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COMMENTARIES THE FOUR LAST BOOKS OF MOSES IN THE FORM OF A HARMONY BY JOHN CALYIN TRANSLATED FROM THE ORIGINAL LATIN, AND COMPAHED WITH THE FRENCH EDITION; WITH ANNOTATIONS, ETC. BY THE REV. CHARLES WILLIAM BINGHAM, M.A., RKCTOE OF MEICOSIBE-HOKSEY, DORSET, A5D F0RME1UY HUOV OF KEW COllEOE, OXFORD VOLUME FIRST OB OB BAKER BOOK HOUSE Grand Rapids, Michigan 49516 Calvin's Commentaries 22-Volume Set ISBN: 0-8010-2440-4 Originally printed for the Calvin Translation Society Edinburgh, Scotland Reprinted 1993 by Baker Book House Company P.O. Box 6287, Grand Rapids, MI 49516-6287 Printed in the United States of America TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE. Coming into the field as a Translator of Calvin so late as I do, and after the various able Preliminary Notices of my predecessors in the task, it would ill become me to offer any lengthened remarks, either generally on the personal character and theological system of our illustrious author, or more particularly on his merits as a Commentator upon Scripture. It may not, however, be deemed superfluous that I should refer my readers to the brief but interesting Memoir of Calvin, written by his associate and friend Theodore Beza, and translated by Henry Bevekidge, Esq., in Volume I. of Calvin's Tracts in this Series. It would, I presume, be scarcely possible to produce within a similar compass any Biography of the great Reformer which could at all be brought into competition with this. That the colouring of partiality may be discerned in it, the circumstances of the case would lead us to expect; but as to the main facts of his life, whilst there can be little ground for supposing Beza to be ignorant of them, so is he above the suspicion of having intentionally falsified them. " Every reasonable person," says Bayle, " will agree with me, that, with respect to the historical sequence of Calvin's travels, no author is more credible than Theodore Beza when the occurrences are of such a nature as neither to injure nor enhance the glory of Calvin." It would at any rate appear to be peculiarly unseasonable, at the present moment, to attempt any new Life of Calvin, VI TRANSLATOR S PREFACE. when an announcement has recently been made of a large amount of materials having been discovered, which, when published, will probably throw much additional light on the subject. I allude to a statement of the French correspondent of the " Evangelical Christendom" for December 1851, vol. v. p. 494, to the following effect:Ч"A young man, equally distinguished by his piety and learning, M. Jules Bonnet, had been commissioned, in the reign of Louis Philippe, to collect the unpublished Letters of Calvin in the Public Libraries of France, Geneva, &c. He has found 497, of which 190 are written in the French language, and 307 in Latin. This correspondence promises the greatest interest. It commences in 1524, when Calvin was yet on the benches of the University, and continues up to 1564, the period when the illustrious Reformer died. The greater part of these letters are addressed to Farel, Melanothon, Theodore Beza, and other distinguished theologians. The French letters are written to the King of Navarre, the Duchess of Ferrara, the Prince of Conde, &c. One is addressed to the Duke of Somerset, who exercised then high authority in England, and contains twenty-three pages." It may not be impossible that a more accurate examination of these documents will prove that some of them are already before the public ; yet few, I think, into whose hands this work may fall will abstain from uniting in the hope expressed by our informant, that this correspondence should be published ; or, if they are at all acquainted with the writings of Calvin, will fail to agree in the opinion that " it will present to literature some excellent models of style; to the historian, some precious documents ; to the theologian, some interesting ideas; and to simple Christians, some edifying sentiments." I would even venture here to record my own fervent aspiration, that it may please God to dispose men's hearts to afford such renewed encouragement to those who have undertaken the great national work of which this volume forms a portion, that it may not be abandoned until the whole Remains of Calvin, including the above-mentioned letters, shall have appeared in an English dress, and until every TRANSLATOR S PREFACE. Vli emanation from his almost miraculously fertile mind shall have enriched the religious literature of our age and country. I believe, however, I am correct in saying, that it will be impossible to put the top-stone on this monument of his Christian sagacity and industry, unless every exertion be made to obtain supporters by those who are desirous of its completion. The Work, which it is now my privilege for the first time to introduce to the English Reader, is confessedly by no means the least worthy of its Author. One of the ablest and most laborious of our own Theological critics, Mr. Hart-well Horne, has especially singled it out for eulogy from amongst the whole series of Calvin's commentaries. " His Harmony of the four last books of the Pentateuch (he says) has been much and deservedly admired for its ingenuity. The History contained in them forms a distinct part. The rest is comprised under the following divisions:Ч 1. Those passages which assert the excellency of the Law by way of Preface ; 2. The Ten Commandments, under each of which are comprehended all those parts of the Law which relate to the same subject; and this forms the great body of the Harmony ; 3. The Sum of the Law, containing those passages which enjoin Love to God, and Love to our Neighbour ; 4. The Use of the Law ; and lastly, its Sanctions of Promises and Threats." I have quoted Mr. Horne's compendious account of the Book, in order that its character may at once be understood; and surely the very idea of thus combining and arranging this portion of Scripture, so as to present its contents in one simple and consistent whole, must strike us as indication of no ordinary grasp and originality of mind. With this Harmony before him, it is somewhat strange that Lightfoot should have thus expressed himself in the Epistle Dedicatory to his " Chronicle of the Times, and the Order of the Texts of the Old Testament;" "I do not remember that I ever heard or saw this kind of task undertaken in any language, namely, 'to harmonize the Old Testament,' and to lay the current of it in a proper series ; and, therefore, I acknow- Vlll TRANSLATOR S PREFACE. ledge I have made a very bold- venture in attempting to break this ice, and to tread in these untrodden paths, for which foolhardiness I have no other plea than my own ignorance and the reader's gentleness." It was, one would suppose, hardly within the range of possibility that his ignorance could have extended to unacquaintance with this considerable work from the pen of Calvin ; and yet, though his own plan was far more comprehensive, and at the same time less artificial in its management than that of Calvin, at least the boast of such absolute originality as he claims, seems to be barred by the existence of the Book I have translated. It is perhaps even still more remarkable that it should be passed over altogether by Dr. Townsend, in the account of previous Harmonies prefixed to his own valuable " Connexion of the Old Testament I" The only solution I can give of this omission on the part of these two eminent writersЧneither of whom would have been at all likely to do intentional injustice to the clarum et venerabile nomen in questionЧis that at which I have above hinted, viz., that whilst there are undoubtedly manifest points of similarity in their undertaking, there was still a considerable difference in the mode of its performance. The object which Calvin had in view, and which he has so efficiently executed, was not so much to present the narrative of each of the tour last books of the Pentateuch in its regular order of occurrence, though it necessarily happens that, with respect to a great part of them, this must incidentally be the case. His aim was a far higher one than that of a mere Chronologist. He sought not mainly to arrange the facts of Scripture, but rather to systematize its doctrines, and to bring out the mind of the Spirit of God in the revelation of His just, and good, and holy Law in a complete and harmonious form. His work was intended as an auxiliary in that important process of generalization, which every diligent and devout reader of the Bible must to a certain extent, though sometimes even unconsciously, carry on in his own mind; not satisfying himself with the notions conveyed by isolated texts, but " comparing spiritual things TRANSLATOR S PREFACE. IX with spiritual/' until he arrives at a nearer comprehension of that perfect order which reigns in the midst of their apparent discrepancies. The ingenuity of his arrangement it is impossible to gainsay. That it is open to objections, even of a graver character than have sometimes been alleged against ordinary Harmonies, he seems himself to have felt; but with his usual candour and ability, he meets them in the Preface, to which the reader is referred as the best apology for his motives, and the clearest exposition of his design. But whatever may be thought of its execution, it is certain that we have here the opinions of a master-mind on various topics of paramount interest and importance, when it had attained its fullest maturity and development. We expressly learn from Beza, vide Life of Calvin, p. lxxxii., that both the Commentary itself, and its Translation into French, which was made by himself, were amongst the labours of 1563, the penultimate year of his mortal existence, and this statement is confirmed both by Senebier, as quoted in the Translator's Preface to Genesis, vol. i. p. xviii., and by Calvin's own Dedicatory Epistle to the French Translation of the Commentaries on the whole Pentateuch, which is given in the latter work, p. xxvii., and which bears the date of Geneva, " le dernier jour le Juillet, m.d.lxiii." One can scarcely here forbear from a passing allusion to the gigantic, and almost incredible labour involved in these publications. " Calvin's diseases (says his friend and biographer) had so much increased, and were so numerous, as to make it impossible to believe that so strong and noble a mind could be any longer confined in a body so fragile, so exhausted by labour, and, in fine, so broken down by suffering. But even then he could not be persuaded to spare himself. Nay, if at any time he abstained from public duty, (and he never did so without the greatest reluctance,) he still at home gave answers to those who consulted him, or wore out his amanuenses by dictating to them, though fatigued himself." Making every allowance for the assistance he received in the mere mechanical portion of his X TRANSLATOR S PREFACE. Work ; and viewing this arrangement, and its Commentary purely as an intellectual effort, it is surely a marvellous pro duction under the circumstances here detailed, and, in itself, a remarkable evidence of the vast resources, and highly disciplined powers of the mind which gave it birth. Nay, more than this, may it not be fairly questioned whether it must not have been made "a labour of love" with him, and whether any less powerful impulse than love towards Him, who hath first so freely and so abundantly loved us, working in dependence upon strength from above, could have carried it through? We may indeed well imagine, that it was an undertaking after his own heart, conceived, it may be, in earlier years, but reserved for execution as the appropriate solace of his declining age. As life wore on, or rather, in his case, we may say, as life wore out; as daily experience increasingly taught him the imperfection of human wisdom ; as the difficulties of his position1 in the van of the Reformation thickened around him, doubtless the Scriptures of God grew more and more precious to his soul, and were still more highly valued as the counsellors of his mind and the delight of his heart. There were certain subjects, too, necessarily brought before him in his meditation upon these particular Books, which must have been very congenial to him. It was not unnatural that he should take pleasure in soberly and calmly reviewing those doctrines which had so largely exercised his earlier thoughts, and that the distinctive tenets, which are usually associated with his name, and which, as the Article of the Church of England testifies, are "full of sweet, pleasant, and unspeakable comfort to godly persons, and such as feel in themselves the working of the Spirit of Christ," should once more pass before him in his latter days, and demand his serious consideration. Here, then, was the opportunity. The Election of Israel, their Predestination, 1 " Quia tu cum Bullingero (x primis Mis columnis pene soli superes-tis, vobis quam diutissime (si ita Domino visum fuerit) frui cupimus."Ч Grindalto Calvin, June 19, 1563. Parker Society's Zurich Letters, 2d series, Letter xlii. TRANSLATOR S PREFACE. XI and Calling to be the Lord's peculiar people, and the judicial blindness of wicked Pharaoh's heart, led him to reflect and speak with more than ordinary fulness upon the divine decrees of our heavenly Father; and, perhaps, some of his most prejudiced opponents might be surprised to find the limitations which his system recognised, and the moderate tone of his statements, if they could be induced to examine them here in their particular application, rather than in the cruder and harsher form of general deductions and logical definitions. At any rateЧif, according to Bishop Burnet, " the common fault on both sides (in this controversy) is, to charge one another with the consequences of their opinions, as if they were truly their tenets"Чit must be confessed by all, that our Author is by no means guilty of denying the responsibility of the sinner, or the need of personal holiness in the righteous. If, elsewhere, he may have seemed to dogmatize too accurately, and too closely to confine the dealings of Almighty wisdom within the narrow tracks of human apprehension, they will perceive but little of such a spirit here. They will find him here, as in all his other Commentaries, a faithful and honest Expounder of God's Word, seeking to build upon it no theories of his own, but to elicit in all sincerity and godly simplicity the instruction it was intended to impart. The error into which he may most justly be accused of falling, is not the making it assert too much but too little. The fancies of the Kabbins and of the Alle-gorists were his aversion; and it may be that he sometimes ran into the opposite extreme, and cleaved too rigidly to the literal interpretation. But there is yet another reason why so firm an upholder of the truth and authenticity of the Bible should have been greatly interested in an exposition of the Pentateuch. Even before the days of Calvin these precious Books had been a favourite point for the unbeliever's assaults. They had not, indeed, been so systematically impugned as in these latter times; but still their credit had even then been assailed with no inconsiderable subtlety, and particular points in them had been subjected to severe and unfavourable criticism. Calvin's remarks are not unfrequently levelled directly against XU TRANSLATOR S PREFACE. these adversaries; but, apart from this direct advocacy of the truth, his labours indirectly furnish one of the best barriers possible against the acceptance of the notion, that the books of the Pentateuch were but a collection of fragments, and by no means the production of a single Author. Nothing can more satisfactorily prove the unity of these Books than that homogeneous body of Truth into which Calvin has here resolved them. I had intended to offer some observations upon the writers who have preceded and followed Calvin in his illustration of this part of the Bible. I find, however, that the necessity of the case would prevent me from presenting anything more than a mere Bibliographical Catalogue, which it would be easy enough to draw up, but which would here be somewhat out of place. It will be seen, that in the brief illustrative notes appended to the text, many of them have been referred to. For the Notes on the Hebrew words, &c, signed W., I am indebted to my dear and venerable friend and neighbour, the Rev. Henry Walter, B.D. and F.R.S., Rector of Hasilbury Bryan, Dorset, formerly Fellow of St. John's College, Cambridge, and Professor of Natural Philosophy in the Honourable East India Company's College at Haileybury. It is no slight personal gratification to me to have my name thus publicly associated with his; and I feel that it will operate with those, who are acquainted with his valuable Writings, as a high recommendation of the work. In the Notes, G. will signify Calvin ; L., Luther ; 8. M., Sebastian Munster; LXX, the Septuagint ; A. V., our own Authorized Version; and F., the Latin Vulgate. C. W. B. Binohah's Melcombe, May 12, 1852. THE PREFACE OF JOHN CALVIN FOUR LAST BOOKS OF MOSES; ARRANGED BY HIM IN FORM OF A HARMONY, AND ILLUSTRATED BY COMMENTARIES. If I do not at once begin by stating my reasons for the plan I have adopted in the composition of this Work, it will undoubtedly incur the censures of many. Nor will it be attacked only by the malevolent and the envious, (a matter of little consequence,) but some will perhaps be found, who, with no other cause of disapproval, and without any malignity, will still think that I have inconsiderately, and therefore unnecessarily, altered the order which the Holy Spirit himself has prescribed to us. Now, there cannot be a doubt that what was dictated to Moses was excellent in itself, and perfectly adapted for the instruction of the people; but what he delivered in Four Books, it has been my endeavour so to collect and arrange, that, at first sight, and before a full examination of the subject, it might seem I was trying to improve upon it, which would be an act of audacity akin to sacrilege. I pass by those critics with indifference whose object is to frame causes of detraction out of nothing, and whose greatest pleasure it is to invent occasions of railing; but there will be no difficulty in conciliating those who are only unfavourable through misunderstanding, if they will but listen calmly to the course I have pursued. For I have had no other intention than, by this arrangement, to assist unpractised readers, so that they might more easily, more commodiously, and more profitably acquaint themselves with the writings CALVIN S PREFACE. XV of Moses ; and whosoever would derive benefit from my labours should understand that I would by no means withdraw him from the study of each separate Book, but simply direct him by this compendium to a definite object; lest he should, as often happens, be led astray through ignorance of any regular plan. These four books are made up of two principal parts, viz., the Historical Narrative, and the Doctrine, by which the Church is instructed in true piety, (including faith and prayer,) as well as in the fear and worship of God; and thus the rule of a just and holy life is laid down, and individuals are exhorted to the performance of their several duties. 1 This distinction Moses does not observe in his Books, not even relating the history in a continuous form, and delivering the doctrine unconnectedly, as opportunity occurred. I admit, indeed, that whatever refers to the regulation of the conduct is comprehended in the ten commandments ; but, since all have not sufficient intelligence to discern the tendency of what is elsewhere taught, or to reduce the different precepts to their proper class, there is nothing to prevent such assistance being afforded them, as, by setting before them the design of the holy Prophet, may enable them to profit more by his writings. Moreover, the use and application of the narrative in the four Books is twofold; for the deliverance of his ancient people reflects, as in a bright mirror, the incomparable power, as well as the boundless mercy, of God in raising up, and as it were engendering his Church. But that the most gracious Father should have followed up this same people with his continual bounty even unto the end, and have so contended with their gross impiety, their detestable iniquity, and foul ingratitude, as not to cease to be more than liberal towards the unthankful and the evil, is a manifest proof of his inestimable loving-kindness ; whilst we may perceive in his constant government of them, how unwearied is the course of his grace in cherishing, defending, honouring, and preserving those whom he has once embraced with his love. 1 The whole of this passage, to the end of the paragraph, is omitted in the French Translation. XVI CALVIN S PREFACE TO THE HARMONY OF Hence may we obtain a source of confidence; hence, too, may we learn to be bold in prayer ; while, lest we should be in doubt whether these exertions of God's grace, which Israel experienced as well in their original calling as in their successive history, have any relation to ourselves also, Moses has stated their cause to have been that gratuitous adoption, which is common to us with them, from the times that the only-begotten Son, having " broken down the middle wall of partition," vouchsafed to become our head. On the other hand, the terrible and memorable punishments, which are everywhere recounted, instruct us in reverence towards God, and inspire our hearts with awe, lest we should falsely boast ourselves to be his children, whilst indulging in the liberty of sin. For, since God so severely punished idolatry, evil affections and lusts, rebellion and other crimes, we may learn that he nowhere more evidently inflicts his judgments than upon his Church, and thus we may appropriate to the deceivers of our own day whatever happened to the hypocritical Jews. I. The doctrine is divided into four principal Heads. In order to prepare their minds for its reception, Moses commends the authority of the Law by many eulogies. Whatever statements, therefore, occur as to the Dignity of the Law are set down by way of Preface? that God may be duly reverenced. Consequently, they precede in order the precepts of the Law, and will occupy the first place. II. The Ten Commandments follow, in which God has briefly, but comprehensively summed up the Rule of a Just and Holy Life ; yet so as not to separate from them those interpretations which the Lawgiver has added unconnect-edly. For many Precepts, which are not found in the Two Tables, yet differ not at all from them in sense ; so that due care must be taken to affix them to their respective Commandments in order to present the Law as a whole. III. The Third Head of Doctrine consists of2 Supple- 1 " Afln qu'elle (i.e., la Loy) ait envers nous telle reverence qu'elle merite;"ЧIn order that the Law may receive from us the reverence it deserves.ЧFrench Trans. 2 "Appendices."ЧLat. "Dependances."ЧFr. THE FOUR LAST BOOKS OF THE PENTATEUCH. XV11 ments ; by which word I mean, with respect to the First Table, the Ceremonies and the outward Exercises of Worship ; with respect to the Second Table, the Political Laws, for the object of both these parts is merely to aid in the observance of the Moral Law ; and it is not a little important, that we should understand that the Ceremonies and the Judicial Ordinances neither change nor detract from the rule laid down in the Ten Commandments; but are only helps, which, as it were, lead us by the hand to the due Worship of God, and to the promotion of justice towards men. We are aware that of old there was a constant controversy of the Prophets against the Jewish people ; because, whilst strenuously devoting themselves to Ceremonies, as if True Religion and Holiness were comprised in them, they neglected real righteousness. Therefore, God protests that he never enjoined anything with respect to the Sacrifices : and he pronounces all External Rites but vain and trifling, if the very least value be assigned to them apart from the Ten Commandments. Whence we more certainly arrive at the conclusion to which I have adverted, viz., that they are not, to speak correctly, of the substance of the law, nor avail of themselves in the Worship of God, nor are required by the Lawgiver himself as necessary, or even as useful, unless they sink into this inferior position. In fine, they are appendages, which add not the smallest completeness to the Law, but whose object is to retain the pious in the Spiritual Worship of God, which consists of Faith and Repentance, of Praises whereby their gratitude is proclaimed, and1 even of the endurance of the Cross. As to all the Political Ordinances, nothing will obviously be found in them, which at all adds to the perfection of The Second Table: therefore it follows, that nothing can be wanted as the rule of a good and upright life beyond the Ten Commandments. IV. The last Part shews the end akd use of the Law ; and thence its usefulness is very extensive. For how would it profit us to be instructed in righteousness of life, unless the 1 Et aussi de s'humilier pour porter en patience toutes afflictions;" and also in humbling themselves to bear patiently all afflictions.ЧFr. Trans. XV1U CALVIN S PREFACE. perception of our guilt and iniquity induced us to seek after the remedy ? But when God allures us so gently and kindly by his promises, and again pursues us with the thunders of his curse, it is partly to render us inexcusable, and partly to shut us up deprived of all confidence in our own righteousness, so that we may learn to embrace his Covenant of Grace, and flee to Christ, who is the end of the law. This is the intention of The Promises, in which he declares that he will be merciful, since there is forgiveness ready for the sinner, and when he offers the spirit of Regeneration. On this depends that sentence of St. Paul, that Christ is the end of the Law. Still I do not so distinguish this class from the foregoing, as if it had nothing in common with them. For, before arriving at it, it will be often necessary to refer both to the terrible ruin of the human race, as well as to the peculiar blessing of Adoption, and to that increasing flow of fatherly love which God extends to his people. For all the expiations have no other meaning than that God will be always merciful, as often as the sinner shall flee to the refuge of his pardon. But how needful this division is will be best understood as we proceed. The song of Moses and his death will be the conclusion of the Four Books. THE FOUR LIST BOOKS OF MOSES ARRANGED LN THJ5 FOItM OF A HARMONY, WITH COMMENTARIES. EXODUS.ЧCHAPTER I. 1. Now these are the names of the children of Israel, which came into Egypt: every man and his household came with Jacob. 2. Reuben, Simeon, Levi, and Judah, 3. Issachar, Zebulun, and Benjamin, 4. Dan and Naphtali, Gad and Aslier. 5. And all the souls that came out of the loins of Jacob were seventy souls: for Joseph was in Egypt already. 6. And Joseph died, and all his brethren, and all that generation. 7. And the children of Israel were fruitful, and increased abundantly, and multiplied, and waxed exceeding mighty; and the land was filled with them. 1. Ha;c sunt nomina filiorum Israel qui venerunt in iEgyptum cum Jahacob: quisque cum familia sua venit. 2. Keuben, Simeon,Levi,et Jehu-dah, 3. Issachar, Zabulon, et Benjamin, 4. Dan, Nephthali, Gad, et Asser. 5. Fuerunt autem omnes animse egressse ex femore Jahacob, septua-ginta animse, Joseph autem erat in ^Egypto. 6. Mortuus vero est Joseph, et omnes fratres eius, et tota setas ilia. 7. Porro creverunt filii Israel, et aucti sunt, et multiplicati et ro-borati quamplurimuni; adeo ut plena ipsis esset terra. 1. These are the navies. It is the intention of Moses to describe the miraculous deliverance of the people, (from whence the Greeks gave the name to the book ;) but, before he comes to that, he briefly reminds us that the promise given to Abraham was not ineffectual, that his seed should be multiplied " as the stars of the heaven, and as the sand which is upon the sea-shore." (Gen. xxii. ] 7.) This, then, 20 calvin's harmony of the four exod.i. 1. is the commencement of the book,Чthat although their going down from the land of Canaan into Egypt might have seemed at the time as it were the end and abolition of God's covenant, yet in his own time he abundantly accomplished what he had promised to his servant as to the increase of his descendants. However, he only mentions by name the twelve patriarchs who went down with their father Jacob, and then sums up the whole number of persons, as in two other passages. (Gen. xlvi. 27, and Deut. x. 22.) The calculation is perfectly accurate, if Jacob is counted among the thirty and six so\ils in the first catalogue. For it is a farfetched addition of the Rabbins1 to count in Jochebed the mother of Moses, to complete the number ; and it is not probable that a woman, who was afterwards born in Egypt, should be reckoned among the men whom Jacob brought with him. If any object that the seventy are said to have " come out of the loins of Jacob," the discrepancy is easily explained by the common scriptural use of the figure synecdoche? That he from whom the others sprung is not excluded, we gather from the words of Moses, (Deut. x. 22,) " Thy fathers went down into Egypt with threescore and ten 1 It may be noticed, once for all, that Calvin's references to Rabbinical expositions of supposed difficulties are generally references to what Sebastian Munster had inserted at the close of each chapter of his version of the Old Testament, which is described as follows in the title-page to its second edition, Basle, 1546:Ч" En tibi Lector Hebraica Biblia, Latina planeque nova Sebast. Munsteri tralatione, post omnes omnium hactenus ubivis gentium editiones evulgata, et quoad fieri potuit Hebraicse veritati conformata: adjectis insuper e Rabbinorum commentariis annotationibus." The notion that Jochebed was included in the enumeration, is mentioned by S. M. in the annotations on Genesis xlvi. 27. In that verse, as given in our authorized version, which came must be understood to agree with house, the Hebrew being flton. The persons of that house properly of Jacob's own blood were seventy in number, as appears from the enumeration in that chapter, including a daughter (v. 15) and a granddaughter, (v. 17.) The number in Stephen's speech is supposed by many to be taken from the Septuagint, which says that nine souls were born to Joseph in Egypt, and so makes the whole amount seventy-five, both in Gen. xlvi. and in Exod. i. But Stephen spoke of the number of his kindred whom Joseph sent for, and may reasonably be supposed to have meant thereby Jacob and his eleven sons, with their wives and fifty-three male children, which would amount to seventy-five souls.ЧW. 1 The French translation thus explains this figure: " de prendre le tout pour une partje, ou une partie pour le tout,"Чto take the whole for a part, or a part for the whole. EXOD. I. 7. LAST BOOKS OF THE PENTATEUCH. 21 persons; and now the Lord thy God hath made thee as the stars of heaven for multitude." But there is no reason to add five more, as we read in the address of Stephen recorded by Luke, (Acts vii. 14;) for we cannot be surprised that in this mode of expressing numbers this error should have occurred by the introduction of a single letter. Should any objector make this an handle for controversy, we should remember that the Spirit, by the mouth of Paul, does not warn us without purpose " not to give heed to genealogies." (1 Tim. i. 4.) 6. And Joseph died. The Rabbins ignorantly conclude from this expression that Joseph died first of his brethren, whereas it is evident that the others were passed over, and his name was expressly mentioned to do him honour, as being the only one then in authority. How long they survived their father, Moses does not say, but only marks the beginning of the change,Чas much as to say, the Isi'aelites were humanely treated for a considerable space of time ; so that the condition of those who went down with Jacob was tolerable, since, free from all injustice and tyranny, they tranquilly enjoyed the hospitality accorded to them. At the same time, he gives us to understand that, when all that generation was gone, the desire and the memory of the land of Canaan, which they had never seen, might have died out of the minds of their descendants, if they had not been forcibly aroused to seek after it. And unquestionably, since that people were forgetful and careless of meditating on God's mercies, God could not have better provided for their salvation than by allowing them to be cruelly tried and afflicted; otherwise, as though their origin had been in Egypt, they might have preferred to have remained for ever in their nest, and by that indifference the hope of the promised heritage would have been effaced from their hearts. 7. And the children of Israel were fruitful.1 To what an extent they increased Moses relates in the 12th chapter, pt?, rendered in A. V. increased abundantly,Чoccurs first in Gen. i. 20, where it is rendered bring forth abundantly. As a noun it signifies reptiles. 1KD, rneod; in A.V. exceeding is repeated twice after 1DVJ?, thiy waxed mighty; but may properly be considered as augmenting the force of each of the preceding verbs.Ч W. 22 CALVIN'S HARMONY OF THE FOTJE EXOD.1.7. viz., to the number of 600,000, besides women and children ; which was certainly an incredible increase for so short a time. For, though 430 years be counted from the date of the covenant with Abraham to the departure of the people, it is clear that half of them had elapsed before Jacob went down into Egypt; so that the Israelites sojourned in that land only 200 years, or a little moreЧsay ten years more. How then could it come to pass that in so short a time a single family could have grown into so many myriads ? It would have been an immense and extraordinary increase if 10,000 had sprung from every tribe; but this more than quadruples that number. Wherefore certain sceptics, perceiving that the relation of Moses surpasses the ordinary ratio of human propagation, and estimating the power of God by their own sense and experience, altogether refuse to credit it. For such is the perverseness of men, that they always seek for opportunities of despising or disallowing the works of God ; such, too, is their audacity and insolence that they shamelessly apply all the acuteness they possess to detract from his glory. If their reason assures them that what is related as a miracle is possible, they attribute it to natural causes,Чso is God robbed and defrauded of the praise his power deserves; if it is incomprehensible to them, they reject it as a prodigy.1 But if they cannot bring themselves to acknowledge the interference of God except in matters by the magnitude of which they are struck with astonishment, why do they not persuade themselves of the truth of whatever common sense repudiates ? They ask how this can be, as if it were reasonable that the hand of God should be so restrained as to be unable to do anything which exceeds the bounds of human comprehension. Whereas, because we are naturally so slow to profit by his ordinary operations, it is rather necessary that we should be awakened into admiration by extraordinary dealings. Let us conclude, then, that since Moses does not here speak of the natural course of human procreation, but celebrates a miracle unheard of before, by which God ratified the truth of his promise, we should judge of it perversely, 1 French, " un monstre incroyable :" an incredible prodigy. EXOD. 1.7. LAST BOOKS OF THE PENTATEUCH. 23 and maliciously, if we measure it by our own feeble reason, instead of meditating with reverence upon what far transcends all our senses. Let us rather remember how God reproves his unbelieving people by the Prophet Isaiah, (li. i.) For, in order to prove that it would not be difficult for Him, in spite of the small number to which the Israelites were reduced, to produce a great multitude, He bids them look into " the hole of the pit from whence they were digged," viz., to Abraham, and Sarah that bare them, whom he multiplied though alone, and childless. Certain Rabbins, after their custom, imagine that four infants were produced at a birth ; for as often as they meet with any point which perplexes them, they gratuitously invent whatever suits them, and then obtrude their imaginations as indubitable facts ; and proceed foolishly, and unseasonably, to discuss that this is physically probable. There are Christians, too, who, with little consideration, have imitated them here, contending that what Moses describes is in accordance with experience, because the fecundity of certain nations has been almost as great. We indeed sometimes see confirmed by remarkable examples what the Psalmist says, (Ps. cvii. 36,) that God " maketh the hungry to dwell" in the wilderness, " that they may prepare a city for habitation, and sow the fields, and plant vineyards, which may yield fruits of increase; and he blesseth them also, so that they are multiplied greatly;" as also, that " He turneth a fruitful land into barrenness," and strips it of inhabitants ; but the design of Moses is to shew, that there never was any fecundity, which was not inferior to the increase of the people of Israel. Hence his comparison between the seventy souls, and the multitude which proceeded from them, that this special blessing of God might be distinguished from ordinary cases ; hence too the accumulated expressions, which undoubtedly are meant for amplification, that " they were fruitful, and increased abundantly, and multiplied, and waxed exceeding mighty ; and the land was filled with them/' For the repetition of the adverb, Meod, Meod, marks an unusual abundance. Nor do I reject the conjecture of some, that in the word Y^fiP, sha-ratz, there is a metaphor taken from fishes, but I know not 24 calvin's harmony of the four exod.i.8 whether it is very sound, since the word is used generally for any multiplication. 8. Now there arose up a new 8. Surrexit auteni rex novus su-king over Egypt, which knew not per iEgyptum, qui non noverat Joseph. Joseph. 9. And he said unto his people, 9. Dixitque ad populum suum, Behold, the people of the children of Ecce, populus filiorurn Israel multus Israelcrremoreandmightierthanwe: et robustus pne nobis. 10. Come on, let us deal wisely 10. Agedum, prudenter nos gera-with them; lest they multiply, and mus erga ilium, ne multiplicetur; it come to pass, that, when there ne accidat, si obvenerit bellum, jun-falleth out any war, they join also gatur ipse quoque hostibus nostris, unto our enemies, and fight against et pugnet contra nos, ascendatque us, and so get them up out of the e terra. land. 11. Therefore they did set over 11. Constituerunt igitur super them task-masters to afflict them ilium prsefectos vectigalium,1 ut af-with their burdens. And they built fligerent ilium oneribus suis: ex-for Pharaoh treasure-cities, Pithom truxeruntque urbes munitas Pha-and Itaamses. raoni Pithom et Bhameses.2 8. Now there arose a new king. When more than one hundred years had been happily passed in freedom and repose, the condition of the elect people began to be changed. Moses relates that the commencement of their troubles proceeded from jealousy, and from the groundless fear of the Egyptians, because they conceived that danger might arise from this strange nation, unless they hastened to oppress it. But before he comes to this, he premises that the remembrance of the benefits received from Joseph had departed, because it might have in some measure mitigated their cruelty, had it still been unimpaired. It is probable that this oblivion of the gratitude due to him arose from the moderation of Joseph ; for if he had demanded great privileges for his people, and immunity from tributes and burdens, the remembrances of the saving of the country by an Israelite would have been famous for many ages ; but it appears that he was content with the kind hospitality afforded them, that his brethren might dwell comfortably, and without molestation in the land of Goshen, because he wished them to be sojourners there until the time of deliverance arrived. And 1|"1CJ>. S. M., Buxtorf, and most of the modern lexicographers, agree with C. in rendering these words officers over the tributes; though the LXX., and the V., and the A. V., render ODD here labours, or tasks.ЧW. ' Vel rccondendse annonje, C, or for storing corn. EX0D.I.8. LAST BOOKS OF THE PENTATEUCH. 25 in this way he best provided for their safety, lest being thus ensnared, they might have fallen into the nets of destruction. But in proportion as the moderation of the holy man exposed them not to jealousy and complaint, so was the ingratitude of the Egyptians less excusable in forgetting, after little more than a single century, that remarkable benefit, which should have been everywhere preserved in their public monuments, lest the name of Joseph should ever perish. Their unkindness, then, was intolerable, in refusing that his kindred and descendants should sojourn with them, since they ought to have ascribed the safety of themselves and their country, after God, to him, or rather under the hand and with the blessing of God. But this disease has always been flagrant in the world; and certainly it is good for us that evil should ever be our reward from men for our kindnesses, that we may learn in the performance of our duty to look to God alone, since otherwise we are unduly addicted to conciliate favour and applause for ourselves, or to seek after more earthly advantages. Still it was no common return which the Israelites had liberally received during more than 100 years for Joseph's sake, that they lived comfortably in a proud, avaricious, and cruel nation. Nevertheless, whatever happens, although we are not only defrauded of all recompense, but even although many of whom we have deserved well conspire for our destruction, let us never regret having done rightly; and, in the meantime, let us learn that nothing is more effective to restrain the desire of doing wrong, than those ties of mutual connexion, by which God has bound us together.1 But, although the favour conferred by Joseph had been forgotten by all, the shame and sin of ingratitude cleaves especially to the king; in whom it was more than base to forget by whose industry and care he received so rich a yearly revenue. For the holy Patriarch, by buying up the land, had obtained a fifth part of the produce as a yearly tribute for the king. But so are tyrants accustomed to engulf whatever is paid them, without considering by what right it is acquired. 1 " Nous faisant servir les uns aux autres;" causing us to serve one another.Ч French. 26 calvin's habmony of the four exod.i.9. 9. And he said unto his people. That is to say, in a public assembly, such as kings are wont to hold for consultation on public affairs. As if Moses had said that this point was proposed by the king for deliberation by his estates; viz., that because it was to be apprehended that the Israelites, trusting in their multitude and strength, might rise in rebellion, or might take advantage of any public disturbance to shake off the yoke and to leave Egypt, they should be anticipated, and afflicted with heavy burdens, to prevent their making any such attempt. This Pharaoh calls1 " dealing wisely with them;" for though the word DDH, chakam, is often taken, in a bad sense, to mean " to overreach with cunning," still in this case he concealed under an honest pretext the injury which he proposed to do them, alleging that prudent advice should be taken lest the Egyptians might suffer great loss through their carelessness and delay. This was common with heathen nations, to profess in their counsels, that what was right should be preferred to what was profitable ; but, when it comes to the point, covetousness generally so blinds everybody, that they lose their resj>ect for what is right, and are hurried away headlong to their own advantage. They make out too that what is advantageous is necessary; and so persuade themselves that whatever they are compelled to do is right. For that specious yet fallacious pretext readily occurs, and easily deceives, that, when any danger is apprehended, it ought to be met. By the tragic poets, indeed, that detestable sentiment, occupandum esse scelus, " that we should be beforehand in crime," is attributed to wicked and desperate characters ; because our nature convinces us that it is unjust and absurd ; and yet is it commonly considered the best mode of precaution, so that only those are accounted provident who consult for their own security by injuring others, if occasion requires it. From this source almost all wars proceed ; because, whilst every prince fears his neighbour, this fear so fills him with apprehension, that he does In A. V., Let us deal wisely. If C. be justified in saying that D3n if often employed for the wisdom which is evil, it is very much more often used for wisdom in a favourable sense.ЧW. EXOD. 1.9. LAST BOOKS OF THE PENTATEUCH. 27 not hesitate to cover the earth with human blood. Hence, too, amongst private individuals, arises the license for deceit, murder, rapine, and lying, because they think that injuries would be repelled too late, unless they respectively anticipated them. But this is a wicked kind of cunning, (however it may be varnished over with the specious name of foresight,) unjustly to molest others for our own security. I fear this or that person, because he both has the means of injuring me, and I am uncertain of his disposition towards me; therefore, in order that I may be safe from harm, I will endeavour by every possible means to oppress him. In this way the most contemptible, and imbecile, if he be inclined to mischief, will be armed for our hurt, and so we shall stand in doubt of the greater part of mankind. If thus every one should indulge his own distrust, while each will be devising to do some injury to his possible enemies, there will be no end to iniquities. Wherefore we must oppose the providence of God to these immoderate cares and anxieties which withdraw iis from the course of justice. Reposing on this, no fear of danger will ever impel us to unjust deeds or crooked counsels. In the words of Pharaoh, all is otherwise; for, having given warning that the Israelites might, if they would, be injurious, he advises that their strength should in some way or other be broken. For, when we have once determined to provide for our own advantage, or quiet, or safety, we ask not the question whether we are doing right or wrong. Behold, the people. It not unfrequently happens that the minds of the wicked are aroused to jealousy by the mercies of God, acting like fans to light up their wrath. Nevertheless, the very least proof of his favour ought not on that account to be less agreeable to us, because it is made an occasion to the wicked of dealing more cruelly with us. In fact, God thus attempers his bounty towards us, lest we should be too much taken up with earthly prosperity. Thus the blessing on which all his happiness depended banished Jacob from the home of his father, and from his promised inheritance; but yet he assuaged his grief with this single consolation, that he knew God to be reconciled to him. So 28 calvin's harmony of the four exod. i. 11 also his posterity, the more they experienced of God's goodness towards them, the more they were exposed to the enmity of the Egyptians. But Pharaoh, to render them hated, or suspected, refers to their power, and accuses them of disaffection, whereof they had given no token. Yet he does not accuse them of rebellion, as if they would take armed possession of the kingdom, but that they would depart elsewhere ; whence we may conjecture, that they made no secret of the hope which God had given them of their return. But this seemed a plausible excuse enough, that it was anything but just for those, who had of their own accord sought the protection of the king, to be freely sent away; and thus1 Isaiah speaks of it. (Chap. Hi. 4.) 11. Therefore they did set over them. The Egyptians devised this remedy for gradually diminishing the children of Israel. Since they are subjects, they may afflict them with burdens, to depress them ; and this slavery will weaken and decrease them. But their power over them as subjects should not have been carried so far as to impose upon inoffensive persons, to whom they had granted free permission to reside among them, these new tributes ; for they ought first to have considered upon what conditions they had been admitted. The exaction, then, by which Pharaoh broke faith with them, was in itself unjust; but the crime to which he proceeded was still greater, because he did not simply seek for pecuniary advantage, but desired to afflict the wretched people by the heaviness of their burdens. For the Israelites were not only compelled to pay tribute, but were put to servile labour, as Moses immediately adds. As to the two cities, it is doubtful in what sense they were called miscenoih? This word is sometimes taken for cellars and granaries, or repositories of all things necessary as provision; but, as it sometimes signifies " fortresses," it will not be an unsuitable 1 " Conime de faict Isaie dit que les Egyptiens ont eu plus de couleur de tenir le peuple de Dieu en servitude, que les Assyriens, qui les sont venus molester sans titre;" as, in fact, Isaiah says that the Egyptians had more excuse for keeping God's people in servitude than the Assyrians, who came to molest them without pretext.ЧFr. 8 DU3DD, miscenoth. The LXX. alone gives some countenance to C.'s last interpretation of this word, by rendering it trikut ix^us.ЧW. EXOD. I. 12. LAST BOOKS OF THE PENTATEUCH. 2,0 meaning, that they were commanded to build with their own hands the prisons, which might prevent them from dejmrting. For it is clear from many passages (Gen. xlvii. 1]; Exod. xii. 37; Num. xxxiii. 3) that Rhameses was situated in that part of the country, and we shall presently see that the children of Israel went out from Rhameses. 12. But the more they afflicted 12. Quo autera magis premebant them, the more they multiplied and euni, magis crescebat et augebatur: grew. And they were grieved be- et anxietate constricti sunt propter cause of the children of Israel. filios Israel. 13. And the Egyptians made the 13. Itaque adegerunt in servitu-children of Israel toservewith rigour, tern filios Israel cum ssevitia. 14. And they made their lives 14. Proinde amara illis fuit vita bitter with hard bondage, in mortar, ipsorum in servitute dura, in cae-and in brick, and in all manner of mento, in lateribus, et in omni service in the field: all their service, opere agresti: quia servitium omne wherein they made them serve, was eorum quo serviebant illis, erat cum with rigour, srcvitia. 12. But the more. Moses relates the contest between the mercy of God and the cruelty of the king of Egypt. When, therefore, the wretched Israelites were tyrannically afflicted, he says that God came to' their aid, and so powerfully that his interference was successful. Thus was that wicked and deceitful design frustrated, which the Egyptians had set on foot for destroying the Church. Thence may we, too, conceive the hope, that whatsoever the wicked imagine against us will come to nought, because God's hand is greater, and shall prevail. But we must bear afflictions patiently, because he would have us struggle against, and rise under the weight imposed upon us j1 and because we know that it is the peculiar office of God to oppose himself to unjust counsels, in order that they may not succeed, let us learn to abstain from all deceit and violence, lest wo wantonly provoke God. But this passage is especially intended to console the believer, that he may be prepared to take up his cross more patiently ; since God is sufficient to supply the help, to which the wrath of the wicked must finally yield. What is said in the second part of the verse, that the Egyptians2 were grieved, means, that they became more anxious, as they saw that 1 "A la fa<;on de la palme;" like the palm-tree.ЧFr. * 1Sp*1, C, And they were burdened with anxiety. In A.V., And they were grieved. The verb pp is generally taken for to loathe.Ч W. 30 calvin's harmony of the foub exod. i. 13. they availed nothing, and that their unexpected increase threatened still greater danger; for, since they feared the Israelites before they had afflicted them, no wonder that they felt alarmed lest they should avenge themselves when provoked. And hence the profitable instruction may be gathered, that -while the wicked proceed to horrible crimes in order to insure their safety, the Almighty visits them with the very just return, that thus their anxiety is augmented. Some render it, " the Egyptians hated the people of Israel;" and so the word flD, Icutz, is sometimes taken, but the construction of the passage demands the rendering which I have given. 13. And the Egyptians made. Thus Moses informs us that, so far from being induced to kindness by their fears, they were rather hardened, and spurred on to greater cruelty; for the wicked do not perceive that God is against them, when their perverse strivings are unsuccessful; and if this thought ever arises, still the blind impetuosity of their folly hurries them forwards, so that they doubt not to be able in their obstinate lust to prevail even in opposition to God ; as will be made clearer in the progress of this history. The cruelty of the exactions is expressed, when he says that " their lives were made bitter," nothing being sweeter than life ; therefore, it appears, that their miseries were extreme and intolerable, which made life burdensome. He confirms this in other words, and also specifies their tasks, that they were engaged " in mortar and in brick, and in all manner of (similar) services." He twice repeats that they were treated with rigour, i.e., harshly.1 15. And the king of Egypt spake 15. Dixit etiam Pharao rex to the Hebrew midwives; (of which iEgypti ad obstetrices Hebraeas, the name of the one was Shiphrah, quarum unius nomen erat Sephera, and the name of the other Puah;) alterius Puah. 16. And he said, When ye do the 16. Sic dixit, Quando adjuva-office of a midwife to the Hebrew bitis ad partum Hebrseas, et vide-women, and see them upon the stools, bitis in illis quod sit masculus, in-if it be a son, then ye shall kill him; terficite eum: si autem sit foemina, but if it be a daughter, then she shall vivat. live. 17. But the midwives feared God, 17. Timuerunt vero obstetrices 1 " Par lequel mot il intend inhumanite, ou grande rudesse;" by which word he means inhumanity, or great severity.ЧFr. EXOD. I. 15. LAST BOOKS OF THE PENTATEUCH. 31 and did not as the king of Egypt Deum, nee fecertmt sicut prseceperat commanded them, but saved the illis rex ^Egypti; conservaruntque men-children alive. masculos in vita. 18. And the king of Egypt called 18. Et vocans Pharao obstetrices, for the mid wives, and said unto them, dixit illis, Quare fecistis rem hanc, Why have ye done this thing, and et servastis masculos ? have saved the men-children alive ? 19. And the midwives said unto 19. Responderunt obstetricesPha-Pharaoh, Because the Hebrew raoni, Quia non sunt Hebreese muli-women are not as the Egyptian eres ut -