of the Devotional era. Like many other great men he saw beyond his time. He combined in his poems all the strong qualities of the century in which he lived, and of the later epoch, the period of the Pietists. __________________________________________________________________ [28] Cf. p. 14. [29] For his influence on Gerhardt cf. pp. 2, 14, 18. [30] Cf. Christian Singers of Germany, p. 173. [31] "Befiehl du deine Wege," cf. p. 114 ff. [32] Of the 165 hymns that he wrote, five have found places in modern English hymnals. One of the best known popular songs is his love-song written in East Prussian dialect "Anke von Tharaw." This is made familiar to English readers through Longfellow's translation, "Annie of Tharaw." [34] For their effect on English hymnody cf. p. 28 ff. [35] Cf. p. 29. [36] Cf. Julian: Dictionary of Hymnology, p. 1023. __________________________________________________________________ __________________________________________________________________ __________________________________________________________________ CHAPTER III. CHARACTERISTICS OF GERHARDT AS A HYMN WRITER. From the close of the Thirty Years' War until 1680 there occurred in German hymnody a transition from the churchly and confessional to the pietistic and devotional hymns. [37] It is during this transitional period that the religious song of Germany finds its purest and sweetest expression in the hymns of Paul Gerhardt, who is as much the typical poet of the Lutheran, as [52]Herbert is of the English church. In Gerhardt more than in any other author all the requisites for the religious poem are united. He possessed a firm conviction of the objective truth of the Christian doctrine of salvation and also a genuine sentiment for all that is purely human. His deep Christian feeling together with sterling good sense, and a fresh and healthy appreciation of life in the realm of nature and in the intellectual world are the sources for his splendid work. His hymns are among the noblest contributions to sacred poetry, giving him a place second only to [53]Luther and even surpassing Luther's work in poetic fertility. Gervinus says of him: [38] "He went back to Luther's most genuine type of hymn in such a manner as no one else had done, only so far modified as the requirements of his time demanded. In Luther's time the belief in Free Grace and the work of the Atonement in Redemption and the bursting of the gates of Hell was the inspiration of his joyful confidence; with Gerhardt it is the belief in the Love of God. With Luther the old wrathful God of the Romanists assumed the heavenly aspect of grace and mercy; with Gerhardt the merciful Righteous One is a gentle loving man. Like the old poets of the people he is sincerely and unconstrainedly pious, naive and hearty; the blissfulness of his faith makes him benign and amiable; in his way of writing he is as attractive, simple and pleasing as in his way of thinking." Scherer [40] gives an even clearer characterization of the two hymn writers: "Geistlicher Ernst des Vortrags schlieszt Heiterkeit des Gemuetes nicht aus, und diese bildet in der That den sittlichen Grundcharakter von Gethardts Poesie. Wenn bei Luther die Welt voll Sturm und Gewitter ist, so liegt sie bei Gerhardt in bestaendigem Sonnenglanz; die Wohltaten des Schoepfers erfreuen das Herz; alles ist so schoen zum Besten der Menschen eingerichtet; Tod und Hoelle haben laengst ihre Macht verloren; die Seele frohlockt in der Gewiszheit der Erloesung; Gnade geht vor Recht, Zorn musz der Liebe weichen. Luther steht wie ein Mann dem Boesen, Gerhardt sieht wie ein Juengling darueber hinweg; und schlieszlich weisz er zu troesten und Zufriedenheit, Geduld zu predigen, das rechte Mittelmasz zu preisen und auch dem Uebel gute Seiten abzugewinnen; selbst die Suende dient zum Heil. Bei Luther ruft die Gemeinde zu Gott, bei Gerhardt redet der Einzelne. Seine Lyrik ist nicht mehr Chorpoesie; sie beschraenkt sich nicht auf das, worin alle betenden Christen einig sind; sie holt aus der Tiefe des individuellen Seelenlebens ihre Schaetze; sie macht (um die Schulausdruecke zu gebrauchen) den Uebergang vom objektiven Bekenntnisliede zum subjektiven Erbauungslied." Gerhardt sings his hymns with conviction, embodying in them such phases of feeling as might be experienced by any large body of sincere Christians. In all the religious lyrics even in the congregational hymns from the middle of the seventeenth century on we note a more personal and individual tone and with it a tendency to reproduce special forms of Christian experience often of a mystical character. Gerhardt's whole tone and style of thought belong to the confessional school, but the distinct individuality and expression of personal sentiment which are impressed on his poems already point to the devotional school. Many of our poet's hymns show the influence of [54]Opitz' Trostgedichte in Widerwaertigkeit des Krieges. Critics [41] have gone so far as to say that "without Opitz there would be no Gerhardt." There can be no doubt but that the smoothness and elegance of form, the complete mastery of technique and the purity of language are a distinct heritage from him. But without consciously differing from Opitz and his school, Gerhardt has brought into prominence the popular expression of feeling, using the popular form of verse in which there prevails the natural flow of rhythm, so that no striving after correctness of form is evident. __________________________________________________________________ Compared with most authors of his time Gerhardt wrote but little. His contemporary, [55]Rist (1607-1667), and his successor, [56]Schmolk (1672-1737), composed respectively 659 and 1188 hymns, while Gerhardt has the modest number of 132 poems in all. [42] Yet a complete hymnal might be compiled from them, so thoroughly do they embrace all religious and domestic experiences. They appeared at intervals from the year 1649 on, many of them for the first time in the Praxis pietatis melica, a collection of hymns and tunes by Johann Crueger, the famous organist and composer of chorals. Crueger died in the year 1662 and Cristoph Runge took over further editions of the book. Gerhardt made no further contributions to these publications because henceforth he became more intimately associated with Johann Georg Ebeling, Crueger's successor in his church and organ work. Ebeling was so much pleased with Gerhardt's hymns, that he at once began to set them to music and eventually he published them dividing them by "dozens" [43] into separate books. Gerhardt put at Ebeling's disposal the first copy of his hymns hitherto published and also thirty-one separate strophes which had for various reasons been omitted in previous editions. Finally he turned over to him twenty-six more poems which the Praxis pietatis melica had not published up to this time. Among them are a number which in all probability belong to his early period of poetic activity, such as: "O Tod, O Tod, du greulichs Bild," a paraphrase of one of Roeber's [44] hymns. Also among them are several which from content and form must be regarded as products of his mature years, and from which the poet himself derived much comfort and strength. [45] The most important fact about the Ebeling edition is this, that the personality of Gerhardt, the poet, was for the first time presented to the German people's heart and mind. Hitherto his poems had been grouped together in collections of hymns with those of other and perhaps better known authors. Ebeling's publication placed Gerhardt's works on their own merit. The texts of the hymns in the editions of Crueger and Ebeling and later of Feustking [46] in 1707 have often different readings so that it is difficult to determine which the authentic version may be. It is quite within the limits of possibility that Gerhardt himself undertook revisions, as Feustking's title indicates. __________________________________________________________________ [42] Among them are 18 poems for occasions, 27 founded on Psalms and 24 founded on other parts of Holy Scripture. [43] The tenth and last "dozen" of Gerhardt's hymns which Ebeling had set to music for four voices and with an accompaniment of two violins and a bass, appeared in 1667. The full title, characteristic of Ebeling, reads: Paul Gerhardt's spiritual devotions, consisting of one hundred and twenty hymns, collected into one volume, at the request of a number of eminent and distinguished gentlemen; first to the honor of the Divine Majesty and then, also for the consolation of esteemed and distressed Christendom, and for the increase of the Christianity of all believing souls--in sets by dozens, embellished with melodies for six parts." With such eagerness were these hymns sought after that Ebeling had to publish a new edition two years later. The melodies which proved most popular were those set to "Voller Wunder, voller Kunst," "Schwing dich auf zu deinem Gott" and "Warum sollt' ich mich denn graemen." Each single dozen was again dedicated to a particular class of men with a characteristic preface. The first dozen he dedicated "to the prelates, counts, lords, knights, and estates of the Electorate of Brandenburg, this side the Oder and beyond the Elbe"; the second dozen, "To the high, noble-born, honored, and virtuous women of Berlin" and so on. [44] Cf. pp. 1 and 2. [45] "Die gueldne Sonne" [57]Goed. 293. "Der Tag mit seinem Lichte" [58]Goed. 296. "Wie schoen ists doch, Herr Jesu Christ" [59]Goed. 302. "Voller Wunder, voller Kunst" [60]Goed. 304. "Gib dich zufrieden und sei stille" [61]Goed. 274. "Ich bin ein Gast auf Erden" [62]Goed. 284. "Herr, du erforschest meinen Sinn" [63]Goed. 287. "Herr Gott, du bist ja fuer und fuer" [64]Goed. 315. "Ich danke dir mit Freuden" Goed. 333. "Ich, der ich oft in tiefes Leid" [65]Goed. 298. "Johannes sahe durch Gesicht" [66]Goed. 319. "Mein Seel ist in der Stille" Goed. 307. "Merkt auf, merkt Himmel, Erde" Goed. 278. [46] Johann Heinrich Feustking: Ausgabe, Zerbst, 1707, text "nach des seligen Autors eigenhaendigem revidirten Exemplar mit Fleisz uebersehen." __________________________________________________________________ Of these 132 poems a large proportion have become embodied in church music of Germany and many of them may be counted among the most beautiful in German hymnody. How widely they have been adopted into general use is shown by the fact that in modern hymnals in Germany there appear either in expanded or cento form, [47] altogether 78 of his hymns, while in the Schaff-Gilman "Library of Religious Poetry," which may be regarded as a representative collection of universal hymnody, the proportion among German hymn writers is as follows:--[67]Luther 10, Goethe 8, Gerhardt 7, [48] [68]Spitta 6, [69]Scheffler 4, [70]Schmolk 4, etc. Pietism and rationalism transferred the centre of gravity in hymnody to a different point; that is, it changed the type of hymn or required of it other features, and thus it is that during the XVIIIth century, while Gerhardt's hymns lived on with others they are rarely accorded a leading place. It was only the reawakening of a life of faith that needed worship and strong evidence of reverence such as followed the wars of liberation that brought his hymns into the forefront once more and prompted further publications of them. Rarely has there been, taking all in all, a time when there existed a greater gulf between poets and their effusions than in the XVIIth century. Most poets of that time gave forth what they had learned and what they knew,--not what they really were. Theirs was a play of the intellect and imagination on objects outside them. Hence their works displayed a universal lack of inner truth. In the biographical sketch of Gerhardt we have given a broken account of his life. Different from this is the story of the individual in his poems which are his very personality. His work is not what he learned from others. Instead, he gives us his own life unadorned and true, and for the very reason that he leads a rich inner life is he able to give it. He wrote preeminently as a living member of Christ's church. The same quiet sincerity, depth of feeling and warmth that are seen in his face, stand out in his poetry. Luther sang: "Ein' feste Burg ist unser Gott," but Gerhardt has: "Ist Gott fuer mich, so trete," [49] and "Ich singe dir mit Herz und Mund." [50] Thus, as has been said in the early part of this chapter, [51] the hymns no longer acknowledge the truths of the Gospel as in the days of the Reformation, but the poet lives them. Approximately one-eighth [52] of Gerhardt's hymns begin with "Ich," while not one of Luther's begins this way. Gerhardt's hymns, then, proclaim his own personal experiences, many of them having their inspiration in the intimate circle of his own family and friends. Yet observe that in none of them is there any personal experience that is not enlightened by its relation to the external truths of Christian Belief so that it has a universal significance. Assuming that one takes for granted the incontestable truth of evangelistic Philosophy of Life as does Gerhardt, one may find one's own thoughts and feelings expressed in these poems. Every pious worshipper can follow Gerhardt, every one may find in him peace for the soul, the consecration of happiness and comfort in dark hours. Universal life and not merely the life of one reared in the church is unfolded in his hymns. Mention has several times been made of Luther [53] in connection with Gerhardt. Every Protestant hymn writer must undergo comparison with the great father of German hymnody and none can stand the test better than Gerhardt. Let us take the hymns cited above: "Ein' feste Burg," and "Ist Gott fuer mich." In the very choice of material the likeness is striking. In Luther's song of defiance the XLVIth Psalm is born anew. In Gerhardt it is the triumphant song of Paul that they who are in Christ are free from condemnation. We see, then, that while the one is concerned with the congregation of God's church, the other treats of life's experiences. In the form of the verse Luther displays the greater strength and Gerhardt the greater art. __________________________________________________________________ [47] Cf. Dietz: "Tabellarische Nachweisung des Liederbestandes," Marburg, 1904. Fischer-Tuempel: "Das deutsche evangelische Kirchenlied des 17. Jahrhs." (Guetersloh, 1906) includes 116 of Gerhardt's hymns. [48] There is an exact total of 10 of Gerhardt's poems, different versions being given of "O Haupt voll Blut und Wunden." and "Befiehl du deine Wege." [49] Goed. 229. [50] Goed. 118. [51] Cf. p. 14. [52] There are 16 beginning with "ich." [53] Cf. pp. 1 and 13. __________________________________________________________________ Although Gerhardt's hymns are written in the vernacular of the XVIIth century, at a time when many of the forms characteristic of the writers of the two preceding centuries still survived, nevertheless his hymns are remarkably free from the tendency of this period to use words coined from foreign tongues. He belongs to no poetic school or literary circle of the XVIIth century. He never sought any laurels. He goes on his way writing because his heart is so full, and not from any desire or intention to devote himself to poetry. A fine feeling for rhythm schooled under the principles of [71]Opitz, language taken from the best sacred literature including Luther's Bible and almost entirely free from foreign words, [54] avoidance of bombast and coarseness [55] of which so many contemporary writers were guilty, richness in figures and analogies, tenderness which on occasion yields to sternness, are all attributes of his writing. The mother of Hippel [56] says of him: "Er war ein Gast auf Erden [57] und ueberall in seinen 120 Liedern ist Sonnenwende gesaeet. Diese Blume dreht sich bestaendig nach der Sonne [58] und Gerhardt nach der seligen Ewigkeit." Gerhardt's poems are all permeated with this hope for future happiness in Heaven and with a childlike joy in this hope. He may sing of the beauties of summer, yet with that his thoughts go further and he soon begins to reflect upon the greater beauties of Heaven. In his "Reiselied" (Goed. 248) he begins by urging on his horse; suddenly he changes from the beauties of the hill and vale to the joy of eternity. Even in an uncouth poem about health (Goed. 244) appear the lines: "Gib mir meine Lebenszeit Ohne sonderm Leide, Und dort in der Ewigkeit Die vollkommene Freude!" We have said that biblical phraseology plays a large part in Gerhardt's hymns. In fact many lines are a direct translation of passages in scripture. In two or three of them a single dogma appears very plainly, but elsewhere pure doctrine is the basis of each poem. God is a friendly and gracious God, not a "bear or lion," [59] but a Father reconciled by Christ's death, entirely a New Testament conception. He even addresses the Almighty as a good companion: "Sollt aber dein und unser Feind An dem, was dein Herz gut gemeint, Beginnen sich zu raechen: Ist das mein Trost, dasz seinen Zorn Du leichtlich koennest brechen." [60] The Redeemer is mentioned in barely half of Gerhardt's poems. It has therefore been often said that the poet esteemed the graces of Redemption less than those of Creation. He is fully conscious of the former, hence he can resign himself to the latter and dwell upon them in all their phases. On the basis of the Atonement there springs up in his mind the whole Christian life with all its experiences of salvation, consolation, patience, mastery of sin and suffering. Since he does not sing solely for church worship, but for family devotion and for personal edification, he necessarily must observe and discourse upon the various vicissitudes of life in sickness and health, in strife and peace. __________________________________________________________________ [54] He uses the following: Clerisei, Fantasei, Victoria, Policeien, Regiment, Summa, Ranzion, Compagnie, Regente, studieren, formieret, vexieren, jubilieren. [55] Lines such as "Trotz sei dir, du trotzender Kot!" (Goed. 5,65) were comparatively inoffensive to XVIIth century standards. [56] Cf. Frau Th. v. Hippel, "Saemmtliche Werke," Berlin, 1827, I, 27 ff. [57] Cf. "Ich bin ein Gast auf Erden" Goed. 284. [58] Sonnenwende, "heliotrope," from the Greek, literally "turning toward the sun." [59] Cf. Goed. 62, 17--"Er ist ja kein Baer noch Leue." [60] Cf. Goed. 217, 56-60. __________________________________________________________________ Inasmuch as Gerhardt is a poet of unusually fine feeling for the rhythmical and melodious peculiarities of the German tongue, he appreciates the interdependence of verse rhythm and thought showing always a nicety in choosing the right word to suit the measure. The lines: "Nun ruhen aller Waelder, Vieh, Menschen, Stadt, und Felder . . ." [61] are at once suggestive of Nature in repose. The harmonious connection of words of kindred meaning, "Ruh und Rast," "Gnad und Gunst," [62] and frequent use of assonance, "Not und Tod," "Fuell und Huell," etc. are introduced not merely to catch the ear, but to accentuate the artistic effect, which shows us that Gerhardt is more than a master of the language, that he writes with an inexhaustible naturalness. He intended his style to be popular in the sense of appealing to the people, and it is here that he manifests the intimate relation of his poetry to the Volkslied without forsaking the proper limits of artistic poetry. In observing certain defects such as the awkwardness and imperfect rhyme in the couplet: "Aber nun steh ich Bin munter und froelich." [63] even Gerhardt's most devoted admirers must regret that he did not feel the necessity of giving to his verses the final rounding-off, or did not possess the ability to do so. Yet what many critics have regarded as faults, must, when fairly analyzed, be recognized as contributing much to the effect and as being in accord with the Sprachpoesie of the people. For example, the richness in alliteration, "Ich mein Heil und Huelfe hab," [64] "Ich lechze wie ein Land," [65] the juxtaposition of words of the same root, "Erbarm dich, o barmherzigs Herz," [66] "Ich lieb ihr liebes Angesicht," [67] as well as the frequent repetition of words or use of refrains [68] show the power of his language and offer a striking method of expressing inmost sympathy. What real fervor is indicated in the lines: "Dasz ich dich moege Eir und fuer In, bei und an mir tragen." [69] Just as Gerhardt was a loyal devotee to his mother-tongue, so also he stood aloof from the tendency of his time to adopt foreign characteristics in verse. Only twice [70] has he employed the Alexandrine so fashionable in the period, and other foreign verse-forms he avoids entirely. On the other hand in so comparatively small a number of poems the variety of his verse structure is unusual. Gerhardt knew Buchner [71] in his Wittenberg student days and owes to him his technical training in versification which his strophes show. He uses in them iambic, trochaic and especially dactyllic-anapaestic metres which Buchner had declared permissible. Hahne [72] enumerates in Gerhardt's poems fifty-one kinds of strophe among which six are quite complicated. Three of these, as appear in the poems, "Froelich soll mein Herze springen," Goed. [72]155; "Gib dich zufrieden," [73]274; and "Die gueldne Sonne," [74]293, must be regarded as original with Gerhardt. While these three are not artistic and harmonious, they are, nevertheless, in exact accord with the type of melody prevalent in the XVIIth century. __________________________________________________________________ [61] Goed. 60, 1 and 2. [62] For a tabulation of Alliteration, Assonance, etc., cf. Appendix, pp. 149 ff. [63] Goed. 293, 8 and 9. [64] Goed. 93, 6. [65] Goed. 65, 46. [66] Goed. 7, 76. [67] Goed. 260, 41. [68] Cf. the refrains in Goed. 106; 139; 235. [69] Goed. 158, 94. [70] "Du liebe Unschuld du, wie schlecht wirst du geacht!" (Goed. 3) and "Herr Lindholtz legt sich hin und schlaeft in Gottes Namen" (Goed. 252). [71] Cf. p. 2. [72] Hahne, F., P. Gerhardt und A. Buchner in Euphorion 15, p. 19-34. __________________________________________________________________ Our poet has shown preference for the older German strophes which belong to popular poetry and had most firmly held their own in the spiritual song because of its relation to the Volkslied and also for the Nibelungen strophe of eight lines. Eighteen [73] times he uses the well known seven-line ballad strophe and twice [74] the six-lined strophe of the Wanderlied "Innsbruck, ich musz dich lassen," [75] which even as early as the Reformation had come into wide use in hymnody. He has also frequently employed the rhymed couplet in the four-lined stanza. The verse-structure in the remainder of his poems may generally be traced back to lays long-since native to the church, though one strophe "Sollt ich meinem Gott nicht singen" [76] appears for the first time, as far as we know, in Johann Rist's [77] hymns. Realizing, furthermore, that a composition becomes truly a poem only through its harmony Gerhardt clung to the well known melodies, adapting his new text to them that through the music his hymns might the more easily become familiar. Thus he composed "Ein Laemmlein geht und traegt die Schuld" to the melody "[75]An Wasserfluessen Babylon," and "O Welt, sieh hier dein Leben" and "[76]Nun ruhen alle Waelder" to "[77]Innsbruck, ich musz dich lassen," [78] and in fact his hymns were known at first only through their musical setting. Like Luther, he wished to teach the people song [79] and it is evident that in composing he usually had some definite melody in mind, and what Johann Walther had been to Luther, Crueger [80] was to Gerhardt. To this choir master we owe the first significant publication of our poet's hymns. Many musicians have adapted his hymns to music; Bach made use of them in a number of his cantatas and his Passion Music; [81] and five [82] times in his rapturous Weihnachtsoratorium do we find Gerhardt's words. Of recent musicians who have been interested in his poetry as a basis for their compositions mention must be made of Albert Becher (d. 1899), H. von Herzogenberg (d. 1900) and especially the Bavarian clergyman, Friedrich Mergner [83] (1818-1891), who has so thoroughly caught the spirit of Gerhardt. As early as 1732-1800 six Catholic hymn books in quite general use throughout Germany had included in all, thirteen of Gerhardt's hymns, and "[78]O Haupt voll Blut und Wunden" can be heard in many Catholic churches to-day, even in the Cologne Cathedral. [84] __________________________________________________________________ [73] Goed. 10; 21; 23; 51; 125; 134; 58; 171; 190; 209; 253; 271; 298; 315; 317; 325; 331; 335. [74] Goed. 60 and 71. [75] Regarding this melody cf. p. 100. [76] Goed. 235. [77] Rist, 1607-1667. [78] Cf. p. 100. [79] Cf. p. 10. [80] Cf. p. 2. [81] Cf. p. 43. [82] From Goed. 25; 310; 150; 155; 158. [83] Cf. P. Gerhardt's Geistl. Lieder in neuen Weisen von Fr. Mergner. 30 ausgewaehlte Lieder von Karl Schmidt, Leipzig, C. Deichert, 1907. [84] Cf. J. Smend: P. Gerhardt u. das evangel. Kirchenlied in Der Protestantismus am Ende des 19. Jahrh. I, pp. 301, ff. __________________________________________________________________ Gerhardt was essentially a "Gelegenheitsdichter," a poet of occasions, choosing for his themes the various vicissitudes of life and such events as would present themselves to an earnest pastor devoted to the flock under his care. We may define him more precisely as a poet of consolation, for at least seventeen of his hymns are to be classed as "Songs of the Cross and Consolation," [85] and fully half his work contains much that is intended as a source of comfort in the many afflictions of the troublous times in which he lived. An enumeration of "Trost" words shows the use of "Trost" 51 times, "getrost" 11, "troesten" 10, "trostlos," "troestlich" 2, besides numerous phrases such as "Erschrecke nicht," [86] "Sei unverzagt," [87] "Sei ohne Furcht," [88] "Gott hat mich nicht verlassen." [89] In this connection we should consider Gerhardt's use of the word "Trost." With him it seems often to have a wider meaning than merely solace, or comfort. At times it approaches even its English cognate trust, or at least that comfort or assurance which is born of trust. [90] In the poem beginning "Schwing dich auf zu deinem Gott" the word seems clearly to be used in this sense in line 7: Merkst du nicht des Satans List? Er will durch sein Kaempfen Deinen Trost, [91] den Jesus Christ Dir erworben, daempfen. At other times the meaning is apparently the ground of confidence or reliance, as in the line: "Dein Arm ist mein Trost gewesen." [92] Since joy is to Gerhardt innately associated with the theme of comfort, we find in his verses a host of phrases embodying cheer and joy: Lasz deine Froemmigkeit Sein meinen Trost und Freud. [93] By enumeration we find the use of "Freude" 161 times; of "Freudenlicht" (-quell, -schein, etc.) 33 times; of "freuen" and "erfreuen" 22 times; of "froh," "froe(h)lich," "freudig," "freudenvoll," "selig," etc. 50 times; of other kindred expressions, such as "Lust," "Wonne," "Seligkeit," "Freudigkeit," etc. 8 times. Stanza VI of the "Adventgesang" ([79]Goed. 108) is a fair example of Gerhardt's fondness for singing of joys both temporal and spiritual: Aller Trost und aller Freude Ruht in dir, Herr Jesu Christ; Dein Erfreuen ist die Weide, Da man sich recht froelich iszt. Leuchte mir, o Freudenlicht, Ehe mir mein Herze bricht; Lasz mich, Herr, an dir erquicken! Jesu, komm, lasz dich erblicken! Compare with this the lines from the hymn based on Johann Arndt's "Gebet um Geduld in groszem Creutz" ([80]Goed. 209): St. XIV. "O heilger Geist, du Freudenoel, Das Gott vom Himmel schicket, Erfreue mich, gib meiner Seel Was Mark und Bein erquicket! Du bist der Geist der Herrlichkeit, Weiszt, was fuer Freud und Seligkeit Mein in dem Himmel warte." A pastor and poet whose spirit amidst the hardships of the war can not only remain undaunted but bring so large a measure of cheer to his flock is indeed destined to have an immortal name. It was the everpresent hardships of war, however, that made him long not merely for an earthly peace but also for spiritual rest. As an advocate of peace and contentment he has among his contemporaries no equal. Having hoped and prayed during the war for a cessation of hostilities and horrors he could at last burst forth at the conclusion of the Peace of Westphalia in his magnificent Gott Lob! nun ist erschollen Das edle Fried- und Freudenswort." [94] Furthermore he preaches patience and contentment with life's experiences. Notably does this appear in the poem "Gib dich zufrieden" ([81]Goed. 274) where each stanza has these words as the refrain. Taking as his theme "Rest in the Lord, and wait patiently for him" (Ps. XXXVII, 7) he reveals to his fellow-men the joys and comforts that await the true believers even though they must pass through pain, anxiety, and even death. As their tears are counted and their sighs are heard, so a day of rest is at hand when God shall receive the meek in the abundance of peace, and 'they shall then be exalted to inherit the land.' [95] But how very deeply Gerhardt felt this yearning for spiritual as well as material peace is best seen from the constant recurrence of the root "Friede." Of this word and its compounds we note 33 examples, and of "Ruhe," "Stille," Rast" and similar words, 16. __________________________________________________________________ [85] Cf. Index by subjects, Appendix, pp. 158 ff. [86] Goed. 271, 8. [87] Goed. 185, 42. [88] Goed. 289, 3. [89] Goed. 296, 31. [90] Cf. the meaning of the modern German "getrost." [91] Goed. 135, 7; cf. also Goed. 135, 132; 30, 127; 150, 74; 217, 59; 317, 40. [92] Goed. 145, 19; cf. also Goed. 46, 16; 150, 43. [93] Goed. 65, 22. For the frequent use of "Trost und Freude" and "Freude und Trost," cf. Appendix, p. 155 and p. 153. [94] Goed. 95. [95] Cf. also the poem "Geduld ist euch vonnoeten" (Goed. 267), where each of the 14 stanzas begins with the word "Geduld." __________________________________________________________________ Aside from the hymns of Cross and Consolation discussed above, [96] which among Gerhardt's poems are by far the most numerous, and which gave him the widest opportunity to grasp the inner life of the Christian believer in its different tendencies and phases, the subjective development of his spiritual songs is shown in two directions--in the poetic glorification of nature and of family life. Gerhardt's knowledge of nature is limited to the ideas set forth in Johann Arndt's [97] Viertes Buch vom wahren Christentum. Following Arndt, Gerhardt believes the material as well as the spiritual phenomena on earth are influenced in a mysterious way by the heavens and their constellations; hence the prophetic significance of comets which he mentions in two poems. [98] In the year 1615 just such a threatening "torch" had appeared to announce the frightful war. Fourteen years later another comet was regarded as prophecy of the death of the Swedish King. Naturally, then, in 1652 Gerhardt is terrified with all others at the appearance in the sky of the third "Flammenrute" (Goed. 104). However, within this limited knowledge nature appears to him as of independent grandeur, wholly subservient to God and freely enjoyed by all Christians. In his life, too, as well as in his songs, Gerhardt is open to all the world and is at all times sensible to the appreciation of nature. It is a noteworthy characteristic of him that in one glance he includes with sense of fitness and artistic certainty both large and small, the most sublime and the most commonplace. In this wise he sings: Die Erd ist fruchtbar, bringt herfuer Korn, Oel, Most, Brot, Wein und Bier, Was Gott gefaellt. (Goed. [82]139, 49 ff.) To Gerhardt the world lies in continual sunshine. [99] He scorns trouble, distress seems merely to accentuate happiness; from the horrors of the Thirty Years' War he turns to thank God for the return of peace, [100] and to inspire his people with gratitude for the infinite mercy of the Most High. He celebrates evening and morning and takes us in summer through the flowering gardens of God, portrays rain and sunshine, earth's sorrows and joys. __________________________________________________________________ [96] Cf. p. 21. [97] Joh. Arndt, a Protestant theologian, 1555-1621. The "Vier Buecher" appeared in 1605. Cf. the references on pp. 63 ff. [i.e. Goed. 200, 205, 209, 212, 263] to his Paradiszgaertlein aller christl. Tugenden, 1612. [98] Goed. 104 and 142. [99] Even no. 15 which begins with a seemingly very pessimistic complaint about the disastrous weather and consequently meagre harvest closes with a prayer full of hope for the future. [100] Goed. 95. __________________________________________________________________ The other direction of the subjectivity of Gerhardt's writing is that of the family life. In a time so bereft of virtues as the XVIIth century the firmly grounded idea of the home must be given first place. His own family life, cheered by domestic felicity, and the many contributions he made to occasional poetry bear testimony to this. For married life he sings the praise of quiet domesticity, [101] picturing the Christian housewife in the midst of her surroundings, bringing joy and cheer to her husband, faithful in her tasks, ministering to the poor and teaching her children the Word of God. He closes the poem with the eulogy: Die Werke, die sie hie verrichtt, Sind wie ein schoenes helles Licht; Sie dringen bis zu Himmelspfort Und werden leuchten hier und dort. Before Gerhardt, Mathesius [102] had sung the praises of domestic happiness in "Wem Gott ein ehrlich Weib beschert," but the sincere note of Gerhardt's "Wie schoen ist's doch, Herr Jesu Christ" ([83]Goed. 302) placed German home-life in a poetic light it had not known before. __________________________________________________________________ [101] Goed. 242. [102] Johann M., a Lutheran theologian, 1504-1565. His Leben Luthers (1566) is his most famous work. __________________________________________________________________ For the dying he allays the fear of death; man is but a stranger on earth, [103] and has spent many a day in distress and care; his home is yonder where hosts of angels praise the Mighty Ruler. The sympathetic pastor takes his place with the parents beside the bier of their deceased child. [104] He speaks as a father who has lost his son, and he imagines the child in heaven joining the chorus of the angels. But Gerhardt has written very few hymns of death or of penitence. When he does speak of sin and its curse of death with its terrors, he still contrives at once to take from them the sting. The poem beginning "O Tod, O Tod, du greulichs Bild," [105] bears the title "Freudige Empfahung des Todes," and concludes with the lines: Was solls denn nun, O Jesu, sein, Dasz mich der Tod so schrecket? Hat doch Elisa Todtenbein, Was todt war, auferwecket: Viel mehr wirst du, den Trost hab ich, Zum Leben kraeftig ruesten mich; Drum schlaf ich ein mit Freuden. In hymnody both before and since Gerhardt there has often been a vivid portrayal of the tortures of hell to terrify the soul. Gerhardt scrupulously avoids this and is therefore able to reduce everything to the simplicity of beauty. Every pain and every punishment in which his poems abound at once lose their bitterness because on them is reflected the sunlight of God's love. Gerhardt towers above his time in that amid all his despondent fellow-men he is always fearless and shows a cheerful heart reliant on God; just because the severe afflictions of his own life cannot break his spirit, he has in his power the cure for others. The candid reader must admit that there is evident in some passages of Gerhardt's poetry a certain dogmatic constraint, ("Gebundenheit"). The devil [107] is to him a terrible reality, the Christchild in the manger is the creator [108] of the world, and the problem of the Trinity is dismissed without consideration. The Atonement, too, of the Savior is easily understood on the theory of punishment, while the resurrection [109] of the flesh is an undeniable truth. But in other respects Gerhardt is far less dogmatic than Luther. __________________________________________________________________ [103] "Ich bin ein Gast auf Erden" (Goed. 284). [104] "Weint; und weint gleichwol nicht zu sehr" (Goed. 335). [105] Goed. 317. [107] Cf. "Will Satan mich verschlingen" (Goed. 60, 46); "Dazu kommt des Teufels Luegen" (Goed. 108, 7); also 62, 55; 122, 31; 135, 41; 171, 40; 173, 40; 185, 33; 232, 18; 256, 34; 312, 6; 328, 14. [108] Cf. "Es wird im Fleisch hier fuergestellt, Der alles schuf und noch erhaelt;" (Goed. 310, 37-38). [109] Cf. Goed. 51. __________________________________________________________________ Critics have sought in vain for traces of poetic development in Gerhardt's work. Such findings as have been claimed can be regarded only as more or less probable conjecture, a fact which shows that his personality was immediately poetically endowed, giving itself out whenever it composed poetry. If his individuality shows no development as such, his poetry can bear no marks of development. It has often been said that "Gerhardt had and sought no laurels"; nor was he ever "hailed as the Homer or Vergil of his time." As he knew neither himself nor the greatness of his gift, so his contemporaries failed to appreciate him. He never regarded himself as a poet by calling as did [84]Opitz, [85]Johann Franck and [86]Rist, but only a poet by avocation. To quote Goethe, he sang "as the bird sings that lives in the branches." In the same proportion that Gerhardt's poetry brought strength and comfort in the grievous period of the Thirty Years' War and later eras of confusion, it is destined through the present world disaster to bring its message of hope. __________________________________________________________________ [37] Or as the German says: From the "Bekenntnislied" to the "Erbauungslied." [38] Geschichte d. d. Nationallitteratur, ed. 1842, Pt. III, p. 366. [40] Geschichte d. d. Literatur, 1899, pp. 340-341. [41] Cf. J. Smend: "P. Gerhardt u. das evangel. Kirchenlied" in "Der Protestantismus am Ende des 19. Jahrh." I, pp. 301, ff. __________________________________________________________________ PART TWO. CHAPTER I. HISTORY OF ENGLISH HYMNODY AND THE GERMAN INFLUENCE UPON ENGLISH HYMN WRITING FROM THE EARLY XVITH THROUGH THE XIXTH CENTURY. [110] Any direct traces of literary intercourse between Germany and England before the XVIth century are hard to find; however, with the invention of printing, the establishment of the universities, the Renaissance and the Reformation the literary relations were increased and became important. In the wide region of satire which was at that time serious and often steeped in theological ideas Germany's works left enduring traces. Brant's "Narrenschiff" translated in the first years of the century helped essentially in accelerating the development of this type of literature in England: reprinted there after an interval of sixty years it was still an inexhaustible model of satire. Another source of dramatic effect destined to have great success on the English stage was found in some hero endowed with supernatural powers, such as Faustus. Thus by introducing a new class of situations into English drama the unusually gifted Germany of the sixteenth century was of great moment for its neighbor, England. Not a little of the quality of the Minnelied, too, reappears in much of the verse of the English lyric writers of this century, when the rose, the nightingale and daisy serve as interpretations of the play of love. In the Mystery Plays there existed doubtless germs of the Meistersaenger school: the occasional strophic passages in the Towneley plays resembled to a great extent the normal Meistergesang. This germ, however, did not develop markedly because in England the cultivation of poetry never became a serious occupation. These literary influences from Germany in satire, in Minnelied and in Meistergesang had direct effect upon English intellectual life, and continued uninterrupted through the centuries. The record, on the other hand, of German influence in History, Lyrics and Hymns was more broken and disconnected. In order to get the story of the development of the hymn we must go back a little. Church music in the mediaeval times belonged to the choir, not to the congregation. The choral hymns in England, as in Germany, were in Latin and many of them were exceedingly beautiful. Although the early English Church received from the continent the most of the Latin hymns used in its service, nevertheless there were a few English authors of Latin hymns. Among this number were Bede, commonly called Venerable Bede (673-735?) who wrote "Adeste, Christi, vocibus," and Anselm of Canterbury, a great architect and theologian, and Thomas `a Becket. While psalms and hymns have been used by the Christian Church since its beginning, the particular form of psalms and hymns now in use originated with the Reformation. A wonderful development of this religious lyric poetry sprang up in England and Germany at the beginning of the XVIth century. The reformers in both countries were chiefly concerned in simplifying religious worship, and in giving to the laity a more active participation in it; the choir and anthem, the old liturgic hymn and antiphonal chant gave way to a great extent to hymns in the vernacular, set to the simplest music and sung by the whole congregation. This change was first made by Luther and eagerly copied in England. When Miles Coverdale in his ungifted way translated Luther's hymns into English his unpoetical and lumbering versions were ill received and were soon proscribed by the Crown. Sternhold and Hopkins who were translators of the psalms became more noticed, but their versions too seem to have been deficient in taste and feeling of lyric poetry. The criticism of the poet Campbell seems to be justified when he says of the authors that "with the best intentions and the worst taste they degraded the spirit of Hebrew Psalmody by flat and homely phraseology; and mistaking vulgarity for simplicity turned into bathos what they found sublime." Although these bleak translations were read in England for a time, they soon disappeared leaving only small traces which were picked up by [87]Wesley more than two centuries later. So with the royal proscription of Coverdale's work [111] , the dying out of Sternhold and Hopkins' and other similar attempts at translation, the imaginative poetry of German Protestantism which had been caught up in England with such momentary enthusiasm was as rapidly forgotten. Church music was again sung by the choir. The first effort, therefore, in the early XVth century to introduce Lutheran hymnody into the English world contributed little. __________________________________________________________________ This disappearance in England of the work of the Reformers in church music was due not only to the lack of great translators but also to many other causes. Early in the Renaissance England came to think of the Reformation as her own movement, and therefore casting aside all suggestions from other countries wished to study history and hymns of English sources only. The few men at this time who recognized Germany as the mother country of the Reformation and a seat of literary accomplishments had no wide influence in England. All German residents in England belonged exclusively to the commercial class and brought no literary influence with them; also a reason for the literary alienation at this time was the fact that Germany did not enter the religious wars in which Englishmen were so deeply interested. To men like Jonson and Fletcher Germany was famous only as a land of magicians and conjurers such as Paracelsus and Dr. Faustus. In short, for nearly two centuries England knew little of Germany except what booksellers found it to their profit to advertise on their sign directories as the "wonderful strange Newes from Germany," and the satires of Brant, Dedekind, and Fischart. [112] Another most vital cause of the retardation of the development of hymnody in Great Britain so soon after the Reformation was the example and influence of Geneva. Calvin was organizing his ecclesiastical system at Geneva, and introduced into it Marot's Psalter [113] which was then very fashionable. This example produced in England the translation commonly known as the Old Version of the Psalms begun in the reign of Henry VIII (1509-1547). In this collection are eleven metrical versions of the "Te Deum" and "Da pacem, Domine," two original hymns of praise, two penitential and a hymn of faith. The tunes which accompanied the words were German. [114] Therefore, although the religious influence of the Reformation was always strong in England from the beginning of the movement, the influence of Luther from a literary standpoint early in the Renaissance ceased to exist in England and was replaced by Calvin's stern rule. These narrower canons admitting nothing but paraphrases of scripture and even of scripture little outside the Psalms became the firm fashion of English hymnody for the next century and a half. __________________________________________________________________ [112] For a good account of contemporary German drama and satire in England, cf. Herford: The Literary Relations of England and Germany in the XVIth. Century. Ch. IV-VII. [113] Clement Marot, valet de chambre to Francis I of France, collaborated with Theodore Beza on a metrical translation of the Old Testament Psalms. The work appeared about 1540. [114] Cf. Barney: History of Music. __________________________________________________________________ In spite of the fact that Luther had little influence on English literature in the early Reformation his hymns came to their own in England in the middle of the XVIIIth century. In the meantime, although the English people used the stern canons of Calvin, they began to feel the want of a more lyric hymn. While German Protestantism had developed at once a rich hymnody there was actually no English hymnody until the XVIIIth century. [88]Isaac Watts, a representative of the English Independents, may be justly considered the real founder of modern English hymnody. He was the first to understand the nature of the want, and by the publication of his [89]Hymns in 1707-1709 and [90]Psalms (hymns founded on psalms) he led the way in providing for this want. His immediate followers were Simon Browne and Doddridge; and later in the century Grigg, Miss Steele, [91]Beddome and Swain succeeded them. Of these writers Watts and Doddridge are certainly preeminent, the hymns of the former are of unusual fervor and strong simplicity, and those of Doddridge while perhaps more artificial in general than those of his predecessor Watts are nevertheless distinguished by their graceful style. About 1738 came the "Methodist" movement which afterward became divided into three sects, the Arminian under [92]John Wesley, those who adhered to the Moravians, [115] and the Calvinists of whom Whitfield was the leader. Each of these factions had its own hymn writers, some of whom did, and others did not, secede from the Church of England. These are the years when a renewed strong current of influence from Germany is felt. The translation movement first sprang up in the middle of this century when Count Zinzendorf and A. G. Spangenberg came to England [116] and established a branch of the Moravian Church there. The Gesangbuch, the first of the hymn books for the congregation at Herrnhut, had been published in 1735 by Count Zinzendorf. The Moravians in England began to translate many of the hymns contained in the German Moravian Hymn Book. [117] These translations, however, were for the most part poor, mere doggerel, but in later editions they were somewhat improved, especially in the one revised in the XlXth century by [93]James Montgomery, the well known hymn writer, who was for a long time a member of the English Moravian Church. Among these many English hymn writers at this time whether writing entirely from English sources, or influenced by German ideas and philosophily or merely translators of the German hymn, the Wesley brothers are deserving of the first place. After determining upon missionary lives [94]John and [95]Charles Wesley embarked on October 14, 1735, for the new colony of Georgia. Among their fellow passengers were twenty-six Moravian colonists, who in all the changes of weather, especially during storms, made a great deal of hymn singing. John Wesley was much impressed with the fervor and piety of these hymns and with their spiritual possibilities. One of the German sources which had great influence upon Wesleyan hymnody was Freylinghausen's Geist-reiches Gesang-Buch (Halle 1704 and 1714). John Wesley introduced hymn singing into the "companies" formed in Georgia and his first hymn book appeared as a Collection of Psalms and Hymns. Charles-Town 1737, without his name. Of the seventy lyrics in the book, one half are from Watts, fifteen of the remainder are hymns of the Wesleys, five of which were translated from the German by John Wesley. In his third collection printed in England in 1750 the immediate impression the hymns produce is that of foreignness because of the many lengthy stanzas and the unusual metres. The reason for this is the fact that the authorities insisted that the melodies sung at Herrnhut be kept, irrespective of the language in which they might be sung. Although Charles Wesley knew no German, and therefore derived his impressions of the Moravian hymnody indirectly, nevertheless he caught much of its tone and manner and its atmosphere of confiding love. In all he wrote about 6500 hymns, through a large portion of which may be traced this Moravian influence. Of great value to English hymnody are the contributions of the Calvinistic Methodists, and few writers of hymns have had higher gifts than A. M. Toplady, the author of "Rock of Ages." His hymns have the same warmth, richness and spirituality as German hymns, and are meditations after the German manner, owing direct obligation to German originals. During the first quarter of the nineteenth century came the practice of hymnodists of altering without scruple the compositions of other men, notably Latin and German hymn writers, to suit their own doctrines and tastes, with the result all too often of spoiling the originals thus altered, though English hymnody was undoubtedly enriched by this process of adaptation. __________________________________________________________________ [115] The Moravians were a vigorous religious cult established in Herrnhut, Saxony. [116] In 1737 and 1741, respectively. [117] Cf. p. 11. __________________________________________________________________ Two publications in 1827, Bishop Heber's Hymns and Keble's [96]Christian Year introduced a new epoch into English hymnody, destroying the barrier which had previously existed between the different theological schools of the Church of England. This movement received a great additional impulse from the publication in 1833 of Bunsen's Gesangbuch. From this time hymns and hymn writers multiplied not only in the Church of England, but in Scotland and America also. With such influences as we have mentioned the more recent collections have evidenced an improved standard of taste, and there has been a larger and more liberal admission of good hymns from the German. In this XIXth century when the study of the German language and literature became so much more common than before it is natural that an impulse be given also to translation of German hymns. Beside the improvement in the standard of taste, additional interest in hymnody had been aroused by the prominence given to congregational singing in English churches. "To love hymns in eighteenth century Scotland was to be accused of heresy: in England, it was to be convicted of that worse thing, 'enthusiasm.'" Since the days of Luther Germany had given her hymns general esteem, but in England it was the middle of the nineteenth century before hymns won anything like popular favor. The congregational hymn in England is the direct although exceedingly slow outgrowth of the German Reformation but it must be borne in mind that the foundations of congregational singing were laid even before Luther. When the Hussites in Bohemia created this hymnody in the vernacular their hymns were designed for worshippers rather than for the choir. [118] While German Protestantism developed at once a rich hymnody there was actually no English hymnody until the XVIIIth century. German hymns and chorals had a place in the Church Psalter and Hymn Book of William Mercer of Sheffield (1854). One who took much interest in its preparation was [97]James Montgomery of whom mention has already been made. [119] This was the most successful of all the books of the decade for the reason that it aided in placing the hymnody back in the people's hands and making it congregational. Thus we see that the success of congregational singing of the better type required a return to the Reformation practice of including the tunes, as well as words, in the people's hymn books. If general congregational singing after the manner that prevailed in Germany for so long has been an incentive to the development of English hymnody, the interest in German hymnody has at the same time been quickened by the good work done in [98]Frances E. Cox's Sacred Hymns from the German (1841) and [99]Henry J. Buckoll's Hymns translated from the German (1842). This also found expression in the Psalms and Hymns, partly original, partly selected (Cambridge 1851) of [100]Arthur T. Russell, in which the German hymns played a very large part, the Latin a very small one; even the arrangement of the hymns is based on an old Lutheran hymn book. In 1854 appeared [101]Richard Massie's Martin Luther's Spiritual Songs, and the first of four parts (1854-1862) of Hymns from the Land of Luther by [102]Jane Borthwick and her sister [103]Mrs. Findlater. In 1855 and 1858 [104]Catherine Winkworth published the [105]first and [106]second series of her Lyra Germanica, following them in 1863 with the [107]Chorale Book for England, and [108]Christian Singers of Germany (1869). The work of this group of translators which has secured so firm a place in English hymnody for a number of German hymns and more particularly those of Paul Gerhardt will be discussed in the following chapter. __________________________________________________________________ [118] The earliest extant hymn book is that in the Bohemian Museum at Prague, and bears the date Jan. 13, 1501, but this hymn book is, singularly, never mentioned among the works of the Brethren (Moravians). [119] Cf. p. 31. For Gerhardt's influence on Montgomery cf. p. 139. __________________________________________________________________ ABBREVIATIONS AND EXPLANATIONS. Bachmann = Bachmann: Gerhardts Geistliche Lieder, 1866. C.B. = [109]Chorale Book for England, by [110]Catherine Winkworth, 1863. C.P.&H.Bk. = Mercer's Church Psalter and Hymn Book, 1854 etc. Crue.Praxis = Crueger's Praxis pietatis melica, Berlin and Frankfurt a/M. 1648 etc. Crue.--Runge = Runge's edition of the above. Ebeling = P. Gerhardi Geistliche Andachten, 1667 etc. (The numbers following the date refer to the "dozen" in which the poem appeared. Cf. [111]p. 15 and note 6 [elec. ed. note 2].) G.B. = Gesangbuch. G.L.S. = Geistlicher Liederschatz, 1832. Goed. = Goedeke: Gedichte von Paulus Gerhardt, 1877. (In this thesis the poems are numbered according to the page on which they begin in this Goedeke text.) H.L.L. = Hymns from the Land of Luther, by [112]Mrs. Findlater and [113]Miss Jane Borthwick, 1854 etc. H.Bk. = Hymn Book. Kelly = [114]J. Kelly: Paul Gerhardt's Spiritual Songs, 1867. Lib.R.P. = Library of Religious Poetry, 1881. Lyra Ger. = [115]Lyra Germanica, by [116]Miss Winkworth, 1855 etc. Songs of G. and G. = Songs of Grace and Glory, by Charles B. Snepp, 1872. st. = stanza. Unv.L.S. = Unverfaelschter Liedersegen, Berlin, 1851. Wackernagel = Wackernagel: Gerhardts Geistliche Lieder, 1843. When merely the translator's name is given, the complete title of the work is usually to be found in the respective biographical note in the Appendix, [117]pp. 144 ff. The citation of hymn books is by no means exhaustive. Selections from Gerhardt's hymns are to be found in nearly all modern hymnals. The aim has been to give mainly those which first included versions of his hymns. As a rule, the German stanzas are indicated by the Roman numerals I, II, III, etc., the English stanzas by the Arabic 1, 2, 3, etc. __________________________________________________________________ [110] Inasmuch as Gerhardt's influence was not fully felt in England till the middle of the XIXth Century, this chapter deals with the development of the English hymn up to that period. [111] It must be remembered, however, that although Coverdale's writings had little influence upon the people of his own time, they have been appreciated by later generations and are among the most sincere monuments to Luther in the English language. Cf. A. Mitchell: The Wedderburns, Edinb., 1868. An example will show the nature and degree of Coverdale's imitation. Here is the first stanza of his version of "Ein' feste Burg": "Oure God is a defence and towre A good armour and good weapen, He hath ben ever oure helpe and sucoure In all the troubles that we have ben in. Therefore wyl we never drede For any wonderous dede By water or by londe In hilles or the sea-sonde. Our God hath them al i his hond." __________________________________________________________________ CHAPTER II. ENGLISH VERSIONS OF GERHARDT'S HYMNS. While the first influence of Gerhardt on English hymnody dates from the earlier part of the XVIIIth century it was not until the middle of the following century [120] that his influence was most fully felt. For it was then that the whole subject of church music and congregational singing in England received renewed and special attention. The English hymn writers and compilers of hymn books naturally appropriated all embodiment of Christian experience and devotion that Germany, a country so nearly akin to their own, could offer. The translators of all German hymns were subjected to certain limitations the observance of which affected the character of the rendering. The accompanying versions of Gerhardt's poems are illustrations of this statement. A parallel arrangement of these various versions reveals the following interesting facts. First, that literalness has been rarely attained for the reason that a certain measure of freedom has to be used in any metrical rendering. Some, as for example, [118]Dr. J. Kelly, have striven to maintain fidelity to the sense of the original and thereby have often sacrificed euphony to fidelity. Secondly, there has been made necessary the frequent use of the double rhymes which are as common in the German language, on account of its peculiar structure, as monosyllabic rhymes are in English. The limited number of double rhymes in English has presented a serious obstacle in the way of rendering German hymns with their native force and simplicity without which qualities the hymns cannot become truly naturalized. In so many cases have the German hymns and tunes been considered as one and inseparable, that the translators have sought to preserve the original metres for the sake of the tunes which would not of course admit of any deviation without harm to their characteristic beauty. In the following pages we shall discuss those of Gerhardt's hymns (84 in number) which have been translated into English, and cite in most cases the hymn books which have been among the first to recognize the excellence of the English versions. [121] __________________________________________________________________ Du liebe Unschuld du, wie schlecht wirst du geachtt!--(Goed. 3.) Appeared in the Crue. Praxis, 1656, p. 650. English Version: 1. By [119]J. Kelly, under the heading, "Under the vexations of the wicked prosperous world," the first stanza as follows: Ah! lovely innocence, how evil art thou deemed, How lightly oft thy work by all the world's esteem'd! Thou servest God, thy Lord, and to His word thou cleavest. For this, from men thou nought but scorn and hate receivest. This translation is somewhat labored as is especially evident in line 4 above for the German: "Darueber hoehnt man dich und drueckt dich aller Orten." Goedeke in his note to this hymn points out that from the use of the Alexandrine verse, the freedom from biblical phraseology and from the generality of the expressions it is probable that this is one of Gerhardt's earliest poems composed at a time when he patterned his writings after the model of Opitz. [122] __________________________________________________________________ [122] On Gerhardt's use of the Alexandrine cf. p. 20 f, and on the influence of Opitz cf. p. 18. __________________________________________________________________ Wie ist so grosz und schwer die Last.--(Goed. 7.) Appeared in Crue.--Runge, 1653, no. 299. This fervent appeal for protection during the Thirty Years' War has been translated into English only by [120]J. Kelly 1867, p. 246. In line 36 he renders (from the Wackernagel text which he used): "Behold! my heart, on every hand." As mein Herr is very evidently the proper reading from the sense of the context and the character of the other stanzas, it is unfortunate that his otherwise excellent rendering should be made to suffer by this one weak stanza. "Protection of God in hitherto dangerous times of war." Stanza 1. How heavy is the burden made That Thou upon our backs hast laid, O God! the Lord of Hosts, O God, whose anger rises high 'Gainst workers of iniquity. __________________________________________________________________ O Herrscher in dem Himmelszelt.--(Goed. 15.) Appeared in Crue.--Runge, 1653, no. 315. This poem and "Nun ist der Regen hin" (cf. Goed. [121]17, below) were both written during the Thirty Years' War and inspired by the same occasion. Gerhardt in two instances uses the same set of rhymes: Goed. 15 Goed. 17 l. 1 zelt l. 31 feld 2 feld 32 zelt 51 bekehrt 5 gekehrt 52 erhoert 6 erhoeret The long metre lends itself well to English translation, and [122]Kelly in his English version has observed with precision the pleading and melancholy tone of the original. Stanza 1. O God! who dost Heav'n's sceptre wield, What is it that now makes our field, And everything that it doth bear, Such sad and ruined aspect wear? [123] [123]J. Kelly, 1867, p. 294. His last stanza forms by its fervor an even stronger conclusion than Gerhardt's. The alteration from "bis in unsern Tod" to "as long as we may live" is a decided improvement, and more consistent with the thought of the context: Verleih uns bis in unsern Tod Alltaeglich unser liebes Brot Und dermaleins nach diser Zeit Das suesze Brot der Ewigkeit! And, Lord, as long as we may live Our daily bread in bounty give And when the end of time we see The bread give of eternity. __________________________________________________________________ [123] On the pessimistic tone in this stanza cf. p. 24. __________________________________________________________________ Nun ist der Regen hin.--(Goed. 17.) First published in Crue.--Runge, 1653, no. 315. This simple nature poem expressing to the Almighty thanks for gracious sunshine after a storm has appeared but once in English verse, the version of [124]J. Kelly, 1867, p. 298. The many poetic allusions and references to nature he has imitated very acceptably, at times even surpassing the thought of the original. In the first stanza the rhymes "gekehret" and "erhoeret" have been especially aptly rendered by the accented ed in "turned" and spurned." Stanza 1. Now gone is all the rain, Rejoice my heart again, Sing after times of sadness To God thy Lord with gladness! Our God His heart hath turned Our pray'r He hath not spurned How successfully [125]Kelly has caught the spirit of Gerhardt's nature description is evident in stanza 9: Die Baeume werden schoen In ihrer Fuelle stehen, Die Berge werden flieszen, Und Wein und Oele gieszen, Das Bienlein wird wol tragen Bei guten warmen Tagen. The trees so very fair Fruit-laden will stand there; From hill-sides like a river Will wine and oil flow ever In warm and quiet weather Will bees their honey gather. __________________________________________________________________ Nun laszt uns gehn und treten.--(Goed. 19.) [New Year.] Evidently written during the Thirty Years' War. It first appeared in Crue.--Runge, 1653, no. 106, in 15 stanzas of 4 lines; thence in Wackernagel: no. 12; Bachmann: no. 24; Berlin G. L. S.: 1863, no. 200. English Versions: 1. In prayer your voices raise ye. In full, by [126]J. Kelly, 1867, p. 45. From this 8 stanzas are included in the Ohio Lutheran Hymnal, 1880. [124] 2. Now let each humble creature. In the Suppl. to Ger. Psal., 1765, p. 4, and Select Hymns from Ger. Psal., Tranquebar, 1754, p. 7. In the Moravian Hymn Bk., 1789, no. 507 (1849, no. 1106) greatly altered and beginning, "Year after year commenceth." 3. O come with prayer and singing. [127]R. Massie in the British Herald, Jan., 1865, p. 8. 4. Christians all, with one accord. [128]E. Massie, 1867, p. 168. 5. With notes of joy and songs of praise. Dr. R. Maguire, 1883, p. 24. __________________________________________________________________ [124] alt., The Lutheran Hymnal, 1941, no. 122. __________________________________________________________________ Noch dennoch must du drum nicht ganz.--(Goed. 23.) Appeared in the Crue. Praxis, 1656, no. 814. This hymn of consolation seems to refer to some particular disaster that had befallen the community during the Thirty Years' War. The "drum" in line 1 may possibly refer to some address or announcement made to the congregation. The poem has been well translated in full by [129]J. Kelly, 1867, p. 230. He makes no attempt to render the doubtful meaning above referred to in the word "drum." On the other hand his interpretations of several rather obscure lines (cf. lines 29 and 43 below) are undoubtedly correct. Stanza 1. Thou must not altogether be O'ercome by sad vexation, God soon will cause to shine on thee The light of consolation. In patience wait, and be thou still And let the Lord do what He will, He never can do evil. Lines 29, 30 [125] are rendered: God therefore all our joys doth blight. Lets trials overtake us, and lines 43, 44: [126] Afflicted band! oh, fall ye now With contrite hearts before Him, In this last citation [130]Kelly is right in assuming it is not literally the "army" but rather the congregation or community that Gerhardt is here addressing. Wie soll ich dich empfangen.--(Goed. 25.) [131](Cf. p. 82.) __________________________________________________________________ [125] Gerhardt, lines 29, 30: Drum faehrt uns Gott durch unsern Sinn Und laeszt uns Weh geschehen; [126] lines 43, 44: Drum falle, du betruebtes Heer, In Demut fuer Ihm nieder; __________________________________________________________________ Nun du lebest, unsre Krone.--(Goed. 28.) This poem was appended to an address delivered in Berlin on the 23d of March, 1648, at the funeral of Peter Fritzen, the President of the Consistory. English Version: 1. On thy bier how calm thou'rt sleeping Yet thou livest, oh our crown! Watch eternal art thou keeping, Standing near thy Savior's throne. Endless joy thy portion now! Why should tears so freely flow? What should thus in sorrow sink us? Up! aright let us bethink us! A complete translation by [132]J. Kelly, 1867, p. 338. __________________________________________________________________ Sei mir tausendmal gegrueszet.--(Goed. 40.) Taken from the "Salve mundi salutare," ascribed to St. Bernard of Clairvaux. [127] The text of this beautiful poem is in St. Bernard's Opera Omnia, Paris, 1609, cols. 1655-56. Here it is entitled "A rhythmical prayer to anyone of the members of Christ suffering and hanging on the Cross," and is divided into 7 parts viz: I. Salve mundi salutare (to the Feet). II. Salve Jesu, Rex sanctorum (to the Knees). III. Salve Jesu, pastor bone (to the Hands). IV. Salve Jesu, summe bonus (to the Side). V. Salve salus mea, Deus (to the Breast). VI. Summi Regis cor aveto (to the Heart). VII. Salve caput cruentatum (to the Face). The whole poem has been frequently translated into German. The best known translations are those by Paul Gerhardt, which are free versions of all the seven parts from the Latin text of 1609. Of Gerhardt's versions, nos. I, V, VI, and VII have passed into English, as follows: __________________________________________________________________ [127] Bernard of Clairvaux, saint, abbot, and doctor, was born in Burgundy in 1091, entered the monastery of Citeaux in 1113. In 1146 he spent much time in traversing France and Germany to rouse the people to participate in the ill-fated second crusade. He died in 1153. The hymns by which he is best known are (1) "Jesu dulcis memoria," a long poem on the "Name of Jesus," and (2) "Salve mundi salutare," an address to the various members of Christ on the cross. Hymns, translated from, or founded on, St. Bernard's will be found in almost every modern hymnal. __________________________________________________________________ I. Sei mir tausendmal gegrueszet.--(Goed. 40.) This appeared in the 5th ed., Berlin, 1653, and the Frankfort ed., 1656, of Crue. Praxis, no. 150; thence in Wackernagel: no. 16; Bachmann: no. 48; Unv. L. S.: 1851, no. 116. English Versions: 1. Thousand times by me be greeted. In pt. I of the Moravian H. Bk. 1754. Repeated in [133]later editions. 2. Ever by my love be owned (st. I, III, IV). [134]A. T. Russell in his Psalms and Hymns, 1851. __________________________________________________________________ V. Gegrueszet seist du, Gott, mein Heil.--(Goed. 46.) Appeared in the Frankf. ed., 1656, of Crue. Praxis; thence in Wackernagel: no. 20; Bachmann: no. 52. English Versions: 1. All hail to Thee, my Savior and my God. Mrs. Stanley Carr in her translation of Wildenhahn's Paul Gerhardt, ed. 1856, p. 116. 2. All hail! my Savior and my God. [135]R. Massie in the British Herald, Feb., 1865, p. 18. __________________________________________________________________ VI. O Herz des Koenigs aller Welt.--(Goed. 47.) Appeared in the Frankf. ed., 1656, of Crue. Praxis, no. 155; thence in Wackernagel: no. 21; Bachmann: no. 53; Berlin, G. L. S.: 1863, no. 258. English Version: 1. O Heart of Him who dwells on high. [136]R. Massie in the British Herald, May, 1866, p. 260. VII. O Haupt voll Blut und Wunden.--(Goed. 49.) [137](Cf. p. 86 ff.) Wach auf, mein Herz, und singe.--(Goed. 59.) [138](Cf. p. 95 ff.) Nun ruhen alle Waelder.--(Goed. 60.) [139](Cf. p. 98 ff.) __________________________________________________________________ Weg, mein Herz, mit den Gedanken.--(Goed. 62.) [Lent.] Founded on St. Luke XV. Appeared in Crue. Praxis, 1648, no. 36 in 12 stanzas. English Versions: 1. Let not such a thought e'er pain thee. [140]J. Kelly, 1867, p. 83. 2. Hence, my heart, with such a thought. [141]Miss Winkworth, 1869, [142]p. 210. [3. Shun, my heart, the thought forever.] [See [143]Appendix.] __________________________________________________________________ Herr, hoere, was mein Mund.--(Goed. 65.) Appeared in Crue. Praxis, 1648, no. 37. This Prayer for favor in judgment is based on Psalm CXLIII. It is pervaded with deep humility and devoutness. English Versions: 1. Lord, lend a gracious ear To my desire sincere From heart all free from guile And glad me with Thy smile, Accept my petition. [144]J. Kelly, 1867, p. 92. His rendering of the similes and metaphors of this hymn is especially good. Cf. stanza VI: Betrachte, wer ich bin, Im Hui fahr ich dahin, Zerbrechlich wie ein Glas, Vergaenglich wie ein Gras Ein Wind kann mich faellen. Consider what we be-- A moment, what are we? As brittle as frail glass As fading as the grass, By a breath we're swept off. and in stanza X: Ich lechze wie ein Land, I'm like a thirsty land, also stanza XI: Gleich wie auf der Heid Ein Hirsch . . . Like hart upon the heath . . . __________________________________________________________________ Warum machet solche Schmerzen.--(Goed. 67.) [New Year.] Based on St. Luke II, 21. It appeared in Crue. Praxis, 1648, no. 97 in 4 stanzas. Bunsen, in his Versuch 1833, no. 120, gives stanzas III, IV, altered to "Freut euch, Suender, allerwegen." English Versions: 1. Mortals, who have God offended. [145]Miss Cox, 1841, p. 21, from Bunsen. 2. Why should they such pain e'er give Thee. [146]J. Kelly, 1867, p. 43. Ein Laemmlein geht und traegt die Schuld.--(Goed. 68.) [147](Cf. p. 104 ff.) __________________________________________________________________ O Welt, sieh hier dein Leben.--(Goed. 71.) [128] [Passiontide.] Cf. Koch IV, 161, 711, 787. First published in Crue. Praxis, 1648, no. 119, in 16 stanzas of 8 lines, reprinted in Wackernagel: no. 15; Bachmann: no. 8; Unv. L. S.: 1851, no. 113. Stanzas III-V were favorites with J. S. Bach and used by him in his St. Matthew and St. John Passion Music. [129] English Versions: 1. Extended on a cursed tree. A free translation in long metre by [148]J. Wesley, of stanzas I, III, IV, VI, VIII-XI, XVI, in Hymns and Sacred Poems, 1740 (P. Works, 1868-72, Vol. I, p. 232), and thence in the Wesleyan H. Bk., 1780, and since in [149]other hymn books of the Methodists. The translation of stanzas IX-XI, XVI, beginning "My Savior, how shall I proclaim" were included in the American Sabbath Hymn Book, 1858, and the Baptist Service of Song, Boston, 1871. 2. See, World, upon the bloody tree. A translation by [150]P. H. Molther of stanzas I-X in the Moravian H. Bk., 1742, 1754. In the 1789 and 1886 eds. it is altered to "See, World, upon the shameful tree." The hymn appears in several English hymn books in different abridged forms. 3. O, World! behold upon the tree. A good translation omitting stanza VII, by [151]Miss Winkworth, in the [152]2d Series, 1858, of her Lyra Ger., and thence in Schaff's Christ in Song ed. 1869, p. 174, and slightly altered and beginning: "Lord, be Thy Cross before our sight." In [153]Kennedy, 1863. 4. Here, World, see thy Redeemer. In the Suppl. to Ger. Psalmody, ed. 1765, p. 16. 5. O World! attention lend it. [154]J. Gambold, as no. 442 in pt. I of the Moravian H. Bk., 1754. Altered to "O World, see thy Creator." (1886, no. 94.) 6. O World! see thy life languish. [155]J. D. Burns, in the Family Treasury, 1859, pt. I, p. 54, also in his Memoir and Remains, 1869, p. 246. 7. See World! thy Life assailed. [156]J. Kelly, 1867, p. 54. 8. Here, World, thy great Salvation see. [157]Dr. J. Guthrie, 1869, p. 87. 9. O World! see here suspended. In Reid's Praise Book, 1872, no. 1009. 10. Behold, O World, thy Life, thy Lord. Dr. R. Maguire, 1883, p. 143. Selected Stanzas: [158]J. Gambold in Part I of the 1734 edition of the Moravian Hymn Book. 1. O World! attention lend it, Thy Life's on Cross suspended Thy Healer sinks in death: The sov'reign Prince of Glory (Tis no fictitious story) With Shame and torment yields his Breath. [159]P. H. Molther in Part I of the 1754 edition of the Moravian Hymn Book. 1. See, world, upon the bloody tree Thy Life there sinks in Death, Cover'd with Stripes and wounds for thee Thy Savior yields his breath. 2. Behold his Body swims in blood; Out of his tender Heart, Deep sighs and Groans he sends to God In his excessive smart. Note in the above stanzas the inconsistencies in capitalization. [160]Miss Winkworth, in her [161]Lyra Germanica, 1858. 1. Oh world! behold upon the tree Thy Life is hanging now for thee, Thy Savior yields His dying breath; The mighty Prince of glory now For thee doth unresisting bow To cruel stripes, to scorn and death. __________________________________________________________________ [128] For adaptations of this hymn cf. p. 137. [129] Cf. p. 21. __________________________________________________________________ Auf, Auf, mein Herz mit Freuden.--(Goed. 74.) [Easter.] It appeared in Crue. Praxis, 1648, no. 141, in 9 stanzas. English Versions: 1. Up! up! my heart with gladness, See. [162]J. Kelly, 1867, p. 71. 2. Up, Up