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   Title: Commentary on Corinthians - Volume 1
   Creator(s): Calvin, John (1509-1564)
   (Alternative)
   (Translator)
   Rights: Public Domain
   LC Call no: BS491
   LC Subjects:

   The Bible

   Works about the Bible
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   COMMENTARIES

   ON THE

   EPISTLES OF PAUL THE APOSTLE

   TO

   THE CORINTHIANS


   BY JOHN CALVIN



   TRANSLATED FROM THE ORIGINAL LATIN, AND COLLATED WITH
   THE AUTHOR'S FRENCH VERSION

   BY THE REV. JOHN PRINGLE



   VOLUME FIRST



   CHRISTIAN CLASSICS ETHEREAL LIBRARY
   GRAND RAPIDS, MI

   [1]http://www.ccel.org
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   TRANSLATOR’S PREFACE

   The Sixteenth century was distinguished by a large and valuable
   accession of Expositors of the Sacred Volume. Mosheim reckons up not
   fewer than fifty-five writers, who, in the course of that century,
   devoted their labors, to a greater or less extent, to the
   interpretation or illustration of the inspired writings — a
   circumstance which at once indicated the progress of the principles of
   the Reformation, and contributed most materially to their diffusion.
   Nor were expository treatises, in illustrations of the Sacred
   Scriptures, simply increased in number; they were marked by a decided
   improvement in point of intrinsic value. It is to the honor of a large
   proportion of the Interpreters of that age, that, rejecting the
   practice so well exposed by Bishop Horsley, of “drawing I know not what
   mystical meanings, by a certain cabalistic alchemy, from the simplest
   expressions of holy writ,” they made it their endeavor, in every case,
   to ascertain the true meaning of the Spirit of God, by a careful
   examination of the text and context.

   In unbending integrity of purpose in the investigation of the Inspired
   Oracles — which must be regarded as one of the primary excellences of
   an Expositor — John Calvin is surpassed by none in his own, or indeed
   in any age. His readers, even where they may not be prepared to adopt
   his interpretation of a passage, cannot fail to perceive that it is his
   sincere desire and honest endeavor to ascertain its true meaning. His
   uprightness of design is more especially observable in connection with
   passages bearing on controverted points. In such cases the candid
   reader will discover no disposition to wrest a single expression for
   the purpose of enlisting it on the side of a particular system of
   opinion; but, on the contrary, the utmost fairness of interpretation is
   uniformly apparent.

   Every one that is acquainted with Calvin’s history, and considers the
   trying scenes through which he was called to pass, must feel astonished
   that he should have found leisure to prepare, in addition to all his
   other writings, Commentaries on nearly the whole of the Sacred
   Scriptures. That he wrote so much, and more especially as an Expositor,
   appears to have been chiefly owing to the frequent and urgent
   solicitations of his intimate and beloved Farel, who “not merely
   entreated Calvin, but frequently urged him with great vehemence to
   write one Commentary after another, from a conviction that he possessed
   the gifts requisite for exposition in a very extraordinary manner, and
   that, with the blessing of God, his works of this kind would be
   extensively useful. ‘Being an inconsiderable man myself,’ said he, ‘I
   am wont to require very much from those that possess the greatest
   excellence, and often press them hard to labor beyond their strength.’
   It was his conviction that every one who had received superior talents
   was bound to devote them to the advancement of the kingdom of God.” [1]

   The Epistles of Paul to the Corinthians form a most important part of
   the Sacred Writings. Though not so systematic as the Epistle to the
   Romans, they contain many passages, bearing directly on the
   fundamentally important doctrines of the Christian system, while they
   are of the highest utility in connection with Practical Theology. The
   disorders that had unhappily crept into the Church at Corinth, gave
   occasion for the Apostle’s handling at greater length than in any of
   his other Epistles various important points as to doctrine and worship;
   while the relaxed state of discipline that had begun to prevail among
   them rendered it necessary to exhibit more fully the principles which
   ought to regulate the administration of the Christian Church. In this
   the overruling hand of Him who brings good out of evil is strikingly
   apparent.

   While in the selection of the particular places into which the Gospel
   was first introduced, and in which Christian Churches were first
   planted, there is a display of Divine sovereignty which it is beyond
   our power for fathom, this at least is abundantly manifest, that the
   places selected were not those in which the triumphs of the Gospel were
   likely to be most easily affected, but quite the reverse. As the skill
   of the workman appears so much the more strikingly, when the tools
   employed by him are few and simple, and the materials to be wrought
   upon are hard and unyielding; so the wonders achieved in the first ages
   of the Church, through the foolishness of preaching. (1 Corinthians
   1:21) excite so much the more our astonishment, when we take into view
   the peculiarly formidable obstacles that opposed its progress in the
   places that were selected as the scenes of its triumphs. Of this the
   inspired narrative furnished in the Acts of the Apostles presents
   numerous and striking illustrations; and when we observe the particular
   Churches to which Paul’s Epistles are addressed — in the order in which
   they are presented to our view in the New Testament — it might almost
   seem as if the order of arrangement had been designed for the very
   purpose of calling our particular attention to the fact that the
   triumphs of the Gospel had been most signal in those places in which
   its success might have appeared most unlikely. It is a remarkable
   circumstance, and, assuredly, it is not to be looked upon as merely
   accidental, that the Christian Church to which the first of Paul’s
   Epistles — in the order in which they stand — is addressed, is one that
   had been planted, not in some city of secondary importance, but in Rome
   itself, the metropolis of the then known world; while the second of the
   Churches to whom Paul’s Epistles are addressed is that of Corinth, a
   city that was proverbial among Heathens themselves for its
   extraordinary profligacy, and consequently the most unlikely place of
   all to be the scene of the triumphs of a religion that will allow of no
   compromise with iniquity.

   When Paul first visited Corinth, appearances were most unpromising;
   but, having received special encouragement from his Divine Master, he
   continued to labor at Corinth for a year and six months, (Acts 18:11;)
   and such was the success of his labors in that profligate city, that
   after enumerating some of the worst descriptions of character, he says
   to the Corinthian converts, — “And such were some of you,” (1
   Corinthians 6:11). While, however, the notorious wickedness that
   prevailed at Corinth was the occasion of illustrating so much the more
   clearly the power of Christianity in subduing human depravity, that
   extreme dissoluteness of manners to which the Corinthian Christians had
   been addicted previously to their conversion, and which was daily
   witnessed by them in the unconverted around them, was fitted to exert a
   most injurious influence; and while the disorders that prevailed in the
   Corinthians Church after Paul left them, were in part attributable to
   the insidious efforts of false teachers, there seems every reason to
   believe that they were, in a very considerable degree, owing to the
   contagion of corrupt manners around them. It is to this that we must
   trace their preference of the ornaments of speech to the plain
   unadorned doctrine of the cross — their party jealousies — their
   vexatious lawsuits — their unseemly fellowship with heathens in their
   idol-feasts; and their philosophical speculations, leading them to
   question the possibility of a resurrection from the dead; while the
   flagrant case of incest, fallen into by one of their number, and
   connived at by the others, must still more manifestly be ascribed, in
   part, to the contagion of evil example. Yet even in this we have
   occasion still farther to mark the overruling hand of God in making
   evil subservient to good — the disordered state of the Corinthian
   Church having given occasion for exhortations and reproofs that are
   fraught with invaluable instruction to the Church of Christ in every
   successive age.

   Calvin’s Commentary on the First Epistle to the Corinthians was first
   published in the year 1546, and his Commentary on the Second Epistle
   was published in the course of the same year. It was a year that was
   greatly “unfavorable to Calvin’s repose. He was obliged to cheer the
   drooping spirits of the Genevese, whom the designs of Charles V.
   against The Reformed Religion had alarmed. But, besides the cares which
   the fear of all these evils occasioned him, he was deeply afflicted at
   the state of Geneva, and the general and daring profligacy of its
   inhabitants.” [2]

   In the course of the same year (as is stated by Beza) one of the
   members of the senate, “instigated, it is supposed, by two ministers of
   the Consistory, both of them given to drunkenness, and not less afraid
   than others of the rigor of the law, accused Calvin of preaching false
   doctrine.” It may well appear surprising that in such circumstances he
   should have found leisure for preparing this valuable portion of his
   Expository Works. This, however, is not peculiar to this portion of his
   Commentaries; for the greater part of them were prepared amidst
   numerous engagements and harassing occurrences. Yet they do not bear
   the marks of haste, but might seem to have been prepared in quiet
   retirement.

   The reader will observe that The Dedication, which is prefixed to the
   Commentary on the First Epistle to the Corinthians in all the ordinary
   editions of Calvin’s works, bears date in 1556. It is however stated,
   at the same time, by Calvin in the close of the Dedication, that the
   Commentary to which it is prefixed had been originally published by him
   ten years previously. It will farther be observed that in the
   commencement of the Dedication, Calvin alludes to an individual to whom
   he had originally dedicated the Commentary, but whose name he had been
   under the painful necessity — contrary to his usual manner — of erasing
   from his writings. The individual alluded to is James of Burgundy. The
   original Dedication, which is exceedingly rare, is contained in
   “Lettres de Calvin a Jaque de Bourgogne,” kindly allowed to the
   Translator by Mr. Laing, Edinburgh, from the Library of Writers to the
   Signet. A translation of that Dedication, as well as of the one that
   was subsequently prefixed by Calvin to this part of his Commentaries,
   will be found below.

   The circumstances connected with the case of James of Burgundy, are
   briefly stated by Bayle in his Dictionary, (Art. Philip of Burgundy,)
   in the following terms: — “James of Burgundy, Lord of Fallaix,
   grandson, I suppose, of Baldwin, another natural son of Duke Philip,
   professed the Protestant religion, but being scandalized at the
   disputes which arose at Geneva between Bolsec and Calvin in the year
   1551, he and his wife turned aside from the doctrine of the Reformed.
   He had carried it fair in the Church several years. Calvin dedicated to
   him his Commentary on the First Epistle of St. Paul to the Corinthians,
   but afterwards he suppressed that Dedication, and prefixed another to
   The Marquis of Vic.”

   Farther, Bayle, in the Art. Calvin, remarks, when speaking of Beza’s
   Life of Calvin — “We do not find in the edition of 1564, in 12mo, what
   I have transcribed from the folio edition of 1565, when I said that the
   grandson of a bastard of Philip, the good Duke of Burgundy, forsook the
   Church of Rome.”

   The editor of “Lettres de Calvin,” states that, after much fruitless
   search in many quarters for two documents referred to in Calvin’s
   Letters, viz. the Dedication of Calvin’s Commentary on the First
   Epistle to the Corinthians, and an Apology for the Masters of Falais,
   presented to the Emperor Charles the Fifth, and composed by Calvin, he
   had at length obtained them from one of the librarians of Geneva. The
   Dedication, he states, had been “transcribed from a copy that is at
   present at Strasburg.” “These pieces,” he adds, “arrived just in time
   for being printed in the last sheet of the Letters, to which I have not
   failed to append them, as being absolutely necessary to render them
   intelligible. I flatter myself that the public will receive them with
   delight, as an authentic document, [3] hitherto wanting in the
   ecclesiastical history of this country. Even those who have neither
   interest nor inclination for knowing this history to the bottom, will
   admire the beauty of Calvin’s genius, the insinuating turns of the
   Dedication, and the liberty and modesty that reign equally in the
   Apology; and they will agree with me in thinking, that Calvin was no
   less expert, in the art of pleading, than he had been in the art of
   preaching.”

   James of Burgundy was the grandson of Baldwin, a natural son of Philip,
   Duke of Burgundy, whom the Emperor Maximilian, in 1501, put in
   possession of Falais, a “Manor of Brabant, situated on the borders of
   the county of Namur, upon the river Mohaine, between the towns of Huy
   and Henneguy.” He was “elevated to the court of the Emperor Charles the
   Fifth. He embraced the views of the Protestants at the age of fifteen.
   He afterwards married Jolande of Brederode, a descendant of the ancient
   Counts of Holland, and aunt to Henry of Brederode.” “This marriage
   increased the suspicions that he had conceived as to the religions in
   which he was brought up, so that he adopted the resolution of leaving
   his native country, where he reckoned his life no longer safe. His
   withdrawment led to a law-suit, before the court of Malines, for the
   confiscation of his lands. During his exile, the Master of Falais
   changed his abode from time to time, having taken refuge first at
   Cologne, afterwards at Strasbourg, and at Basle, and, last of all, at
   Geneva. There is ground to believe that he was a person of merit, upon
   the testimony of Calvin himself, who, after pronouncing upon him the
   highest eulogiums in his Dedication to the First Epistle to the
   Corinthians, carried on a familiar correspondence with him for nearly
   ten years, and takes pleasure in subscribing himself very frequently
   his friend unreservedly forever. [4]

   “It is true that this friendship did not always continue, but, on the
   contrary, changed into irreconcilable aversion. It may at first view be
   thought, that the fault was altogether on the side of the Master of
   Falais, and that Calvin must have had sufficient reasons for carrying
   matters so far. We must, however, beware of forming a rash judgment. We
   often see the greatest animosities between the best friends arise out
   of nothing. Frequently the two parties are equally in the wrong; and in
   many cases the fault is found to have been on the side of the one that
   had been least suspected.”... The reader who peruses superficially the
   statement of Beza, quoted by Bayle, might imagine not merely that the
   Master of Falais had approved of all that Bolsec had done or said, but
   also that he entirely abandoned the side of the Protestants, and
   entered again the communion of the Romish Church. He might, therefore,
   fall into a mistake on all these points.

   “I do not believe that the Master of Falais ever thought of approving
   of the conduct of Bolsec, who ventured in a full church to contradict a
   minister, when preaching the doctrine of predestination. Neither Calvin
   nor Beza say so. Besides, the Master of Falais protests in his Apology,
   that he has no sympathy with those that support their religion in a
   turbulent and seditious manner. Assuredly he must have been a fanatic,
   to do what Bolsec did on that occasion; but to say that he had done
   well, he must have been a downright madman.

   “Nor is there any better proof that the Master of Falais was of
   Bolsec’s opinion on the subject of predestination. Calvin, Beza, and
   Castalio himself, (who would not have failed to mention it,) say no
   such thing. Besides this, the Confession of the Master of Falais, such
   as he had published in his Apology, is quite in unison with Calvin’s
   sentiments; and it may be presumed that he had not renounced these
   views in three years afterwards, while experience tells us, that they
   have once imbibed. What was then, properly, the ground of quarrel
   between Calvin and the Master of Falais? In my opinion it was this:
   After Bolsec had been put in prison, on the 16th October 1551, for
   having contradicted the doctrine of Calvin, and given occasion of
   offense in the Church, Calvin was disposed to punish him with all
   possible severity. To accomplish his purpose in accordance with forms,
   he asked the opinion of the Churches of Switzerland, hinting to them at
   the same time what he desired from them.”

   “‘We are desirous,’ says he, ‘to clear our Church from this pestilence
   in such a way that it will not, on being expelled from it, do injury to
   the neighboring Churches.’ meaning, plainly enough, that he must either
   be put to death, or suffered to remain in prison during his whole
   life.”

   The Master of Falais was of another mind; whether it was that he was
   influenced by a regard to his own interest, and that, being sickly, he
   imagined that his life depended on that of his physician; or whether it
   was that, from a principle of humanity and Christianity forbearance, he
   reckoned that Bolsec’s imprudence did not merit so severe a punishment,
   he wrote to the clergy of the Cantons, or to his friends in that
   quarters, and thereby defeated the design of Calvin, who received
   replies less full and distinct, and much more moderate, than he had
   expected and desired. Calvin finding himself thwarted by the Master of
   Falais, got into a passion, broke entirely with him, and roused up
   against him so many enemies at Geneva, that he was obliged to retire
   into the district of Vaud.

   “Judge, now, which of the two was in the right — Calvin or the Master
   of Falais.” “I do not know what became of the Master of Falais after
   this time, nor when he died, nor where, nor in what communion. I
   cannot, however, subscribe to the views of Mr. Bayle, who says that the
   Master of Falais turned aside from the doctrine of the Reformed, and
   that he renounced the Reformed Church. I am of opinion that Beza, on
   whose authority Mr. Bayle proceeds, means nothing more than this, that
   the Master of Falais left the Church of Geneva, on quarreling with
   Calvin. This does not mean that he renounced the Reformed Church, or
   abandoned the Protestant party. For it was possible to quarrel with
   Calvin, to reject his views on predestination and on persecution, and
   spurn the discipline of the Church of Geneva, and yet, after all, be as
   good a Protestant, and member of the Reformed Church, as Calvin
   himself.”

   From the extracts furnished above form an introductory notice by the
   editor [5] of the work already referred to, (“Lettres de Calvin a Jaque
   de Bourgogne,”) it will abundantly appear that the writer is desirous
   to present as favorable a view of James of Burgundy as the
   circumstances of the case will at all admit of. His attempt to show
   that James of Burgundy may have, after all, remained in connection with
   the Reformed Church, appears to be more ingenious than solid, and seems
   directly at variance with a statement by Calvin in his second
   Dedication to this part of his Commentaries, to this effect, that the
   individual to whom the former Dedication was addressed “has
   intentionally made it his object, not merely to withdraw as much as
   possible from me personally, but also to have no connection with our
   Church.” [6] This expression naturally conveys the idea that he had not
   simply left the Church of Geneva, but had withdrawn entirely from the
   Reformed Church. But however matters may have been as to this, the
   case, as a whole, was of such a nature as could not fail to be painful
   in the extreme to the mind of Calvin. In proportion, however, to the
   pain excited in his mind by this distressing case, must have been the
   happiness afforded him by an occurrence of an opposite nature, which
   took place about the same time.

   The Church of Geneva, which had suffered from the defection of James of
   Burgundy, was strengthened by the accession of an Italian nobleman,
   Galeazus Caracciolus, who, having been led to espouse the Protestant
   faith, took up his residence at Geneva in the year 1551, with a view to
   enjoy the society of Calvin, and have opportunity of attending upon his
   ministry. The particulars of his history, and more especially of his
   conversion from Popery, are interestingly narrated in a work entitled —
   “The Italian Convert — Newes From Italy of A Second Moses — The Life of
   Galeacius Caracciolus, The noble Marquesse of Vico,” etc. London, 1635.

   This work was written originally in Italian, “by Nicola Balbani,
   minister of the Italian Church in Geneva. It was translated into Latin
   by Beza; into French by Minutoli and by Sieur de Lestan; and into
   English by William Crashaw.” [7]

   The writer of this work referred to presents, in the dedicatory
   epistle, the following brief summary of the leading facts of this
   interesting case: —

   “I present you with as strange a story as, out of the holy stories,
   afore it be laid down at large? Thus it is: — Galeacius Caracciolus,
   son and heir-apparent to Calantonius, Marquesse of Vicum in Naples,
   bred, borne and brought up in Popery — a courtier to the Emperor
   Charles the Fifth, nephew to the Pope, Paul the Fourth, being married
   to the Duke of Nucerne’s daughter, and having by her six goodly
   children, at a sermon of Peter Martyr’s was first untouched, — after
   reading Scripture, and other good means, was fully converted — labored
   with his lady, but could not persuade her; therefore, that he might
   enjoy Christ and serve Him with a good conscience, he left his lands,
   livings and honors of a Marquesdome, the comforts of his lady and
   children, the pleasures of Italy, his credit with the Emperor, his
   kindred with the Pope, and forsaking all for the love of Jesus Christ,
   came to Geneva, and there lived a poor and mean, yet an honorable and a
   holy life for forty years; and though his father, his lady, his
   kinsmen, yea, the Emperor and Pope did all they could to reclaim him,
   yet continued he constant to the end, and lived and died the blessed
   servant of God, leaving behind him a rare example to all ages.” [8]

   Caracciolus was born at Naples in January 1517. His father’s name was
   Calantonius, who was descended from the ancient and noble family of the
   Caracciolies in the district of Capua, and was elevated by Charles the
   Fifth to the rank of Vico. His mother was descended from the noble
   family of the Caraffi, and was sister to Pope Paul the Fourth. His
   wife, Victoria, was daughter to the Duke of Nuceria, one of the
   principal noblemen of Italy. She brought him a large fortune. He had by
   her six children — four sons and two daughters. His mind was first
   influenced in favor of the Protestant religion by repeated
   conversations held by him with a nobleman nearly related to him, who
   had, along with various persons of distinction in Italy, been induced
   to renounce Popery, chiefly through the instrumentality of a Spanish
   nobleman, who at that time resided at Naples — Joannes Waldesius. The
   more immediate instrument, however, of his conversion, was the
   celebrated Peter Martyr Vermilius. Caracciolus having from curiousity
   gone to hear him, was savingly impressed by what he heard; and it is to
   be noticed as an interesting coincidence, that the means of his
   conversion was a discourse on a passage in the First Epistle to the
   Corinthians.

   “At that time Peter Martyr was in hand with Paul’s First Epistle to the
   Corinthians, and as he was showing the weakness and deceitfulness of
   the judgment of man’s reason in spiritual things, as likewise the power
   and efficacy of the Word of God in those men in whom the Lord worketh
   by His Spirit — amongst other things he used this simile or comparison:
   If a man, walking in a large place, see afar off men and women dancing
   together, and hear no sound of instrument, he will judge them mad, or
   at least foolish; but if he come nearer them, and perceive their order
   and hear their music, and mark their measures and their courses, he
   will then be of another mind, and not only take delight in seeing them,
   but feel a desire in himself to bear them company and dance with them.
   Even the same (said Martyr) betides many men, who, when they behold in
   others a sudden and great change of their looks, apparel, behavior, and
   whole course of life, at the first sight they impute to melancholy, or
   some other foolish humor; but if they look more narrowly into the
   matter, and begin to hear and perceive the harmony and sweet consent of
   God’s Spirit, and His word in them, by the joint power of which two
   this change was made and wrought, (which afore they counted folly,)
   then they change their opinion of them, and first of all begin to like
   them, and that change in them, and afterwards feel in themselves a
   motion and desire to imitate them, and to be of the number of such men,
   who, forsaking the world and his vanities, do think that they ought to
   reform their lives by the rule of the gospel, that so they may come to
   true and sound holiness. This comparison, by the grace of God’s Spirit,
   wrought so wonderfully with Galeacius, as himself hath often told more
   carefully to restrain his affections from following the world and his
   pleasures, as before they did, and to set his mind about seeking out
   the truths of religion and the way to true happiness... And thus far,
   in this short time, had the Lord wrought with him by that sermon: — as
   first, to consider with himself seriously whether he were right or no:
   secondly, to take up an exercise continual of reading Scripture:
   thirdly, to change his former company and make choice of better. And
   this time was done in the year 1541, and in the four and twentieth year
   of his age.”

   Caracciolus having thus had his eyes opened to the errors of Popery,
   and being fully satisfied that it was his duty to embrace the
   Protestant faith, found himself placed in peculiarly trying
   circumstances. Even those of his countrymen who were personally
   inclined towards the Protestant cause could not be persuaded to hold
   meetings in private for their mutual edification, but were prepared not
   merely to conceal their real sentiments, but even to practice
   occasional conformity to the rites of Popery. In these circumstances he
   was called to consider whether he would be prepared to spend the
   remainder of his life in daily violation of the dictates of conscience,
   or forsake all for Christ.

   “The sacrifice of his secular dignities and possessions did not cost
   him a sigh, but as often as he reflected on the distress which his
   departure would inflict on his aged father, who, with parental pride,
   regarded him as the heir of his titles and the stay of his family, — or
   his wife whom he loved, and by whom he was loved tenderly, and on the
   dear pledges of their union, he was thrown into a state of unutterable
   anguish, and started back with horror from the resolution to which
   conscience had brought him. At length, by an heroic effort of zeal,
   which few can imitate and many will condemn, he came to the
   determination of bursting the tenderest ties which perhaps ever bound
   man to country and kindred.” [9]

   The reader will observe that the author of the work already referred to
   — “The Life of Galeacius Caracciolus,” etc., entitles it — “The Italian
   Convert — Newes from Italy of a Second Moses” — and in accordance with
   this title the writer, in the dedicatory epistle prefixed to the work,
   institutes a comparison between Moses and the subjects of his narrative
   in a variety of interesting particulars.

   “I may say much rather than Jacob — Few and evil have my days been; yet
   in these few days of mine something have I seen, more have I read, more
   have I heard; yet never saw I, heard I, or read I any example (all
   things laid together) more nearly seconding the examples of Moses than
   this of the most renowned Marquesse Galeacius. Moses was the adopted
   son of a king’s daughter; Galeacius the natural son and heir apparent
   to a Marquesse; Moses a courtier in the court of Pharoah, Galeacius in
   the court of the emperor Charles the Fifth; Moses by adoption a kin to
   a Queen, Galeacius by marriage to a Duke, by blood son to a Marquesse,
   nephew to a Pope; Moses in possibility of a kingdom, he in possession
   of a Marquesdome; Moses in his youth brought up in the heathenism of
   Egypt, Galeacius schooled in the superstition of Popery; Moses at last
   saw the truth and embraced it, so did Galeacius; Moses openly fell from
   the heathenism of Egypt, so did Galeacius from the superstition of
   Popery. But all this is nothing to that which they both suffered for
   their conscience. What Moses suffered Saint Paul tells us — ‘Moses,
   when he was come to years, refused to be called the son of Pharoah’s
   daughter, and chose rather to suffer adversities with the people of
   God, than to enjoy the pleasures of sin for a season; esteeming the
   rebuke of Christ greater riches than the treasures of Egypt.’ Nay,
   Moses had rather be a base brick maker amongst the oppressed
   Israelites, being true Christians, than to be the son of a king’s
   daughter in the court of Pharaoh amongst idolaters. In like case noble
   Galeacius, when he was come to years and knowledge of Christ, refused
   to be called son and heir to a Marquesse, cup-bearer to an Emperor,
   nephew to a Pope, and chose rather to suffer affliction, persecution,
   banishment, loss of lands, livings, wife, children, honors and
   preferments, than to enjoy the sinful pleasures of Italy for a season,
   esteeming the rebuke of Christ greater riches than the honors of a
   Marquesdome without Christ, and therefore, seeing he must either want
   Christ or want them, he despoiled himself of all these to gain Christ.
   So excellent was the fact of Moses, and so heroical, that the Holy
   Ghost vouchsafes it remembrance both in the Old and New Testament, that
   so the Church in all ages might know it and admire it, and doth
   chronicle it in the epistle to the Hebrews almost two thousand years
   after it was done. If God himself did so to Moses, shall not God’s
   Church be careful to commend to posterity this second Moses, whose love
   to Christ Jesus was so zealous, and so inflamed by the heavenly fire of
   God’s Spirit, that no earthly temptations could either quench or abate
   it; but to win Christ, and to enjoy Him in the liberty of His Word and
   Sacraments, he delicately contemned the honors and pleasures of the
   Marquesdome of Vicum — Vicum, one of the paradises of Naples, Naples,
   the paradise of Italy — Italy of Europe — Europe of the earth; yet all
   these paradises were nothing to him in comparison of attaining the
   celestial paradise, there to live with Jesus Christ.”

   “And for my part I freely and truly profess, I have been often ravished
   with admiration of this noble example — to see an Italian so excellent
   a Christian — one so near the Pope so near to Jesus Christ, and such
   blessed fruit to blossom in the Pope’s own garden; and to see a
   nobleman of Italy forsake that for Christ, for which I fear many
   amongst us would forsake Christ Himself. And surely (I confess truth)
   the serious consideration of this so late, so true, so strange an
   example hath been a spur to my slowness, and whetted my dull spirits,
   and made me to esteem more highly of religion than I did before. I know
   it is an accusation of myself, and a disclosing of my own shame to
   confess thus much; but it is a glory to God, an honor to religion, a
   credit to the truth, and a praise to this noble Marquesse, and
   therefore I will not hide it. And why should I shame to confess it,
   when that famous and renowned man of God, holy Calvin, freely
   confesseth, [10] as in the sequel of this story you shall hear, that
   this nobleman’s example did greatly confirm him in his religion, and
   did revive and strengthen his faith, and cheer up all the holy graces
   of God in him.”

   Caracciolus had no sooner left Naples, forsaking country and kindred
   for the sake of Christ and his gospel, than every possible effort was
   employed by his family and relatives, and all that were concerned for
   the credit of the religion that he had abandoned, to induce him to
   return.

   On his refusing to do so, “sentence was passed against him, and he was
   deprived of all the property which he inherited from his mother.” “In
   the following year... an offer was made to him in the name of his uncle
   now Pope Paul IV., [11] that he should have a protection against the
   Inquisition, provided he would take up his residence within the
   Venetian States; a proposal to which neither his safety nor the
   dictates of his conscience would permit him to accede.” He went
   repeatedly to Italy, and had interviews with his aged father, but was
   refused the privilege of seeing his wife and family, until about six
   years after he had quitted Naples. His wife, Victoria, then wrote to
   him, earnestly requesting an interview with him, and fixing the place
   of meeting. This she did on two different occasions, but in both
   instances, on his arrival at the appointed place, after a fatiguing and
   dangerous journey, he had the disappointment of finding that she did
   not make her appearance. At length, impatient of delay, he went once
   more to Italy, and at his father’s house had an interview with
   Victoria, when he entreated her to accompany him to Geneva, “promising
   that no restraint should be laid on her conscience, and that she should
   be at liberty to practice her religion under his roof. After many
   protestations of affection, she finally replied, that she could not
   reside out of Italy, nor in a place where any other religion than that
   of the Church of Rome was professed, and farther, that she could not
   live with him as her husband so long as he was infected with heresy.”
   The scene at their final parting was peculiarly tender. “Bursting into
   tears, and embracing her husband, Victoria besought him not to leave
   her a widow, and her babies fatherless. The children joined in the
   entreaties of their mother, and the eldest daughter, a fine girl of
   thirteen, grasping his knees, refused to part with him. How he
   disengaged himself, he knew not; for the first thing which brought him
   to recollection was the noise made by the sailors on reaching the
   opposite shore of the Gulf.” (of Venice.) “He used often to relate to
   his intimate friends, that the parting scene continued long to haunt
   his mind; and that not only in dreams, but also in reveries into which
   he fell during the day; he thought he heard the angry voice of his
   father, saw Victoria in tears, and felt his daughter dragging at his
   heels.” [12]

   Caracciolus spent the remainder of his days at Geneva, with the
   exception of five years spent by him at Nion and Lausanne, for the sake
   of economy in his living, and continued steadfast in his attachment to
   the Protestant faith. He was on terms of intimate friendship with
   Calvin, which continued unbroken until the death of the Reformer in
   1564 — thirteen years subsequent to the time when Carcciolus went to
   reside at Geneva. One step taken by him during his exile must be
   regarded as (to say the least) of greatly questionable propriety — that
   of contracting a second marriage, about nine years after he went to
   reside at Geneva. Calvin, on being consulted by him as to the propriety
   of such a step, “felt great scruples as to the expediency” of it, but
   “ultimately gave his approbation to it, after he had consulted the
   divines of Switzerland and the Grisons.” [13] Accordingly, the courts
   of Geneva having legally pronounced a sentence of divorce against
   Victoria, on the ground of her obstinate refusal to live with her
   husband, he married Anne Fremejere, the widow of a French refugee from
   Rouen, with whom he continued to live happily in a state of dignified
   frugality. [14] He was held, deservedly, by the Church of Geneva, and
   wherever he was known, in the greatest esteem, as one whose piety was
   of a very high order. Matthew Henry, in one part of his Writings, [15]
   makes mention of “a noble saying of the Marquis of Vico, ‘Let their
   money perish with them, who esteem all the wealth of this world worth
   one hour’s communion with God in Jesus Christ,’” and assuredly the
   devotedness manifested by him to the cause of Christ affords ample
   evidence that the sentiment was deeply inwrought into his mind. He died
   at Geneva in 1568, in the sixty-eighth year of his age.

   Calvin’s Commentary on Paul’s Epistles to the Corinthians having, (in
   common with a large portion of his Commentaries on other parts of the
   Scriptures) been translated by himself into French for the benefit of
   his countrymen, the Latin original and French version have been
   carefully collated, and any additional terms or clauses that occur in
   the latter, tending to bring out more fully the Author’s meaning, will
   be found given at the bottom of the page. “Calvin,” says Pasquier
   (Biographia Evangelica) “was a good writer, both in Latin and French,
   and our French tongue is highly obliged to him for enriching it with so
   great a number of fine expressions.” D’Aubigne, when speaking of
   Calvin’s early education, states that “he made great progress in Latin
   literature. He became familiar with Cicero, and learned from this great
   master to employ the language of the Romans with a facility, purity,
   and ease that excite the admiration even of his enemies. But at the
   same time, he found riches in this language which he afterwards
   transferred to his own.” “CALVIN when called upon to discuss and to
   prove, enriched his mother-tongue with modes of connection and
   dependence, with shadows, transitions, and dialectic forms, that it did
   not as yet possess.” [16]

   The Old English Translation of this part of Calvin’s Commentaries
   having been published in black letter in 1573, about thirty years after
   the Commentary itself was first published by Calvin, it is not to be
   wondered that it abounds with obsolete terms and phrases, fitted to
   render it unpalatable to modern taste. In addition to this, the
   Author’s meaning has, in not a few instances, been manifestly
   misapprehended, and in almost all cases Calvin’s critical observations
   are entirely omitted. The Translator, Mr. Thomas Timme, was the author
   of various works, one of which more particularly — quaintly entitled “A
   Silver Bell,” appears to have gained much celebrity. It has been
   thought proper to subjoin to this Preface, a fac-simile of the
   title-page to this old English version, with a copy of “The Epistle
   Dedicatorie” to the Archbishop of Canterbury.

   In preparing the present Translation of this part of Calvin’s
   Commentaries, care has been taken to bring out as fully as possible the
   Author’s meaning, while the reader will find in a variety of instances
   in the Notes some additional light thrown on some important but
   difficult passages — derived chiefly from the labors of interpreters
   that have appeared subsequently to the times of Calvin. The Translator
   is fully persuaded that Calvin’s Commentaries on both of Paul’s
   Epistles to the Corinthians will be found, in so far at least as the
   Author’s meaning is properly brought out in the Translation, to justify
   most amply the confident expectation of the Author himself, (as
   expressed in his first Dedication to the Commentary on the First
   Epistle) — that it would “furnish no ordinary assistance for thoroughly
   understanding Paul’s mind.”

   J.P.
   Elgin, October 1848.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1] Kirch-hoffer’s Life of Farel, pp. 281, 282.

   [2] Mackenzie’s Life of Calvin, p. 63.

   [3] “Un monument authentique;” — “An authentic moment.”

   [4] “Entier amy a jamais;” — “Thorough friend for ever.”

   [5] “Avertissement de l’Editeur.”

   [6] “Nihil haberet cum Ecclesia nostria commune;” — “De n’avoir rien de
   commun avec nostre Eglise;” — Might have nothing in common with our
   Church.

   [7] M’Crie’s History of the Reformation in Spain. — Note.

   [8] Baxter, in his “Treatise of Conversion,” makes the following
   interesting allusion to the case of Caracciolus: — “As it was with
   Carraciolus, the Marquis of Vicum, when his conscience bid him leave
   his land, and friends, and all for Christ, to forsake Popery, and
   betake himself to these countries where he might enjoy the gospel, his
   house and lands then came in his eyes: ‘What! must I leave all these
   for mere conscience, and live I know not how.’ His wife hangs upon him,
   his children with tears do cry after him, ‘O father! leave us not.’ And
   many a sob and sigh it costs his heart before he could resolve to get
   away.” — Baxter’s Works, volume 7. — Ed.

   [9] M’Crie’s History of the Reformation in Spain.

   [10] The reader will find the statement referred to in the second
   dedication prefixed by Calvin to his commentary on 1st Corinthians —
   “Caeterum quia et ego, quantum ad fidei meae pietatisque confirmationem
   valeat tuum exemplum experior,” etc.; — “As however I, for my part,
   know by experience the tendencies of your example to strengthen my
   faith and piety,” etc. — Ed.

   [11] It is remarked by David Dundas Scott, Esq., Translator of Ranke’s
   History of the Popes of Rome, in connexion with the case of certain
   relatives of Pope Paul IV. who had incurred his sever displeasure, that
   “although Paul seems to have relaxed the stern severity of the
   archinquisitor in regard to his Protestant nephew, [Galeacius
   Caracciolus,] by permitting him to be dealt with in the way of
   remonstrance and bribery, when another would have been arrested and put
   to death, still the compulsory retirement of the latter, after
   literally leaving ‘brethren and sisters, and father and mother, and
   wife and children, and lands for Christ’s sake and the gospel’ to
   Geneva, where he spent the evening of his days as a ruling-elder in the
   Italian Reformed Church, presented a striking contrast to the brilliant
   fortunes of his cousins the Caraffas, during their enjoyment of the
   Papal favor. But when the Pope found these ungrateful, and when that
   favor was lost, the Genevan exile [Caracciolus] must have felt
   peculiarly thankful for the deliverance he had had from such tempations
   and reverses, and one can hardly suppose but that the Pope himself must
   have been affected by the contrast at all points between his many Roman
   Catholic and one Reformed relative.” — Ranke’s History of the Romish
   Popes,. Note.

   [12] M’Crie’s History of the Reformation in Spain.

   [13] The part which Calvin acted as to this matter will be found to be
   in exact accordance with the [2]views expressed by him, when commenting
   on 1 Corinthians 7:15 — a passage on which opposite opinions have been
   entertained by eminent interpreters. It may be noticed in connexion
   with this case, that the United Brethren, when laboring in the West
   India Islands, near the close of the last century, felt greatly at a
   loss as to the course proper to be pursued in the case of converted
   negroes, whose husbands or wives had (as very frequently happened) been
   purchased by proprietors from other islands, and were, in consequence
   of this, parted from them for ever. “For some time” they “prohibited
   the converts from contracting another marriage, apprehending this to be
   inconsistent with the principles of Christianity.” Afterwards, however,
   in particular cases, they judged it better “not to hinder,” though they
   “did not advise, a regular marriage with another person.” — Brown’s
   History of Misssions, volume 1.

   [14] M’Crie’s History of the Reformation in Spain,

   [15] Communicant’s Companion.

   [16] D’Aubigne’s History of the Reformation, (Oliver and Boyd’s
   Edition,) volume 3.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Facsimile of the title page to the 1573 English Translation
     __________________________________________________________________

   A COMMENTARY

   UPON SAINT PAUL’S

   EPISTLES TO THE CORINTHIANS

   WRITTEN BY M JOHN CALVIN;

   And translated out of Latin into English, by

   Thomas Timme, Minister.

   Imprinted at London, for

   John Harifon and George Byfhop.

   1573.

   To the Most Reverend Father
   in God, and His Singuler Good Lord, Edmond,
   by the Grace of God, Archbishop of Canterburie,
   Primate and Metropolitiane of all England, Thomas Timme
   wisheth the plentifull riches of the Spirite,
   in Christ Iesu

   After long exercise in translating such Latine Commentaries uppon the
   holy Scriptures, as I though most like to further my country men, which
   understand not that tongue, to the soud knowledg of true Religion: at
   last I tooke in hand M. Caluin’s exposition upon Saint Paul’s Epistles
   to the Corinthias. And, as in my poor judgment, the writer is a most
   excellent instrument of God, for the simple setting foorth of his
   trueth, so in making my choyse (most reverend Father) I could not
   devise with my selfe, a more fyt personage, to whom I might dedicate
   his trauayle, by my willing paynes translated, than to your Grace: So
   much the rather, for that as your selfe can skillfully iudge, so they,
   for whom I have taken this labor upon me, by your allowance (whereon
   they may and will rest) shalbe the more encouraged to lyke, and with
   greater diligence to reade, and to take the profite ment them thereby.
   And although my part herein by the least, and in respect thereof,
   unwoorthye to be presented to your hands, your worthines in eche
   condition considered: yet calling to mynde the benefites, which long
   ago in Cambridge, and els where since, I haue receyued by your Graces
   preferment: I thought it better nowe at the last, to aduenture the
   offer of this simple gift, being such as I haue, than utterly to shewe
   myself unthankeful for that I have receyued. Most humbly therefore
   beseeching your Grace, that as heretofore it hath pleased you to
   encourage me in this exercise, by licensing the first booke which I
   translated to passe the Englishe presse, so now you will vouchsafe to
   take in good part M. Caluin’s present, offered you by me. I ceasse to
   trouble you further, recommending your Grace, and all your godly
   affayres to almighty God, whom I heartely beseeche to direct in all
   heauenly wisdome, grace, and knowledge, now and euer.

   Your Graces most humble at all tymes,
   to commaunde, Thomas Tymme.
     __________________________________________________________________

   THE AUTHOR’S FIRST EPISTLE DEDICATORY

   TO THAT ILLUSTRIOUS MAN, JAMES OF BURGUNDY,
   MASTER OF FALAIS AND BREDA

   Would that this my Commentary, in which I have attempted to expound an
   Epistle not less obscure than useful, published, as it now is, in
   accordance with the earnest solicitations of many for a long time past,
   and even reiterated demands, may be correspondingly answerable to the
   hopes and wishes of all! I say this, not with the view of earning from
   this work any need of praise — an ambition that ought to be quite away
   from the minds of Christ’s servants — but from a desire that it may do
   good at all, which it cannot do, if it does meet with acceptance. I
   have, for my part, labored with the utmost faithfulness, and with no
   less diligence, that it may, without any show, be of the greatest
   service to the Church of God. How far I have succeeded, my readers will
   judge for themselves.

   This much at least I am confident that I have secured — that it will
   furnish no ordinary assistance for thoroughly understanding Paul’s
   mind. That it will to you, most illustrious Sir, prove exceedingly
   acceptable, is so far from appearing to me doubtful, that I find it
   necessary even to warn you against allowing yourself to be carried
   beyond due bounds by an undue attachment to me, though, if it should so
   happen, I shall nevertheless regard your judgment as of so much
   importance, that I shall reckon myself to have succeeded admirably in
   my labors, if they have secured your unqualified approbation.

   In dedicating my Work to you, [17] however, I have not been influenced
   solely by the hope of its being acceptable to you, but by various other
   considerations; and more especially this, that your personal character
   corresponded admirably with the argument of Paul’s Epistle. For while
   too many in the present day convert the Gospel into a cold and shadowy
   philosophy, imagining that they have sufficiently discharged their
   duty, if they simply give a nod of assent to what they hear, you, on
   the other hand, are an illustrious pattern of that living efficacy,
   [18] which Paul testifies, ought to breathe in the Gospel. This,
   assuredly, I do not mention on your account, but because I consider it
   to be of great importance by way of example.

   It would have been an important point gained, though there had been
   nothing more than this, that, in the first order of nobility, in the
   elevated station of honor which you had obtained, and amidst a large
   abundance of fortune and wealth, (situations in life that are all of
   them at the present day overrun with so many corruptions,) you have
   yourself lived moderately and temperately, and have regulated your
   household in a chaste and honorable discipline. You have done both
   admirably. For you have conducted yourself in such a manner, as to lead
   all to perceive, by clear tokens, that you are altogether free from
   ambition. While retaining your splendor, as was necessary, it has been
   in such a manner, that, moderate as has been your style of living, no
   symptom of meanness was to be seen; while, at the same time, it was
   abundantly apparent that you avoided magnificence rather than courted
   it. You have shown yourself affable and kind to all, so that all were
   constrained to commend your moderation, while there was not even the
   slightest token of haughtiness or insolence to give offense to any one.
   As to your household, suffice it to say, in one word, that is has been
   regulated in such a manner, as to reflect the mind and manners of the
   Lord, as a mirror does the person. Even this would have been an
   illustrious and rare pattern of virtue for imitation.

   I reckon it, however, of much greater importance, that while you have
   been groundlessly charged before the Emperor, through the calumnies of
   wicked men, and that, too, simply because Christ’s kingdom, whenever it
   begins to flourish in any quarter, drives them to madness and fury, you
   bear up with unconquerable magnanimity, and are now in exile from your
   native country, with no less credit than you had when adorning it
   previously with your presence. Other things I pass over, because it
   were tedious to enlarge. It ought indeed to be more than simply common
   and customary among Christians, not merely to leave contentedly behind
   them estates, castles, and princely domains, for Christ’s sake, but
   even cheerfully and willingly to despise in comparison with Him every
   thing that is most valued under heaven. In consequence, however, of the
   backwardness and indifference, too, of almost all of us, as the virtue
   itself is worthy of special admiration, so when it is seen in you so
   conspicuously, I do most earnestly desire that it may stir up many to a
   desire of emulation, that they may not in future be always lurking idly
   in their nests, but may at length discover openly some spark, if they
   have any, of Christian spirit.

   As to your being assaulted from time to time with fresh accusations by
   those who are manifestly the infuriated enemies of piety, they will
   gain nothing by this, except to make themselves more and more odious by
   their gross indulgence in falsehood. At least every man in his senses,
   perceives that they are mad dogs, that would fain tear you in pieces,
   and when they cannot bite, take revenge upon themselves by barking. It
   is well that they do so at a distance, so as to be perfectly harmless.
   From the injuries of the wicked, however, much as they have diminished
   your pecuniary resources, there has accrued to you no less glory among
   the pious. You, however, as becomes a Christian, look beyond this. For
   you rest satisfied with nothing short of the heavenly glory, which is
   laid up for us with God, and will be manifested, so soon as “our
   outward man perishes.” — (2 Corinthians 4:16.)

   Farewell, most illustrious Sir, with your noble partner. The Lord Jesus
   long preserve you both in safety for the spread of His kingdom, and
   always triumph in you over Satan, and the whole band of his troops!

   Geneva, 24th January 1546.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [17] In the interesting volume already referred to — “Lettres de Calvin
   a Jaque de Bourgogne“ — there is preserved the original letter of
   Calvin to James of Burgundy, (received on the 6th February 1546,)
   requesting permission to dedicate to him the Commentary on the First
   Epistle to the Corinthians. The following translation of such parts of
   said letter as bear upon this point, will be interesting to the reader:
   — “Since my letter was written, I have taken another thought as to the
   Dedicatory Epistle to my Commentary; for as there is much trouble and
   difficulty in binding one’s self to fill up a certain number of pages,
   and no more, I send it quite complete. At the same time it is with the
   understanding, that it is not to be printed, except by your order.
   Accordingly I enclose it in this, in order that Vendelin may not have
   it otherwise than through your hands. If it does not appear to you
   expedient that I should address it to you, I shall, on receiving notice
   to that effect, prepare a new one. “Be not surprised, however, if I
   speak of you briefly; for I was afraid of coming upon some thorny
   points by going into more detail. But, according as matters shall turn
   out, we shall be able, God willing, in the second impression, to
   present fully in detail everything that will be necessary.” In a
   subsequent letter to James of Burgundy, (received on the 2nd April
   1546,) Calvin expresses in the following terms his high satisfaction on
   receiving permission to dedicate the Commentary to him: — “I give
   praise to our Lord, because the present of my Commentary is agreeable
   to you.” (Lettres de Calvin, etc.) — Ed.

   [18] Among other passages in the First Epistle to the Corinthians,
   which Calvin may be supposed to have had more particularly in his eye,
   there are the following, — 1:24; 2:4; and 4:20. In commenting on the
   last of these passages, he complains, as above, of the very general
   lack in his times of “spiritualis efficacia,” (spiritual efficacy.) —
   Ed.
     __________________________________________________________________

   THE AUTHOR’S
   SECOND EPISTLE DEDICATORY

   TO LORD GALLIAZUS CARACCIOLUS:

   A Nobleman, Distinguished Still More By Eminent Virtues Than By
   Illustrious Descent, Only Son And Rightful Heir Of The Marquis Of Vico,
   Health: —

   Would that when this Commentary first saw the light, I had either not
   known at all, or else had known thoroughly the individual whose name,
   hitherto inscribed upon this page, I am now under the necessity of
   erasing! I have, it is true, no fear of his upbraiding me with
   fickleness, or complaining that I have taken from him what I had
   previously given, for having intentionally made it his object, not
   merely to withdraw as much as possible from me personally, but also to
   have no connection with our Church, he has left himself no just ground
   of complaint. It is, however, with reluctance that I deviate from my
   custom, so as to erase any one’s name from my writings, and it grieves
   me that that individual should have quitted the lofty eminence that I
   had assigned him, [19] so as not to hold out a light to others, as it
   was my desire that he should. [20] As, however, it is not in my power
   to remedy this evil, let him, so far as I am concerned, remain buried,
   as I am desirous even now of sparing his credit by not mentioning his
   name.

   To you, however, most illustrious Sir, I should have had to look out
   for some apology, for now putting you in his place, did I not freely
   take this liberty, from the confidence that I have in your incredible
   kindness of disposition, and your affection towards me personally,
   which is well known to all our friends. To return again to wishes,
   would that I had known you ten years sooner, for I should not have had
   occasion at present for making any change. So far as an example to the
   Church generally is concerned, it is a fortunate circumstance; because
   there will not only be no loss incurred by burying in oblivion the
   individual who has withdrawn from us, but in place of him we shall have
   in you a compensation [21] much more abundant and every way superior.
   For although you do not court public applause — satisfied to have God
   alone as your witness — and though it is not my design to herald your
   praises, yet it were not proper to conceal altogether from my readers
   what is useful and profitable to be known: — that a man, sprung from a
   family of the first rank, [22] prosperous in honors and wealth, blest
   with a spouse of the noblest descent and strictest virtue, a numerous
   offspring, domestic quiet and harmony, and happy in his entire
   condition in life, has, of his own accord, with the view of joining the
   camp of Christ, quitted his native country, has left behind him a
   fertile and lovely domain, a splendid patrimony, and a residence not
   less commodious than delightful, has stript himself of domestic
   splendor, has left father, wife, children, relatives, and connections,
   and after bidding farewell to so many worldly allurements, satisfied
   with our mean style, adopts our frugal and homely way of living, just
   as if he were one of ourselves. [23] I make mention, however, of these
   things to others, in such a way as not to overlook at the same time my
   own individual advantage; for if I hold up here, as in a mirror, your
   virtues before the eyes of my readers, in order that they may set
   themselves to imitate them, it were a shame if I, who have a nearer
   view of them, were not more keenly affected by a daily and distinct
   contemplation of them. As, however, I for my part know by experience
   the tendency of your example to strengthen my faith and piety, and all
   the children of God that live here acknowledge, as I do, that they have
   derived from this source no ordinary advantage, I have thought that it
   might be of importance, that, by my publishing it, the like benefit
   were made to flow out to a still greater distance. But for this, [24]
   it were utter folly to expatiate in the praises of a man, whose nature
   and disposition are at the farthest distance possible from ostentation,
   and that, too, before persons who are in foreign and far distant
   regions. Hence, if any considerable number to whom, in consequence of
   distance, you have been hitherto unknown, shall, on this admirable
   example being presented to them, prepare to imitate it, by leaving the
   nests to which they too fondly cling, I shall have obtained an ample
   reward for what I have written.

   It ought, indeed, to have been more than simply common and customary
   among Christians, not simply to leave contentedly behind them estates,
   castles, and princely domains, where Christ cannot be followed
   otherwise, but even cheerfully and willingly to despise, in comparison
   with Him, everything that is most valued under heaven. [25] Such,
   however, is the backwardness or rather indifference that pervades all
   of us, that, while many give a cold assent [26] to the doctrine of the
   gospel, scarcely one in a hundred will, for the sake of it, if he
   possesses the most insignificant little farm, allow himself to be torn
   from it. Scarcely one is induced, without the greatest difficulty, to
   renounce the smallest conveniences: so very far are they from being
   prepared to abandon, as were befitting, life itself. [27] Above all
   things, I should wish that all resembled you in that first of all
   excellences — self-denial. For you are well prepared to bear witness to
   me, and I in like manner to you, how little pleasure we feel in
   cultivating the society of those, who, after leaving their native
   country, come at length to manifest, that they have not left their old
   dispositions behind them.

   As, however, it were better that my readers should revolve in their
   minds, more than I can express in words, I now turn to entreat, that
   God, who has encouraged you hitherto by the wonderful efficacy of His
   Spirit, may furnish you with an unconquerable perseverance unto the
   end. For I am well aware with what arduous conflicts God has exercised
   you, and from which, in accordance with your singular prudence, you
   conclude, that a hard and laborious warfare is still awaiting you. Well
   knowing, however, from ample experience, how necessary it is for us to
   have a hand held out to us from heaven, you will, of your own accord,
   unite with me in imploring from that source the gift of perseverance.
   As for myself, I will entreat Christ our King, to whom supreme power
   has been given by the Father, and in whose hands all the treasures of
   spiritual blessings have been deposited, that He may long preserve you
   safely to us for the spread of His kingdom; and that He may in you
   accomplish farther triumphs over Satan and his bands.

   24th January 1556, ten years after this Commentary was first published.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [19] “Par mon Epistre;” — “By my Epistle.”

   [20] “Par bon exemple;” — “By a good example.”

   [21] “On aura en vous pour recompense vn exemple;” — “We shall have in
   you, by way of compensation, an example.”

   [22] “Vn homme de maison anciene et grand parentage;” — “A man of an
   ancient house and great parentage.”

   [23] “Vit frugalement et selon la facon du commun peuple, ne plus ne
   moins qu’un autre d’entre nous le premier qu’on scache prendre;” — “He
   lives frugally, and after the manner of the common people, neither more
   nor less than one of ourselves, the first that might be fixed upon.”

   [24] “Autrement, si je n’auoye cest esgard;” — “Otherwise, if I had not
   this in view.”

   [25] The reader will observe that Calvin here repeats, in precisely the
   same words, a statement which had been made by him in his previous
   dedication to James of Burgundy, and unquestionably the conduct of
   Caracciolus still more strikingly exemplified the spirit of self-denial
   which Calvin here recommends. — Ed.

   [26] “Consentent a la doctrine de l’Evangile tellement quellement, et
   comme faisans signe de la teste;” — “They consent to the doctrine of
   the gospel in some sort of way, and as giving a nod of assent with the
   head.”

   [27] “Pour ceste querelle;” — “In that contest.”
     __________________________________________________________________

   THE ARGUMENT

   ON THE

   FIRST EPISTLE TO THE

   CORINTHIANS

   The advantages of this Epistle are various and manifold; for it
   contains many special topics, [28] the handling of which successively
   in their order, will show how necessary they are to be known. Nay, it
   will appear in part from the argument itself, in the recital of which I
   shall study to be brief, yet in such a way as to take in the whole,
   without omitting any of the leading points.

   Corinth, as every one knows, was a wealthy and celebrated city of
   Achaia. While it was destroyed by L. Mummius for no other reason than
   that the advantageousness of its situation excited his suspicions,
   posterity afterwards rebuilt it for the same reason that Mummius had
   for destroying it. [29] The convenience of the situation, too,
   occasioned its being restored again in a short time. For as it had the
   Aegean Sea contiguous on the one side, and the Ionian on the other, and
   as it was a thoroughfare between Attica and the Peloponnesus, it was
   very conveniently situated for imports and exports. Paul, after
   teaching there for a year and a half, as Luke mentions in the Acts,
   constrained at length by the wickedness of the Jews, sailed thence into
   Syria (Acts 18:11, 18.) During Paul’s absence false apostles had crept
   in, not, in my opinion, to disturb the Church openly with wicked
   doctrines, or designedly to undermine sound doctrine; but, priding
   themselves in the splendor and magnificence of their address, or
   rather, being puffed up with an empty loftiness of speech, they looked
   upon Paul’s simplicity, and even the Gospel itself, with contempt. They
   afterwards, by their ambition, gave occasion for the Church being split
   into various parties; and, last of all, reckless as to every thing,
   provided only they were themselves held in estimation, made it their
   aim to promote their own honor, rather than Christ’s kingdom and the
   people’s welfare.

   On the other hand, as those vices prevailed at Corinth with which
   mercantile cities are wont to be particularly infested, — luxury,
   pride, vanity, effeminacy, insatiable covetousness, and ambition; so
   they had found their way even into the Church itself, so that
   discipline was greatly relaxed. Nay more, purity of doctrine had
   already begun to decline, so that the main article of religion — the
   resurrection of the dead — was called in question. Yet amidst this
   great corruption in every department, they were satisfied with
   themselves, equally as though every thing had been on the best possible
   footing. Such are Satan’s usual artifices. If he cannot prevent the
   progress of doctrine, he creeps forward secretly to make an attack upon
   it: if he cannot by direct falsehoods suppress it, so as to prevent it
   from coming forth to light, he digs secret mines for its overthrow; and
   in fine, if he cannot alienate men’s minds from it, he leads them by
   little and little to deviate from it.

   As to those worthless persons, however, who had disturbed the
   Corinthian Church, it is not without good ground that I conclude that
   they were not open enemies of the truth. We see that Paul nowhere else
   spares false doctrines. The Epistles to the Galatians, to the
   Colossians, to the Philippians, and to Timothy, are short; yet in all
   of them he does not merely censure the false apostles, but also points
   out at the same time in what respects they injured the Church. Nor is
   it without good reason; for believers must not merely be admonished as
   to the persons whom they ought to shun, they must also be shown the
   evil against which they should be on their guard. I cannot therefore
   believe that, in this comparatively long Epistle, he was prepared to
   pass over in silence what he carefully insists upon in others that are
   much shorter. In addition to this, he makes mention of many faults of
   the Corinthians, and even some that are apparently trivial, so that he
   appears to have had no intention of passing over any thing in them that
   was deserving of reproof. Besides, he must, in any other view, be
   regarded as wasting many words in disputing against those absurd
   teachers and prating orators. [30] He censures their ambition; he
   reproves them for transforming the gospel into human philosophy; he
   shows that they are destitute of the efficacy of the Spirit, inasmuch
   as they are taken up with mere ornaments of speech, and seek after a
   mere dead letter; but not a word is there as to a single false
   doctrine. Hence I conclude that they were persons who did not openly
   take away any thing from the substance of the gospel, but, as they
   burned with a misdirected eagerness for distinction, I am of opinion
   that, with the view of making themselves admired, they contrived a new
   method of teaching, at variance with the simplicity of Christ. This
   must necessarily be the case with all that have not as yet thrown off
   self, that they may engage unreservedly in the Lord’s work. The first
   step towards serving Christ is to lose sight of ourselves, and think
   only of the Lord’s glory and the salvation of men. Farther, no one will
   ever be qualified for teaching that has not first himself tasted the
   influence of the gospel, so as to speak not so much with the mouth, as
   with the dispositions of the heart. Hence, those that are not
   regenerated by the Spirit of God — not having felt inwardly the
   influence of the gospel, and know not what is meant when it is said
   that we must become new creatures, (John 3:7) have a dead preaching,
   whereas it ought to be lively and efficacious; and, with the view of
   playing off their part, they disfigure the gospel by painting it over,
   so as to make it a sort of worldly philosophy.

   Nor was it difficult for those of whom we are now speaking to
   accomplish this at Corinth. For merchants are usually led away with
   outward disguises, and they do not merely allow themselves to be
   imposed upon by the empty show with which they deceive others, but in a
   manner take delight in this. Besides, as they have delicate ears, so
   that they cannot bear to be rudely taken to task, so if they meet with
   teachers of the milder sort, that will handle them gently, they give
   them, as it were, a reward in turn by caressing them. [31] It is so, I
   grant, everywhere; but it is more especially common in wealthy and
   mercantile cities. Paul, who was in other respects a god-like man, and
   distinguished by admirable virtues, was, nevertheless, not adorned with
   outward elegance, and was not puffed up with show, with the view of
   setting himself off to advantage. In fine, as he was inwardly
   replenished with the genuine excellence of the Spirit, so he had
   nothing of outward show. He knew not to flatter, and was not concerned
   to please men. (Galatians 1:10.) The one object that he had in view
   was, that Christ might reign, himself and all others being brought
   under subjection to him. As the Corinthians were desirous of doctrine
   that was ingenious, rather than useful, the gospel had no relish for
   them. As they were eager for new things, Christ had now become stale.
   Or if they had not as yet fallen into these vices, they were,
   nevertheless, already of their own accord predisposed to corruptions of
   that nature. Such were the facilities afforded to the false apostles
   for adulterating the doctrine of Christ among them; for adulterated it
   is, when its native simplicity is stained, and in a manner painted
   over, so as to differ nothing from worldly philosophy. Hence, to suit
   the taste of the Corinthians, they seasoned their preaching in such a
   way that the true savor of the gospel was destroyed. We are now in
   possession of the design that Paul had in view in writing this Epistle.
   I shall now take in the sum of the argument, by noting down briefly the
   particular heads of discourse.

   He begins with an ascription of praise, [32] that is in effect an
   exhortation, that they should go on as they have begun, and in this way
   he soothes them beforehand, that he may make them the more docile.
   Immediately afterwards, however, he proceeds to chide them, making
   mention of the dissensions with which their Church was infested. Being
   desirous to cure this evil, he calls upon them to exchange haughtiness
   for humility. For he overthrows all the wisdom of the world, that the
   preaching of the Cross may alone be exalted. He also at the same time
   abases them as individuals, in exhorting them to look around and see
   what class of persons chiefly the Lord has adopted as members of his
   flock.

   In the second chapter he brings forward, by way of example, his own
   preaching, which, in the account of men, was base and contemptible, but
   had nevertheless been signalized by the influence of the Spirit. And in
   the meantime he unfolds at greater length the sentiment, that there is
   a heavenly and secret wisdom that is contained in the gospel, which
   cannot be apprehended by any acuteness or perspicacity of intellect, or
   by any perception of sense, and is not influenced by human reasonings,
   and needs no meretricious ornament of words or embellishment, but
   simply by the revelation of the Spirit comes to be known by the
   understandings of men, and is sealed upon their hearts. He at length
   comes to this conclusion, that the preaching of the gospel does not
   merely differ widely from the wisdom of the flesh, and consists in the
   abasement of the Cross, but cannot be estimated as to its true nature
   by the judgment of the flesh; and this he does, with the view of
   drawing them off from a mistaken confidence in their own judgment, by
   which they measured every thing amiss.

   The beginning of the third chapter contains the application of this
   last department of the subject to their case. For Paul complains, that,
   being carnal, they were scarcely capable of learning the first
   rudiments of the gospel. He intimates in this way, that the distaste
   which they had contracted for the word, arose from no fault in the word
   itself, but from their ignorance; and at the same time he indirectly
   admonishes them, that they need to have their minds renewed, before
   they will begin to judge aright. He afterwards shows in what estimation
   the ministers of the gospel ought to be held — that it ought to be in
   such a way, that the honor given to them does not in any degree detract
   from the glory that is due to God — as there is one Lord, and all are
   his servants: all are mere instruments; he alone imparts efficacy, and
   from him proceeds the entire result. He shows them, at the same time,
   what they ought to have as their aim — to build up the Church. He takes
   occasion from this to point out the true and proper method of building
   aright. It is to have Christ alone as the foundation, and the entire
   structure harmonizing with the foundation. And here, having stated in
   passing that he is a wise master-builder, he admonishes those that come
   after him to make the end [33] correspond with the beginning. He
   exhorts also the Corinthians not to allow their souls to be desecrated
   by corrupt doctrines, inasmuch as they are temples of God. Here he
   again brings to naught proud fleshly wisdom, that the knowledge of
   Christ may alone be in estimation among believers.

   In the beginning of the fourth chapter he points out what is the office
   of a true apostle. And as it was their corrupt judgment that prevented
   them from recognizing him as such, putting it aside, he appeals to the
   day of the Lord. Farther, as he was contemptible in their view from an
   appearance of abasement, he teaches them that this ought to be regarded
   as an honor to him rather than a disgrace. He afterwards brings forward
   tokens, from which it might in reality appear that he had not consulted
   his own glory, or his own belly (Romans 16:18), but had with
   faithfulness devoted himself exclusively to Christ’s work. He comes at
   length to infer what honor is due to him from the Corinthians. In the
   close of the chapter he recommends Timothy to them, until he shall come
   to them himself; and at the same time he forewarns them that, on his
   coming, he will openly discover how little account he makes of those
   empty boastings by which the false apostles endeavored to recommend
   themselves.

   In the fifth chapter he takes them to task, for silently tolerating an
   incestuous connection between a son-in-law and a mother-in-law, and
   instructs them that in connection with a crime of such enormity, there
   was good reason why they should be covered with shame, instead of being
   elated with pride. From this he passes on to lay down a general
   doctrine to this effect, that crimes of that nature ought to be
   punished with excommunication, that indulgence in sin may be repressed,
   and that the infection may not spread from one individual to the
   others.

   The sixth chapter consists chiefly of two parts. In the first he
   inveighs against law-suits, with which they harassed one another,
   before unbelievers, to the great dishonor of the gospel. In the second
   he reproves indulgence in fornication, which had come to such a pitch,
   that it was almost looked upon as a lawful thing. He sets out with a
   heavy threatening, and afterwards enforces that threatening with
   arguments.

   The seventh chapter contains a discussion in reference to virginity,
   marriage, and celibacy. So far as we may conjecture from Paul’s words,
   a superstitious notion had become prevalent among the Corinthians of
   this nature — that virginity was a distinguished, and in a manner
   angelic virtue, so that marriage was held by them in contempt, as
   though it had been a profane thing. With the view of removing this
   error, he teaches that every one must consider what his gift is, and
   not strive in this matter beyond his ability, inasmuch as all have not
   the same calling. Accordingly he shows who they are that may abstain
   from marriage, and what ought to be the design of abstaining from it;
   and on the other hand, who they are that ought to enter into the
   married state, and what is the true principle of Christian marriage.

   In the eighth chapter he prohibits them from having fellowship with
   idolaters in their impure sacrifices, or giving countenance to anything
   of such a nature as might injure weak consciences. And as they excused
   themselves on this pretext, that they did not by any means connect
   themselves with idolaters in any corrupt sentiment, inasmuch as they
   acknowledged in their heart one God, and regarded idols as empty
   contrivances, he sets aside this excuse, on this principle that every
   one ought to have a regard to his brethren, and that there are many
   weak persons whose faith might be staggered by such dissimulation.

   In the ninth chapter he shows that he requires from them nothing more
   than he himself practiced, that he may not be reckoned so unreasonable
   as to impose upon others a law that he did not himself observe. For he
   puts them in mind how he had voluntarily refrained from availing
   himself of the liberty granted him by the Lord, lest he should give
   occasion of offense to any one, and how he had, in things indifferent,
   put on as it were various appearances, with the view of accommodating
   himself to all, that they may learn from his example that no one should
   be so devoted to self as not to endeavor to accommodate himself to his
   brethren for their edification.

   Now as the Corinthians were highly satisfied with themselves, as we
   said in the outset, in the beginning of the tenth chapter he admonishes
   them, from the example of the Jews, not to deceive themselves by a
   mistaken confidence; for if they are puffed up on account of outward
   things and gifts of God, he shows that the Jews were not without
   similar ground of glorying, and yet all this availed them nothing,
   because they abused their privileges. After alarming them by this
   threatening he returns immediately to the subject on which he had
   previously entered, and shows how unseemly it is for those who partake
   of the Lord’s Supper to be participants in the “table of devils,” that
   being a shameful and insufferable pollution. He at length draws this
   conclusion, that all our actions should be regulated in such a manner
   as not to be an occasion of offense to any one.

   In the eleventh chapter he clears the public assemblies from certain
   corrupt observances, which were at variance with Christian decorum and
   propriety, and shows what gravity and modesty ought to be exercised
   when we stand in the view of God and angels. He takes them to task,
   however, chiefly for their corrupt administration of the Supper. He
   subjoins the method of correcting the abuse that had crept in, which is
   by calling them back to our Lord’s original institution, as the only
   sure rule and permanent law of right acting.

   As, however, many abused spiritual gifts for purposes of ambition, he
   enters into a discussion, in the twelfth chapter, as to the purpose for
   which they are conferred by God, and also as to what is the proper and
   genuine use of them, which is, that by contributing mutually to each
   other’s advantage, we may be united together in one body, that of
   Christ. This doctrine he illustrates by drawing a similitude from the
   human body, in which, although there are different members and various
   faculties, there is nevertheless such a symmetry and fellow-feeling,
   that what has been conferred on the members severally contributes to
   the advantage of the whole body — and hence love is the best directress
   in this matter. [34]

   The subject he follows out at greater length, and illustrates it more
   fully in the thirteenth chapter. The sum is this — that all things must
   be viewed in relation to love. He takes occasion from this to make a
   digression for the purpose of commending that virtue, that he may the
   more strongly recommend the pursuit of it, and may encourage the
   Corinthians the more to cultivate it.

   In the fourteenth chapter he begins to point out more particularly in
   what respect the Corinthians had erred in the use of spiritual gifts;
   and as mere show bulked so much in their estimation, he teaches them
   that in all things edification alone should be looked to. For this
   reason he prefers prophecy to all other gifts, as being more useful,
   while the Corinthians set a higher value on tongues, purely from empty
   show. In addition to this, he lays down the right order of procedure,
   and at the same time reproves the fault of sounding forth in unknown
   tongues without any advantage, while in the meantime the doctrine and
   exhortations, which ought ever to hold the foremost place, were left in
   the background. He afterwards forbids women to teach publicly, as being
   a thing unseemly.

   In the fifteenth chapter he inveighs against a very pernicious error,
   which, although we can scarcely suppose it to have spread generally
   among the Corinthians, had nevertheless taken possession of the minds
   of some of them to such a degree, that it was necessary that a remedy
   should be openly administered. He appears, however, to have
   intentionally delayed mentioning this matter until the close of the
   Epistle, for this reason — that if he had set out with this, or had
   entered upon it immediately after commencing, they might have thought
   that they were all reckoned to be in fault. The hope of a resurrection,
   accordingly, he shows to be so necessary, that, if it is taken away,
   the whole gospel falls to pieces. Having established the doctrine
   itself by powerful arguments, he subjoins also the principle and manner
   of it. In fine, he carefully draws out a full discussion of this point.

   The sixteenth chapter consists of two parts. In the first of these he
   exhorts them to relieve the necessity of the brethren at Jerusalem.
   They were at that time pinched with famine, and they were cruelly
   treated by the wicked. The apostles had assigned to Paul the charge of
   stirring up the Churches of the Gentiles to afford them help. He
   accordingly exhorts them to lay up in store whatever they were inclined
   to contribute, that it might be transmitted to Jerusalem without delay.
   He at length concludes the Epistle with a friendly exhortation and
   congratulations.

   Hence we may gather, as I stated in the outset, that the Epistle is
   replete with most profitable doctrine, containing, as it does, a
   variety of discussions on many important topics.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [28] “Bonnes matieres, et points de doctrine;” — “Good subjects and
   points of doctrines.”

   [29] Strabo describes Mummius as “megalaphrōn mallon ē philotechnos,” —
   “a man of magnanimity rather than a lover of the arts.” — Ed

   [30] “Ces habiles docteurs, et plaisans harangueurs;” — “Those expert
   teachers and pleasant orators.”

   [31] “En flattant et mignardant ces bons maistres;” — “By flattering
   and caressing these good master.”

   [32] “En s’esiouissant de leur avancement en l’Evangile;” — “While
   exulting in their profiency in the gospel.”

   [33] “De leur besongne;” — “Of their work.”

   [34] “Ainsi, il conclud, que charite nous seruira d’vne bonne regle
   pour nous bien gouuerner en cest endroit;” — “Thus, he concludes, that
   charity will furnish us with a good rule for directing us aright in
   this matter.”
     __________________________________________________________________

   COMMENTARY ON THE

   FIRST EPISTLE TO THE CORINTHIANS

   CHAPTER 1
     __________________________________________________________________

   1 Corinthians 1:1-3

   1. Paul, called to be an apostle of Jesus Christ through the will of
   God, and Sosthenes our brother,

   1. Paulus, vocatus apostolus Jesu Christi per voluntatem Dei, et
   Sosthenes frater,

   2. Unto the church of God which is at Corinth, to them that are
   sanctified in Christ Jesus, called to be saints, with all that in every
   place call upon the name of Jesus Christ our Lord, both theirs and
   ours:

   2. Ecclesiae Dei quae est Corinthi, sanctificatis in Christo Jesu,
   vocatis sanctis, una cum omnibus qui invocant nomen Domini nostri Jesu
   Christi in quovis loco tam sui quam nostri: [35]

   3. Grace be unto you, and peace, from God our Father, and from the Lord
   Jesus Christ.

   3. Gratia vobis et pax a Deo Patre nostro, et Domino Jesu Christi.


   1. Paul, called to be an Apostle In this manner does Paul proceed, in
   almost all the introductions to his Epistles, with the view of
   procuring for his doctrine authority and favor. The former he secures
   to himself from the station that had been assigned to him by God, as
   being an Apostle of Christ sent by God; the latter by testifying his
   affection towards those to whom he writes. We believe much more readily
   the man whom we look upon as regarding us with affection, and as
   faithfully endeavoring to promote our welfare. In this salutation,
   therefore, he claims for himself authority, when he speaks of himself
   as an Apostle of Christ, and that, too, as called by God, that is, set
   apart by the will of God Now, two things are requisite in any one that
   would be listened to in the Church, and would occupy the place of a
   teacher; for he must be called by God to that office, and he must
   faithfully employ himself in the discharge of its duties. Paul here
   lays claim to both. For the name, Apostle, implies that the individual
   conscientiously acts the part of an ambassador for Christ (2
   Corinthians 5:19), and proclaims the pure doctrine of the gospel. But
   as no one ought to assume this honor to himself, unless he be called to
   it, he adds, that he had not rashly intruded into it, but had been
   appointed [36] to it by God.

   Let us learn, therefore, to take these two things together when we wish
   to ascertain what kind of persons we ought to esteem as ministers of
   Christ, — a call to the office, and faithfulness in the discharge of
   its duties. For as no man can lawfully assume the designation and rank
   of a minister, unless he be called, so it were not enough for any one
   to be called, if he does not also fulfill the duties of his office. For
   the Lord does not choose ministers that they may be dumb idols, or
   exercise tyranny under pretext of their calling, or make their own
   caprice their law; but at the same time marks out what kind of persons
   they ought to be, and binds them by his laws, and in fine chooses them
   for the ministry, or, in other words, that in the first place they may
   not be idle, and, secondly, that they may confine themselves within the
   limits of their office. Hence, as the apostleship depends on the
   calling, so the man who would be reckoned an apostle, must show himself
   to be really such: nay more, so must every one who demands that credit
   be given him, or that his doctrine be listened to. For since Paul rests
   on these arguments for establishing his authority, worse than impudent
   were the conduct of that man who would think to have any standing
   without such proofs.

   It ought, however, to be observed, that it is not enough for any one to
   hold out to view the title to a call to the office, along with
   faithfulness in discharging its duties, if he does not in reality give
   proof of both. For it often happens that none boast more haughtily of
   their titles than those that are destitute of the reality; as of old
   the false prophets, with lofty disdain, boasted that they had been sent
   by the Lord. Nay, at the present day, what else do the Romanists make a
   noise about, but “ordination from God, and an inviolably sacred
   succession even from the Apostles themselves,” [37] while, after all,
   it appears that they are destitute of those things of which they vaunt?
   Here, therefore, it is not boasting that is required, but reality. Now,
   as the name is assumed by good and bad alike, we must come to the test,
   that we may ascertain who has a right to the name of Apostle, and who
   has not. As to Paul, God attested his calling by many revelations, and
   afterwards confirmed it by miracles. The faithfulness must be estimated
   by this, — whether or not he proclaimed the pure doctrine of Christ. As
   to the twofold call — that of God and that of the Church — see my
   Institutes. [38]

   An Apostle Though this name, agreeably to its etymology, has a general
   signification, and is sometimes employed in a general sense, to denote
   any kind of ministers, [39] yet, as a peculiar designation, it is
   applicable to those that were set apart by the Lord’s appointment to
   publish the Gospel throughout the whole world. Now, it was of
   importance that Paul should be reckoned in that number, for two
   reasons, — first, because much more deference was paid to them than to
   other ministers of the gospel; and, secondly, because they alone,
   properly speaking, had authority to instruct all the Churches.

   By the will of God While the Apostle is accustomed cheerfully to
   acknowledge himself indebted to God for whatever he has of good, he
   does so more especially in reference to his apostleship, that he may
   free himself from all appearance of presumption. And assuredly as a
   call to salvation is of grace, so also a call to the office of apostle
   is of grace, as Christ teaches in these words:

   “Ye have not chosen me, but I have chosen you,”
   (John 15:16.)

   Paul, however, at the same time indirectly intimates, that all who
   attempt to undermine his apostleship, or in any way oppose it, contend
   against an appointment of God. For Paul here makes no useless boast of
   honorary titles, but designedly vindicates his apostleship from
   malicious aspersions. For as his authority must have been sufficiently
   established in the view of the Corinthians, it would have been
   superfluous to make particular mention of “the will of God,” had not
   wicked men attempted by indirect means to undermine that honorable rank
   which had been divinely assigned him.

   And Sosthenes our brother This is that Sosthenes who was ruler of the
   Jewish synagogue that was at Corinth, of whom Luke makes mention in
   Acts 18:17. His name is added for this reason, that the Corinthians,
   knowing his ardor and steadfastness in the gospel, could not but hold
   him in deserved esteem, and hence it is still more to his honor to be
   made mention of now as Paul’s brother, than formerly as ruler of the
   synagogue

   2. To the Church of God which is at Corinth. It may perhaps appear
   strange that he should give the name of a Church of God to a multitude
   of persons that were infested with so many distempers, that Satan might
   be said to reign among them rather than God. Certain it is, that he did
   not mean to flatter the Corinthians, for he speaks under the direction
   of the Spirit of God, who is not accustomed to flatter. But [40] among
   so many pollutions, what appearance of a Church is any longer
   presented? I answer, the Lord having said to him, “Fear not: I have
   much people in this place” (Acts 18:9, 10;) keeping this promise in
   mind, he conferred upon a godly few so much honor as to recognize them
   as a Church amidst a vast multitude of ungodly persons. Farther,
   notwithstanding that many vices had crept in, and various corruptions
   both of doctrine and manners, there were, nevertheless, certain tokens
   still remaining of a true Church. This is a passage that ought to be
   carefully observed, that we may not require that the Church, while in
   this world, should be free from every wrinkle and stain, or forthwith
   pronounce unworthy of such a title every society in which everything is
   not as we would wish it. For it is a dangerous temptation to think that
   there is no Church at all where perfect purity is not to be seen. For
   the man that is prepossessed with this notion, must necessarily in the
   end withdraw from all others, and look upon himself as the only saint
   in the world, or set up a peculiar sect in company with a few
   hypocrites.

   What ground, then, had Paul for recognizing a Church at Corinth? It was
   this: that he saw among them the doctrine of the gospel, baptism, the
   Lord’s Supper — tokens by which a Church ought to be judged of. For
   although some had begun to have doubts as to the resurrection, the
   error not having spread over the entire body, the name of the Church
   and its reality are not thereby affected. Some faults had crept in
   among them in the administration of the Supper, discipline and
   propriety of conduct had very much declined: despising the simplicity
   of the gospel, they had given themselves up to show and pomp; and in
   consequence of the ambition of their ministers, they were split into
   various parties. Notwithstanding of this, however, inasmuch as they
   retained fundamental doctrine: as the one God was adored among them,
   and was invoked in the name of Christ: as they placed their dependence
   for salvation upon Christ, and, had a ministry not altogether
   corrupted: there was, on these accounts, a Church still existing among
   them. Accordingly, wherever the worship of God is preserved
   uninfringed, and that fundamental doctrine, of which I have spoken,
   remains, we must without hesitation conclude that in that case a Church
   exists.

   Sanctified in Christ Jesus, called to be saints He makes mention of the
   blessings with which God had adorned them, as if by way of upbraiding
   them, at least in the event of their showing no gratitude in return.
   For what could be more base than to reject an Apostle through whose
   instrumentality they had been set apart as God’s peculiar portion.
   Meanwhile, by these two epithets, he points out what sort of persons
   ought to be reckoned among the true members of the Church, and who they
   are that belong of right to her communion. For if you do not by
   holiness of life show yourself to be a Christian, you may indeed be in
   the Church, and pass undetected, [41] but of it you cannot be. Hence
   all must be sanctified in Christ who would be reckoned among the people
   of God. Now the term sanctification denotes separation This takes place
   in us when we are regenerated by the Spirit to newness of life, that we
   may serve God and not the world. For while by nature we are unholy, the
   Spirit consecrates us to God. As, however, this is effected when we are
   engrafted into the body of Christ, apart from whom there is nothing but
   pollution, and as it is also by Christ, and not from any other source
   that the Spirit is conferred, it is with good reason that he says that
   we are sanctified in Christ, inasmuch as it is by Him that we cleave to
   God, and in Him become new creatures.

   What immediately follows — called to be saints — I understand to mean:
   As ye have been called unto holiness. It may, however, be taken in two
   senses. Either we may understand Paul to say, that the ground of
   sanctification is the call of God, inasmuch as God has chosen them;
   meaning, that this depends on his grace, not on the excellence of men;
   or we may understand him to mean, that, it accords with our profession
   that we be holy, this being the design of the doctrine of the gospel.
   The former interpretation appears to suit better with the context, but
   it is of no great consequence in which way you understand it, as there
   is an entire agreement between the two following positions — that our
   holiness flows from the fountain of divine election, and that it, is
   the end of our calling.

   We must, therefore, carefully maintain, that it is not through our own
   efforts that we are holy, but by the call of God, because He alone
   sanctifies those who were by nature unclean. And certainly it appears
   to me probable, that, when Paul has pointed out as it were with his
   finger the fountain of holiness thrown wide open, he mounts up a step
   higher, to the good pleasure of God, in which also Christ’s mission to
   us originated. As, however, we are called by the gospel to harmlessness
   of life (Philippians 2:15,) it is necessary that this be accomplished
   in us in reality, in order that our calling may be effectual. It will,
   however, be objected, that, there were not many such among the
   Corinthians. I answer, that the weak are not excluded from this number;
   for here God only begins his work in us, and by little and little
   carries it forward gradually and by successive steps. I answer farther,
   that Paul designedly looks rather to the grace of God in them than to
   their own defects, that he may put them to shame for their negligence,
   if they do not act a suitable part.

   With all that call. This, too, is an epithet common to all the pious;
   for as it is one chief exercise of faith to call upon the name of God,
   so it is also by this duty chiefly that believers are to be estimated.
   Observe, also, that he says that Christ is called upon by believers,
   and this affords a proof of his divinity — invocation being one of the
   first expressions of Divine homage. Hence invocation here by synecdoche
   [42] (kata sunekdochēn) denotes the entire profession of faith in
   Christ, as in many passages of Scripture it is taken generally for the
   whole of Divine worship. Some explain it as denoting mere profession,
   but this appears to be meager, and at variance with its usual
   acceptation in Scripture. The little words nostri (ours) and sui
   (theirs) I have put in the genitive, understanding them as referring to
   Christ, while others, understanding them as referring to place, render
   them in the ablative. In doing so I have followed Chrysostom. This
   will, perhaps, appear harsh, as the expression in every place is
   introduced in the middle, but in Paul’s Greek style there is nothing of
   harshness in this construction. My reason for preferring this rendering
   to that of the Vulgate is, that if you understand it as referring to
   place, the additional clause will be not merely superfluous, but
   inappropriate. For what place would Paul call his own? Judea they
   understand him to mean; but on what ground? And then, what place could
   he refer to as inhabited by others? “All other places of the world”
   (say they;) but this, too, does not suit well. On the other hand, the
   meaning that I have given it suits most admirably; for, after making
   mention of all that in every place call upon the name of Christ our
   Lord, he adds, both theirs and ours, manifestly for the purpose of
   showing that Christ is the one common Lord, without distinction, of all
   that call upon him, whether they be Jews or Gentiles.

   In every place This Paul has added, contrary to his usual manner; for
   in his other Epistles he makes mention in the salutation of those only
   for whom they are designed. He seems, however, to have had it in view
   to anticipate the slanders of wicked men, that they might not have it
   to allege that, in addressing the Corinthians, he assumed a confident
   air, and claimed for himself an authority that he would not venture to
   assert in writing to other Churches. For we shall see by and by, that
   he was unjustly loaded with this reproach, too, as though he were
   preparing little nests [43] for himself, with the view of shunning the
   light, or were withdrawing himself in a clandestine way from the rest
   of the Apostles. It appears, then, that expressly for the purpose of
   refuting this falsehood, he places himself in a commanding position,
   from which he may be heard afar off.

   3. Grace be to you and peace For an exposition of this prayer, let my
   readers consult the beginning of my Commentary on the Epistle to the
   Romans (Romans 1:7;) for I do not willingly burden my readers with
   repetitions.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [35] “Le leur et le nostre,” ou, “le Seigneur (di-ie) et de eux et de
   nous;” — “Both theirs and ours,” or, “the Lord (I say) both of them and
   of us.”

   [36] “Constitue, ordonne, et establi;” — “Appointed, ordained, and
   established.”

   [37] “Et aujour d’huy, qu’est ce qu’entonnent a plene bouche les
   Romanisques, sinon cen gros mots, Ordination de Dieu, La sainte et
   sacree succession depuis le temps mesme des Apostres;” — “And at the
   present day, what do the Romanists sound forth with open mouth, but
   those grand terms, Ordination from God, — The holy and sacred
   succession from the very times of the Apostles.”

   [38] Institutes, volume 3.

   [39] Apostolos, (an apostle) derived from apostellein, (to send forth,)
   signifies literally a messenger. The term is employed by classical
   writer to denote the commander of an expedition, or a delegate, or
   ambassador. (See Herodotus, v. 38.) In the New Testament it is in
   various instances employed in a general sense to denote a messenger.
   (See Luke 11:49; John 13:16; Philippians 2:25.) In one instance it is
   applied to Christ himself, (Hebrews 3:1.) Most frequently, however, it
   is applied to those extraordinary messengers who were (to use the words
   of Leigh in his Critics Sacra) Christ’s “legates a latere,” from his
   side. — Ed

   [40] “Mais (dira quelqu’un;)“ — “But (some one will say.)”

   [41] “Tu te pourras bien entretenir en l’Eglise tellement quellement
   estant mesle parmi les autres;” — “You may quite well have a standing
   in the Church in some sort of way, being mixed up among others.”

   [42] Synedoche, a figure of speech, by which part is taken for the
   whole. — Ed.

   [43] “Nids et cachettes;” — “Nests and lurking-holes.”
     __________________________________________________________________

   1 Corinthians 1:4-9

   4. I thank my God always on your behalf, for the grace of God which is
   given you by Jesus Christ;

   4. Gratias ago Deo meo semper de vobis propter gratiam Dei, quae data
   vobis est in Christo Jesu.

   5. That in every thing ye are enriched by him, in all utterance, and in
   all knowledge;

   5. Quia in onmibus ditati estis in ipso, in omni sermone, [44] et in
   omni cognitione.

   6. Even as the testimony of Christ was confirmed in you:

   6. Quemadmodum testimonium Christi confirmatum fuit in vobis.

   7. So that ye come behind in no gift; waiting for the coming of our
   Lord Jesus Christ:

   7. Ut nullo in dono destituamini, exspectantes revelationem Domini
   nostri Jesu Christi.

   8. Who shall also confirm you unto the end, that ye may be blameless in
   the day of our Lord Jesus Christ.

   8. Qui etiam confirmabit vos usque in finem inculpatos, in diem Domini
   nostri Jesu Christi.

   9. God is faithful, by whom ye were called unto the fellowship of his
   Son Jesus Christ our Lord.

   9. Fidelis Deus, per quem vocati estis in communionem Filii ipsius Jesu
   Christi Domini nostri.


   4. I give thanks to my God. Having in the salutation secured for
   himself authority from the station assigned him, he now endeavors to
   procure favor for his doctrine, by expressing his affection for them.
   In this way he soothes their minds beforehand, that they may listen
   patiently to his reproofs. [45] He persuades them of his affection for
   them by the following tokens — his discovering as much joy in the
   benefits bestowed upon them, as if they had been conferred upon
   himself; and his declaring that he entertains a favorable opinion of
   them, and has good hopes of them as to the future. Farther, he
   qualifies his congratulations in such a way as to give them no occasion
   to be puffed up, as he traces up to God all the benefits that they
   possessed, that the entire praise may redound to him, inasmuch as they
   are the fruits of his grace. It is as though he had said — “I
   congratulate you indeed, but it is in such a way as to ascribe the
   praise to God.” His meaning, when he calls God his God, I have
   explained in my Commentary upon the Epistle to the Romans (Romans 1:8.)
   As Paul was not prepared to flatter the Corinthians, so neither has he
   commended them on false grounds. For although all were not worthy of
   such commendations, and though they corrupted many excellent gifts of
   God by ambition, yet the gifts themselves it became him not to despise,
   because they were, in themselves, deserving of commendation. Farther,
   as the gifts of the Spirit are conferred for the edification of all, it
   is with good reason that he enumerates them as gifts common to the
   whole Church. [46] But let us see what he commends in them.

   For the grace, etc. This is a general term, for it comprehends
   blessings of every kind that they had obtained through means of the
   gospel. For the term grace denotes here not the favor of God, but by
   metonymy [47] (metōnumikōs), the gifts that he bestows upon men
   gratuitously. He immediately proceeds to specify particular instances,
   when he says that they are enriched in all things, and specifies what
   those all things are — the doctrine and word of God. For in these
   riches it becomes Christians to abound; and they ought also to be
   esteemed by us the more, and regarded by us as so much the more
   valuable, in proportion as they are ordinarily slighted. The phrase in
   ipso (in him) I have preferred to retain, rather than render it per
   ipsum (by him,) because it has in my opinion more expressiveness and
   force. For we are enriched in Christ, inasmuch as we are members of his
   body, and are engrafted into him: nay more, being made one with him, he
   makes us share with him in everything that he has received from the
   Father.

   6. Even as the testimony, etc. Erasmus gives a different rendering, to
   this effect, “that by these things the testimony of Christ was
   confirmed in them;” that is, by knowledge and by the word. The words,
   however, convey another meaning, and if they are not wrested, the
   meaning is easy — that God has sealed the truth of his gospel among the
   Corinthians, for the purpose of confirming it. Now, this might be done
   in two ways, either by miracles, or by the inward testimony of the Holy
   Spirit. Chrysostom seems to understand it of miracles, but I take it in
   a larger sense; and, first of all, it is certain, that the gospel is
   properly confirmed in our experience by faith, because it is only when
   we receive it by faith that we “set to our seal that God is true” (John
   3:33.) And though I admit that miracles ought to have weight for the
   confirmation of it, yet we must go higher in search of the origin,
   namely this, that the Spirit of God is the earnest and seal.
   Accordingly, I explain these words in this manner — that the
   Corinthians excelled in knowledge, inasmuch as God had from the
   beginning given efficacy to his gospel among them, and that not in one
   way merely, but had done so both by the internal influence of the
   Spirit, and by excellence and variety of gifts, by miracles, and by all
   other helps. He calls the gospel the testimony of Christ, or respecting
   Christ, because the entire sum of it tends to discover Christ to us,

   “In whom all the treasures of knowledge are hid” (Colossians 2:3.)

   If any one prefers to take it in an active sense, on the ground that
   Christ is the primary author of the gospel, so that the Apostles were
   nothing but secondary or inferior witnesses, I shall not much oppose
   it. I feel better satisfied, however, with the former exposition. It is
   true that a little afterwards (1 Corinthians 2:1) the testimony of God
   must, beyond all controversy, be taken in an active sense, as a passive
   signification would not be at all suitable. Here, however, the case is
   different, and, what is more, that passage strengthens my view, as he
   immediately subjoins what it is [48] — to know nothing but Christ. (1
   Corinthians 2:2.)

   7. So that ye come behind in no gift ̔Ustereisthai means to be in want
   of what you would otherwise stand in need of. [49] He means, therefore,
   that the Corinthians abound in all the gifts of God, so as not to be in
   want of anything, as if he had said, “The Lord has not merely honored
   you with the light of the gospel, but has eminently endowed you with
   all those graces that may be of service to the saints for helping them
   forward in the way of salvation.” For he gives the name of gifts
   (charismata) to those spiritual graces that are, as it were, means of
   salvation to the saints. But it is objected, on the other hand, that
   the saints are never in such abundance as not to feel in want of graces
   to some extent, so that they must always of necessity be “hungering and
   thirsting” (Matthew 5:6.) For where is the man that does not come far
   short of perfection? I answer, “As they are sufficiently endowed with
   needful gifts, and are never in such destitution but that the Lord
   seasonably relieves their need; Paul on this ground ascribes to them
   such wealth.” For the same reason he adds: waiting for the
   manifestation, meaning, that he does not ascribe to them such abundance
   as to leave nothing to be desired; but merely as much as will suffice,
   until they shall have arrived at perfection. The participle waiting I
   understand in this sense, “In the meantime while you are waiting.” Thus
   the meaning will be, “So that ye are in want of no gift in the meantime
   while you are waiting for the day of perfected revelation, by which
   Christ our wisdom (1 Corinthians 1:30) will be fully manifested.”

   8. Who will also confirm you. The relative here refers not to Christ,
   but to God, though the word God is the remoter antecedent. For the
   Apostle is going on with his congratulation, and as he has told them
   previously what he thought of them, so he now lets them know what hope
   he has of them as to the future, and this partly for the purpose of
   assuring them still farther of his affection for them, and partly that
   he may exhort them by his own example to cherish the same hope. It is
   as if he had said — Though the expectation of a salvation to come keeps
   you still in suspense, you ought nevertheless to feel assured that the
   Lord will never forsake you, but will on the contrary increase what he
   has begun in you, that when that day comes on which

   “we must all appear before the judgment-seat of Christ,”
   (2 Corinthians 5:10,)

   we may be found there blameless.

   Blameless In his Epistles to the Ephesians and Colossians (Ephesians
   1:4, and Colossians 1:22) he teaches that this is the end of our
   calling — that we may appear pure and unreproachable in the presence of
   Christ. It is, however, to be observed, that this glorious purity is
   not in the first instance perfected in us; nay, rather, it goes well
   with us if we are every day making progress in penitence, and are being
   purged from the sins (2 Peter 1:9) that expose us to the displeasure of
   God, until at length we put off, along with the mortal body, all the
   offscourings of sin. Of the day of the Lord we shall have occasion to
   speak when we come to the fourth chapter.

   9. God is faithful When the Scripture speaks of God as faithful the
   meaning in many cases is, that in God there is steadfastness and
   evenness of tenor, so that what he begins he prosecutes to the end,
   [50] as Paul himself says elsewhere, that the calling of God is without
   repentance (Romans 11:29.) Hence, in my opinion, the meaning of this
   passage is, that God is steadfast in what he purposes. This being the
   case, he consequently does not make sport as to his calling, but will
   unceasingly take care of his work. [51] From God’s past benefits we
   ought always to hope well as to the future. Paul, however, has
   something higher in view, for he argues that the Corinthians cannot be
   cast off, having been once called by the Lord into Christ’s fellowship.
   To apprehend fully, however, the force of this argument, let us observe
   first of all, that every one ought to regard his calling as a token of
   his election. Farther, although one cannot judge with the same
   certainty as to another’s election, yet we must always in the judgment
   of charity conclude that all that are called are called to salvation; I
   mean efficaciously and fruitfully. Paul, however, directed his
   discourse to those in whom the word of the Lord had taken root, and in
   whom some fruits of it had been produced.

   Should any one object that many who have once received the word
   afterwards fall away, I answer that the Spirit alone is to every one a
   faithful and sure witness of his election, upon which perseverance
   depends. This, however, did not stand in the way of Paul’s being
   persuaded, in the judgment of charity, that the calling of the
   Corinthians would prove firm and immovable, as being persons in whom he
   saw the tokens of God’s fatherly benevolence. These things, however, do
   not by any means tend to beget carnal security, to divest us of which
   the Scriptures frequently remind us of our weakness, but simply to
   confirm our confidence in the Lord. Now this was needful, in order that
   their minds might not be disheartened on discovering so many faults, as
   he comes afterwards to present before their view. The sum of all this
   may be stated thus, — that it is the part of Christian candor to hope
   well of all who have entered on the right way of salvation, and are
   still persevering in that course, notwithstanding that they are at the
   same time still beset with really distempers. Every one of us, too,
   from the time of his being illuminated (Hebrews 10:32) by the Spirit of
   God in the knowledge of Christ, ought to conclude with certainty from
   this that he has been adopted by the Lord to an inheritance of eternal
   life. For effectual calling ought to be to believers an evidence of
   divine adoption; yet in the meantime we must all walk with fear and
   trembling (Philippians 2:12.) On this point I shall touch again to some
   extent when we come to the tenth chapter.

   Into the fellowship. Instead of this rendering Erasmus translates it
   into partnership The old interpreter renders it society I have
   preferred, however, to render it fellowship, as bringing out better the
   force of the Greek word koinōnias [52] For this is the design of the
   gospel, that Christ may become ours, and that we may be engrafted into
   his body. Now when the Father gives him to us in possession, he also
   communicates himself to us in him; and hence arises a participation in
   every benefit. Paul’s argument, then, is this — “Since you have, by
   means of the gospel which you have received by faith, been called into
   the fellowship of Christ, you have no reason to dread the danger of
   death, [53] having been made partakers of him (Hebrews 3:14) who rose a
   conqueror over death.” In fine, when the Christian looks to himself he
   finds only occasion for trembling, or rather for despair; but having
   been called into the fellowship of Christ, he ought, in so far as
   assurance of salvation is concerned, to think of himself no otherwise
   than as a member of Christ, so as to reckon all Christ’s benefits his
   own. Thus he will obtain an unwavering hope of final perseverance, (as
   it is called,) if he reckons himself a member of him who is beyond all
   hazard of falling away.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [44] “Parole,” ou “eloquence;” — “Utterance,” or “eloquence.”

   [45] The same view of Paul’s design here is given by Theodoret: “Mellōn
   katēgorein protherapeuei tēn akoēn hōste dektēn genesthai tēn
   iatreian;” — “As he is about to censure them, he soothes beforehand the
   organ of hearing, that the remedy to be applied may be the more
   favorably received.” — Ed

   [46] “Que chacun ha en son endroit;” — “Which every one has severally.”

   [47] A figure of speech, by which one term is put for another — the
   cause for the effect, the effect for the cause, etc. — Ed.

   [48] “Quel est ce tesmoignage;” — “What this testimony is.”

   [49] The word is used in this sense in the following passages: Luke
   15:14; 2 Corinthians 11:9; Philippians 4:12; and Hebrews 11:37. The
   proper meaning is — to come too late for a thing, and so miss of it.
   Xenophon uses it in this sense. Abrokomas husterēse tōs machēs: —
   “Abrocomas came too late for the battle.” The word occurs in the same
   sense in Hebews 4:1 and Hebews 12:15. — Ed

   [50] Calvin probably refers to the following (among other) passagess: —
   1 Thessalonians 5:24; 2 Thessalonians 3:3; Hebrews 10:23.

   [51] “La vocation done qu’il fait d’un chacun des siens, n’est point un
   jeu, et en les appellant il ne se mocque point, ainsi il entretiendra
   et pour suyura son ceuvre perpetuellement;” — “The calling, therefore,
   that he makes of each of his own, is not mere play; and in calling them
   he does not make sport, but will unceasingly maintain and prosecute his
   work.”

   [52] Calvin in his Institutes, (volume 2,) after speaking of Christ’s
   being represented by Paul as “offered to us in the gospel with all the
   abundance of heavenly blessings, with all his merits, all his
   righteousness, wisdom, and grace, without exception,” remarks — “And
   what is meant by the fellowship koinōnia of Christ, which, according to
   the same apostle (1 Corinthians 1:9) is offered to us in the gospel,
   all believers know.” — Ed

   [53] “La mort et perdition;” — “Death and perdition.”
     __________________________________________________________________

   1 Corinthians 1:10-13

   10. Now I beseech you, brethren, by the name of our Lord Jesus Christ,
   that ye all speak the same thing, and that there be no divisions among
   you; but that ye be perfectly joined together in the same mind and in
   the same judgment.

   10. Observo autem vos, fratres, per nomen Domini nostri Jesu Christi,
   ut idem loquamini omnes, et non sint inter vos dissidia: sed apte
   cohaereatis in una mente et in una sententia. [54]

   11. For it hath been declared unto me of you, my brethren, by them
   which are of the house of Chloe, that there are contentions among you.

   11. Significatum enim mihi de vobis fuit, fratres mei, ab iis qui sunt
   Chloes, quod contentiones sint inter vos.

   12. Now this I say, that every one of you saith, I am of Paul; and I of
   Apollos; and I of Cephas; and I of Christ.

   12. Dico autem illud, [55] quod unusquisque vestrum dicat, Ego quidem
   sum Pauli, ego autem Apollo, ego autem Cephae:, ego autem Christi.

   13. Is Christ divided? was Paul crucified for you? or were ye baptized
   in the name of Paul?

   13. Divisusne est Christus? numquid pro vobis crucifixus est Paulus?
   aut vos in nomen Pauli baptizati estis?


   10. Now I beseech you, brethren Hitherto he has handled the Corinthians
   mildly, because he knew that they were much too sensitive. Now,
   however, after preparing their minds for receiving correction, acting
   the part of a good and skillful surgeon, who soothes the wound when
   about to apply a painful remedy, he begins to handle them with more
   severity. Even here, however, as we shall still farther see, he uses
   great moderation. The sum is this: “It is my hope that the Lord has not
   in vain conferred upon you so many gifts, so as not to have it in view
   to bring you to salvation, but you ought at the same time to take heed
   lest graces so distinguished be polluted by your vices. See, then, that
   you be agreed among yourselves; and it is not without good reason that
   I call for agreement among yourselves, for I have been informed that
   you are in a state of disagreement, amounting even to hostility, and
   that there are parties and contentions raging among you, by which true
   unity of faith is torn asunder.” As, however, they might not perhaps be
   sufficiently aroused by mere exhortation, he uses earnest entreaty, for
   he adjures them, by the name of Christ, that, as they loved him, they
   should aim at promoting harmony.

   That ye all speak the same thing In exhorting them to harmony, he
   employs three different forms of expression: for, in the first place,
   he requires such agreement among them that all shall have one voice;
   secondly, he takes away the evil by which unity is broken and torn
   asunder; and, thirdly, he unfolds the nature of true harmony, which is,
   that they be agreed among themselves in mind and will. What he has
   placed second is first in order, — that we beware of strifes. For from
   this a second thing will naturally follow, — that we be in harmony; and
   then at length a third thing will follow, which is here mentioned
   first, — that we all speak, as it were, with one mouth; a thing
   exceedingly desirable as a fruit of Christian harmony. Let us then
   observe, that nothing is more inconsistent on the part of Christians
   than to be at variance among themselves, for it is the main article of
   our religion that we be in harmony among ourselves; and farther, on
   such agreement the safety of the Church rests and is dependent.

   But let us see what he requires as to Christian unity. If any one is
   desirous of nice distinctions — he would have them first of all joined
   together in one mind; secondly, in one judgment; and, thirdly, he would
   have them declare in words that agreement. As, however, my rendering
   differs somewhat from that of Erasmus, I would, in passing, call my
   readers to observe, that Paul here makes use of a participle, which
   denotes things that are fitly and suitably joined together [56] For the
   verb katartizesthai itself (from which the participle katērtismenos
   comes) properly signifies, to be fitted and adjusted, just as the
   members of the human body are connected together by a most admirable
   symmetry. [57]

   For sententia (judgment) Paul has gnōmēn: but I understand it here as
   denoting the will, so that there is a complete division of the soul,
   and the first clause refers to faith, the second to love. Then only
   will there be Christian unity among us, when there is not merely a good
   agreement as to doctrine, but we are also in harmony in our affections
   and dispositions, and are thus in all respects of one mind. Thus Luke
   bears witness to believers in the primitive Church, (Acts 2:46,) that
   they had “one heart and one soul.” And without doubt this will be found
   wherever the Spirit of Christ reigns. When, however, he exhorts them to
   speak the same thing, he intimates still more fully from the effect,
   how complete the agreement ought to be — so that no diversity may
   appear even in words. It is difficult, indeed, of attainment, but still
   it is necessary among Christians, from whom there is required not
   merely one faith, but also one confession.

   11. It has been declared. As general observations have usually little
   effect, he intimates, that what he had said was more particularly
   applicable to them. The application, therefore, is designed with the
   view of leading the Corinthians to perceive, that it was not without
   good reason that Paul had made mention of harmony. For he shows that
   they had not merely turned aside from a holy unity, [58] but had even
   fallen into contentions, which are worse [59] than jarrings of
   sentiment. And that he may not be charged with believing too readily
   what was said, [60] as though he lightly lent his ear to false
   accusations, he speaks with commendation of his informants, who must
   have been in the highest esteem, as he did not hesitate to adduce them
   as competent witnesses against an entire Church. It is not indeed
   altogether certain, whether Chloe is the name of a place or of a woman,
   but to me it appears more probable that it is the name of a woman. [61]
   I am of opinion, therefore, that it was a well-regulated household that
   acquainted Paul with the distempered condition of the Corinthian
   Church, being desirous that it might be remedied by him. The idea
   entertained by many, in accordance with Chrysostom’s view, that he
   refrained from mentioning names, lest he should bring odium upon them,
   appears to me to be absurd. For he does not say that some of the
   household had reported this to him, but, on the contrary, makes mention
   of them all, and there is no doubt that they would willingly have
   allowed their names to be made use of. Farther, that he might not
   exasperate their minds by undue severity, he has modified the reproof
   by an engaging form of address; not as though he would make light of
   the distemper, but with the view of bringing them to a more teachable
   spirit, for perceiving the severity of the malady.

   12. I say then, etc. Some think there is here an instan