_________________________________________________________________ Title: Pseudepigrapha: An account of certain apocryphal sacred writings of the Jews and early Christians Creator(s): Deane, William John (1823-1895) Print Basis: Edinburgh: T & T Clark [n.d.] Rights: Public Domain CCEL Subjects: All; Early Church; History; LC Call no: BS1700 LC Subjects: The Bible Old Testament Special parts of the Old Testament _________________________________________________________________ PSEUDEPIGRAPHA: AN ACCOUNT OF CERTAIN APOCRYPHAL SACRED WRITINGS OF THE JEWS AND EARLY CHRISTIANS. BY THE Rev. WILLIAM J. DEANE, M.A., RECTOR OF ASHEN, ESSEX; AUTHOR OF “THE BOOK OF WISDOM, WITH PROLEGOMENA AND COMMENTARY (OXFORD: CLARENDON PRESS), ETC. ETC. EDINBURGH: T. & T. CLARK, 38 GEORGE STREET. 1891. Facsimile of Title Page PRINTED BY MORRISON AND GIBB, FOR T. & T. CLARK, EDINBURGH. LONDON, . . . . . . HAMILTON, ADAMS, AND C0. DUBLIN, . . . . . . GEORGE HERBERT. NEW YORK, . . . . . . CHARLES SCRIBNER’S SONS. _________________________________________________________________ PREFACE. The present work consists chiefly of a reproduction of certain articles (with additions and corrections) contributed by me to various religious periodicals during the last few years. It treats of some curious Pseudepigraphal Jewish and Christian writings composed in the times immediately preceding or following the commencement of the Christian era, and aims at giving a succinct account of these productions for readers who are not familiar with the originals. The books comprised in our English Bibles under the name of “Apocrypha” are excluded, as they have been sufficiently examined of late years, and commentaries upon them are readily available. Some of the works treated in this volume are comparatively unknown to English readers, but those (like the Book of Enoch) which have obtained more currency among us could not be omitted from our survey, especially as they form an integral part of the literature of the period, and are often referred to and cited. The whole of the writings here examined have not hitherto been collected into one volume. The original text or versions of some of them have been printed in Fabricius’ Codex Pseudepigraphus Veteris Testamenti; and in Fritzsche’s Libri Apocryphi Vet. Test.; the others have been published by various editors at various times, as noted in the following accounts. _________________________________________________________________ CONTENTS. Introduction, 1 I. Lyrical— The Psalter of Solomon, 25 II. Apocalyptical and Prophetical— The Book of Enoch, 49 The Assumption of Moses, 95 The Apocalypse of Baruch, 130 The Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs, 162 III. Legendary— The Book of Jubilees, 193 The Ascension of Isaiah, 236 IV. Mixed— The Sibylline Oracles, 276 _________________________________________________________________ INTRODUCTION. In the times immediately preceding and succeeding the commencement of the Christian era there arose among the Jews a style of writing to which the name Pseudepigraphic has been given, because most of the works so composed appeared under the assumed name of some famous person. They must not be considered in the light of literary forgeries; they are not like Macpherson with his Ossian, or Chatterton with his Rowley, fraudulent attempts at imposture; but the authors, having something to say which they deemed worthy of the attention of contemporaries, put it forth under the ægis of a great name, not to deceive, but to conciliate favour. A writer who ventured to appropriate a celebrated title would take care to satisfy the expectations raised by his pseudonym, and readers would believe that no one would dare to challenge comparison with a great original who was not qualified to sustain the character assumed. The most familiar instance is, perhaps, the book known as the Wisdom of Solomon, wherein the writer assumes the person of the great Israelite king, certainly with no idea of deceiving his readers (for the language of the treatise, the date and place of its composition, alike forbid any notion of fraud), but with the view of supporting his opinions by the highest authority, and as embodying sentiments which are such as the son of David might have enunciated. A similar impersonation is familiar to us in the Book of Ecclesiastes, where Koheleth utters his varied experiences through the mouth of Solomon, “son of David, king in Jerusalem.” Such a use of fiction has been common in all ages; it is found in classical authors. Plato and Cicero introduced real characters as vehicles for supporting or opposing their views. The Apologies of Socrates, the speeches in Thucydides and Livy, are never deemed to be intentional deceptions; the animus decipiendi is lacking; and though they utter the words of the writers, and not those of the persons represented, no one sees in them fraud and chicanery, but every one regards them as legitimate examples of dramatic personation. The Old Testament authors do not prefix their names to their works, as they write, not for self-glorification, but to serve far higher purposes. The only exception to this rule is found in the case of the prophets, whose names and credentials were necessarily required, in order to give weight and credibility to their announcements. In accordance with this practice the uninspired apocalyptic writers publish their visions, and lucubrations under the appellation of some earlier worthy, whom with transparent impersonation they introduce into their compositions. They might also claim the authority of the titles of many books in the Old Testament which are presented under the names of authors who certainly did not write them. No one supposes that Ruth or Esther composed the books which bear their names, and very little of the two books of Samuel are the work of that great prophet. The Psalmists adopted the designations of David, or Asaph, or the sons of Korah, because they echoed the spirit or employed the forms found in their prototypes. Those who followed the footsteps of these great predecessors, without their claim to inspiration, thought themselves justified in winning attention to their utterances by adventitious means, and boldly personated the eminent characters in whose spirit they wrote. [1] At the cessation of prophecy among the Jews, when no longer the utterances of inspired seers denounced abuses, pointed the right way, proclaimed the will of God, great attention was paid by devout men to the study and interpretation of canonical Scripture. In contrast with the heathenism of surrounding nations, the Hebrew pored over his Heaven-sent law, and, by attention thereto, confirmed his abhorrence of idolatry and his adherence to his monotheistic faith. The degradation of Israel under its pagan oppressors, and the temporary triumph of the chosen people in the Maccabean period, gave rise to the apocalyptic literature of which we are speaking. An unswerving zeal for the Law, and a glowing hope of a happy future, formed the character istics of this period. From the storm and tumult and confusion of their own times good men looked forward to a reign of peace and happiness, and strove to impart their own hopes to their desponding countrymen. Taking their tone from, and founding their views upon, the ancient prophets, and more especially employing the imagery and developing the annunciations of Daniel, these writers, under various forms, and with very different success, gradually put forth their notions of the future, and anticipate the kingdom of Messiah. Often in their treatises they enter on the history of the past, putting their words into the mouth of an ancient prophet; but all such details are preparatory to the predictive portion, and lead up to this important element. The grand destiny which awaits Israel fills their minds; they dream of an universal judgment, followed by the supremacy of the chosen people; they are fired with an enthusiasm which is not fettered by probabilities, and they boldly announce events as certain which they have no real claim to foretell, and which nothing but an imaginative and ardent zeal could have induced them to publish. The value of these writings is considerable, and this for many reasons; but that which chiefly concerns us is the light which they throw upon Jewish belief at the most important era. Those which are plainly antecedent to Christian times have their own special utility; while the later productions, which belong to the first Christian centuries, show the influence of new ideas even on those who retained their affection for the old religion. And both series are necessary for every study of the religious history of the Jews. It is perhaps true that this apocalyptic literature was regarded with little favour by the Rabbinic schools, and no dogmatic authority was attributed to it; but it can be used as indicating current thought, just as we refer to any contemporary document to denote popular opinion, though it be not stamped with the authority of a teaching body. The number of these writings which are still extant, and the many more of which the titles only have remained to our times, prove the wide prevalence of the feelings which are embodied in them, and the profound impression which such thoughts had made on the hearts of the people. Omitting the works which either in whole or in part have been submitted to modern criticism, we have notices of the existence of many other apocalyptic and pseudepigraphic compositions, whose titles pretty fairly explain their contents. Of course, very many of the works enumerated in the catalogues of extra-canonical writings are of Christian origin; but even these are framed on the same lines as the earlier, and very often repeat the ideas and give expression to the hopes found in the others. In the Fourth Book of Esdras, which is called the Second in our English Bibles, the sacred books are counted as ninety-four, twenty-two of which would be the received items of the Jewish Canon, and seventy-two apocryphal. These last, which in round numbers are called seventy, were directed to be reserved for the wise among the people; “for in them is the spring of understanding, the fountain of wisdom, and the stream of knowledge.” [2] Hilgenfeld [3] reckons the number of those whose titles have survived at thirty-six. Many of these, however, would scarcely come under our view as Jewish productions, being of gnostic or heretical origin, and are rather to be reckoned among New Testament pseudepigrapha. The term applied to the books with which we are concerned is used by Jerome in allusion to the Wisdom of Solomon, and has thence come to be employed for the whole class, though not strictly true of them all. In his preface to the Books of Solomon, Jerome says, “Fertur et Panæretos Jesu filii Sirach liber, et alius pseudepigraphus, qui sapientia Salomonis inscribitur.” Not that Jerome invented the word which so happily describes the leading characteristic of such productions. It is found in Greek authors long before his time. Thus Polybius (Hist. xxiv. 5. 5) calls the tricksy and unreliable Messenian, Deinocrates, pseudepugraphos kai rhōpikos. Spuriousness of authorship belongs to most of the series, and is a mark of the writings which were produced in such luxuriance towards the time of the commencement of the Christian era; and a term denoting this peculiarity may well be adopted as their designation. The documents fall naturally into three classes. The first, of which few representatives have reached us, may be called Lyrical. There is a spurious production of this nature assigned to David in the Apostolical Constitutions, [4] but it is no longer extant. The only important contribution to this class is the Psalter of Solomon, a collection of eighteen psalms, written probably originally in Hebrew, about half a century before the Christian era, but known to us only in a Greek version. They are conceived in the spirit of Old Testament prophecy, and are designed to console the Jews under national calamity by confirming their faith in future retribution and Messianic hopes. The second class may be called Prophetical, and may be divided into two sections, composed respectively of Apocalypses and Testaments. Apocalyptic writings are very numerous, the most celebrated being the Fourth Book of Esdras and the Book of Enoch. The former of these, as it forms a portion of the Apocrypha in the Authorised Version of our English Bible, has been copiously annotated of late years; the latter from its length and importance demands special study. There are many others which are most interesting, and claim notice at our hands. The Assumption of Moses is the document from which, according to Origen, St. Jude borrowed his allusion to Michael’s dispute with Satan about the body of Moses. It consists of an address of the great lawgiver to his successor Joshua, enunciating the future fate of Israel, partly historical down to the author’s time, and partly predictive. The Apocalypse of Baruch is a different work from the Book of Baruch and the Epistle of Jeremy in our English Apocrypha. Written originally in Greek, it has been preserved only in Syriac and Latin versions. It contains a series of post facto predictions supposed to be uttered by Baruch about the time of the first destruction of Jerusalem, and a revelation of the reign and judgment of Messiah. The Ascension and Vision of Isaiah describe the martyrdom of the prophet by his being sawn asunder, an allusion to which is supposed to be made in Heb. xi. 37, and contain an account of what he saw when rapt to heaven. The above are the works which have come to us in a more or less perfect shape. There are many others of which we know little more than the titles which indeed are often very similar to those of extant productions, but appertain to distinct works. There is a Prophecy and Revelation of the holy and beloved prophet Esdras, another of Baruch; then Elijah, Jeremiah, Zephaniah, Ezekiel, Habakkuk, Zechariah, have each their special Apocalypses; a spurious Daniel also is mentioned; and Adam, Lamech, Moses, and Abraham are not unrepresented, but contribute their revelations. Hermas Pastor [5] refers to a Prophecy of Eldad and Modat which was well known in the early Church; but this with many others has perished long ago; and the vague allusions to such works in the pages of the Fathers and in some ancient catalogues of Scripture do not allow us to judge of their contents and character. Among the productions which assume the testamentary form we have the titles only of some, e.g. the Diatheke of the Protoplast, of Jacob, Moses, Hezekiah, Adam, Noah, Solomon, Abraham; the Last Prayer and Blessing of Joseph, a work continually quoted by Origen as “a writing not to be despised,” and said by him to be in circulation among the Hebrews. But the work of this character that is still extant is called the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs. This is an account of the lives of the sons of Jacob, containing many legendary particulars not found in Scripture, revelations of the future, and Messianic predictions. The third class takes a historical or Haggadistic character. Its chief representative is the Book of Jubilees, or Micro-Genesis, an enlarged account of Biblical history down to the institution of the Passover, with the chronology reduced to Jubilee periods. Other works of which little is known are these: the History of Jannes and Jambres, the magicians who opposed Moses at the court of Pharaoh; the Conversion of Manasses, a different work from the Prayer of Manasses in our Apocrypha; the Life of Adam; the Revelation of Adam; the Repentance of Adam; the Daughters of Adam; the Gospel of Eve; the Story of Asenath, Joseph’s wife, and that of Noria, the wife of Noah. We have omitted mention of the Sibylline Oracles, not because they are of less importance than other works, but because they partake of the nature of all three classes, and cannot be assigned specially to any one of them. They are lyrical, being written in measured verse, and very often in a highly poetical strain; they are historical, detailing the events in the history of various peoples down to Christian times, with an admixture of truth and fiction which is hard to unravel; and they are apocalyptic, in that they foreshadow the future of Messiah’s kingdom and the destiny of the elect. While a large proportion of these poems is of post-Christian origin, there are considerable fragments of earlier date which are of important utility in determining prevalent Jewish views. Schürer happily calls them “Jewish Propaganda under a heathen mask,” and classes them with the so-called productions of Hystaspes, Hecatæus, Aristæus, and Phocylides. Without anticipating details which belong to the special account of each of these works, we may here gather up some general results of the doctrine enunciated in them. [6] First, as to the divisions of time, we find throughout the books that two great periods are specified—the present, and the future or coming age. This is in conformity with the view taken in the Book of Daniel. The former period is one of depression and misery, when Israel is for a time prostrate under the heel of Gentile enemies; the latter is an eternity of victory and bliss, when “the saints of the Most High shall receive the kingdom, and possess the kingdom for ever, even for ever and ever.” [7] The temporary and the eternal periods are strongly contrasted, though there is no general consent as to the moment when the happy age shall dawn. But it shall be preceded by a judgment which is to take place in the last days, the end of the transition state, wherein the heathen shall receive their doom. This great day is known only to God; but it shall be revealed in due time, and meanwhile men need not disquiet themselves concerning its advent; as it is said in the Book of Enoch, “Let not your spirit be grieved on account of the times, for the Holy One hath prescribed days to all. And the righteous shall arise from sleep, and walk in the way of righteousness, and God will be gracious unto them, and give them everlasting dominion.” [8] In the Psalms of Solomon we read, [9] “Behold, O Lord, and raise up for them their king, the son of David, at the time which Thou, God, knowest.” In the Fourth Book of Esdras it is said, “The Most High hath made, not one age, but two;” and again, “He hath made this age for the sake of many, but the future for the sake of few.” [10] And, “This present age is not the end . . . but the day of judgment will be the end of this time, and the beginning of the immortal age that is to come, wherein corruption hath passed away.” [11] Attempts are made to define the length of the first period more accurately, but the proposed solutions do not help much to satisfy inquiry. The Book of Enoch in one place allots seventy generations to the world’s history, in another divides it into ten weeks; in the Assumption of Moses the beginning of the second age is placed “two hundred and fifty times,” i.e. probably 250 weeks of years (= 4250), after the death of Moses, A.M. 2500. This is almost the same result as is obtained in the Book of Jubilees. In the Fourth Book of the Sibylline Oracles the time is divided into eleven generations, [12] in the last of which the judgment shall take place. In the Fourth Book of Esdras and in the Apocalypse of Baruch the age consists of twelve sections, at the end of which the new era shall commence. Failing to define accurately the duration of the first age of the world, speculation concerned itself with the signs which should herald the approach of the last times. Theorists endeavoured to answer that question which, quite in accordance with Jewish opinion, the apostles put to Christ, “Tell us, when shall these things be? and what shall be the sign of Thy coming, and of the consummation of the age?” [13] Thus the Sibyl affirms that there shall be seen swords in the heaven, and storms of dust, and an eclipse of the sun, and armed warriors contending in the sky. [14] The Book of Enoch foretells great changes in the course of nature — the alteration of seasons, the shortening of men’s lives, irregularity in the course of moon and stars, and a repetition of the wicked practices which occasioned the Flood of old. [15] To the same effect the Book of Jubilees looks forward to a season of abnormal iniquity as the precursor of the judgment day; there shall be unnatural crimes among men, and strange aberrations in the order of nature, children rising up against parents, general barrenness in earth, great destruction of the lower creatures in land and sea, perversion of all right, and universal strife. [16] The Fourth of Esdras takes up the same strain. As the world grows older it becomes weaker and more evil, men degenerate, truth flies away, leasing is hard at hand. Then shall occur earthquakes, unrest and uproar among nations, and various prodigies in heaven and earth; the sun shall shine at night, the moon in day; blood shall ooze from wood; sweet water shall be changed to salt; women shall bring forth monsters; infants of tender age shall speak. [17] Many of these portents are such as one reads of in classical authors; some recall our Lord’s predictions, or St. Paul’s warning that “in the last days perilous times shall come” (2 Tim. iii. 1). In the Apocalypse of Baruch the details of the wickedness and calamities that shall intervene are more distinctly specified, being divided into twelve parts, increasing to a climax of horror; and despair and destruction shall overtake all the world with the exception of the inhabitants of the holy land. [18] But throughout these books the advent of the second age is to be ushered in by extraordinary calamities consequent on excessive moral evil, and characterised by an universal degeneracy alike in animal and vegetable life. We have now to see what our books say about the Messiah. Many of them, indeed, seem to have no reference whatever to Him. The writer of the Assumption of Moses expects the appearance of some great saviour to prepare the way for the visible reign of Jehovah; but this deliverer is not the Messiah, and is, in fact, not regarded as superior to Moses in action or person. In the Book of Jubilees the idea of a personal Messiah is pointedly excluded; God, says the writer, has appointed no one to reign over Israel, being Himself their only Lord and Ruler, and purposing in due time to descend from heaven and dwell with His people. The writer seems purposely to have omitted the blessings which Jacob pronounced upon his sons, and especially all mention of the house of David, which would naturally have found place in the benediction on Judah. The Fourth Book of the Sibylline Oracles, which is marked by some eschatological passages, omits all reference to Messiah, while announcing the resurrection and the judgment. And we may remark in passing that the apocryphal works in our English Bible are singularly devoid of all Messianic references. Ecclesiasticus has no trace of the great hope; Wisdom is equally barren; the famous passage in ii. 10–20 of that Book, about the treatment of the righteous man by the wicked, having regard to a class, and certainly not alluding to any particular individual. The Books of Maccabees look forward to the re-gathering of Israel and the appearance of a true prophet, but nothing more. In Tobit we find only hope of the conversion of the Gentiles and the restoration of Jerusalem; in Baruch and Judith, though the future judgment is intimated, absolute silence is maintained concerning the Messiah’s part in that transaction. It is plain that the later conception of the Messiah, with all the hopes that gathered round His person and achievements, was not generally admitted when most of our books were composed, and it was only very gradually that the ideas obtained which we have been accustomed to associate therewith. Though it is difficult to fix the date of most of these works, probably the earliest which contains definite Messianic statements is a section of the Third Book of the Sibylline Verses, written about a century and a half before the Christian era. The passage which is, probably correctly, assumed to bear this interpretation is the following: [19] “Then from the sun God shall send a King, who shall cause all the earth to cease from wicked war, killing indeed some; and making faithful treaties with others. Not by His own counsels shall He do all these things, but in obedience to the good decrees of the great God.” Then follows a description of the happy condition that is to ensue; but there is no further mention of this King, and the governing authority of the new kingdom established by God is not one great personage, but prophets, who are “judges of mortals and righteous kings.” The subordinate position assigned to Messiah is very remarkable; He, indeed, prepares the way for the great consummation, but He is not said to bear any part in the administration of the future age. In another passage, [20] which critics generally assign to some half-century B.C., the advent of the Messiah is immediately expected. Thus the Sibyl writes: “But when Rome shall rule over Egypt also, uniting it into one, then indeed the mighty kingdom of the immortal King shall appear among men; and there shall come a pure King to hold the sceptres of all the earth for all ages as time hastens onward.” Evidently, it is an earthly kingdom which this Monarch establishes, and this, it is further intimated, is to come to an end when the new era dawns. The Book of Enoch adumbrates the Messiah in symbolical language. In the vision of the seventy shepherds, and the sheep and wild animals, the Messiah appears under the figure of a white Bull. The wording of the passage is ambiguous, and the correct reading is disputed; hence it remains doubtful to, which age the Messiah belongs; though the analogy of other passages would place Him at the entrance of the new era. Enoch says: [21] “Then those three who were clothed in white raised me up and placed me in the midst of the sheep, before the judgment took place [22] . . . and I saw that a white Bullock was born, having great horns, and all the beasts of the field and all the birds of heaven feared him, and besought him continually. And I watched till all their tribes were changed and became white bullocks; and the first among them [was the Word, and the same Word] [23] was a great beast, and had great black horns upon his head; and the Lord of the sheep rejoiced over them and over all the bullocks.” The personality of this “Bullock” is not very definite, and there is no allusion to descent from the house of David; but the representation evidently embraces hopes of Messiah, and looks forward, though vaguely, to the time of His appearing. This time is fixed more accurately in the Fourth of Esdras (vii. 28 ff.), where it is announced that Messiah and the saints with Him shall rejoice four hundred [24] years, and that then he and all men are to die, and silence reign for seven days, at the end of which time “the earth that yet awaketh not shall be raised up, and that which is corrupt shall die.” So in other passages, both in Esdras and Baruch, the dominion of Messiah is announced as lasting till the final judgment, confined, as it would seem, to the first, the present age. The Messiah, according to Enoch, [25] is to be born at Jerusalem; meantime He is hidden till the hour of His revelation arrives. In the Ascension of Isaiah He passes through the seven heavens unrecognised, until He executes vengeance on the evil principalities and powers, and returns in glory to the throne of God. Esdras sees Him coming up from the midst of the sea, which denotes the mysterious and secret character of the unknown region wherein He sojourned, and in due time taking His stand upon Mount Zion. [26] “Here,” says Baruch, [27] “He shall judge the last leader of His enemies, and put him to death, and shall protect God’s people who are found in the place which He has chosen. And His dominion shall continue until the world of corruption is brought to an end, and the predicted times are fulfilled.” Of the Messiah’s descent from David and His high title, the Psalter of Solomon gives the clearest indications. “Behold, O Lord,” says the Psalmist, “and raise up for them their King, the Son of David, at the time which Thou knowest. . . . He is the righteous King over them, taught of God. There shall be no injustice in His days among them, for they all shall be holy, and their King shall be Christ the Lord.” [28] This last expression seems certainly to have been well known before Christian times. In Esdras [29] the name Christ is found twice at least, though in one place it has been changed by some Christian hand into “Jesus;” and “unctus,” the Anointed, also occurs, corrupted in the Latin into “ventus,” the “wind;” but in the other versions appearing with an addition, “the Anointed whom the Highest hath reserved to the end of the days, who shall arise out of the seed of David.” The title Messiah is constantly used in Baruch; thus we read, “It shall come to pass, when that which is to be shall have been accomplished there, that Messiah shall begin to be revealed.” [30] The Book of Enoch has suffered so much from glosses and interpolations that we cannot build much upon isolated expressions; but, as the text stands, the expression “Son of God,” or its equivalent, is met with in the most ancient section once. The Lord is represented as saying (cv. 2), “I and my Son will unite ourselves with them [the sons of earth] for ever and ever.” Nor can much reliance be placed upon the present text of the Second of Esdras; otherwise the terms Messiah and Son of God may be observed in a few passages. [31] But although we grant that the name and designation of the Messiah are found in these books, there is very far from being any general consent as to His nature and attributes. The Catholic doctrine concerning the Christ was as yet not received, and the speculations which were rife fell far short of the great truth. Whether many of these writers believed in the pre-existence of the Messiah before His appearance on earth is doubtful. The author of the Ascension of Isaiah certainly did; but as the portion of the work containing the assertion is probably the composition of a Christian Jew, it cannot be quoted as affording an instance of purely Jewish opinion. The expression in the Third Book of the Sibyllines already cited, which represents the future King as proceeding “from the sun,” might seem to imply at least a supernatural origin, denoting that, as the Creed says, “He came down from heaven;” but the words (ap ēelioio) may mean merely “from the rising sun,” i.e. from the East, which to a dweller in Egypt would be the land of mystery and of God’s revelations. In that part of the Book of Enoch which is termed the Similitudes or Parables, He who is here called “Son of man” is seen by the seer in company with the “Ancient of Days,” and is expressly stated to have existed before all worlds, and to live before God for ever; in Him all wisdom and righteousness dwell; but He is not God, though of godlike character. In another and more ancient division of the work, as we have seen above, He is figured under the representation of “a white Bull,” born in due time, and in no way supernaturally distinguished from the other animals who assume the same appearance, though His supremacy is recognised by them in that they fear and pray to Him. In the Psalter of Solomon the Messiah is lauded in the highest terms, as mighty in word and deed, a just and powerful Ruler, who, living in the fear of God, shall feed the Lord’s people in faith and righteousness; but He is not superhuman, He is only the ideal earthly king of David’s line. The Apocalypse of Baruch speaks of the “revelation of Messiah and of His kingdom,” [32] which seems to imply pre-existence; but, as Professor Drummond points out, this expression, and the analogous one “reserved” in Second Esdras (xii. 32, xiii. 36), may merely imply the belief that Messiah after His birth should be withdrawn into concealment, from whence He should emerge in due time; or such terms may be used to denote God’s predestination, and the mystery which attached to this heavenly messenger. In fact, none of these works contain any clear assertion of the Divinity of the Messiah; and the writers, while they look upon Him as abnormal and marvellous and supreme, do not attribute to Him a nature different from that of man in its highest ideal character. We may note that our Lord’s own disciples were very slow to realise His Divine nature, while they readily owned His Messiahship. Again and again Jesus had to reprove their dulness of apprehension and slowness of belief. Miracles often repeated failed to convey this truth fully to their minds; and it needed the Resurrection, with all its wondrous accompaniments, to enable them fully to realise that their Master was God Almighty. So difficult was it for them to rise superior to prejudice and popular opinion. Our general view of the pseudepigraphical books would not be complete without a brief notice of their angelology and eschatology. The existence of good and evil angels is fully recognised. The former are divided into various orders and degrees; in Enoch the names of the archangels are given as Michael, Gabriel, Suriel, and Uriel; Suriel elsewhere appears as Raphael. These four have their special spheres and provinces; and beside them there are myriads of inferior angels who stand before the Lord of Spirits, ready to do His will. They are archangels who reveal God’s will to Enoch, and conduct him on his various journeys. It is the Angel of the Presence who is charged to transcribe the revelation in the Book of Jubilees. Angels, according to Baruch, execute God’s wrath in the destruction of Jerusalem, having first committed to the earth the veil, the mercy-seat, and other sacred things appertaining to the temple. It is, as we have seen, from the Assumption of Moses that the story of the dispute between Michael and Satan over the body of Moses is derived. Esdras receives his seven visions by the intervention of Uriel. The Book of Jubilees states that on the first day of creation God made the ministering spirits, the Angel of the Presence, the Angel of Praise, and the angels that preside over the elements, as we find in the Revelation of St. John mention made of angels which have power over fire and water. [33] The angels bring men’s sins before God, execute His vengeance on sinners, teach mortals useful arts and acceptable worship, and communicate God’s will by dreams or visions or open manifestations. In the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs the heavenly hierarchy is still more systematically arranged, and the duties and offices of its various members are distinguished. The evil angels have their ranks and orders; they are a disciplined army under chieftains. At their head appears one who is variously named Satan, Sammael, Mastema, Azazel. Their fall, according to Enoch, was brought about by their connection with the daughters of men, from whence sprang a race of giants whose iniquity, fostered by their superhuman fathers, occasioned the Flood. These evil angels taught men war and bloodshed and every wicked work, and were punished by being confined in the depth of the earth till the great day of judgment, a certain portion of them only being allowed a limited liberty. Turning to the eschatological teaching of these books, we find that in the last days, on the appearance of Messiah, there will be a great mustering of enemies to oppose the establishment of the new kingdom. Here we have the curious myth of the return to life of Nero, who, under the name of Behar, is to lead the armies of Antichrist. [34] At other times this leader is not definitely named. In Baruch (chap. xl.) he is called merely “dux ultimus,” who, as we have seen above, is to be brought to Mount Zion and there put to death by the victorious Messiah. But it is not always the Messiah who conducts the war; God Himself interposes in the Sibyl’s account, [35] and Enoch predicts the great destruction of Israel’s enemies before the advent of Messiah, and exults in their cruel annihilation. [36] Whether by the action of Messiah, or by the immediate intervention of the Lord, it is universally agreed that the assembled foes of Israel shall meet with signal overthrow, and that, at this “consummation,” the kingdom of Messiah shall be established. This kingdom is to have its centre at Jerusalem, under the personal rule of Messiah, who is the vicegerent of God, [37] and is to extend over all nations, and to be characterised by righteousness, peace, and plenty. The material blessings of this reign are picturesquely delineated in the Sibylline Verses and elsewhere; [38] the earth shall be marvellously productive, men’s lives shall be prolonged to a thousand years without disease or infirmity. The duration of this kingdom is considered in most of our books to be unlimited; Esdras alone confines its length to four hundred years, and Baruch says vaguely that it shall be continued until the world of corruption be ended. Whether the Gentiles should be converted was a question not answered in a uniform manner; while the writers with Hellenistic leanings took a merciful view, the exaggerated prejudices of others led them to anticipate with satisfaction the total annihilation of the heathen. The Sibyl looks forward to a time when the sight of the happiness and prosperity of the God-fearing Israelites will move alien nations to repentance, [39] whilst the Psalmist brings the heathen under the yoke of the chosen race, and holds out to them no hope of salvation. [40] Of the resurrection and the final judgment we have varying accounts, there being also a dissidence in the opinion as to the epochs in which these events should take place; some writers allotting the judgment to the time of Messiah’s appearing, others looking for it at the close of that period, and as ushering in eternity. The latter view is that which most generally prevailed. The Book of Enoch gives copious details concerning the future life and the judgment. The Lord sits on a throne erected in the midst of Palestine, and passes judgment respectively on the fallen angels, the apostate Israelites, and the heathen powers. The souls of the dead have a place where they wait for their sentence, and are here divided into classes according to their earthly actions, accounts of which have been daily written down in the heavenly books; and now they shall receive their reward—unalterable punishment in the case of obstinate sinners, and eternal felicity in the case of the righteous. The resurrection of the body is nowhere expressly affirmed, though it is implied by the material nature of the penalties and the bliss accorded to the raised persons. There seems to have been no definite belief in a bodily resurrection, though a resurrection of some kind was universally expected, and blind gropings after the great Christian doctrine are occasionally found; but the general impression conveyed by these apocryphal books is that the immortality enunciated therein is incorporeal; and, as regards the righteous, the idea is that they shall be changed into angelic beings with the power of assuming any form they please. [41] The above are the chief points of interest in the Jewish Pseudepigraphic writings; more definite details and notices of incidental matters appertain more properly to the separate accounts of the various works which are classed under this designation. _________________________________________________________________ [1] See Dr. Edersheim, Life and Times of Jesus, i. 37 f. [2] 2 Esdr. xiv. 44–47. Some Latin MSS., instead of “ninety-four,” give “nine hundred and four;” the Vulgate has “two hundred and four;” other versions, “ninety-four,” which from what follows seems to be correct. [3] In Herzog’s Encyklop. xii. 341 ff. (ed. 1883). [4] Apost. Constit. vi. 16. [5] Vis. ii. 3. 4. [6] I have in this sketch gladly availed myself of Prof. Drummond’s The Jewish Messiah, and Mr. Stanton’s The Jewish and Christian Messiah, though most of the articles on special pseudepigraphal works were originally written before I had seen those books. Since then I have had the pleasure of perusing Schürer’s valuable treatise on The Jewish People in the time of Jesus Christ. [7] Dan. vii. 18. [8] Enoch xcii. 2 ff. [9] Ps. xvii. 23. [10] The former passage occurs in the fragment omitted in the old Latin editions and versions founded thereon, and will be found in Fritzsche’s book as vi. 25, and in Churton’s as vii. 50. In both passages the word rendered “age” is “sæculum,” which some, however, translate “world.” [11] vii. 42 f. [12] So all the MSS. Alexandre reads es dekatēn, asserting that throughout the books the last generation is always the tenth, and he refers in confirmation to vers. 47 and 86. But see Drummond, p. 206. [13] Matt. xxiv. 3. [14] Lib. iii. 795 ff. [15] Chaps. xci., xcix. [16] Book of Jub. chap. xxiii. [17] Prof. Drummond refers to 2 Esdr. v. 1–13, 54 f., vi. 7–28, viii 63–ix. 6, xiv. 15-17. [18] Apoc. Bar. chaps, xxv.–xxvii., xlviii., lxx., lxxi. [19] Orac. Sibyll. iii. 652 ff. [20] Orac. Sibyll. iii, 36–92. [21] Enoch xc. 31 ff. [22] Prof. Drummond doubts the genuineness of this clause, and Dillmann does not hold it as indisputable. It is certainly inconsistent with other statements in the same passage. [23] The words in brackets are regarded as spurious. [24] The Syriac reads: “thirty.” Churton, in loc. [25] Enoch xc. 36 f. [26] 2 Esdr. xiii. 26, 35 [27] Apoc. Bar. xl. [28] Ps. Solom. xvii. 23, 35, 36. The title is given in the MSS. without variation Christos Kurios. Professor Drummond would read Kuriou. But see xviii. 6, 8, and Lam. iv. 20. At the same time, as Ewald points out, the expression in the text may possibly be a mistranslation for “the Lord’s Christ,” as Luke ii. 26, and must not be taken as proving the seer’s belief in the Divinity of Messiah. [29] 2 Esdr. vii. 28, 29, xii. 32. [30] Apoc. Bar. xxix. See also xxx., xxxix., xl., lxx., lxxii. [31] See Drummond, pp. 285 ff. [32] Chap. xxix. 3, xxxix. 7; Drummond, p. 293. [33] Rev. xiv. 18, xvi. 5. [34] Orac. Sibyll. iii. 63 ff., iv. 137 ff. [35] Ibid. iii. 669 ff. [36] Enoch xc., xcviii., xcix. [37] Orac. Sibyll. iii. 652 ff.; Psalm. Sol. xvii.; Drummond, pp. 309 ff. [38] Orac. Sibyll. iii. 743 ff., 776 ff.; Enoch x. 17 ff., xi. 1.; Apoc. Bar. xxix.; Jubil. xxiii. [39] Orac. Sibyll. iii. 702 ff.; comp. Enoch x. 21, xc. 30 ff. [40] Psalm. Sol. xvii. 25 ff.; comp. Apoc. Bar. lxxii. [41] Apoc. Bar. li. _________________________________________________________________ I. LYRICAL. _________________________________________________________________ THE PSALTER OF SOLOMON. Among the apocryphal literature of the Old Testament which has been preserved to our time, the eighteen Psalms of Solomon, so called, are an interesting monument of later Judaism, giving glimpses of contemporary history and breathing Messianic hopes. Excluded from our English version of the Bible, they have been remarkably neglected in this country, and very few students have taken the trouble of mastering this important remnant of antiquity. Germany has dealt otherwise with them. For the last thirty years critics in that country have been investigating their origin, assigning their date, settling the text, examining the contents; so that we can enter upon the study of them with a critical and exegetical apparatus which a few years ago was unattainable. They were never included in the Canonical Scriptures of the Jews, though known to early authors, and occurring in several catalogues of Scripture. The Alexandrine Manuscript of the Greek Bible, indeed, inserted them at the end of the volume, a fact which probably proves that they were used in Divine worship in the Eastern Church; but where they are named, they are included among the Antilegomena, and are apparently debarred from the Canon by the Council of Laodicea. [42] In the Stichometria of Nicephorus, and in the Synopsis Athanasii, they are classed with the Books of Wisdom, Ecclesiasticus, Maccabees, and other Apocrypha; in other lists they come in the same category as Enoch, the Twelve Patriarchs, the Apocalypses of Moses, etc. Being thus thrust aside in early times, they seem to have met with little attention, and to have been seldom transcribed. Hence the manuscripts which exhibited them were very few, and modern investigation has not discovered many fresh sources of information about them. Most unfortunately the leaves of the Alexandrine Codex, now in the British Museum, which once contained them, have perished, so that we are forced to rely on a late and inferior document for the exposition and correction of the text. The Editio Princeps of De la Cerda was printed from a MS. brought from Constantinople in the year 1615, which was once in the Augsburg Library, but has now disappeared. Three other MSS. known to exist have not been used in editing the work. Indeed, the only manuscript made available is a cursive of the tenth century, Codex Vindobonensis, [43] called “V” in Fritzsche’s edition, and now in the Royal Library of Vienna. In this our Psalms are found between the Book of Wisdom and Ecclesiasticus. The title prefixed to the once existing Augsburg MS. was PsALTĒRION SALOMŌNTOS, and at the end occurred the colophon Psalmoi Salomōntos iē. echousin epē ͵a; Telos sun Theō. But the author himself never claims to be the son of David, and the various headings, now found in the Psalter, which attribute the Psalms to Solomon, are without dispute the work of later hands. The writer speaks of himself sometimes, e.g. Ps. i. 3: “I reasoned in my heart that I was filled with righteousness, because I was prosperous and had become mighty in children;” Ps. ii. 35: “Raising me up unto glory.” But even if these and such-like passages assumed more plainly than they do Solomonic authorship, they would show merely that the poet, like the writer of the Book of Wisdom, appropriated the name of Solomon for literary purposes, with no idea of deceiving his readers or causing them to give credence to so transparent a fallacy. Or, very possibly, the name of Solomon did not occur in the original title; but, as the Psalter became well known and used, because it could not be ascribed to David, or included in the canonical Psalm-Book, it was honoured with the name of Solomon in later times, and reached the early Christian writers under that designation. The fact that in 1 Kings iv. 32 Solomon is said to have composed “a thousand and five songs” (ōdai pentakischiliai, Sept.), gave a colouring to the assumed authorship, and in uncritical times, when historical allusions were little investigated or weighed, the name gained an unquestioned currency. The references to the Book in early writers are few and uncertain. In the Stichometria of Nicephorus it is named, as we have said, among the Antilegomena of the Old Testament: to the same category it is relegated in the Synopsis Sacræ Scripturæ appended to the works of St. Athanasius, the date of which is doubtful, and which may possibly be founded upon the Catalogue of Nicephorus. [44] Schürer thinks it was included under the category of Antilegornena simply owing to its absence from the Hebrew Canon, position in that list being the criterion which guided the formal reception of writings; while in the Christian Church it was regarded in some quarters with greater favour. Five Odes of Solomon are quoted in the curious Gnostic book of the third century A.D., Pistis Sophia; [45] and St. Jerome writing against Vigilantius (cap. vi.) may possibly refer to the Psalter when he says: “Nam in commentariolo tuo quasi pro te faciens de Salomone sumis testimonium, quod Salomon omnino non scripsit, ut, qui habes alterum Esdram, habeas et Salomonem alterum.” The “Second Esdras” means a passage in the Fourth Book of Esdras (vi. 81, ap. Fritz.) [46] implying the inexpediency of certain prayers for the dead; the “Second Solomon” may perhaps indicate the following words: “Therefore this is their inheritance, Hades, and darkness, and destruction; and they shall not be found in the day of the mercy of the righteous” (Ps. xiv. 6); “for their iniquities shall make the houses of sinners desolate, and sinners shall perish in the day of the Lord’s judgment for ever and ever” (xv. 13). Lactantius [47] more than once quotes passages from Solomon which do not occur in the Canonical Scriptures, and are supposed to have been once comprehended among these Psalms, though no longer extant in our copies. The Fourth Book of Esdras, which appears to have been written towards the end of the first Christian century, contains many passages which are possibly derived from the Psalter. Some of these have been collected by Hilgenfeld in his edition of our Book, and are sufficiently apposite. Ps. viii. 34: “Gather together the dispersion of Israel with mercy and kindness.” Ibid. xi. 3: “Stand on high, Jerusalem, and see thy children gathered once from the east and west by the Lord. They come from the north in the joy of their God; from the isles afar off God gathered them together.” 4 Esdr. i. 38: “See thy people coming from the east.” Ibid. xiii. 39: “Thou hast seen Him gathering to Himself another multitude in peace.”—Ps. ix. 18: “Thou, O Lord, hast put Thy name upon us.” 4 Esdr. iv. 25: “What wilt Thou do to Thy name which is invoked upon us?” Ibid. x. 22: “Thy name which is invoked upon us hath been profaned.”—Ps. xvii. 19: “They wandered in deserts to save their souls from evil.” 4 Esdr. xiii. 41 f.: “They determined to leave the multitude of nations, and to go to a distant region, there to observe their own laws.”—Ps. xvii. 36: “Their king shall be Christ the Lord.” 4 Esdr. vii. 28: “My son Jesus shall be revealed with those who are with him.”—Ps. xvii. 37: “He shall not trust in horse and rider and bow, nor shall he multiply to himself gold and silver for war, nor put his hopes in arms hoplois, Fr.) for the day of battle.” 4 Esdr. xiii. 9: “Lo, when he saw the onset of the host coming against him, he raised not his hand, nor held the shield, nor any weapon of war.”—Ps. xviii. 4: “Thy chastisement shall be upon us as a first-born only-begotten son.” 4 Esdr. vi. 58: “We Thy people, whom Thou hast called Thy first-born only-begotten son.” There is one passage of the Psalter (xvii. 5) which is found in the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs, that curious production of early Jewish Christianity. It occurs in the Testament of Judah, § 22: “For the Lord sware with an oath unto me that my crown shall not fail from my seed, all the days, for ever.” In the Psalter: “Thou swarest to him concerning his seed for ever, that his crown should not fail before thee.” [48] In the New Testament no certain intimation occurs that the work was known to the inspired writers. The only passage which bears a close likeness to a verse in the gospel is in Ps. v. 4: “One cannot take spoils from a strong man,” which is parallel to Mark xii. 29: “How can one enter into a strong man’s house, and spoil his goods?” On the other hand, founded as it is on the model of the Old Testament, the Psalter is replete with references to and citations from the Canonical Scriptures. To rehearse these would be to transcribe a large portion of the whole work. But it is noteworthy that what we call Apocryphal Books are not unknown to our author. And this is the more remarkable in the case of a work written, as is justly supposed, in Palestine and in the Hebrew language; since it shows how widely extended was the influence of that literature which grew up after the close of the Canon of the Old Testament. There are reminiscences of, if not quotations from, the Book of Wisdom in the Psalter. Thus in Ps. xvi. 8 the epithet “unprofitable” (anōphelous) applied to sin seems to recall the word in Wisd. i. 11: “Beware of unprofitable murmuring.” In Ps. viii. 11 and in Wisd. i. 16 the making a compact (sunethento sunthēkas) with sin and death is common to both. “The right hand of the Lord sheltered (eskepase) me . . . the arm of the Lord saved us,” says the Psalter (xiii. 1). “With His right hand shall He shelter (skepasei) them, and with His arm shall He protect them,” says Wisd. v. 16. “God is a righteous judge, and will not reverence persons (zaumasei prosōpon),” Ps. ii. 19. “The Lord of all will not cower before persons (huposteleitai prosōpon),” Wisd. vi. 8. The use of the very uncommon word eustatheia in Ps. iv. 11, vi. 7, is probably due to a reminiscence of Wisd. vi. 26. Wisd. v. 23: “Iniquity shall lay waste (erēmōsei . . . anomia) the whole earth,” may be compared with Ps. xvii. 13: “The sinner wasted (hērēmōsen ho anomos [49] ) their land.” The phrase, “Man and his portion are with thee by weight (en stathmō),” is verbally like, though differing in intention from, the famous passage in Wisd. xi. 21: “Thou orderest all things by measure, number, and weight.” The touching appeal in Wisd. xv. 2: “For even if we sin, we are Thine,” finds its echo in Ps. ix. 16: “Behold, and pity us, God of Israel, for we are Thine;” and the idea, as well as the wording, of Ps. xii. 8: “He will admonish (nouthetēsei) the righteous man as the son of His love,” is closely parallel with those of Wisd. xi. 10: “These as a father admonishing (nouthetōn) Thou didst prove.” Between Ps. xi. and the fifth chapter of Baruch there are many close parallelisms; but the latter is probably the borrower. Whilst we can trace the language and conceptions of the Psalter in a great measure to preceding Scriptures, we can yet claim for the author an originality for the manner in which he has developed and built upon the hints therein given, and from the outline of the prophets has presented a fairly complete picture of the ideal son of David. A few words must first be said concerning the text and the date of the original work; and then some extracts will show the pseudo-Solomon’s views on various matters of the highest interest to all who desire to acquaint themselves with the progress of Jewish thought. The revived interest in this little Book arose from the importance attributed to it by Ewald in his history of the Jewish Church; and although, as we shall show, we think that his view of the date of its production is erroneous, the learned world is largely indebted to him for raising a discussion which has contributed greatly to our knowledge of the contents and bearing of the work. Among other points which have been established may be mentioned that of the unity of the Psalter. Of course German ingenuity has endeavoured to trace the hands of various authors in the work; but the identity of ideas, the similarity of language and phrases, the homogeneousness of the composition, show that the writer is one, though he may have uttered his songs at different periods and under varying circumstances. He is thoroughly imbued with the Hebraic spirit, and has framed his Psalms on the Biblical model, proving how this form of poetry endured to the latest times of the Jewish polity. Stichometrically written, the Psalter affords a fair specimen of Hebrew lyrics in their declining days; and, if we may judge by the occasional introduction of the musical term “Diapsalma” (xvii. 31, xviii. 10), the words were intended to be used in Divine service. The Psalter, as we have mentioned, was first published by La Cerda in his Adversaria Sacra (Lugd. 1626), from an Augsburg MS., which has since been lost. [50] The same text, with the addition of a few notes of no great value, was repeated by Fabricius in his Codex Pseudepigraphus V. Test. (Hamb. 1713). A careful revision of the text, aided by an additional MS., was made by Hilgenfeld, and printed in Zeitschrift für wissenschaft. Theol. 1868, and in Messias Judæorum libris corum illustratus (Lips. 1869). Another edition with a commentary by Geiger (Der Psalter Salomo’s), appeared in 1871; and the same year saw Fritzsche’s Libri Apocryphi Vet. Test., which contains a revised text with various readings. The only English editions which I have met with are a translation of the Psalms in the first volume of W. Whiston’s Authentick Records (London 1727), and one by Pick in the Presbyterian Review, October 1883. That the Greek text, which alone is extant, is not the original work, but a translation from the Hebrew or Aramaic, seems to be tolerably certain. The diction is thoroughly Hebraic, and the idioms of that language are too closely represented for it to have been the work of one writing Greek hymns of his own composition. And wherever the translator may have lived, the author seems to have been a native of Palestine. But if the language and locality of the original work may be regarded as ascertained, the date of the writer is a difficult question, and one that has been the subject of much controversy. Whiston boldly cuts the knot by asserting that the author is a certain Solomon who is mentioned in the Fourth Book of Esdras [51] as rebuilding Jerusalem and restoring the true worship, after the Persian captivity, about the thirtieth year of Artaxerxes Mnemon, i.e. B.C. 375. This assertion has no support external or internal, and has been maintained by no scholar of eminence. The controversy really lies between those who refer the work to the time of Antiochus Epiphanes and those who assign it to the days of Herod or of Pompey. The determination depends entirely upon internal evidence; and we all know how uncertain this is, and how prone are critics to read their own views into the words upon which they build their argument. This is very evident in the present case. Ewald and others, who adopt the Maccabæan period as the date, found their theory especially on the language of Ps. i. ii. and xvii . In these passages the poet utters his lamentation over the oppression of his people, complains urgently of the heathen who lord it over Israel, and expresses a hope that God would raise up from another race one to be their saviour. [52] From these same passages other critics argue for the era of Pompey; and indeed the expression suit either period. Some other criteria therefore must be found in order to settle the much disputed date. Without entering at length into the historical question, we will just note the aspect of affairs represented in the Psalter, and then compare it with the events in Jewish history to which it seems most closely to correspond. [53] The work opens with the bitter cry of the Hebrews oppressed by the sudden attack of an enemy (i. 1, 2); a generation to which no promise of David’s throne had been made had seized the royal. crown (xvii.), and triumphed in the subjection of the nation. But Israel had been guilty of grievous sin; king, judge, and people alike were involved in the offence; and they were justly punished by intestine war and other calamities. These troubles were repressed by inviting foreign aid; a man of another stock rose up against them (xvii.); and the infatuated people met the foreigner with joy (viii.), opened the gates and bade him enter in peace. And this stranger from the ends of the earth entered in friendly guise, as a father visits the house of his sons; but after he had secured himself, he broke down the walls with the battering-ram (ii. 1), seized on the towers, poured out the blood of the inhabitants like water. Jerusalem was trodden down by the Gentiles, the altar profaned, of the prominent men some were put to death, many were made captives and sent as slaves into the far west. But retribution followed. The Dragon who took Jerusalem was himself slain in Egypt, his body cast forth on the shore, dishonoured and unburied. Now, though isolated expressions in the Psalter suit events that happened at various dates of Jewish history, yet, taking the references as a whole, and especially regarding the mention of the chief oppressor’s fate, we cannot forego the conclusion that the poet has before his eyes the actions and death of Pompey. On the decease of Hyrcanus I., B.C. 106, his son Aristobulus seized the supreme power and assumed the title of king. He was succeeded by Alexander Jannæus, his brother, who, attaching himself strongly to the Sadducaic faction, would be considered by the Pharisees (to which sect the pseudo-Solomon evidently belongs) as an enemy and a sinner. Besides this, being an Asmonæan, and not of the family of David, he had usurped a throne to which he had no just claim. A civil war ensued, and great atrocities were committed. Jannæus died B.C. 79; and then arose a contest for the sovereignty between his two sons, Hyrcanus II. and Aristobulus—the former a partisan of the Pharisees, the latter of the Sadducees. These intestine calamities might justly have been regarded as a punishment for the laxity which had been allowed and fostered of late. Gentile customs were introduced, mixed marriages permitted, and a general corruption of morals followed as a necessary consequence. In the midst of these domestic troubles, and when Hyrænus, having defeated Aristobulus with the aid of Aretas, king of Arabia, was besieging him in the temple at Jerusalem, news arrived that the victorious Roman general, Pompey, was advancing on the city. Both brothers sent ambassadors to secure his aid; but Pompey deferred his decision, and Aristobulus, presuming that it would be unfavourable to his interest, shut himself up in the temple fortress and prepared for a siege. Hyrcanus, on the other hand, received the Roman with every demonstration of joy-throwing open to him the gates of the city, and putting it entirely at his disposal. Pompey sent for his military engines from Tyre, and besieged the temple. At the end of three months his battering-rams destroyed one of the largest towers, and he made his way into the fortress. A cruel massacre ensued; the priests were cut down even while ministering at the altar, and Pompey himself entered the sacred courts, and penetrated into the Holy of Holies. On his return to Rome, after demolishing the walls of Jerusalem, he took with him a large number of Jewish prisoners to grace his triumph (eis empaugmon, “for mockery “), among whom were Aristobulus and his two sons and daughters. Thus was the independence of Judea overthrown. That the reference is not to Titus. and his conquest of Jerusalem is evident from many circumstances, more especially from the fact that the destruction of the city and temple is nowhere mentioned. The man from a strange land, who carried away captives to the far west, is the same whose end is so exultingly told in the Psalter. This allusion cannot be doubted. The manner of Pompey’s death is well known. After his defeat at Pharsalia, he sought refuge in Egypt, but was treacherously murdered as he was landing on the shore; his head was cut off, and his body was left naked and dishonoured: “when,” as pseudo-Solomon says (ii. 29 ff.), “the pride of the Dragon was disgraced, and he was stabbed in the mountains of Egypt, utterly despised by land and sea, and his body was left to rot on the shore, and there was no man to bury him.” It will be seen at once how close is the correspondence between the Psalter and this chapter of Jewish history. If we had space for further detail, that correspondence would appear still more striking; but enough has been said to show that some portion of the work, especially Ps. ii., was written after Pompey’s death,and probably very soon after, while the event was still uppermost in men’s minds. We may therefore fix the date of its composition at B.C. 48 at latest. Some of the Psalms are doubtless of earlier origin, dating probably from B.C. 63; and none exhibit any certain trace of Christian interpolations. Taking then as proved the ante-Christian origin of the Psalter, we are prepared to find therein valuable intimations of the belief of the Hebrews in the age just preceding the time of Our Lord. And we are not disappointed in our anticipations. It must be observed that the writer is a strict Pharisee, and that his notion of perfect religion is Pharasaic Judaism. Righteousness with him implies scrupulous performance of all legal and ceremonial enactments, and when he inveighs against transgressors, his ground for censure is that they have not observed the ordained prescriptions. The current opinions about the Messiah, the Resurrection, the Future Life, are plainly set forth. The way in which these subjects are introduced is briefly this:—The notion of the writer throughout is that God is a righteous judge, both of His own people and of the heathen. He punishes the former as a tender father chastises the son of his love; the heathen meet with the stern correction which their wilful sins deserve. These two aspects of corrective and vindictive discipline are shown by an appeal to history. The fate of the Maccabæan dynasty, the usurpation of the Asmonæans, the invasion and supremacy of the Romans, are regarded as the punishment of national sins; the fate of Pompey is a specimen of the destruction which awaits paganism. This leads the writer to look forward to a day when Israel’s supremacy shall be assured by the appearance of Messiah, and to express his belief in the resurrection and reward of the righteous and the future punishment of sinners. This premised, let the Psalmist here speak for himself. The following are some of his utterances concerning the Messiah and His kingdom:— Behold, O Lord, and raise up for them their King, The Son of David, at the time which Thou, our God, knowest, That Thy Servant (paida) should reign over Israel; And gird Him with power to beat down unrighteous rulers . . . And He shall gather together the holy people which He shall guide in righteousness, And shall judge the tribes of the people hallowed by the Lord His God. And He shall not suffer unrighteousness to dwell in the midst of them, And no wicked man at all shall abide with them; For He will know them that they are all the children of God, And He will distribute them in their tribes upon the land. And the stranger and the foreigner shall no more sojourn among them; He shall judge the peoples and nations in the wisdom of His righteousness. He shall have the peoples of the Gentiles to serve Him under His yoke, And he shall glorify the Lord by the submission of all the earth, And he shall cleanse Jerusalem with sanctification as from the beginning, That Gentiles may come from the ends of the earth to see his glory, Bringing as offerings her way-worn children, [54] Yea, to see the glory of the Lord wherewith God hath glorified her. And He is the righteous King over them, taught of God. There is no injustice in His days in their midst, For they shall all be holy, and their King shall be Christ the Lord. [55] He shall not trust in horse or rider or bow, Nor multiply to Himself gold and silver for war, Nor gather hope from arms in the day of battle; The Lord Himself is His King, the hope of the Mighty One is in the hope of God, And He will set [56] all the nations before Him in fear; For He will smite the earth with the word of His mouth for ever, And bless the people of the Lord in wisdom with gladness. He Himself is pure from sin that He may govern a great people, Rebuke princes, and remove sinners by the power of His word. And, trusting upon His God, He shall not be weak in His days Because God hath made Him mighty by His Holy Spirit, [57] And wise in the counsel of prudence, with power and righteousness. And the blessing of the Lord shall be with Him in power, And His hope in the Lord shall not be weak; And who shall prevail against Him? Mighty is He in His works, and strong in the fear of God. Tending the flock of the Lord in faith and righteousness, He will let none among them in their pasture to be weak. He shall lead them all in holiness, And there shall be among them no arrogance to oppress them. (xvii. 23 ff.) May God purify Israel against the day of mercy by His blessing, Against the day of their election in the presence [58] of His Christ. Blessed are they who live in those days, To see the good things of the Lord which He will do in the generation to come, Under the rod of the correction of Christ the Lord in the fear of His God, In the wisdom of the spirit and of righteousness and power. A good generation shall there be in the fear of God An the days of mercy. (xviii. 6–10.) From these passages we may gather the writer’s sentiments. He is deeply afflicted by the calamities of his people. The oppression of the heathen, the ruin of his city, the pollution of the temple, the reign of paganism, the supremacy of unrighteousness, have broken his patriotic heart; and while he owns that his countrymen are justly punished for past iniquities, iniquities shared by prince and priest and people, he all the more looks forward to the coming Messiah, who shall bring salvation unto Israel. From their lost independence, from their present weakness and insignificance, he turns his longing gaze to better times; he hopes for supernatural help; he glows with anticipations of the glories of Messianic victories. This hope is based on God’s promise to David of eternal dominion, which, though for a time diverted into another channel (the Asmonæan dynasty), should be restored in due time under David’s greater Son. The time is come for the revelation of God’s mercy to His chosen nation; Israel is at its lowest point of misery; this is the Lord’s opportunity. Let Him send Messiah to expel the unrighteous rulers, to cleanse the holy city from the heathen, yea, to drive them out of the holy land, and to gather together in one the dispersed of the people. But the large promises of God are not satisfied by Messiah’s reign over Israel alone. His kingdom is over all the earth. He unites all peoples under His rule, and magnifies the name of God by extending His dominion wherever man has his dwelling-place; and this, not for a time only, but for ever. Thus far the poet has exhibited only the earthly aspect of Messiah’s kingdom, His conquests and power, obtained without weapons of war, by the word of His mouth. But lest this idea of Christ should seem too worldly, he hastens to show the significance of this universal sway, and its moral and religious effects. Messiah is Himself sinless, and reigns in a sinless kingdom. All unrighteousness shall be abolished; there shall be no iniquity in the restored Israel. Peace shall reign, and holiness shall triumph. Violence and injustice shall be found no more; the pride of sinners shall be extirpated. So grand an idea of wisdom and purity shall be exhibited in Israel, that distant nations shall flock to Jerusalem to see her glory and to learn her ways. All this is to happen in God’s good time, which, in the author’s view, is not far distant, even as the apostles of the Lord thought that the end was near, and expected to see the great consummation in their own days. The Messiah, in this pseudo-Solomon’s conception, is not very and eternal God. It is indeed not always clear whether God or the Christ is the subject of some of his paragraphs; but, taking one passage with another, we conclude that he regarded Messiah as the agent and organ of God, but not God Himself. He is God’s deputy and executes His will; but Jehovah is the supreme King, and appoints Him as ruler and judge. Here we see the defective view of the nature and work of Messiah which meets us in the Jews of the New Testament. The faith is strong, the expectation is immediate, but the idea is erroneous, worldly, carnal, very far inferior indeed to that in the Book of Enoch, which is much more spiritual and nearer the truth. To turn to another point. The writer has a strong faith in the Resurrection of the righteous in the time of Messiah, though he does not give expressly his notion of the sequence of events at that period. That sinners shall rise again does not enter into his view; nor does he state what shall be the fate of the unbelieving portion of the Gentile world in the great future; though he probably held with his contemporaries that exclusion from the kingdom of Messiah was equivalent to eternal death or annihilation. But the righteous are to rise again in order to share the blessings of the Messianic reign, and to shine with an everlasting light, and, as another pseudo-Solomon says (Wisd. iii. 7), “to run to and fro like sparks among the stubble.” In the other world retribution is to fall upon the sinners; they shall be condemned in the day of judgment, and be destroyed as by fire. And sinners, in his view, are not merely those who are guilty of moral offences or vulgar wickedness; he calls by this name the hypocrites and men-pleasers (anthrōpareskoi) of his own nation. Against these he inveighs in the bitterest terms. They are profane, unclean as the very heathen whose vices they imitated; their heart is far from the Lord; they have provoked the God of Israel to anger, so that He has grievously afflicted His people for their sake. And he calls for vengeance upon them in this world as well as in the next. May their life, he prays, pass in poverty and distress; may their sleep be vexed with pain and their waking with misery; may the work of their hands never prosper; may their old age be childless; may their dead bodies be cast forth dishonoured, and may ravens pick out their eyes. “So may God destroy all those who work iniquity; for the Lord is a Judge, great and mighty in righteousness” (Ps. iv.). While thus uncompromising in his denunciation of iniquity and in his assurance of God’s inflexible justice, the writer is not insensible to the hope that exists for sinners when they repent. If a man is ashamed of his sins and confesses them, God will forgive him and cleanse his soul. But he must be patient under the rod, and take the chastisement as the merciful correction of his error: “He that prepareth his back for the scourge shall be justified from iniquity; for the Lord is good to those who endure discipline” (Ps. ix., x.). These are the Psalmist’s words concerning the resurrection:— They that fear the Lord shall rise again (anastēsontai) to life everlasting. And their life shall be in the light of the Lord, and shall fail no more. (iii. 16.) For the Lord will spare His holy ones, And will blot out their offences by chastisement; For the life of the righteous is for ever; But sinners shall be taken away for destruction, And their memorial shall no more be found; But the mercy of the Lord is upon the holy, And His mercy upon them that fear Him. (xiii. 9–11.) The holy of the Lord shall live in Him for ever; The Paradise of the Lord, the trees of life, are His holy ones. The holy of the Lord shall inherit life in gladness. (xiv. 2, 7.) Thus also he speaks concerning the retribution that awaits the unrighteous:— Not so are sinners and transgressors. . . . Who have not remembered God, That the ways of men are always known unto Him, And He understandeth the treasure-chambers (tamieia) of the heart before they are made. Therefore their inheritance is Hades, and darkness, and destruction; And they shall not be found in the day of the mercy of the righteous. (xiv. 4–6.) He raises me up unto glory, But He lays the proud to sleep [59] unto eternal destruction in dishonour, Because they knew Him not. (ii. 35.) The mercy of the Lord is upon them that fear Him, while He executes His judgment, To sever between the just and the sinner, To repay sinners for ever according to their works; And to have mercy on the righteous while the sinner is humbled, And to repay the sinner for what he did to the righteous. (ii. 37–39.) He fall; because evil was his fall and he shall not rise to life again; The destruction of the sinner is for everlasting, And God shall not remember him when He visits the righteous; This is the portion of sinners for everlasting. (iii. 13-15.) They who do iniquity shall not escape the judgment of the Lord, They shall be seized as by skilled enemies; For the mark of destruction shall be upon their foreheads, And the inheritance of sinners shall be destruction and darkness, And their iniquities shall pursue them onto Hades beneath; Their inheritance shall not be found for their children, For their iniquities shall make the horse of sinners desolate; And sinners shall perish in the day of the Lord’s judgment for ever, When God shall visit the earth in His judgment, To repay sinners for everlasting. (xv. 9 ff.) It will be seen that the destiny of a man is made to depend entirely upon his doings during life. He has the power of deciding upon his own course. “O God,” it is said (Ps. viii.), “our works are at our choice, and we have power over our soul to do righteousness or iniquity with the works of our hands.” The Psalter ends with a hymn of praise to God as the Creator, Preserver, and Ruler of all things, who, as the writer has already said, from present confusion and calamity evolves harmony and peace. Great is our God and glorious, dwelling in the highest, who hath ordained lights in the path of heaven to divide the time from day to day, And they have never strayed from the way which Thou commandedst them. In the fear of God hath been their way every day, From the day in which God created them, and shall be for evermore; And they have wandered not from the day in which God created them, From the generations of old they have never forsaken their way, Save when God bade them at the command of His servants. [60] (xviii. 11-14.) _________________________________________________________________ [42] Syn. of Laodicea, Can. 59: hoti ou dei idiōtikous psalmous legesthai en tē ekklēsia. Zonaras and Balsamon explain the term idiōt. psalm. thus: ektos tōn rnʹ psalmōn tou Dabid heuriskontai kai tines heteroi legomenoi tou Solomōntos einai kai allōn tinōn, ohus kai idiōtikous hōnomasan oi pateres kai mē legesthai en tē ekklēsia dietaxanto. They are mentioned among the Apocrypha or Antilegomena in the Catalogue of “The Sixty Books” (ap. Westcott, Can. of N. T., Append. D. xvii.). [43] Codex Gr. Theol. 7. It is described by Hilgenfeld (Zeitschr. 1868, p. 136), who considers it superior in correctness to the Augsburg MS. [44] In both of these lists we find the title psalmoi kai ōdē Solomōntos; the latter adding stichoi ͵brʹ = 2100. The Synopsis is in vol. ii. p.154 of the Bened. edition of Athanasius. The Catalogue of Nicephorus is given in App. xix. of Canon Westcott’s work on The Canon of the New Testament. [45] Ed. Schwartze et Peterman, Berlin 1851. [46] vii. 105, p. 98, in Canon Churton’s very useful work, lately published, The Uncanonical and Apocryphal Scriptures, London 1884. It is called the Second Book of Esdras in the Anglican Version. The Latin runs: “Tunc non poterit quis ut deprecetur pro aliquo in illo die.” Another allusion to the same passage is made by Jerome, Adv. Vigilant. c. 10: “Tu vigilans dormis et dormiens scribis et propinas mihi librum apocryphum, qui sub nomine Esdræ a te et similibus tui legitur, ubi scriptum est, quod post mortem nullus pro aliis gaudeat deprecari; quem ego librum nunquam legi.” [47] Divin. Instit. lib. iv. 18: “Solomon, filius ejus qui Hierosolymam condidit, eam ipsam perituram esse in ultionem sanctæ crucis prophetavit: ‘Quod si avertimini a me, dicit Dominus, et non custodieritis veritatem meam, rejiciam Israel a terra quam dedi illis; et domum hanc, quam ædificavi illis in nomine meo, projiciam illam ex omnibus; et erit Israel in perditionem et in improperium populo; et domus hæc erit deserta; et omnis qui transibit per illam admirabitur et dicet: Propter quam rem fecit Dominus terræ huic et huic domui hæc mala? Et dicent: Quia reliquerunt Dominum Deum suum, et persecuti sunt regem suum dilectissimum Deo, et cruciaverunt illum in humilitate magna, propter hoc importavit illis Deus mala hæc.’”—On the last part of this passage the commentator (ap. Migne, vi. p. 509) remarks: “Hæc nescio ex qua traditione adjecit, quorum nulla 1 Reg. ix, aut 2, Paralip. vii. vestigia apparent.” [48] Ps. xvii.5: kai su ōmosas autō peri tou spermatos autou eis ton aiōna, tou mē ekleipein apenanti sou basileion autou. Test. XII. Patr. v. 22: orkō gar ōmose moi kurios mē ekleipsein to basileion mou ek tou spermatos mou pasas tas hēmeras heōs aiōnos. [49] The MSS. give anemos; but anomos is an almost certain emendation of Ewald. [50] This manuscript came originally from Constantinople. How it was lost cannot now be ascertained. It is not even mentioned in the existing Catalogue of the Augsburg MSS., Hilgenf. p. 135. [51] 4 Esdr. x. 46. [52] Ps. xvii. 9: anthrōpon allotrion genou; hēmōn (hēritōn, A). For the unmeaning hēritōn Ewald would read hērōōn and explain “the race of heroes” to be that of Alexander. [53] I here gladly acknowledge my obligations to M‘Clintock and Strong’s Cyclopædia, art. “Psalter of Solomon,” to Hilgenfeld’s edition of the Psalter in his Zeitschrift, 1868, pp. 133 ff., and to that of Geiger (Augsb. 1871); also to Langen’s Das Judenthum in Paläst. (Freiburg, 1866), and to Wittichen’s Die Idee des Reiches Gottes (Göttingen 1872), pp. 155 ff. [54] Referring probably to such passages as Isa. xlix. 22, lxvi. 20; Zeph. iii. 10. [55] Christos; churios, as Lam. iv. 20. In Isa. xlv. 1, some of the Fathers read tō christō mou kuriō instead of Kurō. See Barnab. Ep, xii. 11; Tertull. Adv. Jud. vii.; Cypr. Testim. i. 21; cf. St. Luke ii. 11. [56] The MS, has eleēsei, which seems plainly wrong. Fr. and Hilg, read stēsei. Whiston: “will grind:’ I would suggest aloēsei “will thresh.” Geiger retains eleēsei, and translates: “has mercy’ on all people who fear before Him.” But this is inappropriate. [57] En pneumari agiō. Cf. Isa. lxiii. 10, 11. [58] En anaxei Christou autou. The word anaxis seems to be wholly unknown. Ecclesiastical Greek recognises sunaxis—communion. Geiger translates: “in the kingdom of His anointed.” It may mean “exaltation.” In a fragment of Æschylus anaxia occurs in the sense of “kingdom.” [59] Koimizōn, which Fritzsche alters into komizōn unnecessarily, for the Psalmist has the authority of Euripides for this use of the word:       . . . geneōn tau [eus amphipurō koimizei phlogmō Kronidas Hec. 472 ff. Cf. too in the Hebrew, 1 Kings iii. 20; 2 Kings iv. 21. [60] The tautology in my version is a close rendering of the Greek, which, we must remember, is not the original _________________________________________________________________ _________________________________________________________________ II. APOCALYPTICAL AND PROPHETICAL. _________________________________________________________________ THE BOOK OF ENOCH [61] In the Epistle of St. Jude the following passage occurs (vers. 14, 15): “And to these also, Enoch, the seventh from Adam, prophesied, saying, Behold, the Lord came with ten thousands of His holy ones, to execute judgment upon all, and to convict all the ungodly of all their works of ungodliness which they have ungodly wrought, and of all the hard things which ungodly sinners have spoken against Him.” The question immediately arises, Is the apostle quoting from some writing extant in his day, or citing merely a prophecy preserved by tradition? The language does not help to a solution of the inquiry. Jude writes: “Enoch proephēteuse . . . legōn.” This might be said equally of an actual quotation or of a traditional report. But when it was discovered that the Fathers and other early writers often referred to a writing of Enoch and quoted sentences therefrom, it was obvious that they were acquainted with some document which bore the patriarch’s name, and which was extensively known in early Christian centuries. [62] Thus, in the Epistle of Barnabas (as it is called), a work composed at the end of the first Christian century, we read (iv. 3): “The final stumbling-block hath approached, concerning which it is written, as Enoch [63] says, For to this end the Lord hath shortened the times and the days, that His beloved may hasten and come into the inheritance.” In the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs and in the Book of Jubilees, the words of Enoch are frequently cited, and the resemblances to passages in our work are numerous. In the former, at least, nine passages contain distinct references to Enoch’s prophetical writings; and in the latter not only is the book often used without acknowledgment, but it is also expressly mentioned. Justin Martyr does not quote it by name, but his views concerning the angels and their connection with man are plainly identical with and derived from this book. [64] That Irenæus made use of it is evident. Thus he says: [65] “Enoch also, pleasing God without circumcision, man though he was, discharged the office of legate towards the angels,” a fact nowhere mentioned but in our work; “and was translated, and is preserved still as witness of the just judgment of God” (chaps. xiv., xv.). Tertullian seems to have regarded it as inspired. “These things,” he writes, [66] “the Holy Ghost, foreseeing from the beginning the future entrance of superstitions, foretold by the mouth of the ancient seer Enoch.” He adopts Enoch’s story of the fall of the angels (which, indeed, is common to other of the Pseudepigrapha), and their introduction of mechanical arts, sorcery, and astrology; and while acknowledging that it was not received into the Jewish Canon (armarium Judaicum), he endeavours to show how it could have been preserved in the Deluge and handed down to Christian times, and that it was rejected by the Jews because it too plainly testified of Christ. Origen took a lower view of its authority, but he refers to it more than once, [67] using its language and adopting the ideas, as emanating from one of the greatest of prophets. Clement of Alexandria [68] regards it with a certain respect while denying its inspiration. “I must confess,” says St. Augustine, [69] “that some things of Divine character were written by Enoch, the seventh from Adam, since this is testified by the Apostle Jude in his canonical Epistle; but they are deservedly excluded from the Jewish Scriptures, because they lack authority and cannot be proved genuine.” In the Apostolic Constitutions the book, is reckoned among Apocrypha, and it is placed in the same category in the Synopsis Athanasii and the Catalogue of Nicephorus. By the fifth century the book seems to have sunk out of sight, and little or nothing more was heard of it till Scaliger (1540–1609) discovered some fragments of it in an unpublished MS. of the Chronographia of Georgius Syncellus (A.D. 792), and printed them. The extracts are given by Fabricius, by Laurence and Dillmann, and of them all but one are found in our present text of Enoch. The exception is a short passage about the doom pronounced on the mountain where the angels made their impious conspiracy, and on the sons of men involved in their crime. The extracts in Syncellus’ work tend to show that the Book of Enoch was extant in the Eastern Church for some time after it had practically disappeared from the Western. That the book was also in the hands of the Jews of medieval times has been proved by references in the Zohar, a kind of philosophical commentary upon the law, which contains the most ancient remains of the Cabala. [70] Thus we read: “The Holy and the Blessed One raised him (Enoch) from the world to serve Him, as it is written, ’For God took him.’ From that time a book was delivered down which was called the Book of Enoch. In the hour that God took him, He showed him all the repositories above; He showed him the tree of life in the midst of the garden, its leaves and its branches. We see all in his book.” And again, “We find in the Book of Enoch, that after the Holy and Blessed One had caused him to ascend, and showed him all the repositories of the superior and inferior kingdom, He showed him the tree of life, and the tree respecting which Adam had received a command; and He showed him the habitation of Adam in the Garden of Eden:” Further traces of the book have been discovered in other Rabbinical writings, but we need not linger on these. From the above and similar allusions it was clear to all scholars that a book extant under the name of Enoch had been well known in earlier days; but for some centuries nothing more certain came to light; the appetite of critics had nothing more definite to feed upon. It remained for the great traveller Bruce to satisfy the long-unappeased desire for further information. In the year 1773, Bruce astonished the learned world by claiming to have secured in Abyssinia, and brought safely home, three copies of an Ethiopian version of the Book of Enoch. An idea, indeed, had long prevailed (whence originating it is hard to say) that such a version did exist; and it was thought at one time that a certain tract, transmitted from Egypt, and purchased by Peiresc for the Royal Library at Paris, was the identical work. This was found not to be the case; and warned by former disappointment, scholars awaited the examination of Bruce’s MSS. with some anxiety. Of the three copies brought to Europe, one, a most magnificent quarto, was presented by the finder to the Library at Paris, and another to the Bodleian at Oxford; the third, kept in his own possession, was included in a MS. of the Scriptures, where it is placed immediately before the Book of Job; assuming an unquestioned position among the canonical books. On hearing that Paris possessed this treasure, Dr. Woide, librarian of the British Museum, immediately set out for France, armed with letters to the ambassador desiring him to procure the learned scholar access to the work. This was done, and Dr. Woide transcribed the whole book, and brought the transcript with him to England. His knowledge of Ethiopic was not sufficient to enable him to attempt a translation. He might have spared himself much trouble had he been aware that Oxford possessed a copy of the work; but the University itself received the present very quietly, and let it rest undisturbed on its shelves for many years. The Parisian MS. was noticed in the Magasin Encyclopédique by the Orientalist, De Sacy, who published therein a translation of certain passages. But it was not till the year 1821 that the book was fully brought before the world. In that year Dr. Laurence, then Professor of Hebrew at Oxford, and afterwards Archbishop of Cashel, published a translation of the whole, with preliminary dissertation and notes. This has been more than once reprinted, and was supplemented in 1838 by the publication of the Ethiopic text. The discovery of five different codices enabled Dillmann to put forth a more correct text; and his edition, with its German translation, introduction, and commentary, is now the standard work on the subject. There is another German version by Hoffmann, for the latter part of which he had the benefit of a MS. in the library of Frankfort-on-the-Maine, lately, brought from Abyssinia; and there is also an English translation by Professor Schodde, of America, printed at Andover in 1882; but nothing seems likely to supersede Dillmann’s edition, unless, indeed, the discovery is some day made of the original text from which the Ethiopic version was rendered. There was indeed at one time a hope of some additional light from Mai’s discovery of a small fragment in Greek among the manuscripts of the Vatican Library. But further investigation led to the mortifying fact that no more was to be found; and as the portion extended only from ver. 42 to ver. 49 of chap. lxxxix., it was of little practical utility. As to the language of the original work, there is no reason to doubt that it was Hebrew or Aramæan. It is true that the fragments of Syncellus and those found by Mai in the Vatican Library are all in Greek, and it was from Greek exemplars that the quotations in the Fathers were made; but a critical examination of these extracts and of the Abyssinian version leads to the conclusion that they are derived from a Hebrew source. To favour this verdict, critics are induced by such evidence as the following: there are in the version a great number of Hebrew idioms and expressions equally foreign to Greek and Ethiopic, and all capable of being easily rendered back into Hebrew; the writer or writers were thoroughly acquainted with the Scriptures in the original, and did not employ the Septuagint version; the names of the angels and archangels are of Hebrew etymology, viz. Uriel, Raphael, Raguel, Michael, Sarakael, Gabriel; the appellations of the winds can only be explained by a reference to the Hebrew, the east wind being so called because it is the first, according to Hebrew etymology, and the south, because the Most High there descends, the Hebrew term being capable of this interpretation. The names of the sun, Oryares and Tomas, are Semitic; so are those of the conductors of the months, Melkeel, Helemmelek, Meleyal, Narel, etc.; and, as Dr. Gloag observes, Ophanim, mentioned in connection with the cherubim and seraphim, is the Hebrew word for the “wheels” in Ezekiel. We are, then, tolerably secure in assuming the hypothesis of a Hebrew original. We have no criteria, to enable us to judge when it was translated into Greek. The Ethiopic version was made directly from the Hebrew, subsequently to the translation of the Old Testament into Ethiopic; but the date is undetermined. If it keeps as close to the original as the rendering of Holy Scripture does, it may be regarded as a faithful and accurate representation of the text. In the Ethiopic MSS. the work is divided into twenty sections; but the chapters are not uniformly arranged. Dillmann has retained the twenty sections, and subdivided them into 108 chapters, marking the verses of each chapter for greater distinctness of reference. This distribution is now generally followed. We will first give a sketch of the contents of the work before discussing its date and authorship, and gathering the lessons which it teaches. The book may be said roughly to consist of five parts, with an introduction and a conclusion. The general introduction, which is contained in the first five chapters, commences thus: “The words of blessing of Enoch, wherewith he blessed the elect and the righteous who shall exist in the time of trouble, when the wicked and ungodly shall be removed. Enoch, a righteous man, whose eyes God had opened, so that he saw a holy vision in the heavens, which the angels showed me, answered and spake.” The account proceeds in the first person; but throughout there is no consistency shown in this matter, changes from the first to the third person being frequent, and marking the hand of an editor or interpolator. The vision was for future generations, and in it he learned that God would come down on Mount Sinai with all His hosts to execute judgment, punishing the wicked, rewarding the righteous. Then occurs the original of the passage quoted by St. Jude: “Behold, He comes with myriads of saints to sit in judgment on them, and will destroy the ungodly, and contend with all flesh for everything which the sinful and ungodly have done and committed against Him.” Enoch observed the regular order of everything in heaven and earth, which obeyed fixed laws and never varied, and he contrasts the fate of the good and the evil; the latter shall find no peace and curse their day, while the former shall have light, joy, and peace for the whole of their existence. The above prelude affords a glimpse of the nature of the Book, with its allusions to natural phenomena and its eschatological views. The first division is contained in chaps. vi.–xxxvi., and is subdivided into three sections. [71] Section i. (chaps. vi.–xi.) narrates the fall of the angels and its immediate consequences. Seeing the beauty of the daughters of men, two hundred angels under the leadership of Semyaza bound themselves by an oath to take wives from among mortal women. For this purpose they descended on Mount Hermon, and in due time became parents of giants of fabulous height and size. These monsters devoured all the substance of men, and then proceeded to devour men themselves; they also taught mankind all kind of destructive arts, and vice flourished under their instruction. And men cried aloud to heaven, and the four archangels heard them, and appealed to God in their behalf. And God sent Uriel to Noah, the son of Lamech, to warn him of the flood, and ordered Raphael to bind Azazel, and lay him in a dark cleft in the wilderness, there to remain till the fire received him at the day of judgment. Gabriel had to set the giants one against the other that they might perish by mutual slaughter; to Michael fell the duty of punishing the evil angels; they were to witness the destruction of their offspring, and then be buried under the earth for seventy generations till the judgment day, when they should be cast into eternal fire. Then when all sin and impurity shall be purged away “at the end of all generations,” the plant of righteousness shall appear, and a new order of things; the saints shall live till they have forgotten a thousand children, and shall die in peace; the earth shall be fruitful, and be planted with all manner of trees; no corruption, or crime, or suffering shall be found therein; “in those days,” with God, “I will open the store-chambers of blessing which are in heaven, that they may descend upon the earth, and on the work and labour of men. Peace and righteousness shall join together, in all the days of the world and through all the families of the earth.” Section ii. (chaps. xii.–xvi.). After it has been said that Enoch was hidden from men’s sight, being wholly engaged with the holy ones, he himself tells how the good angels sent him to the fallen angels, whose intercourse with heaven was entirely cut off, to announce their doom. Terrified, they entreat him to write for them a petition to God for forgiveness; he complies with their request, leaves their unholy neighbourhood, and, retreating to the region of Dan, falls asleep, and has a vision of judgment, which he afterwards is commissioned to unfold to the disobedient angels. Their petition is refused now and for ever. And the dread answer was given to him, as he relates, in a vision, wherein he was rapt to the palace of heaven and the presence of the Almighty, of which he gives a very noble description. Section iii. (chaps. xvii.–xxxvi.) gives an account of Enoch’s journeys through heaven and earth under the guidance of angels, in the course of which he is made acquainted with the wonders of nature hidden from man, with places, powers, and beings which have relation to revealed religion, Messianic hopes, and the last days. He is taken to the place where the storm-winds dwell, and the sun obtains its fire, and the oceans and the rivers of the nether world flow; he saw seven luminous mountains in the south-east, formed of precious stories, and the place where the disobedient stars were suffering punishment, [72] and that which, though now untenanted, shall be the penal-prison of the rebel angels after the final judgment when they are released from their present chains. On inquiring for what crime the stars (regarded as living beings) were thus sentenced, he is informed by Uriel that they had transgressed the commandment of God and came not forth in their proper season. He next passes to the west, where is Hades, the region where the souls of the dead are kept till the judgment; it is divided into four places, unto one of which all souls are assigned. In the course of his journeys he comes again to the seven fiery mountains, and in a beautiful valley finds the tree of life, whose fruit shall be given to the elect. Then going to the centre of the earth, he sees the holy land and the city Jerusalem, described as “a blessed and fruitful place, where there were branches continually sprouting from the trees planted therein.” Here, too, he was shown the accursed valley (Gehenna), where the wicked shall suffer their eternal penalty in the sight of the righteous, who shall reign in Zion, and praise the Lord for His just vengeance on the evil-doers. He proceeds from Jerusalem eastward to the earthly Paradise, planted with odorous and fruit-bearing trees, lying at the very ends of the earth, and containing the tree of knowledge, of which Adam and Eve ate. Here, where the vault of heaven rests on the earth, he beholds the gates whence come forth the stars and the winds, and, instructed by the angel, writes their names and order and seasons. And, arriving at the north, he sees the three gates of the north-wind, and, going westward and southward, the three gates of these winds. Conducted again to the east, he praises the Lord who created all these wondrous things for His glory. The second division, contained in chaps. xxxvii.–lxxi., is called “The second Vision of Wisdom,” and consists of three parables, allegories, or similitudes, through the medium of which Enoch relates the revelations which he received concerning the ideal future and the secrets of the spiritual world. Many of the matters which he mentions we should treat as physical phenomena; in his view they assume a higher relation, and are therefore differentiated from the objects described in the preceding division which concerned only this earth and the lower heavens. The first similitude or figurative address (chaps. xxxviii.–xliv.) speaks first of the time when the separation between the righteous and sinners shall be made, and the angels shall dwell in communion with holy men. Then Enoch relates how he was carried to the extremity of heaven, and saw the celestial abodes prepared for the righteous, where they bless and magnify the Lord for ever and ever, and the special seat ordained for himself. He beholds the innumerable hosts of angels and sleepless spirits who surround the throne of God, and particularly the four archangels, Michael, Raphael, Gabriel, and Phanuel, to whom are assigned special duties. He is shown the secrets of heaven, the weighing of men’s actions in the balance, the rejection of sinners from the abodes of the just, the mysteries of thunder and lightning, winds, clouds, dew, hail, mist, sun, and moon. Of these heavenly bodies the regular course and motion are their praise of God for creation and preservation, and this ceaseless praise is their rest. He finds the habitation of Wisdom in heaven, as man on earth would not receive her, but welcomed only iniquity. And lastly, he observes how the stars are called by name, and their courses weighed and examined, and recognises in their regularity and obedience a picture of the life of the righteous on earth. The second similitude (chaps. xlv.–lvii.) describes the coming of “the Chosen One,” the Messiah, and the operations of His judgment on the good and the evil. Sinners shall be taken from the earth and sent down to hell to await punishment; the righteous shall dwell with Messiah in peace and happiness. Enoch proceeds to give further description of the person and office of Him whom he calls “Son of man.” To this important delineation we shall have to refer in detail hereafter; suffice it here to give a mere outline of the representation. He sees this Personification of righteousness in company with the Ancient of Days, and he is taught that He alone shall reveal all mysteries; He shall overthrow all worldly powers, among which are included sinners who scorned and refused to praise the Lord, and shall put an end to all unrighteousness. The glorification of the elect after the final judgment is further revealed, how they shall drink of the fountain of wisdom and righteousness; and hold full communion with the saints and angels. The Son of man existed before the world was created, and shall be in the presence of God for ever, and shall bring light and healing to the people. In Him all wisdom and righteousness dwell, and at His presence iniquity passes away like a shadow. In Messiah’s days shall be made the great change in the condition of the good and evil, and even then it will not be too late for the evil to repent, for great is the mercy of the Lord of spirits. At this time, too, shall occur the resurrection of the dead, the righteous rising with their bodies to enjoy Messiah’s kingdom, the souls of the wicked being consigned to the place of punishment. There shall then be no use for metals; gold, silver, copper are needed no longer; no earthly riches can save one from judgment. A further vision shows the place and instruments of punishment. In the midst of this account is inserted an interpolation concerning the Noachic Deluge, which is of later date than the visions, and is derived from a different source. Then follows a prophetical view of the last battle of the worldly powers against the Theocracy, and their overthrow before Jerusalem; and the final vision displays the Israelites returning to their own land from all countries whither they have been dispersed, and falling down before the Lord of spirits. The third address (chaps. lviii.–lxix.) contains a further description of the blessedness of the righteous contrasted with the misery of sinners in Messiah’s kingdom. In it are inserted many particulars concerning the Deluge, of which Noah, not Enoch, is the narrator. Probably these portions have been introduced by a later editor desirous of showing how the earlier judgment was a figure and an anticipation of that in Messiah’s days. Likewise, there is in this address a recapitulation, with some differences, of those physical details which have been previously noticed. The blessedness of the saints is comprised in light, joy, righteousness, and everlasting life. Amid the intimations of the future thus given, Enoch also obtains some curious lore concerning thunder and lightning, the manner and object of their operation. Here follows the interpolation concerning the Flood, which introduces Noah receiving the vision “in the five hundredth year, on the fourteenth day of the seventh month, of the life of Enoch.” This is evidently out of place and disconnected with the immediate subject. While showing to Noah the course of the coming judgment, the angel unfolds various meteorological secrets, attributing all the forces of nature to the agency of spirits. Then the narrative returns to the Messianic revelation, and the seer is shown the new Jerusalem, the abode of the elect; he sees the judgment of the saints, he hears their praise and worship of Almighty God in union with all the host of heaven; he hears the sentence passed on the mighty of this world, who shall in vain supplicate the mercy of the Son of man. Five chapters now succeed, containing a further account of revelations made to Noah concerning the Flood, and his deliverance therefrom, and concerning the fall of the angels and their punishment, and the warning thence derived for the mighty of later times. The names of these angels are given, and the special evil which each effected. One of these is called Penemue, and his sin was that he taught men “the art of writing with ink and paper, whereby many have gone astray from that time to the present.” The Book of Similitudes concludes with some personal details about Enoch himself. An interpolated paragraph relates that he was taken up to Paradise; but the genuine text describes how in an ecstasy he was raised to heaven, and God promised to give him a seat among the saints in the future Messianic kingdom. The third division of the book, comprised in chapters lxxii.–lxxxii., is entitled “The Book of the Revolutions of the Lights of Heaven,” and is occupied greatly with astronomical details, which do not give a high idea of the scientific attainments of the writer. The attempt to bring into a system the notions concerning such phenomena scattered throughout the Old Testament, in the popular ignorance of science, could not fail to produce much error and confusion, and has little interest for the theologian, unless we conceive that they have been introduced in order to oppose current heathen ideas, in which case they would have a certain historical use. This portion of the work falls conveniently into three sections. Section 1 treats of the courses of the sun, moon, and stars. The regular revolutions of the sun are explained, and the varying duration of day and night at different seasons; the waxing and waning of the moon are described and accounted for; it is shown how four intercalary days are rendered necessary, and how the luminaries go forth from the twelve gates of heaven. In section 2 the abodes and operations of the winds are noticed. Three of them proceed from each quarter, and occasion various effects, healthful or pernicious. At the end is an allusion to seven mountains, rivers, and islands, which cannot be identified. The third section reverts to the subject of the sun and moon, and gives the names by which they are known and further particulars respecting their connection with one another. All these matters, which Uriel showed to Enoch, the seer divulges to his son Methuselah. The angel likewise revealed to him the changes in the order of nature which shall occur in the days of sinners, in punishment of whom all seeming irregularities are sent. Before his spirit returned to earth, Enoch is bidden to read the heavenly tablets wherein all the future was written, even “all the deeds of men, and all the children of flesh upon earth, unto the remotest generations.” On perusing this record; Enoch breaks forth in praise of God; he is then conducted by “three holy ones” (i.e. probably the three archangels inferior to Michael) to his own home, and informed that he should be left there for one year, during which he should teach what he had learned to his children; and the section concludes with his address to Methuselah, directing him to preserve with all care the writings committed to him, and to note the importance of correctness in matters connected with the reckoning of the year, and the revolutions of the heavenly bodies, and the changes of the seasons. The fourth division of the book (chaps. lxxxiii.–xci.) recounts two visions which Enoch saw before he was married, while sleeping in the house of his grandfather Malalel (Mahalaleel). The first vision relates to the Flood; he sees the earth sinking into a great abyss, and prays that God will not wholly destroy the whole race of man, satisfying His just wrath by punishing only the evil. The second vision is more comprehensive and important; it embraces the history of the world from Adam until the establishment of the kingdom of Messiah. The account is derived almost entirely from the canonical Scripture, a transparent symbolism being used throughout. Men are represented under the image of animals, the patriarchs and chosen people being denoted by domesticated animals, as cows and sheep, while heathen and oppressive enemies are designated as wild beasts and birds of prey. The fallen angels are called stars; and the colours of the animals are symbolical—white for purity and righteousness, black for wickedness and disobedience. Thus concerning primitive man we read, a white bullock (Adam) sprang forth from the earth, and then a white cow (Eve), and afterwards there came a black bullock (Cain) and a red (Abel). The black bullock slew the red which vanished from the earth. And this black bullock begat many black cattle. And the white cow gave birth to a white bullock (Seth), which in turn begat much white cattle. In this way the history is allegorised. The offspring of the intercourse of the angels with the daughters of men is adumbrated as elephants, camels, and asses. The archangels’ defeat of these sinful spirits Enoch beholds from a high place where he remains till the day of judgment. Thence he sees the advance of the Flood, and Noah’s preservation in the vessel; his three sons are respectively white, red, and black, and the severance of the Shemites from the others is distinctly noticed. The history of the Israelites is traced from Abraham to Moses, then to the settlement in the Holy Land; then we have the time of the Judges, and the annals are continued on through the Kings to the Exile. The restoration is duly chronicled, and oppressions under the Greeks and Syrians are darkly foreshadowed. In chap. lxxxix. the Lord delivers the sheep into the power of lions, tigers, and other beasts of prey, which began to tear them in pieces. He Himself forsook their house and tower, which, however, were not now destroyed. The seer’s words in the following paragraph have proved a crux to all interpreters. The Lord commits the punishment of the chosen people, represented as sheep, to seventy shepherds, who rule successively in four series, in the proportion of twelve, twenty-three, twenty-three, twelve. “I saw until three and twenty shepherds overlooked the herd, and they completed in their time fifty-eight times. Then were little lambs born of those white sheep, and they began to open their eyes and to see and to cry out to the sheep. And the sheep hearkened not unto them. And the ravens flew upon the lambs, and took one of them, and tore and devoured the sheep. And I saw horns grow upon those lambs, and the ravens threw down the horns, until one great horn grew, one from those sheep, and then their eyes were opened. It looked upon them, and cried unto them, and the youths (the lambs) saw it and ran unto it.” Then comes an account of a terrible conflict between the birds of prey and the lambs; but the former could not prevail against the horn. “He (the horn) struggled with them, and cried out for help. And there came the man who wrote the names of the shepherds and laid them before the Lord of the sheep, and he came to the assistance of the youth; and the Lord Himself came in wrath, and all who saw Him fled away before His face; while the birds assembled together, and brought with them all the sheep of the field to break the horn of the youth.” But their efforts are vain, and in the end they are themselves destroyed by the Lord. This defeat introduces the Messianic epoch, when Israel shall rise superior to the heathen, and Messiah shall judge all sinners, whether angels or men, and shall establish the new Jerusalem, which shall be filled with a holy people gathered from all quarters. This portion of the work closes with an address of Enoch to his children, exhorting them to lead a holy life, founding his lecture on the certainty of the future which the preceding visions have delineated. The fifth division of the book (chaps. xcii.–cv.) is called “An Instruction of Wisdom,” and contains the practical application of the four preceding portions, addressed by Enoch primarily to his own family, and then to all the inhabitants of the earth. He opens the subject by predicting the resurrection of the righteous and the destruction of sinners. “The righteous,” he says, “shall arise from sleep and advance in the way of righteousness, and his whole walk shall be in eternal goodness and grace. Mercy shall be shown him; he shall receive dominion, and walk in everlasting light; but sin shall perish in darkness for ever, and shall no more be seen from this day forward.” Before he begins his exhortation, he recounts in brief what he had seen in visions and had read in the heavenly tablets concerning the ten weeks of the world, of which seven belong to the historical past, three to the apocalyptical future. The first week is concerned with Enoch, the second with Noah, the third with Abraham, the fourth with Moses, the fifth with the building of the temple, the sixth with its destruction, the seventh with the introduction of an apostate generation. He intimates that he himself lived at the end of the first week. This would be in due accordance with the personification. The eighth week is the commencement of the Messianic era, when the sword of the righteous shall overcome the oppressors, and the new Jerusalem shall be established. In the ninth week the knowledge of Jehovah shall be spread over the world, and all men shall be forced to acknowledge His power and equity. The tenth and last week ushers in the final judgment on angels and men: the old world shall pass away, and a new heaven shall appear, and earthly life shall be merged in the heavenly. After this preliminary apocalyptical address, the hortatory portion follows, the admonitions to the righteous and to sinners being intermixed. The former are exhorted to continue stedfast in their integrity, and woe is denounced on various classes of the latter. The seer weeps to think of the oppression of the good at the hands of the evil, but is comforted by the knowledge of the final victory of the saints at the coming of Messiah, and the punishment of the unrighteous. Then he sternly reproaches sinners, detailing their folly in many instances, and showing what judgment shall be awarded them. Finally he turns again to the righteous, comforts them in their tribulations, exhorts them to hope and patience by exhibiting their future happy lot and blessedness. They can die in peace, because for them death is the entrance to a better life. And to enforce his words he solemnly adds: “I swear to you, ye righteous, by His mighty power and glory, by His kingdom and majesty, I comprehend this mystery, and have read the heavenly tablets, and have seen the book of the holy ones, and have found written therein that all goodness, joy, and honour are prepared for the spirits of those who have died in righteousness, and that with much good shall ye be recompensed for your troubles, and your lot shall be better than that of the living.” [73] And these books of his shall be handed down to posterity and translated into different languages, and shall be to the good a source of joy, righteousness, and wisdom, and all who believe in them and have learned the lessons there taught shall receive the reward. The section ends with the Lord’s own words: “I and my Son will unite Ourselves with them for ever, because they have walked in the paths of uprightness. And peace shall be upon you; rejoice, ye children of righteousness, in truth.” The book might naturally terminate here, but, apparently by another hand, two sections are added, one concerning the supernatural circumstances attending the birth of Noah and the prediction of the Flood (cvi.–cvii.); and the other consisting of a writing of Enoch respecting the reward of the righteous and the punishment of the wicked, composed, as he says, “for his son Methuselah, and for those who should come after him, and observe the law in the last days” (cviii.). Here he mentions how in his journeyings he has seen the place of torment, which he describes as a waste outside the earth, and a bottomless sea of fire. The work thus concludes with God’s promise to the righteous: “I will bring into brilliant light those who love my holy name, and set them each on his throne of glory; and they shall shine for endless ages; for righteous is the judgment of God, and to the true will He give truth in the habitation of uprightness. And they shall see how those who were born in darkness shall into darkness be cast, while the righteous shine. And sinners shall cry out, and shall see how these glow with light, and shall continue in their punishment all the times prescribed for them.” The uncritical receptivity of primitive Christianity regarded the name attached to this book as a sufficient attestation of its genuineness. Thus, as we have seen, Tertullian, while acknowledging that some in his day declined to accept the work, because it was not included in the “Armarium Judaicum,” the Hebrew canon, himself opined that it was written by Enoch, and either preserved in the time of the Flood, or restored by Noah under Divine inspiration. Nor have there been wanting some good people in our own times, with more credulity than critical ability, who have freely accepted the antediluvian authorship and endeavoured to prove that the writer was inspired to predict events down to modern times. I have seen some passages in our book distorted even to enunciate the claims and operations of the British and Foreign Bible Society and the sinister actions of Russian politics. But leaving these dreams, let us come to something more practical. No one nowadays believes that the patriarch Enoch had any hand in the composition of the book which bears his name. This appellation is only another example of the pseudepigraphic idea which dominated so many writers in the period immediately preceding and succeeding the commencement of the Christian era. The sanctity and remarkable destiny of Enoch, the hoar antiquity with which he was associated, designated him as a fit personage to be the mouthpiece of revelations designed for a special purpose and needing the authorisation of a great name. One who himself had been admitted to immediate intercourse with the Most High was peculiarly fitted to reveal Divine mysteries. That no allusion to the production is made in the Old Testament is obvious; that some portion of it was extant in the first Christian century is certified by the quotation in St. Jude’s Epistle. But this certainty will carry us but a little way, as no one can read the work without concluding that it is not the composition of one author or one age, but exhibits difference of origin and date; and if the section from which Jude took his extract presupposes a Jewish and pre-Christian source, other parts may be of quite another character and have no pretension to any such claim. It is a difficult matter (even when we have distributed the work into its several sections) to determine the relation of these parts to each other, and to assign to them their proper position in the treatise. There is no external testimony to appeal to, and we must be guided in our conclusions entirely by internal considerations. Now in all these writings occurs this marked characteristic. There is past history given in the form of revelation, combined with hopes and predictions of the future. In the former case events are pretty accurately represented, either actually or symbolically; in the latter the seer allows himself free latitude for the display of imagination and the possible development of previous prophetic hints. The difficulty consists in exactly defining the point where history terminates and prediction commences. Usually no hint is given of any such interchange; one phase passes into the other with nothing to mark the passage. If in any particular instance we could say with certainty, here the author writes of contemporary events, and here he crosses from the actual to the ideal, we should at once possess a criterion for determining the date of the composition. Some such opportunity is supposed to be found in chap. xc., where at ver. 16 the emblematical account of past history merges into the expectations of the future. The vision to which we refer (chaps. lxxxv.–xc.) traces the annals of Israel from Adam to the great consummation of mundane affairs. If our readers will refer to the previous account of the contents of the book, they will see that in this Apocalypse the chosen people are represented under the image of domesticated animals, while heathens and enemies are denoted by wild beasts and birds of prey. The allusions are fairly intelligible unto t